XXVIII. INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP…

XXVIII. INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP

JULY-SEPTEMBER, 1520.

DIVERS DISASTERS TO THE SPANIARDS—MEXICO MAKES OVERTURES TO TLASCALA—A COUNCIL HELD—TLASCALA REMAINS TRUE TO THE SPANIARDS—DISAFFECTION IN THE SPANISH ARMY—CORTÉS AGAIN WINS THE SOLDIERS TO HIS VIEWS—RENEWAL OF ACTIVE OPERATIONS AGAINST THE AZTECS—SUCCESS OF THE SPANISH ARMS—LARGE REINFORCEMENTS OF NATIVE ALLIES—ONE AZTEC STRONGHOLD AFTER ANOTHER SUCCUMBS.

At Tlascala were certain invalid Spaniards, who praised the natives for their kind treatment, and for the almost universal sympathy exhibited with regard to the misfortunes at Mexico. The army now learned that disaster had also befallen the Spaniards in other parts of the country. The news of the flight had spread with marvellous rapidity, and Cuitlahuatzin’s envoys had not failed to magnify the successes of his arms while urging throughout the country the extermination of the invaders. This advice had found ready acceptance in the provinces west and south of Tlascala, which had additional reasons for hostility in the assumption of the little republic since she became the ally of the strangers.

Shortly after the departure of the army from the coast a party of fifty men with five horses had followed with baggage and valuables. At Tlascala a portion of them, with two horses, under Juan de Alcántara senior, received the portion of treasure set aside during the late repartition for the coast garrison, estimated at sixty thousand pesos. With this they set out on their return to Villa Rica, accompanied by a few invalids. On the way they were surprised and slaughtered, the treasures and effects being distributed as spoils.[901]

The larger division of the party, under the hidalgo Juan Yuste,[902] which were to join Cortés, also picked up some convalescents, together with additional treasure and baggage, and proceeded to Mexico by the way of Calpulalpan. They numbered five horsemen, forty-five foot-soldiers, and three hundred Tlascaltecs, the latter under command of one of Maxixcatzin’s sons. Advised of their approach the natives of Zultepec, among others, were induced, more by cupidity than patriotic zeal, to form an ambuscade along the steep declivity of a narrow pass which had to be followed. Here they fell upon the party on all sides as they descended in single file, encumbered beside by their burdens. Resistance was ineffective, and those not slain were carried to Tezcuco to be offered up to the idols, while their effects were distributed, some of the trophies being dedicated to temples of the Acolhuan capital, there to tell the mournful tale to the returning conquerors.[903]

About this time a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with three or four score of adventurers, under Captain Coronado, and being told of the fabulously rich Mexico they resolved to lose no time in following the army, in order to secure a share of treasures. It was just after the flight from Mexico, and the provinces were in arms, elated at the triumphs at the lake. On approaching the Tepeaca district the party was surprised, and partly slaughtered, partly captured, the prisoners being distributed among the towns of the province for sacrifice.[904]

These reports created no small alarm for the safety of Villa Rica, and several Tlascaltec messengers were sent with letters, by different routes, to bring news. Orders were also given to the comandante to forward powder, fire-arms, bows, and other necessaries that he could spare, together with some men, sailors, if no others were available. The reply was reassuring, for although the natives had fuller particulars of the disaster at Mexico than Cortés had chosen to impart to the garrison, yet everything remained quiet. The remittance of war material was small, and the men who convoyed it numbered less than a dozen, men stricken by disease, and led by Lencero, who became the butt of the drôles de corps.[905]

Every attention and comfort was tendered at Tlascala to the Spaniards while caring for their wounds and awaiting the development of projects. Hardly a man had arrived scathless, and quite a number had received injuries which maimed them for life or resulted in death.[906] Cortés’ wounds were most serious. The indomitable spirit which sustained him so far now yielded with the failing body. Severe scalp cuts brought on fever,[907] which caused his life to hang in the balance for some time. Finally his strong constitution and the excellent empiric methods of the native herb doctors prevailed, to the joy, not alone of Spaniards, but of Tlascaltecs, who had shown the utmost anxiety during the crisis.

* * * * *

During this period of Spanish inaction the Mexicans were energetically striving to follow up their blow against the invaders. The first act after ridding the capital of their presence was one of purgation, in which the victorious party fell on those whose lukewarmness, or whose friendly disposition toward Montezuma and his guests, had hindered the siege operations and aided the enemy. A tumult was soon raised, wherein perished four royal princes, brothers and sons of Montezuma,[908] whose death may be attributed to Cuitlahuatzin’s desire to remove any dangerous rival to the throne. Not that this was a necessary precaution, since his standing, as a younger brother of Montezuma, and his successful operations against the Spaniards, were sufficient to raise him above every other candidate.[909] Furthermore, as commander-in-chief of the army and as leader of the successful party, he held the key to the position, and accordingly was unanimously chosen. About the same time Cohuanacoch was elected king at Tezcuco, in lieu of the younger brother forced on the people by Cortés, and Quauhtemotzin, nephew of Montezuma, rose to the office of high-priest to Huitzilopochtli. The coronation was the next prominent event,[910] for which the indispensable captives had already been secured from the fleeing army. What more precious victims, indeed, could have been desired for the inaugural than the powerful Spaniards and the hated warriors of brave Tlascala? And what grander site for the ceremony than the great temple, recovered from the detested intruders and purified from foreign emblems? In connection with this came a series of festivals.[911]

The utmost activity was displayed in repairing the damage caused by the Spaniards, and in fortifying the city and its approaches against a possible future invasion. The construction and discipline of the army were improved in some degree after the examples given by the Europeans; its tactics were revised, and its arms perfected with the aid of captured weapons, the Chinantec pike being also introduced and tipped with Toledo blades or other metal points. Envoys were despatched to near and distant provinces, bidding for their support by remission of taxes and tributes, by restoration of conquered territories, by patriotic appeals, and by roseate views and promises.[912] The Spaniards were painted as selfish, perfidious, and cruel, intent on conquering the whole country, on enslaving the people, on extorting their substance, and on overthrowing social and religious institutions. Spoils and heads of Spanish men and horses were sent round to disabuse the people of their supposed invulnerability; and as a further encouragement the dreaded Cortés was declared to have fallen.

The most important missions were those to Michoacan and Tlascala, the former an independent kingdom of considerable extent, stretching westward beyond the lake region to the Pacific, over an undulating, well watered territory, which abounded in all the resources of a rich soil and a tropic climate. The inhabitants, the Tarascos, were distinct from the Aztecs in language, but fully their equals in culture, which was of the Nahua type, and as a rule successful in resisting the armed encroachments of the lake allies. The present ruler was Zwanga, who held court at Tzintzuntzan, on Lake Patzcuaro. He received the embassadors of Cuitlahuatzin with due attention, but hesitated about the answer to be given. The Aztecs had from time immemorial been the enemies of his people, and to aid them would surely bring upon him the wrath of the Spaniards, who must still be powerful, since the Mexicans came to plead for his alliance. In this dilemma it was resolved, with the advice of the council, to send plenipotentiaries to Mexico, in order to learn more fully the condition of affairs, and there determine what should be done.[913]

More decisive in its results was the mission to Tlascala. Regarded as the most important of all, it was intrusted to six prominent men, of acknowledged talent for negotiation. They came fortified with choice presents of robes, feathers, salt, and similar desirable commodities, and were received with customary courtesy by the assembled lords and council. The eldest was the first to speak. He recalled the intimate relationship between Mexico and Tlascala in blood and language, deplored the feud which had so long existed, and urged the establishment of permanent peace, for mutual benefit, whereby the Tlascaltecs would gain all the advantages of a long prohibited trade. One obstacle alone interposed to prevent a happy harmony, which was the presence of the Spaniards, to whom was due the unfortunate condition of the whole country. Their only aim was to make themselves masters, to overthrow the gods of the natives, to enslave the inhabitants, and impoverish them by exactions.

The Tlascaltecs would after rendering service be treated with the same base ingratitude and perfidy as the over generous Montezuma, and reap not only universal detestation, but the anger of the gods. Better, therefore, to seize the present favorable opportunity to deliver themselves from dreadful calamities, to establish prosperity and independence on a firm basis, and by a joint alliance recover the alienated provinces and share the revenues therefrom.[914] The first step to this desirable end was the destruction of the Spaniards, now at their mercy, whereby they would gain also the gratitude of neighboring peoples, the fame of patriots, and the blessing of the gods.

The speech delivered, together with the presents, the envoys withdrew to let the council deliberate. Bitter as was the enmity between the two peoples, intensified by the recent defeat, there were not wanting persons to whom the argument and offers seemed all that the most brilliant fortune could bring. What, indeed, had they in common with a strange race by whom they had been conquered, and whose presence portended many changes in their social and religious institutions, transmitted by their forefathers, and upheld with the blood of generations? Their independence would be endangered. Besides, the invaders had been shamefully defeated, and might never again hold up their heads. The whole country was mustering to drive them out, and, if successful, woe to Tlascala, as their ally. In any case a struggle was in prospect, wherein their sons and brethren would be sacrificed by the thousands. And for what? For the benefit of strangers, always ready with their yoke of slavery. On the other hand, they were offered the peace so long desired, with its accompanying blessings; deliverance from the trade blockade and seclusion which had so long afflicted them, together with the attractive adjunct of assured independence, and the triumphant and profitable position of conquering allies of the Mexicans.[915]

The strongest advocate of these views was Xicotencatl junior, who had never forgotten the several Spanish victories that checked his triumphal career as soldier and general, and humiliated him in the eyes of the whole people. Yet this feeling was tinged with love for the independence and welfare of the country, threatened, in his eyes, by the invaders. With the news of disaster at Mexico his party had assumed respectable proportions. Some of its members were impelled by motives similar to his own; some were bribed by Mexican gifts, and promises of wealth and preferment; some were tempted by the arms, baggage, and treasure of the fugitives, whom it seemed easy now to overcome. Not a few considered the burden of maintaining a horde of strangers, with the prospect of afterward yielding them service and blood for their aggrandizement. When the collectors of provisions for the Spaniards made their rounds they could not but observe the bitter feeling which prevailed in some quarters.[916] The elder Xicotencatl appears to have remonstrated with his son for breeding trouble; but this availed little, as may be supposed. During the deliberation of the council on the Mexican proposal the young chieftain stepped beyond the timid suggestions of those who inclined toward an Aztec alliance, and boldly advocated it as the only salvation for Tlascala.

Next spoke the wise Maxixcatzin, the leading representative of the republic. In his chivalrous nature devotion to the Spaniards exercised an influence, while as ruler of the richest district, in agriculture and trade, he had also an eye to the benefits which would accrue from an alliance with them. He recalled the many instances of treachery and want of good faith on the part of the Mexicans to show how little their promises could be relied on. It was merely the presence of the Spaniards that prompted their offer of alliance, which was to restore Mexico to its former terrorizing strength. This accomplished, the ancient enemy would not fail to remember that Tlascala, in addition to the old-standing enmity, had been one of the chief instruments in their late suffering and humiliation, and had figured as conqueror and master over them. They would lose no time in avenging themselves, and by the destruction of the republic remove forever so dangerous an enemy. Far better, then, to maintain the friendship of the Spaniards, whose good faith had been tried, and whose prowess was not broken by one defeat. Previous to their arrival they had been suffering from the want even of necessaries, and had been exposed to incessant ravages and warfare, which threatened their very existence. With the Spaniards’ aid they had been freed from this want and danger; they had enriched themselves with trade and spoils, and had raised the republic to the most prominent position it had ever occupied, all far beyond what the Mexicans would ever permit. What did the gods say? Oracles and omens had foretold the doom of the empire. It was in vain to struggle with fate, which had decreed the control to the new-comers. The interests of the state demanded the friendship of these destined victors, who offered them wealth and glory, while good faith and honor demanded loyalty to the invited guests, from whom so many benefits had already sprung.

Observing the effect of the appeal on the wavering members, young Xicotencatl hastened to defend his cherished plans, but with such imprudence as to rouse Maxixcatzin to strike him. He was thereupon jostled out of the council-chamber, badly bruised and with torn clothes.[917] Against this expulsion none of his supporters ventured to remonstrate, and the vote being unanimously in favor of Maxixcatzin’s views, the Aztec envoys were notified accordingly.[918] How momentous this discussion! And did the council of Tlascala realize the full import of their acts? For thereby they determined the present and permanent fate of many powerful nations besides themselves. Undoubtedly the country would at some time have fallen before the dominant power; but, had it been possible for the nations of the great plateau to combine and act in unison, very different might have been their ultimate condition. Cortés and his company owed their safety to a decision which kept alive discord between the native tribes, while the Tlascaltecs were saved from what probably would have been a treacherous alliance, perhaps from annihilation, only to sink into peaceful obscurity and merge into the mass of conquered people.[919] They endeavored to keep the disagreement in the council-chamber a secret from Cortés, but he heard of it, and failed not to confirm Maxixcatzin in his devotion by holding forth the most brilliant prospects as the result of this alliance. The words by which the council decided for Cortés were to him as drops of perspiration on the lately fevered brow, which tell that the crisis is passed.

There was another cloud about this time appearing on the horizon of the fortunes of Cortés. During his stay at Tlascala the men of Narvaez began again to moot the subject of return. The golden vision of Mexico’s treasures had been rudely dissipated, leaving only the remembrance of hardships and disgrace. The flowery Antilles appeared more alluring than ever to these gold-seekers, only too many of whom were more accustomed to the farm than to the camp. They could think of nothing but the ease and security of the fertile plantations, where nature unloaded its wealth, and where docile natives ministered to every want. In furtherance of this idea it was urged on Cortés, by Duero and other leaders, to retire, to Villa Rica before the Mexicans had succeeded in their efforts to cut off his retreat. There they would intrench themselves while awaiting aid from the islands and arranging a fresh campaign, having the vessels to fall back on, if necessary. But to these intimations Cortés would not for a moment listen. And there were many reasons for this—his ambition to be all or nothing in this enterprise, his crimes against Velazquez, his irregularities regarding the king’s interests, which only brilliant success could redeem. As well might they talk to the unyielding hills; he would join his dead comrades in the canals of Mexico, or voluntarily ascend to the sacrificial stone, but he would not turn back from this adventure.

When the general revealed his firm intention to renew the campaign as soon as possible, the outcry became loud. The Noche Triste and the narrow escape at Otumba had left impressions too horrible to be easily forgotten. They shuddered at the thought of renewing such risk, and cursed the gold which had allured them to former discomfitures. If the general wished to throw away his life he might do so, but they were not such madmen. Moreover, it was highly imprudent to place so much faith in the Tlascaltecs, who might at the first encounter with the enemy abandon or betray allies differing so greatly in language, religion, and customs. A formal demand was therefore addressed to him, through the notary, to return to Villa Rica, on the ground of their small number and dismembered condition, devoid as they were of clothing, arms, ammunition, and horses, and with so many maimed and wounded. They were wholly unfit to undertake any campaign, much less against an enemy who had just defeated them when they were far stronger in number and armament than now. Declared, as it was, in the name of the army, though in truth by the men of Narvaez only,[920] and headed by such persons as Duero, with invocation of the imperial name, the proposal placed Cortés in a dilemma. Yet it roused in him only a firmer determination. He was more master now than ever he could be under the new proposal; and Cortés loved to be master. The same reasons which had moved him before to advance into Mexico in quest of independent fame and wealth, and to evade the prospective disgrace and poverty, imprisonment and death, were reasons stronger now than ever.

Here was another of those delicate points on which the destiny of the Estremaduran seemed ever turning. Rousing himself to meet the issue, though still weak with disease, he summoned an audience. “What is this I hear?” he asked of the assembled soldiers. “Is it true that you would retire from the fertile fields of New Spain, you, Spaniards, Castilians, Christians! leave the ship-loads of gold which in the Aztec capital we saw and handled; leave still standing the abominable idols with their bloody ministers, and tamely summon others to enjoy the riches and glories which you are too craven to achieve? Alack! for your patriotism, for duty to your emperor, to God, for the honor of Spanish arms! Know you not that one step further in retreat than necessary is equivalent to the abandonment of all? Or perhaps the fault is my own. I have been too careful of mine ease, too cowardly to expose my person to the dangers into which I directed you; I have fled before the foe—help me to remember, friends—I have left my comrades to die unaided on the battle-field while I sought safety, I have fed while you starved, I have slept while you labored, or my too sluggish brain has refused the duty due by your commander.” The speaker paused, but only for a moment. At this, the very beginning of his plea, a hundred eyes were affectionately regarding him through their moisture, a hundred tongues were denying all insinuations of baseness as applied to him, their great and brave commander. Already their hearts were aflame with avarice and ambition; aflame, like St Augustine’s, with Christian zeal and fervency of devotion, soldier fanatics as they were, stern, forehead-wrinkled men—for fighting men, no less than fighting dogs, display a gravity in their every-day demeanor unknown to tamer spirits. “Are not my interests yours, and yours mine?” continued Cortés. “Therefore, I pray you, ascribe not my views to disregard of your wishes, but to a desire to promote the good of all. What people going to war that does not sometimes suffer defeat; but what brave men ever abandoned a glorious campaign because of one repulse? And do you not see that it is more dangerous to go than to remain—that to retreat further would only invite further attack? I will not allude before soldiers of mine,” concluded the speaker, “to the everlasting infamy of abandoning these brave Tlascaltecs to the enmity of the combined forces of the plateau for having stood the Spaniards’ friend in time of danger. Go, all of you who will! abandon your sacred trusts, and with them the riches in mines, and tributes here awaiting you, and fair encomiendas, with countless servants to attend before your new nobility; for myself, if left alone, then alone will I here remain and general Indians, since Spaniards have all turned cowards!”

Hearts of steel could not withstand such words so spoken; and loud came the shouts of approval from Cortés’ old comrades, who swore that not a man should be allowed to endanger the common safety by leaving. This manifestation was in itself sufficient to shame the disaffected into resignation, although not into silence, for mutterings were frequent against the quality of persuasion employed by the general and his beggarly followers, who had nothing to lose except their lives. In order somewhat to allay their discontent Cortés promised that at the conclusion of the next campaign their wishes should be consulted, and the first favorable opportunity for departure be tendered them—a cool proposal, affecting only those who would be left of them, yet made with sober visage by the artless Cortés.[921]

The determination of Cortés was now what it always had been, namely, to conquer and become master of all New Spain; and the greater the difficulty the greater the glory. Fearing that further evil might result from continued inactivity, and from remaining a burden on the allies, Cortés resolved to lose no time in taking the field.[922] In the fertile plains to the south of Tlascala lay the rich province of Tepeyacac,[923] euphonized into Tepeaca, long hostile to the republic. Intimidated by the subjugation of Tlascala and Cholula, the three brothers who ruled it[924] had tendered their submission to the conquerors, only to return to their old masters, the Aztecs, the moment fortune seemed to favor them. The latter had indeed, in connection with their other preparations, made particular efforts to stir the provinces round Tlascala and toward the coast, sending large garrisons to form centres for the native armies, the object being partly to cut off communication with the coast, so as to prevent reinforcements from reaching the Spaniards, and partly to effect a rear movement when it might be decided to attack the republic. Reinforcements had already been surprised in this region and slaughtered, as we have seen, and raids had been made on the allied frontier.

Here was all the cause the Spaniards required for attack, and as the country was for the most part open, the horsemen would have great advantage over native troops. Its subjugation, therefore, promised to be easy, and would secure the rear. The Tlascaltecs approved of beginning the campaign with the outlying provinces,[925] where the concentration of forces was smaller, and where the memory of Aztec misrule and oppression might readily induce the inhabitants to transfer their allegiance, so as to strengthen the conquerors and allure fresh allies. They were eager to begin the campaign, and offered a large force of warriors. Xicotencatl junior also evinced a promptness to coöperate, as if to remove any ill feeling that might have arisen from his machinations.[926] In order to thoroughly enlist their sympathies Cortés made an arrangement with the lords whereby a number of privileges were assured to their people, together with a fixed proportion of the spoils[927] to be obtained during the war.

The troops were mustered at Tzompantzinco, near Tlascala, amidst a large concourse of people. There were about four hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers, with nearly twenty horses, a few firelocks and field-pieces, and a number of cross-bows, but the arms were chiefly swords and pikes. The reinforcements consisted of six thousand Tlascaltecs, including a few Cholultecs and Huexotzincas, a larger force being prepared under Xicotencatl to follow later.[928] A demand had meanwhile been sent to Tepeaca to confirm the oath of allegiance once tendered the Spanish sovereign and dismiss the Aztec garrisons, whereupon all past offences would be forgiven. The reply was a contemptuous refusal, with the threat that any attempt at coercion would bring upon the invaders worse punishment than they had received at Mexico, for they all would be dished up at the festive board. Every proposal being rejected, a formal notice was sent condemning the province to be chastised with sword, and fire, and slavery, for rebellion and murder of Spaniards.[929]

The army now advanced on Zacatepec, the first town on the Tepeaca border, where an ambuscade had been prepared in some maize fields. This was discovered in time to prevent a surprise, but a fierce encounter took place, wherein the horsemen did good execution, and victory was soon obtained, with slaughter of the flying. Ojeda, who had led the Tlascaltecs into the thickest of the fight, came during the pursuit to the residence of the cacique and planted there the republican flag, in token of capture. These warriors had suffered severely, owing in part to the use of large lances by the enemy, but the Spaniards had only a dozen wounded, beside two horses, one of which died.[930] During the three days’ stay at this town the neighborhood was reduced, with pillage and enslavement.

The next camp was formed at Acatzingo, which had been abandoned by the enemy after a short fight. These successes so discouraged the Mexican garrisons that they abandoned the province, and the allies, on marching straight for Tepeaca, five days later, entered it without opposition. This now became the headquarters for the different expeditions sent out to reduce the surrounding districts;[931] and rare work they made of it, plundering, and tearing down idols, and making captives. Salt, cotton, feather ware, and other commodities were abundant, and with their share therein the Tlascaltecs were highly delighted, but the Spaniards obtained little gold. The rulers of the country had fled; one of them to Mexico, to remonstrate against the retreat of the garrisons, and to demand additional aid. Finding themselves abandoned, the inhabitants sent to beg mercy of the conquerors, and being assured that no further harm should be done them, they returned to the city and again tendered allegiance. Several other towns were taken, some, like Tecalco, south of Tepeaca, being evacuated, others tendering submission in advance, while still others required hard fighting to subdue.

The reduction of the Tepeaca province, which was virtually accomplished in about a month,[932] produced an immediate and marked effect, not only on the natives, but on the late refractory Spanish soldiers. The latter were reconciled to the prosecution of the conquest on finding the opening campaign so speedy and comparatively bloodless, and fresh confidence was infused into the Tlascaltecs, and new allies came forward, while the prestige of Spanish arms began again to spread terror among the enemy and open a way into other provinces. This was promoted by messengers, who carried promises of release from Aztec tyranny, and pointed out the fate of rebellious and stubborn Tepeacan towns. The Mexicans, who during the inactivity of the allies had grown somewhat lax in their efforts to conciliate subject provinces, now became more earnest, more free with presents and offers to remit tribute. These endeavors were greatly counteracted by their troops, however, whose insolence and greed drove the inhabitants to tacitly or openly favor the Spaniards.

The withdrawal of the Aztec garrisons from Tepeaca served to strengthen those on its frontier, particularly at Quauhquechollan,[933] ten or eleven leagues south-west of the new Spanish head-quarters, which protected the approach to the southern pass into the valley of Mexico.[934] Its province bordered on Huexotzinco and Cholula, and skirting the snow-crowned Popocatepetl it extended for some distance south and south-east of it. The lord,[935] who had tendered allegiance to Spain simultaneously with Montezuma, had recently sent in the assurance of his loyalty, with the explanation that fear of the Mexicans had prevented him from doing so before. A few days later came his messengers to ask protection against the Aztec garrisons, reinforced to the extent of some thirty thousand men,[936] who, from their camp within a league of the city, were plundering and committing outrages. This appeal being quite in accord with the plans of Cortés, he at once complied by sending Olid and Ordaz, with two hundred soldiers, thirteen horses, most of the fire-arms and cross-bows, and thirty thousand allies.[937] It was arranged with the Quauhquechollans that they should begin the attack as soon as the Spaniards came near, and cut off communication between the city garrison and the adjoining camp.

Olid marched by way of Cholula, and received en route large accessions of volunteers, chiefly from the province to be aided and from Huexotzinco, all eager for a safe blow at the Aztecs, and for a share of the spoils. So large, indeed, was the enrolment that some of the ever timid men of Narvaez conjured up from this a plot for their betrayal into the hands of the Mexicans, with whom rumor filled every house at Quauhquechollan, making in all a larger number than at Otumba. The loyalty of the new province being wholly untried, and that of Huexotzinco but little proven, the alarm appeared not unfounded, and even the leaders became so infected as to march back to Cholula, whence the chiefs of the suspected allies were sent under guard to Cortés, with a report of the occurrence.[938] The latter examined the prisoners, and readily surmised the cause of the trouble; but, as it would not answer to dampen native ardor for the war by leaving them in that suspicion, he apologized for what had happened as a misunderstanding, smoothed their ruffled feelings with presents, and encouraged their zeal. With an additional force of one hundred soldiers and some horses he set out for Cholula to assume command in person, shaming the men out of their fears,[939] and accepting the large reinforcements which were offered on the way.

As soon as he came in sight, at the end of the valley, the Quauhquechollans, who had made their preparations in advance, fell on the garrison, securing at the same time the scouts and stragglers. The Aztecs resisted valiantly, encompassed though they were by assailants who filled the roofs and heights round the temple which formed the citadel. An entry was effected by the Spaniards, and the natives rushed upon the warriors with such fury that scarcely one was left to tell the tale. A number of the besieged, outside the citadel, had already fled toward the Aztec camp, whose battalions were now descending, brilliant in feathered mail and ornaments. Entering the further side of the city they began to fire it. Cortés was summoned to the rescue, and hurrying onward with the cavalry he soon routed their disorganized masses, leaving pursuit chiefly to the allies. At a certain pass the enemy rallied, to be dislodged within a few moments and cut off from their camp. Exhausted by battle and flight, under a broiling sun, they turned in disorderly scramble up the steep mountain slope, only to find themselves checked on the summit by fleeter bands of Quauhquechollans and other allies, and obliged to make a stand. By this time they could hardly raise their hands in self-defence, and the battle became little more than a butchery, during which scattered remnants alone managed to escape, leaving the rich garments and jewels of the dead to stay the pursuers, who now, according to Cortés, numbered over one hundred thousand. Several Spaniards were wounded, and one horse killed.[940] The field being reaped, the victors entered the camp,[941] which was divided into three parts, each large enough, it is said, to form a respectable town, well appointed, with hosts of servants, supplies, and paraphernalia. Laden with spoils they returned to the city to receive a well merited ovation. The citizens were afterward rewarded with several privileges for their loyal aid;[942] deservedly rewarded, for without their coöperation the place could not have been captured without difficulty, since it lay between two rivers[943] coursing through deep ravines, and was shielded on one side by a steep mountain range. Beside its natural strength the city was protected by a breastwork of masonry, which extended toward the mountain and down into the ravines, forming here a smooth facing of some twenty feet, and rising in other places into a distinct wall of great height and width,[944] with a parapet. There were four entrances,[945] wide enough for one horseman only, with staircase approaches, and with maze-like lappings of the walls, which rendered it difficult to force an entrance. Along the walls lay piles of stones and rocks ready for the foe. The population was estimated at five or six thousand families, supported in part by a number of gardens within the city, and subject to it were three towns in the valley, containing an equal number of people.

Four leagues south of Quauhquechollan lay Itzocan,[946] a well built city, with a hundred temples, says Cortés, and a population of three or four thousand families, situated in a fertile, irrigated valley, which from the climatic protection afforded by the sheltering mountains included cotton as one of its staples, and had also some attractive gold mines. The place lay at the foot of a hill, surmounted by a strong turreted fort, and offered a striking resemblance to Málaga, it was said. The level sides were protected by the banks of a deep river, which here formed a semicircle, and all round the city ran a wall five feet high, well provided with towers and stone ammunition. The cacique was an alien, appointed by Montezuma, whose niece he had married, and possessed strong sympathies for the lake government, which maintained a fine garrison. To reduce the place, so as to root out a stronghold for the dissemination of Aztec influence, was of the first importance.

Thither, therefore, Cortés proceeded with his forces, including allies, who were by this time so numerous as to cover the plains and mountains, wherever the eye could reach, representing at least one hundred and twenty-five thousand men. On arriving before the city it was found occupied only by warriors, estimated at from five to eight thousand, the women and children having all withdrawn. Guided by natives the army passed to a point affording a comparatively easy entrance. The surprised garrison now thought less of resistance than of securing their retreat across the river. It was spanned by a bridge, but this the Spaniards destroyed as they fell upon them, and many of the unfortunate Aztecs took to the water in their confusion, only to add to the list of victims. The cavalry, swimming across with ease, overtook and arrested a large portion of the flying till the allies came up to aid in the slaughter.[947] Two captives were sent to offer pardon to the inhabitants, on the condition of their returning and remaining loyal. Soon after the chiefs came to make arrangements, and within a few days the city had resumed its wonted appearance.

Cortés thought it the best policy, in this frontier town of his conquest, to make a favorable impression by extending mercy, and with the rapid flight of his fame as an irresistible conqueror spread also his reputation as a dispenser of justice, lenient or severe, as the case might be. A number of caciques hastened accordingly to propitiate him, during his stay in this quarter,[948] by tendering submission and praying to be confirmed in authority. Among them came a deputation from the inhabitants of Ocopetlahuacan,[949] at the foot of Popocatepetl, who cast the blame for delay on their cacique. He had fled with the retreating Mexicans, and they disowned him, praying that the dignity might be conferred on his brother, who had remained, and who shared the popular desire for Spanish supremacy. After a judicious hesitation the request was granted, with the intimation that future disobedience would be severely chastised.[950]

Still more flattering overtures came from the caciques of eight towns in Cohuaixtlahuacan,[951] some forty leagues to the south, who had already tendered allegiance on the occasion when Pilot Umbría first passed through that province in search of Zacatula’s gold mines.[952]

Before leaving Itzucan, Cortés was called upon to appoint a successor to the fugitive cacique. The candidates were a bastard son of the late native cacique, whose death was due to Montezuma, and the son of the deceased ruler’s legitimate daughter, married to the lord of Quauhquechollan. The general, being only too eager to please so loyal an ally, decided in favor of his son, on the ground of legitimacy; but since he was not yet ten years old, the regency was intrusted to the bastard uncle, aided by some chiefs.[953] The boy followed the army to imbibe Spanish ideas and instruction, and received baptism not long after, with the name of Alonso,[954] the first Christian prince in New Spain.

Another important yet troublesome expedition was to secure the road to Villa Rica, on which so many Spaniards had fallen, and which was still dangerous. It was intrusted to two hundred men, with ten horses, and a large force of allies.[955] The first reduction in this quarter had been Quecholac, where pillage and enslavement formed the retaliation for murders committed,[956] and Tecamachalco, which gave greater trouble before it fell, and yielded over two thousand slaves, besides much spoil.[957] The chastisement of these districts had taught the easterly parts a lesson, so that more hardship than fighting was now encountered, for the march lay to a great extent through uninhabited tracts. It was in the region of Las Lagunas that some captive Spaniards had been denuded and fattened, and then goaded to death, like bulls in a ring, for the amusement of the natives. The bodies had then been devoured, a part of the flesh being jerked and distributed over the district as choice morsels, and pronounced savory. Forty of the most guilty tormentors were secured in a yard for execution. Informed of their fate they began to dance and sing, commending themselves quite cheerfully to the gods as they bent their heads to the sword.[958] How blessed the righteous when they die!

FOOTNOTES

[901] This appears to have taken place on the Xocotlan road, followed by the Spaniards on first entering the country, for in the temple of this town, says Bernal Diaz, were found the saddles and other trophies. He estimates the treasure lost at 40,000 pesos. Hist. Verdad., 108, 116-117; Lejalde, Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 425.

[902] Herrera writes, under Iuste and Morla. If correct there were two Morlas.

[903] Herrera copies this account, but gives also another in an earlier chapter, which leads one to suppose that Yuste and a few companions escaped to the mountains. They either perished of hunger or were captured at some settlement while offering the remnant of their treasures for food. An inscription by Yuste on a piece of bark recorded their sufferings. ‘Por aqui passò el desdichado Iuan Iuste, con sus desdichados compañeros, con tãta hambre, que por pocas tortillas de mayz, diò vno vna barra de oro, que pesaua ochocientos ducados.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii.; dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v. Torquemada repeats both versions, i. 530-1. Peter Martyr and Gomara are also confused, allowing the Yuste party in one page to fall at the pass, and on another to turn back to Villa Rica from Tlascala. Hist. Mex., 165, 181-2. A misinterpretation of a vague passage by Cortés is the cause of the mistake, into which nearly every writer has fallen. The party carried, according to the Cartas, 141, 183-4, a number of agreements with the natives, and other valuable documents, beside Cortés’ personal effects and valuables, worth over 30,000 pesos de oro. Bernal Diaz says three loads of gold. The inhabitants said that people from Tezcuco and Mexico had done the deed to avenge Cacama. But none except the natives of the district could have had time to gather for the attack.

[904] Herrera places the number of the party at 50 or 60. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Bernal Diaz speaks of the slaughter in Tochtepec of 72 men and 5 women, and he leaves the impression that they were a part of the Narvaez force which had followed the army at their leisure. Hist. Verdad., 108. This is no doubt the party described in the text. Yet Herrera, in cap. xvii., refers to the destruction at Tochtepec of a force of 80 men under Captain Salcedo, who was sent to reduce this province a few months later. This incident, mentioned by no other original authority, may be identical with the preceding. Had the party in question belonged to the original force of Narvaez it would have accompanied Yuste and Alcántara. Such not being the case, it must have arrived after their departure. This receives confirmation from Gomara’s statement that several small parties, who had been attracted to New Spain by Cortés’ conquests, were killed in Tepeaca and Xalacinco. Hist. Mex., 173. The narratives of Bernal Diaz and Cortés specify some of these, numbering from ten to eighteen men, who fell at Quecholac, Tepeaca, and other places. It is not likely that so many small parties could have arrived on the coast during the short interval of Cortés’ departure from Cempoala and his retreat to Tlascala; nor that they would have ventured in small numbers into a strange country, during so unquiet a period; nor would a mere dozen have been allowed to penetrate so far as Tepeaca ere they met their fate. Hence they must have belonged to the large party spoken of in the text, whose members, dead or captive, were distributed among the different towns which had aided in their defeat. This appears to be the only way to reconcile the differing statements, which have so confused every writer as to lead them into apparent blunders or into the omission of facts. See Robertson’s Hist. Am., ii. 99; Prescott’s Mex., ii. 409-10; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 353-5.

[905] Bernal Diaz intimates that only two vessels remained of Narvaez’ fleet, and one of these was now destroyed so that the crew might be sent to Tlascala. The reinforcements numbered four soldiers and three sailors, two of whom suffered from swollen stomachs, and the rest from venereal diseases. Hist. Verdad., 109.

[906] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 109, mentions only four deaths.

[907] ‘Se le pasmo la cabeça, o porque no le curaron bien, sacãdole cascos: o por el demasiado trabajo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162. Solis describes the progress of the cure with a minuteness that would do credit to a medical journal. Hist. Mex., ii. 212-14.

[908] The Cihuacohuatl, Tzihuacpopocatzin, Cipocatli, and Tencuecuenotzin. The account of this tumult is given in a memorial on the conquest by an Indian, possessed by Torquemada. i. 509-10. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes Tzihuacpopocatzin and the Cihuacohuatl to be sons of Tizoc, and the last two to be the sons of Montezuma, the last named a bastard. Cipocatli, accepted by him as the other name for Asupacaci, the legitimate heir of the emperor, he assumes with Cano to have been murdered by Quauhtemotzin. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 345. But we have seen that Cortés appears more correct in saying that the prince fell with him during the Noche Triste. Brasseur de Bourbourg’s assumption serves merely to show how hasty and untrustworthy his statements often are.

[909] Cortés assumes only two rivals, the natural sons of Montezuma, ‘el uno diz que es loco y el otro perlático.’ Cartas, 153.

[910] Twenty days after Montezuma’s death. Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, 413, 304.

[911] Of which Sahagun gives some account. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 137. See also Torquemada, i. 511.

[912] ‘Él les hace gracia por un año de todos los tributos y servicios que son obligados á le hacer.’ Cortés, Cartas, 155; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 173.

[913] Beaumont, Crón. Mich., MS., 68 etc.; _Native Races_, ii. 107-8; v. 508 et seq.

[914] ‘Entrarian en parte de todas las rentas de las provincias sugetas por el imperio.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 304.

[915] ‘Tanto supieron decir á la señoría estos embajadores, que casi toda ella, ... la redugeron á su voluntad y deseo.’ Old Xicotencatl being one of the most devoted. Id. Herrera also assumes that this chief favors the Mexicans, but the supposition is due to confounding the two men of this name. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.

[916] ‘A q̄ venistes, a comernos nuestra hazienda, anda que boluistes destroçados de Mexico, echados como viles mugeres.’ Id.

[917] Bernal Diaz assumes that the young chief had been brought before the council a prisoner, to be arraigned for his machinations. His father was so deeply incensed against him as to decree his death, but the other chiefs were lenient out of respect for the father; the conspirators were arrested. Hist. Verdad., 109-10. A later writer states, on doubtful authority, that the chieftain was also removed from the command of the army; and Solis assumes that the act of jostling him down the steps in the council-hall was the form of degradation, which took place during a special session, after the deliberation. He appealed to Cortés, who caused him to be reinstated. Hist. Mex., ii. 220-3. According to Camargo, the elder Xicotencatl had ceded his place as ruler to the son, owing to his advanced age. Hist. Tlax., 173-4. In such a case no imprisonment or degradation could have been admitted; perhaps in no case, since he merely advocated what he considered to be the best for the country. Duran states that he was surrendered to Cortés, who ‘le puso en prisiones, y creo que al cabo le mandó matar,’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 485, a statement which may have aided to confuse Gomara, who allows Cortés to execute him already during his first stay at Tlascala. On the present occasion he lets Maxixcatzin strike the leader of the opposite faction. Hist. Mex., 90, 164. His blunder and vagueness helped Herrera to confound the two Xicotencatls, and Brasseur de Bourbourg to attribute to father and son the same opinion. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 365-7. This is also the view of Ixtlilxochitl. The discussion was held in the hall or oratory of Xicotencatl, where Cortés had planted the cross. While Maxixcatzin was advocating the Spanish cause a cloud settled on the cross and darkened the room. This miracle encouraged the orator, who threw down the younger Xicotencatl and won all to his side. The Mexican envoys were now dismissed with a refusal, whereupon the cloud dissipated, leaving the room bright and the cross resplendent, and attracting many believers. Hist. Chich., 304-5. Sahagun allows Xicotencatl, chief among the lords, to attack the second lord for urging the murder of the Spaniards. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 138.

[918] With reference to the attack on Xicotencatl in the council-chamber, Herrera says, ‘Sin tener los Mexicanos otra respuesta se boluieron, con relacion de lo que passaua,’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv., a sentence which Clavigero elaborates into a flight of the envoy on observing the agitation of the people. ‘E’ però da credersi, che il Senato mandasse degli Ambasciatori Tlascallesi per portar la risposta.’ Storia Mess., iii. 149. Prescott and others also suppose that they fled; but this is unlikely, since personages so conspicuous as envoys could hardly have escaped from the centre of the republic without the knowledge of the senate, who had, beside, given them a guard, as well for their honor and protection as for preventing the undue exercise of their curiosity. Envoys enjoyed great respect among these peoples. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl assume more correctly that the envoys were notified and dismissed.

[919] Tlascala sealed her enslavement, as some view it, ignoring national interests for the sake of shameful revenge. Behold now the punishment in her decay, and in the odium cast on her descendants by other peoples. So says Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 140. They have certainly dwindled away ever since Cortés began to scatter them as colonists in different directions; but this was the natural and inevitable consequence of the presence of the stronger element. During Spanish dominion they enjoyed some slight privileges, and since then no odium has attached to them except in casual references to the conquest by prejudiced writers.

[920] ‘En nombre de todos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 166. Whereat Bernal Diaz is exceedingly wroth. ‘We, the old soldiers, stood by Cortés,’ he asserts, ‘and Gomara’s omission to say so is intended to exalt him at our expense.’ Hist. Verdad., 110. Cortés himself intimates that the request was general. Cartas, 142. But Herrera more justly attributes it to ‘la mayor parte.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.

[921] ‘Si mal nos sucediere la ida [of the next campaign] hare lo que pedis: y si bien, hareis lo que os ruego.’ Thus Cortés, by his skill and firmness, saved not only the conquest but the lives of his men, which must have been sacrificed in a retreat. Had they reached Villa Rica they would not have remained there, but would have passed on to the islands, thus abandoning the country. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 167. Most of the points in the above speech are to be found in the lengthy harangue prepared by this author. Oviedo’s is weaker, and loses itself in repetitions and crude elaborations, adorned with learned references ill suiting a soldier addressing rude men, although not altogether inconsistent with Cortés’ love of display. Toward the conclusion is said: ‘If any one there is who still insists on leaving, let him go; for rather will I remain with a small and brave number than with many, if composed in part of cowards and of those who respect not their honor. Even if all fail in their duty I shall not. We shall now know who, being of us, will drink water from the hand, and who will kneel to drink with the face to the ground, so that they may be bidden to depart, as God said to Gideon.’ Oviedo, iii. 332-3. The test, if ever intended, was not made, since all acquiesced. Solis, the inveterate speech-maker, has unaccountably subsided for this period; perhaps he is piqued at finding himself so fully anticipated. Cortés gives a brief synopsis of what he indicates to have been a long speech. On no account would he commit so shameful, dangerous, and treasonable an act as to abandon the country. Cartas, 142-3; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 151; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.

[922] ‘Habiendo estado en esta provincia veinte dias, aunque ni yo estaba muy sano de mis heridas, y los de mi compañia todavía bien flacos, salí della.’ Cortés, 143. Gomara follows, while Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 110, writes that after a stay at Tlascala of 22 days Cortés announced the determination to march on Tepeaca, which provoked murmurs from the men of Narvaez. Preparations for the campaign appear to have intervened before the march began, and negotiations with the province to be assailed. Herrera intimates that fully 50 days had passed before negotiations were opened. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv.

[923] ‘Significa Tepeyacac, remate, o punta de zerro,’ owing to the position of the city at the end of a mountain range. Id., cap. xxi.

[924] Their father, Chichtuc, had been sole ruler, but after his death the sons divided the province. Id. This author assumes that it was merely an ally of Mexico, but there is little doubt about its being tributary. ‘Ixcozauhqui, le principal de ses trois chefs.’ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 368.

[925] The suggestion of thus opening the campaign is claimed by native historians for the Tlascaltec lords, Ixtlilxochitl naming Xicotencatl as the originator. Hist. Chich., 303; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 177.

[926] And out of gratitude for Cortés’ intercession in his behalf, as Solis claims.

[927] Half of the booty obtained in all conquered countries, with incorporation of Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Tepeyacac. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 176. This extent of jurisdiction is doubtful. ‘Les haria en nõbre de su Magestad escriptura de conservarlos en sus tierras, y govierno,’ is the moderate arrangement given in Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 146. When in 1655 an attempt was made to encroach on their rights they produced the document and obtained justice.

[928] Bernal Diaz, who alone enters into details, enumerates 420 soldiers, 4000 Tlascaltecs, 17 horses, and 6 cross-bows, without artillery or ammunition. Hist. Verdad., 111. But this is hardly reliable, for a few lines before he refers to 440 men, and there is no doubt that some ammunition, field-pieces, and other war material must have been obtained from Villa Rica. Herrera speaks of musketeers and 6000 allies, 50,000 more to follow. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Gomara allows 40,000 allies to set out at once, with provisions and carriers. Hist. Mex., 168. Ixtlilxochitl mentions only 4000, and names some of the leaders. Hist. Chich., 305. Herrera states that a question arose as to the prudence of trusting so small a body of soldiers with so large a force of allies—which soon swelled to over 100,000—who might in case of disagreement overwhelm them. A council was held, which decided that the loyalty of the Tlascaltecs had been sufficiently tried, and that a small number of allies would be of no service. ubi sup., cap. xiv.

[929] Cortés’ first messengers returned with two Mexicans, who brought the contemptuous reply. They were given presents, and told to summon the native chiefs to a parley. On their return with a threatening answer ‘fue acordado, ... por ante Escriuano ... que se diessen por esclauos à todos los aliados de Mexico, que huviessen muerto Españoles.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112. ‘Respondieron que si mataron Españoles fue con justa razon, pues en tiempo de guerra quisieron passar por su tierra por fuerça, y sin demandar licencia.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 168.

[930] ‘Tuuierõ los Indios amigos buena cena aquella noche de piernas, y braços, porque sin los assadores de palo, que eran infinitos, huuo cincuenta mil ollas de carne humana.’ The Spaniards suffered from want of water and food. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Rather a strong story. The Spaniards could not well suffer from hunger in the midst of maize fields, in harvest time. Oviedo takes occasion to dwell on the common practice of devouring the slain on the battle-field, thus saving the trouble of burial. iii. 334. ‘Mi pare una favola,’ is Clavigero’s comment. Storia Mess., iii. 152. See Native Races.

[931] ‘Padeciendo siempre de agua, y comida.’ Herrera, ubi sup. But this could hardly be the case in so rich a province, at this time.

[932] ‘En obra de veinte dias hobe pacíficas muchas villas y poblaciones á ella sujetas ... sin que en toda la dicha guerra me matasen ni hiriesen ni un español.’ Cortés, Cartas, 143. ‘En obra de quarenta dias tuvimos aquellos pueblos pacificos,’ but with great hardship, ‘porque de sangre, y polvo que estaua quajado en las entrañas, no echauamos otra cosa del cuerpo, y por la boca,’ etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112-13.

[933] The name of a beautiful bird, now San Martin de Huaquechula. This town was known to the Spaniards under the name of Guacachula.

[934] ‘Á la entrada de un puerto que se pasa para entrar á la provincia de Méjico por allí.’ Cortés, Cartas, 145. After the conquest it was moved to a more open site, three leagues south. Torquemada, i. 316.

[935] Calcozametl. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 372.

[936] Herrera reduces Cortés’ figure to 20,000.

[937] Bernal Diaz names Olid alone for the command, and Gomara adds Ordaz and Andrés de Tapia, while Herrera substitutes Ordaz and Ávila. The latter is probably wrong in giving them 300 soldiers, and Peter Martyr errs, through his printer, perhaps, in allowing only 3000 allies.

[938] Cortés writes that this occurred in a town of Huexotzinco province, and that here the Spaniards were alarmed by the report of collusion between the Huexotzincas, the Quauhquechollans, and the Aztecs. The leaders described the expedition as difficult. Cartas, 146. Gomara follows, naming the captain who brought the chiefs captive to Cortés. Hist. Mex., 169. Bernal Diaz points out very plausibly that Huexotzinco lay wholly out of the way; and, ignoring the accession of volunteers, he assumes that the report of a vast gathering of Mexican troops round Quauhquechollan was the cause for alarm, among the Narvaez party only. Olid appealed to their honor, and did all he could to encourage them, but failed. Hist. Verdad., 112-13. Clavigero believes, on the other hand, that Olid caught the alarm as readily as the rest. Storia Mess., iii. 154. The joining of Huexotzincas may have led to the belief that the march lay through their territory.

[939] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés did not go, but sent Olid a sharp letter, which roused him to proceed with the expedition. But our chronicler was sick with fever all this time, and has evidently not been well informed. Cortés’ description of the route and of different occurrences indicates that he must have been present.

[940] ‘Cayeron muchos dellos [enemy] muertos y ahogados de la calor, sin herida ninguna, y dos caballos se estancaron, y el uno murió.’ Cortés, Cartas, 149.

[941] ‘En Mexinca.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 169.

[942] ‘Y se les conservan el día de hoy,’ says Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, 160.

[943] ‘Dos tiros de ballesta el uno del otro.’ Cortés, Cartas, 150.

[944] ‘Tres estados en alto, y 14. pies en ancho,’ says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. ‘Alto como cuatro estados por de fuera de la ciudad, é por de dentro está casi igual con el suelo.’ Cortés, Cartas, 150. Meaning, in places.

[945] Herrera says two.

[946] Later Izucar; now Matamoros.

[947] Bernal Diaz assumes that Olid is the sole leader; that he was here wounded, and lost two horses. Returning to Tepeaca he was received with great honor, and joined in laughing at the alarm which had caused the army to turn back at Cholula. He would never after have anything to do with the opulent and timid soldiers of Narvaez, he said. Hist. Verdad., 114. Gomara supposes that the bridge had been destroyed before the flight, so that few of the garrison escaped from the sword and the stream. Hist. Mex., 171.

[948] Ixtlilxochitl extends the stay at Ytzocan alone to twenty days. Hist. Chich., 305. Others make it less.

[949] Cortés calls it Ocupatuyo, which Lorenzana corrects into Ocuituco, and Torquemada into Acapetlahuaca, i. 315, while Clavigero insists that it should be Ocopetlajoccan. Storia Mess., iii. 157.

[950] ‘Vinieron asimismo á se ofrecer por vasallos de V. M. el señor de ... Guajocingo, y el señor de otra ciudad que está á diez leguas de Izzucan.’ Cortés, Cartas, 152.

[951] This name is badly misspelled. Chimalpain identifies it with Huaxtéca, which is decidedly out of the way, Hist. Conq., ii. 12, while Orozco y Berra stamps ‘en verdad errónea’ the suggestion of Lorenzana that it is Oajaca; but modern maps do place it in Oajaca, very slightly modified in spelling.

[952] They had always been loyal, they said, although deterred by fear of Mexico from sooner proclaiming it; the four remaining pueblos of the province would soon send in their allegiance. Cortés, Cartas, 152-3.

[953] The construction of sentences in Cortés, Cartas, 152, and the complex relationship, have misled nearly every one who notices this incident—as, Gomara, Hist. Mex., 171; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 147; _Bernal Diaz_, Hist. Verdad., .

[954] Alonso Coltzin. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 12. Ixtlilxochitl calls him Ahuecatzin. Hist. Chich., 305. Alvarado stood sponsor. Terrified by some idle gossip, or by the preparations for his baptism, the boy asked the friar when he was to be sacrificed; but received comfort in a pious exhortation. Torquemada, i. 520.

[955] Herrera gives the command to Olid and Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte, the owner of the much disputed first madonna image, accompanied by Juan Nuñez, Sedeño, Lagos, and Mata. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. Olid may have been detached from Quauhquechollan after the first success had made troops less necessary; yet Herrera indicates that he set out before this expedition.

[956] ‘En lo de Cachula fue adonde auian muerto en los aposentos quinze Españoles.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112.

[957] B. V. de Tapia, in his testimony against Cortés, states that about 6000 prisoners were sent to him from these districts by Olid, all of whom had surrendered without resistance, and that he ordered the men, 2000 in number, to be executed, the women and children being sold or distributed. Cortés, Residencia, i. 59-60.

[958] ‘Boluierõ a Tepeaca, y auiendo estado treynta dias en esta jornada hallaron a Hernando Cortes, que era buelto de Guacachula.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. These successes are said to have been dimmed by a severe defeat at Tochtepec, on Rio Papaloapan, whither Salcedo had been sent with 80 men. It was the entrepôt for trade in this region, and was held by a strong Aztec garrison, aided by native warriors with Chinantec pikes. Owing partly to the efficient use of this weapon, and partly to the carelessness of Salcedo, the troops were surprised and slaughtered to a man, after selling their lives as dearly as possible. The disaster being a blow also to Spanish prestige which it would never do to overlook, Ordaz and Ávila were sent not long after with a larger force, some horses, and 20,000 allies, to exact retaliation in death, captivity, and rich spoil. The victors came back with ample plunder. Herrera, ubi sup. See note 4 this chapter for doubts on the massacre.

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XXIX. KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING

OCTOBER-DECEMBER, 1520.

CONQUEST IN DETAIL—BARBA CAUGHT—OTHER ARRIVALS AND REINFORCEMENTS—THE SMALL-POX COMES TO THE ASSISTANCE OF THE SPANIARDS—LETTERS TO THE EMPEROR—ESTABLISHING OF SEGURA DE LA FRONTERA—CERTAIN OF THE DISAFFECTED WITHDRAW FROM THE ARMY AND RETURN TO CUBA—DIVISION OF SPOILS—HEAD-QUARTERS ESTABLISHED AT TLASCALA.

Thus all was going gayly with the Estremaduran once more. It was easy work overcoming the divided Aztec forces, which combined had proved so formidable. And there was little trouble now from factions. None advocated a station by the sea-side, with ships ready for flight; none thought of abandoning New Spain for Cuba. The simple presence of the general was as the shield of Abas, which performed so many marvels, and the mere sight of which could on the instant stay a revolt or reduce a province to submission.

The successes of the Spaniards were rapidly enlarging the fame and influence of their leader, bringing among other fruits, as we have seen, alliances and reinforcements, not alone from native sources, but from Spanish. The first accession of the latter was thirteen soldiers and two horses, brought in a small vessel under the hidalgo, Pedro Barba, formerly commandant at Habana. Commandant Rangel at Villa Rica had received instructions to secure any vessel that might arrive, both with a view to obtain recruits, and to prevent news from travelling to Cuba of the defeat of Narvaez, or other incidents. As the vessel entered the roadstead he accordingly approached it in a well manned boat, with hidden arms. “How fares Narvaez?” was Barba’s first inquiry. “Exceedingly well,” replied Rangel. “He is prosperous and rich, while Cortés is a fugitive, with a score of miserable followers at the most; or he even may be dead.” “All the better,” rejoined Barba; “for I bear letters from the most magnificent Velazquez, with instructions to secure the traitor, if he be alive, and send him at once to Cuba, whence he shall go to Spain, as commanded by our most illustrious Bishop Fonseca.” As a matter of course, Señor Barba will accept the proffered hospitality; he will go ashore and deliver his message to Narvaez in person. And he will catch this slippery fox from Estremadura, and carry him hence to be hanged; he will carry him to his worshipful master Velazquez to be hanged. So entering the boat he is conveyed away, but only, alas! to be declared a prisoner; only, alas! to learn that though damned, Cortés is not dead, and is by no means likely at once to meet strangulation at the hand either of Barba, Narvaez, or Velazquez. Meanwhile other visitors in other boats proceed to secure the crew. The vessel is dismantled; and since Cortés is the king, and not Narvaez, the so lately fierce and loyal Barba, nothing loath, declares for Cortés. Indeed, Barba was by no means unfriendly to the general, as proven by his attitude at Habana two years before. Any such reinforcement was gladly welcomed at Tepeaca, and Cortés sought to insure Barba’s loyalty by making him captain of archers.[959] A week later arrived another small vessel, under the hidalgo Rodrigo Morejon de Lobera, with eight soldiers, a mare, a quantity of crossbow material, and a cargo of provisions. It was secured in the same manner, and the soldiers and sailors proceeded to join the army. Thus Cortés draws them in, friend and foe alike being his fish, if once they enter his net.

More substantial reinforcements were in store, however. Governor Garay, of Jamaica, had in no manner been discouraged by the failure of his last expedition to Pánuco, and the rumors of his rival’s success in New Spain fired him to renewed efforts, the more so since he possessed the royal grant, the vessels, and the men, with ample means to sustain them. In the spring of 1520 he had despatched three vessels, with about one hundred and fifty soldiers and sailors, a few horses, and some artillery, under the former commander, Pineda.[960] Ascending the Pánuco the expedition came to a town,[961] and met with good reception, but the natives soon tired of giving their substance to strangers, who may beside have been guilty of excesses, and they made hostile demonstrations. Pineda showed a bold front, and proceeded to attack the town, but was surprised and killed, together with a number of soldiers and the horses.[962] The rest escaped as best they could in two of the vessels, pursued by a fleet of canoes. One of the caravels was wrecked not far above Villa Rica, whereupon a portion of the men resolved to proceed by land rather than suffer starvation on board, for in the hurry of the flight the lockers had received no attention. Both the sea and land parties arrived at the Spanish port, where every care was given them.[963] Thence they were forwarded to Tepeaca, where their cadaverous complexion and swollen bodies procured for them the nickname of ‘panzaverdetes,’ or green paunches. Hardship and bad food had carried a number past relief, and even in Tepeaca several died, including Camargo, as Bernal Diaz believes.

A month later, after the Quauhquechollan expedition, another vessel arrived with about fifty soldiers,[964] under Miguel Diaz de Auz, an Aragonian cavalier. He had been sent to reinforce Pineda, but after remaining at Rio Pánuco for a month, without seeing even a native, he had come down to search for the fleet. The fame of Cortés and the promise of rich spoils induced him to follow the preceding party, in contradistinction to which his stout and lusty recruits were dubbed the ‘strong-backs.’[965] Hearing that two other vessels had been fitted out to follow the Pánuco expeditions, and were probably now cruising along the coast, Cortés ordered a crew to be sent in pursuit, with the sole desire, as he expressed it, to save them from the fate which had so nearly overtaken Camargo. One was never heard of, and the other, the largest, entered the port before the searching vessel had left, it seems, bringing about one hundred and twenty men and sixteen horses. Camargo was induced to remonstrate with the captain against proceeding to Pánuco, since the result could only be disastrous, the native lord having, beside, tendered allegiance to Cortés in Montezuma’s time.[966] But the captain would not listen to him. To the joy of Cortés, however, a storm arose, which obliged this captain to slip his anchor and put to sea; obliged him to take refuge in San Juan de Ulua harbor, where he found his vessel so unsafe as to require her to be stranded, whereupon the forces and armaments were landed.[967] Cortés at once sent a sympathizing message, offering the captain every assistance, but never for a moment intending to give him any. He even tendered other vessels for his voyage—so he tells the emperor.[968] But there is no doubt that the tender was illusive, and that he did all in his power, with bribery, promises, and even force, to secure the men and armament, and at the same time to weaken his rivals by their loss. According to some accounts he caused their vessels to be sunk to prevent departure,[969] an act which Oviedo declares a fair war measure, particularly on the part of Cortés, who greatly needed reinforcements. Men destined for so comparatively unattractive a region as Pánuco must have been pleased by the prospect of ready spoils and Mexican treasures soon to fall into their hands under so able and successful a leader as Cortés. They were therefore readily induced to join him, the captains alone, as in the last instance, interposing objections for a while. These several accessions amounted, according to the testimony of Cortés, to about two hundred men and some twenty horses,[970] together with a large quantity of small-arms, artillery, and ammunition. Thus again and again was the shrewd and lucky Cortés aided by the very means which his great enemies and rivals had sent to be used against him; aided to reap the advantages they had planned and plotted to secure. And all the while he was pitting the antagonisms of native foes one against another, employing them also to assist him in securing the grand prize. Greatness is but another name for good fortune. Circumstances certainly did as much for Cortés in promoting success as Spanish arms and superior civilization.

* * * * *

Civilization! What fools we are, pluming ourselves in its radiance, the radiance of ghastly electrical lights, adopted instead of the glorious sun of nature. For is not the unartificial nature, and nature God, while artifice is rather of the devil? And yet we persist in glorifying artifice and calling it deity. The human sacrifice of the Aztecs was a horrible rite, but in the hands of the Spaniards is not Christianity a bloody mistress? And does not European civilization constantly demand the sacrifice of millions of lives, if not for the propitiation of gods, then to avenge an insult, to preserve the integrity of a nation, or to gratify the spleen of rulers? At hand even now, coming to the assistance of the magnificent Cortés, civilization’s pride and pet for the moment, is another ally of civilization, more terrible than horses, blood-hounds, gunpowder, or steel. At the time of Narvaez’ departure for Cuba, small-pox was raging there so severely that it offered a reason for preventing the governor from leaving with the expedition. A pioneer vessel of the fleet sowed the malady at Cozumel, whence it entered the continent. Before it spread far in this direction Cempoala was infected by a negro slave of Narvaez.[971] The Spaniards knew little about its treatment, and that little they sought to impart, not for their own safety, since those that were left of them were considered almost proof against the malady, but for the sake of the allies. Their advice did not avail much, however, for the natives were too devoted to their panacea, the hot and cold bath, which only intensified the evil. The terrible force of the first attacks of epidemics and endemics is well known, and it has been advocated with apparent truth that the diseases of a strong people fall with particular force on weaker races. After desolating the coast region for some time, the small-pox crossed the plateau border during the summer, and in September[972] it broke out round the lakes, on its way to the western sea, smiting high and low, rich and poor. For sixty days, according to native records, the hueyzahuatl, or great pest, raged here with such virulence as to fix itself a central point in their chronology. In most districts, says Motolinia, over half the population died, leaving towns almost deserted, and in others the mortality was appalling. Those who recovered presented an appearance that made their neighbors flee from them, until they became accustomed to the sight. Learning how contagious was the disease, and terrified by the number of deaths, the inhabitants left the bodies to putrefy, thus aiding to extend the pest. In some cases the authorities ordered the houses to be pulled down over the dead, so as to check the contagion. Not the least of the evil was a famine, which resulted from a lack of harvesters.[973]

Among the first victims at the capital were King Totoquihuatzin, of Tlacopan, and Cuitlahuatzin, the successor of Montezuma. The latter had ruled barely three months,[974] but sufficiently long to prove himself a most able leader of his people in their struggle for liberty, for he was brave, full of devices, and energetic, yet prudent; a man who, not content with securing the expulsion of invaders, had sought to strengthen his position with alliances and by attracting the subject provinces through gifts, remissions, and promises. If he did not succeed so well as he had hoped, the fault must be ascribed to the reputation of the previous government and to dereliction of duty among his officers.

As a monarch he would not have fallen far short of the native ideal, for as a general he had distinguished himself; and, the brother of Montezuma, he had in his court imbibed the dignity and majestic manner born of constant adulation from subservient nobles and plebeians. Crafty and unscrupulous, he appears not to have hesitated at crime and breach of faith to secure his aims for personal and state advancement. The flourishing condition of his own province indicated a not unwise administrator; and the beauty of Iztapalapan, its magnificent palaces, and exquisite gardens filled with choice plants from different regions, pointed to a ruler of cultivated taste.

There is no doubt that Mexico lost in him one of the most promising of sovereigns, and perhaps the only leader capable of giving her a longer lease of freedom in face of the irresistible onslaught of foreigners.[975] Thus bravely worked the small-pox for Cortés and the superior civilization.

* * * * *

The strongest candidate for the Mexican throne was now the high-priest Quauhtemotzin,[976] a young man of about twenty-three[977] years, rather handsome, of fairer complexion than the average of his race, grave and dignified, as befitted a prince, and ‘quite a gentleman for an Indian.’ He is said to have been the son of Montezuma’s sister by Itzquauhtzin, lord of Tlatelulco, the twin town or suburb of Mexico, who had been fellow-prisoner of the late emperor, and sharer in his fate.[978] The brothers and descendants of Montezuma had been pretty well removed by death, or through the machinations of Cuitlahuatzin; but if nearer legitimate claimants existed, Quauhtemotzin had eclipsed them all in experience, influence, and fame, as a brave and able leader. As the chief companion of his predecessor, and one who even before the appearance of the latter had led the uprising against the Spaniards, he had become identified as a true patriot, keeping himself at the head of the dominant party which began and continued the struggle for freedom. In order further to secure his influence he had taken to wife the only legitimate daughter of Montezuma, Princess Tecuichpo, or Isabel; and although the marriage was merely nominal, she being but a child, yet the alliance served the intended aim.[979] The Tepanecs at the same time elected as successor to their king, his son Tetlepanquetzaltzin,[980] whose coronation took place at the same time as that of Quauhtemotzin, hallowed by the blood of captive enemies, including no doubt some Spaniards. Cohuanacoch had meanwhile been chosen at Tezcuco in lieu of the disowned protégé whom Cortés had foisted upon them. By this trio were taken up the plans of Cuitlahuatzin for the deliverance of the country from her invaders, and especially were their efforts directed toward securing the loyalty of provinces and allies which had been stirred by the alarming progress of Spanish arms in Tepeaca.

A loss to the Spaniards through the epidemic, which outweighed many a gain, was the death of Maxixcatzin, to whose devoted friendship they chiefly owed their escape from the recent crises;[981] for he it was who took the lead in offering the Tlascaltec alliance and in overthrowing the inimical plans of the younger Xicotencatl in favor of the Aztecs. When the sad news came, Cortés felt as if he had lost a father, says Bernal Diaz, and mourning robes were donned by quite a number of the captains and men. In this they felt the more justified, since the chief, on finding himself stricken by the dread disease, had expressed a wish to become a Christian, and with the name of Lorenzo had received baptism at the hands of Olmedo, who joyfully hastened to Tlascala to perform so welcome a service for the Spaniards’ champion. He died exhorting his family and friends to obey Cortés and his brethren, the destined rulers of the land, and to accept their god, who had given victory over the idols.[982] It was fortunate that he did not die before Spanish prestige had been reëstablished by the Tepeaca campaign; for his friendship sufficed to confirm the allies in their adhesion, to gain for the Spaniards further coöperation, and to obtain for them a firm footing in the country.

* * * * *

The allied forces had become so numerous by the time Itzucan fell that they were absolutely unmanageable, and on returning from this place to Tepeaca Cortés dismissed them with friendly words to their homes, retaining only the tried Tlascaltecs, who had become efficient in the European style of warfare under the Spanish discipline and tactics.[983]

* * * * *

Before the Quauhquechollan expedition summoned him away, Cortés had begun a report to the emperor on the condition of affairs. On returning, he completed this his second and perhaps most interesting letter, dated at Segura de la Frontera, or Tepeaca, October 30, 1520, wherein are related the occurrences since the despatch of the first letter in the middle of July, a year before. “I write your Majesty,” it states, “although poorly told, the truth of all that has happened in these parts, and that which your Majesty has most need of knowing. With the aid of God the conquest is progressing in this new country, which from its similarity to Spain, in fertility, extent, temperature, and many other things, I have called La Nueva España del Mar Océano.” Then he proceeds to humbly beg his majesty to confirm this name. In a brief supplementary letter he asks the emperor to send a person of confidence to investigate and prove the truth of his statements.[984]

The council also wrote a letter to the emperor, speaking hopefully of the conquest, which already “extended, over one hundred and fifty leagues of the coast, from Rio Grande de Tabasco to Rio de Pánuco,”[985] while the remainder of the interior was on the sure way to reduction, under the able leadership of Cortés, whose valor and energy they praised.

They prayed that he, the beloved of all the troops, might be confirmed in the office of captain-general, as the only man whose genius and experience could be relied on to carry out and maintain the conquest. The natives being docile and ready to receive conversion, friars should be sent to secure this harvest for the church, and also to administer to the spiritual wants of the Spaniards. Colonists were needed; also horses, and other live-stock—the latter to be paid for at a future time—in order to secure the country and develop its wealth.

With these letters went one from the army, which, recounting but briefly the leading incidents of the campaigns, had for its main object to decry Narvaez and Velazquez as the sole cause of all the disasters that had occurred in the country, and to praise Cortés as a noble, loyal, and able man, by whom alone the conquest could be achieved.[986] These and other letters were intrusted to Alonso de Mendoza, a townsman of Cortés, together with thirty thousand pesos, in fifths and presents, and a number of commissions from different members of the expedition. A well appointed vessel was assigned for the voyage, and three other vessels were despatched for Española, there to enlist recruits and to buy horses, arms and ammunition, cattle, clothing, and other requirements, and four strong vessels to maintain traffic with the Antilles. Letters were sent to Licenciado Rodrigo de Figueroa and other royal officers on the Island, inclosing duplicates of those forwarded to Spain; and a number of specimens of the jewels, manufactures, and natural resources of the country, were transmitted as presents and as samples to allure recruits. The letters and the ample funds for the enlistment and purchases were intrusted to Contador Ávila and another officer,[987] with instructions to use every effort to confirm the audiencia officials in their good opinion of Cortés, so that they might plead his cause in Spain. The ill-treatment of Aillon by Velazquez and Narvaez had already impelled them to do this, as we have seen. Their advice was to be asked regarding the enslavement of rebels and other measures, and their authority and aid sought for obtaining men and stores.[988] Another vessel was sent under Solis[989] to Jamaica to buy horses and war material. Bernal Diaz does not fail to point out the evidence in the large remittance for Spain and the Antilles of treasures secretly taken from Mexico by Cortés and his clique, and accuses him of having appropriated also the share for Villa Rica, claimed to have been captured by the Indians during its transmission from Tlascala.[990]

No sooner were these preparations announced than Duero and a number of others of the Narvaez party claimed a fulfilment of the promise regarding their departure. The success of the Spanish arms and the allurement of spoils had reconciled most of the lately disaffected, so that those who now demanded to return were only a few of the more wealthy. The services of these could be readily dispensed with, now that such large reinforcements had been received, and the display of their accumulations at home might inspire fresh recruits. Therefore Cortés gave his consent, with abundant promises that as soon as the conquest was fully accomplished, gold and other rewards would flow on those who supported his cause either in the Islands or in Spain. Leaders like Duero and Bermudez were the chief recipients of such offers; and offers alone they remained in most instances, for Cortés was not the man to reward desertion. Duero and others evidently expected nothing more, since they were soon after found arrayed on the side of Velazquez. When some among the Cortés party raised objections to this diminution of the force, they were quieted with the declaration that the army was better rid of unwilling and inefficient soldiers, whose presence served only to discourage others.[991]

The vessel for Spain and two of those for the Islands were wrecked on the coast; and one consequence was that Mendoza’s departure was delayed till the 5th of March. He took with him a supplementary letter for the emperor, relating the progress so far made for the recovery of Mexico. By this time Ordaz was, according to Bernal Diaz, commissioned to join him and plead the cause of Cortés before the emperor, and at the same time to receive the reward for his many achievements, one of which was the ascent of the volcano. Several of the Narvaez party appear to have left by the same vessel.[992]

* * * * *

In course of the late campaign the advantages of the town of Tepeaca for permanent occupation had become apparent, chiefly as a point of observation for watching over the new conquest. It was well situated for protecting the road to Villa Rica,[993] and for communicating with Cholula and Tlascala, each capital eight or nine leagues distant, and it lay in the midst of a fertile maize country, which offered ample subsistence for a garrison. Although the punishment at first inflicted, by sacking and enslaving, had been severe, yet the treatment of the inhabitants became afterward so considerate that they themselves prayed for a continuance of Spanish protection.[994] Every circumstance, therefore, demanding a settlement, it was decided in council to found a villa in this same town, with the appropriate name of Segura de la Frontera, intended, as it was, to secure the frontier against the Mexicans. Pedro de Ircio was made alcalde, with Francisco de Orozco and others as regidores.[995]

The campaign being practically concluded, a division was ordered to be made of the spoils not hitherto distributed, including slaves, which had now become a prominent feature thereof, and were intended for personal and plantation service, as already practised in the Antilles. The pretence was to enslave only the inhabitants of districts concerned in the murder of Spaniards, but the distinction was not very strictly observed, and rebellious tribes and those addicted to cannibalism and other vicious practices were included.[996] The Spaniards, as a rule, kept only the women and the children, the men being transferred to the allies for their share, “because they were difficult to watch,” says Bernal Diaz, “and because their services were not needed while we had the Tlascaltecs with us.”[997]

The soldiers were ordered to bring in all their captives, which from the first had been branded for recognition with a ‘G,’ signifying guerra, war.[998] When the day for distribution came, it was found that the leaders and favored men had already secured their share by appropriating the prettiest and choicest slaves. They had probably been priced by the officials, and the leaders, being entitled to larger shares, had secured the best articles. At this there was a considerable uproar, increased by the outcry against the fifth set apart for Cortés, after deducting the royal fifth.[999] How the matter was settled is not clear, except that the general had recourse to the soothing eloquence he knew so well how to apply, promising that for the future he would conform to the general desire, which appeared to be in favor of offering the slaves at auction, so as to arrive at their proper value, and to give all members of the expedition an equal chance in securing the more desirable.[1000]

One of the last expeditions fitted out at Segura was for the reduction of the northern route to Villa Rica, by which the Spaniards had first entered the plateau, and for the punishment of those concerned in the murder of Alcántara and other Spaniards.[1001] It set out in the beginning of December, under Sandoval, with two hundred infantry, twenty horses, and the usual complement of allies, and entered Xocotlan valley, which readily submitted, with the exception of the main town, named Castilblanco during the first entry into the country. The cacique, who had then already shown himself unfriendly, rejected every proposition, with the threat that he would make a feast on the commander and his followers, as he had on the former party. There being no alternative, the cavalry charged the large force which had taken up position near a ravine, on the outskirts of the city, with a view to defend the entrance. Under cover of the musketeers and archers, who from one side of the ravine did considerable harm to the enemy, the charge succeeded, though four riders and nine horses were wounded, one of the latter dying. The enemy thrown into disorder fled to join the remaining garrison, which occupied the temples on the plaza. With the aid of the infantry and allies the stronghold speedily fell, and a number of prisoners were secured.[1002]

Proceeding northward along the mountain border of the plateau Sandoval added a considerable extent of country to his conquest, meeting serious opposition only at Jalancingo, where the Aztec garrison, ever since the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, had been employed in fortifying the place, and either considered themselves secure or feared that a surrender would procure no better terms, for them, at least. They were disconcerted by being attacked on different sides, under native guidance, and after a brief resistance took to flight, during which a number of them were captured, the Spaniards losing three horses, and having eight men severely injured, Sandoval receiving an arrow wound. In a temple were found relics of slaughtered Spaniards, in the shape of dresses, arms, and saddles.[1003] A few days later the expedition set out to rejoin the army, with a large amount of spoils and a train of captives. The chiefs were pardoned by Cortés, with politic regard for the future, and enjoined to furnish their quota of supplies at Segura.[1004]

The head-quarters had meanwhile been removed to Tlascala, preparatory to a march on Mexico, and Segura was now in charge of the alcalde, Pedro de Ircio, lately lieutenant of Sandoval at Villa Rica, assisted by the regidor, Francisco de Orozco, and sixty men, including the invalids and the disabled.[1005] Cortés had left it in the middle of December,[1006] taking with the cavalry the route through Cholula,[1007] to settle the question of succession to a number of cacique offices vacated during the epidemic. These appeals were made to him not only as the representative of the Spanish monarch to whom the people had sworn obedience, but as an acknowledgment of his influence over the native mind. His treatment of the conquered and his equitable decisions of disputes had made him the umpire and king-maker whom not only allies, but half-reconciled tribes were willing to heed, in private and public affairs. Having made the appointments, and formed favorable arrangements for himself, he rejoined the army. The march to Tlascala was one befitting the return of conquering heroes. Triumphal arches covered the roads, and processions came to chant the praises of the victors, and recount the successes achieved by the Tlascaltec allies, as shown by spoils and banners from different provinces and cities, and by long files of captives. On nearing the republican capital the whole population came forth to join in the ovation, and at the plaza an orator stepped forward to greet Cortés in a glowing panegyric, wherein he reviewed his progress as conqueror and avenger. In reply Cortés alluded feelingly to the brotherhood between the two races, now cemented by blood and victories, and to the common loss sustained in the death of the wise and noble Maxixcatzin. These words, added to the evidence of sorrow in the mourning array of their dress and arms, left a most favorable impression on the minds of the brave allies.

He was again called as representative of his king to appoint as successor to Maxixcatzin his eldest legitimate son, a boy of twelve years, against whom a claimant had arisen.[1008] This done, Cortés dubbed him a knight, according to Castilian usage, in recognition of the services of his father, causing him also to be baptized, with the name of Juan, Maxixcatzin becoming the family name.[1009] Taking advantage of the occasion and of his own popularity, the general sought to inspire a more general feeling in favor of his religion, but the effort met with little encouragement, and he wisely refrained from pressing so dangerous a subject. According to Bernal Diaz, the elder Xicotencatl was among the limited number of saved souls, and received the name of Vicente.[1010] The native records, as given by Camargo and Torquemada, and adopted by most writers, assume that the four chiefs were all baptized at this time, if not earlier; but they are neither clear nor consistent, and are evidently impelled by a desire to redeem the native leaders from the charge of idolatry. Cortés, Herrera, Diaz, and other chroniclers would not have failed to record so large and prominent a conquest for the church, particularly since the two latter do mention the exceptional converts.[1011] Cortés also refers to a conversion in the person of Tecocoltzin, a younger brother of King Cacama, and the future head of Tezcuco, who is named Fernando; but he does so in a manner which indicates that the conversion was exceptional.[1012] His baptism took place probably on the same day as that of young Maxixcatzin and old Xicotencatl, the occasion being celebrated with banquets and dances, with illumination, sports, and exchange of presents, the Spaniards adding horse-races and other interesting proceedings for the gratification of the natives.

FOOTNOTES

[959] ‘Con este ... vino vn Francisco Lopez, vezino, y Regidor que fue de Guatimala.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 113. Vetancurt assumes that Pedro del Castillo—Diaz calls him ‘el Almirante Pedro Cauallero’—secured Barba and his vessel. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 165.

[960] ‘El capitã Diego de Camargo,’ says Herrera; but Bernal Diaz explains that this man stepped into the captaincy on the murder of ‘fulano Alvarez Pinedo,’ at Pánuco. ‘Dixeron, que el Capitan Camargo auia sido Fraile Dominico, e que auia hecho profession.’ Hist. Verdad., 114.

[961] Seven leagues up, says Herrera.

[962] ‘Muerto diez y siete ó diez y ocho cristianos, y herido otros muchos. Asimismo ... muerto siete caballos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 144. Bernal Diaz assumes that the whole attacking force was killed and some vessels destroyed. ‘Dexaron vna carauela,’ says Herrera.

[963] Herrera states that hunger caused the land expedition to abandon the vessels some twenty leagues above Almería. The people from the wrecked caravel were taken on board the last vessel. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii. Cortés leaves the impression that both vessels arrived at Villa Rica, perhaps because the one was wrecked so near it. ‘Vn nauio ... y traia sobre sesenta soldados.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 114. This may include the land party, but not the sailors.

[964] ‘Con hasta treinta hombres de mar y tierra.’ Cortés, Cartas, 154. ‘Sus soldados, que eran mas de cincuenta, y mas siete cauallos,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 114; and, since Cortés would be less apt to indicate large accessions, he may be correct.

[965] ‘Este fue el mejor socorro.... Diaz de Auz sirvió muy bien a su Magestad en todo lo que se ofreciò en las guerras, ... traxo pleyto despues, sobre el pleyto de la mitad de Mestitan, ... conque le den la parte de lo que rentare el pueblo mas de dos mil y quinientos pesos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 114-15. He was excluded from the town itself, owing to cruel treatment of Indians.

[966] ‘El señor de aquel rio y tierra, que se dice Pánuco, se habia dado por vasallo de V. M., en cuyo reconocimiento me habia enviado á la ciudad de Tenuxtitan, con sus mensajeros, ciertas cosas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 144-5. But this is probably a mere assertion, since the Spanish expeditions had never been higher than Almería, and the cacique could have had no inducement for submitting.

[967] Bernal Diaz refers to the last accession from Garay’s expeditions as 40 soldiers and 10 horses, under an old man named Ramirez. Protected by heavy cotton armor they were nicknamed the ‘albardillas.’ Hist. Verdad., 115.

[968] ‘Si todos ó algunos dellos se quisiesen volver en los navíos que allí estaban, que les diese licencia.’ Cortés, Cartas, 163.

[969] Oviedo, iii. 335; and so Herrera also intimates in reference to Camargo’s only remaining vessel, ‘la qual se anegò tãbien dẽtro de 10. dias en el puerto.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii.

[970] The last two vessels bring 150 men and 16 horses, probably over 20, to which must be added Camargo’s force, amounting no doubt to 50 effective men, for Bernal Diaz admits 60 soldiers, not counting sailors; and Herrera intimates that over 100 men must have reached Villa Rica of the total force on board Camargo’s three vessels. Bernal Diaz’ estimates for the five vessels which he enumerates exceed 170 soldiers and 20 horses; on fol. 115 he contradicts several points, including the total, to which the sailors may be added, while a small reduction is to be made for deaths among Camargo’s men. Vetancurt follows Bernal Diaz, and so does Prescott, who assumes that full 150 men and 20 horses must have been obtained. Mex., ii. 438. Robertson raises this nearer to the truth by saying 180 men, Hist. Am., ii. 104, as does Brasseur de Bourbourg, who nevertheless, on an earlier page, adds Sahagun’s fanciful reinforcement of 300 men. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 371, 387. While the Spaniards were curing themselves, ‘llegó á Tlaxcala un Francisco Hernandez, español, con 300 soldados castellanos y con muchos caballos y armas.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 37. The later edition does not give the number. Gomara merely states that numerous small parties came over from the Antilles, attracted by Cortés’ fame, through Aillon’s reports, he seems to say. Many of them were murdered on the way, but sufficient numbers reached him to restore the army and encourage the prosecution of the conquest. Hist. Mex., 173.

[971] Said to have been named Francisco Eguia. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 39, 66, and Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 278. Herrera writes that many assumed the malady to have been one of the periodical scourges that used to fall on the country. ‘Y el no auer tocado a los Castellanos, parece que trae aparencia de razon.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. But it appears to have been wholly a new disease to the natives.

[972] ‘En el mes que llamaban Tepeilhuitl que es al fin de setiembre,’ as Sahagun assumes. Hist. Conq., i. 39.

[973] Motolinia, Hist. Ind., in Icazbalceta, _Col. Doc._, i. 14-15; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 39, 66; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 514; Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 101; Id. (Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460 (a chapter omitted in the original); Gomara, Hist. Mex., 148; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 279; Torquemada, i. 489; Tezcoco en los ultimos tiempos, 273.

[974] ‘Vivió despues de su elecçion solos sessenta dias.’ Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 549. The election having taken place twenty days after Montezuma’s death, according to Ixtlilxochitl, who assumes that he ruled only 40 or 47 days. Hist. Chich., 304; Id., Relaciones, 413. Others extend the rule to 80 days, both as leader and king, perhaps, which would agree with Cano’s version.

[975] Such characteristics may be seen in Spanish as well as native records; yet Solis writes, ‘su tibieza y falta de aplicacion dexáse poco menos que borrada entre los suyos la memoria de su nombre.’ Hist. Mex., 372. Sufficient proof of his energy is found in the siege resulting in the expulsion from Mexico.

[976] The native authorities incline to Quauhtemoc, but the Spanish generally add the ‘tzin,’ the ‘c’ being elided, and the ‘Q’ changed to ‘G,’ making the name Guatemotzin. ‘Quauhtemoc, que significa Aguila que baja.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 51.

[977] Bernal Diaz describes him about a year later as 23 or 24 years old, while on another occasion he alludes to him as 25. Hist. Verdad., 112, 155. Ixtlilxochitl makes him 18. Hist. Chich., 304.

[978] ‘Por muerte de su Padre gobernaba el Tlatelulco.’ Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 479. ‘Sobrino de Monteçuma, que era papa ó saçerdote mayor entre los indios.’ Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 549; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. vi. ‘Cuauhtemotctzin hijo del rey Ahuitzotzin y de la heredera de el Tlatelulco.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, 413. This incorrect view is adopted by Brasseur de Bourbourg and many others.

[979] ‘Moglie già del suo Zio Cuitlahuatzin,’ is the supposition of Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 160. ‘Se hizo temer de tal manera, que todos los suyos temblauan dél.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112. For fanciful portraits of these last two emperors, see Frost’s Pict. Hist. Mex., 104, 114.

[980] Ixtlilxochitl, loc. cit.; Torquemada, i. 570.

[981] ‘Al que solo fue causa q̄ los Christianos se conseruassen en aquella tierra.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xix.

[982] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118; Herrera, ubi sup.

[983] During the absence of the troops, says Herrera, a part of the Tepeacans had formed a plot to surprise them when divided; but some women informed Marina in time to prevent trouble. Cortés inflicted on them severe chastisement. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. xviii.

[984] The reports and other papers by Cortés, written during a period of nearly three decades in connection with New Spain, are both numerous and lengthy, but only the five letters relating to the actual conquest of Mexico and Central America have achieved bibliographic celebrity, under the title of Cortés’ Letters or Relations. Although the first letter has been lost, and the companion letter long missing, yet an allusion to the expedition against Mexico appeared as early as 1520 in Ein auszug ettlicher sendbrieff dem aller durchleüchtigisten grossmechtigistẽ Fürsten ... von wegen einer new gefundẽ Inseln. Nürmberg durch Fryderichen Peypus am. 17. tag Marcij MDXX., wherein the voyages of Córdoba and Grijalva are also described. Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., 179, assumes that the information is taken from Peter Martyr’s Decades. A later brief reference to the city of Mexico itself is given in Translationuss hispanischer sprach zü Frantzösisch gemacht so durch dẽ Vice Rey in Neapole fraw Margareten Hertzogiñ iñ Burgundi zü geschrieben, published in 1522. On folio A. iii. is written: Not far from the same island they have conquered a city called Tenustitan, wherein 60,000 hearths have been counted, within a good wall. The letter of the ayuntamiento was first published in Col. Doc. Inéd., i., 1842.

By the time of the receipt in Spain of Cortés’ second letter, of October 30, 1520, the general and his conquest had become so famous that his communications were not likely to be lost sight of. The incidents treated of were besides highly enticing, particularly the victories in Tlascala, the entry into Montezuma’s wonderful island city, the disastrous expulsion, and the renewal of the campaign, and Cromberger had it printed in 1522 under the title of Carta de relaciõ ẽbiada a su. S. majestad del ẽpador nt̃o señor por el capitã general dela nueua spaña: llamado fernãdo cortes, etc. Seuilla: por Jacobo crõberger aleman. A viii. dias de Nouiẽbre. Año de M. d. y xxij. ‘Fué las Primicias de el Arte de la Imprenta en Sevilla, y acaso de toda España,’ observes Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. España, 171, but this is a great mistake, for printing had been done already for several decades in Spain. An Italian abstract of the letter appeared immediately after, as Noue de le Isole & Terra ferma Nouamente trouate In India per el Capitaneo de larmata de la Cesarea Maiestate. Mediolani decimosexto calẽ. Decembris M.D.XXII. A reprint of the Seville text was issued at Saragossa in January, 1523. A later abridged account of the conquest is given in Ein schöne Newe zeytung so Kayserlich Mayestet auss India yetz newlich zükommen seind, ascribed to Sigmund Grimm of Augsburg, about 1522. Bibliotheca Grenvilliana and Harrisse. Ternaux-Compans wrongly supposes the narrative to extend only to 1519, instead of 1522, and assumes the imprint to be Augsburg, 1520. Bibl. Amér., 5. Perhaps 1523 is the more correct date, which may also be ascribed to Tres sacree Imperiale et catholique mageste ... eust nouuelles des marches ysles et terre ferme occeanes. Colophon, fol. 16. Depuis sont venues a sa mageste nouuelles de certaīes ysles trouuez par les espagnolz plaines despecerie et beaucoup de mines dor, lesquelles nouuelles il receupt en ceste ville de vailladolid le primier doctobre xv. cent. xxij. This is a book noticed by no bibliographer except Sabin, who believes that it contains only the second letter, although the holder supposes the third letter to be also used. In 1524 appeared the first Latin version of the second letter, by Savorgnanus, Praeclara Ferdinãdi Cortesii de Noua maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio, Norimberga. M.D.XXIIII., which contains a copy of the now lost map of the Gulf of Mexico, and also a plan of Mexico City. In the same year two Italian translations of this version, by Liburnius, La Preclara Narratione, were printed at Venice, one by Lexona, the other by Sabio, yet both at the instance of Pederzani. The plan and map are often missing. Antonio, Bib. Hisp. Nova, iii. 375, mentions only Lexona’s issue. A translation from Flavigny appeared in the Portfolio, Philadelphia, 1817. The originals of the second and other letters were, in the early part of the eighteenth century, ‘en la Libreria de Don Miguel Nuñez de Rojas, del Consejo Real de las Ordenes,’ says Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 597. Much of the vagueness which involves the narrative of events previous to the flight from Mexico may be due to the loss of diary and documents during that episode. The loss was convenient to Cortés, since it afforded an excuse for glossing over many irregularities and misfortunes.

The third letter, dated Coyuhuacan, May 15, 1522, and relating the siege and fall of Mexico, was first published at Seville, on Cromberger’s press, March 30, 1523, as Carta tercera de relaciõ: embiada por Fernãdo cortes capitan y justicia mayor del yucatan llamado la nueua espana del mar oceano. It received a reproduction in Latin by the same hand and at the same time as the second letter. Both were reprinted, together with some missionary letters and Peter Martyr’s De Insulis, in De Insvlis nuper Inventis Ferdinandi Cortesii. Coloniæ, M.D.XXXII. The title-page displays a portrait of Charles V., and is bordered with his arms. Martyr’s part, which tells rather briefly of Cortés, found frequent reprint, while the second and third letters were republished, with other matter, in the Spanish Thesoro de virtudes, 1543; in the German Ferdinandi Cortesii. Von dem Newen Hispanien. Augspurg, 1550, wherein they are called first and second narratives, and divided into chapters, with considerable liberty; in the Latin Novus Orbis of 1555 and 1616; and in the Flemish Nieuwe Weerelt of 1563; while a French abridgment appeared at Paris in 1532. The secret epistle accompanying the third letter was first printed in Col. Doc. Inéd., i., and afterward by Kingsborough and Gayangos.

The fourth letter, on the progress of conquest after the fall of Mexico, dated at Temixtitan (Mexico), October 15, 1524, was issued at Toledo, 1525, as La quarta relacion, together with Alvarado’s and Godoy’s reports to Cortés. A second edition followed at Valencia the year after. The secret letter accompanying it was not published till 1865, when Icazbalceta, the well known Mexican collector, reproduced it in separate black-letter form, and in his Col. Doc., i. 470-83.

The substance of the above three relations has been given in a vast number of collections and histories, while in only a limited number have they been reproduced in a full or abridged form, the first reproduction being in the third volume of Ramusio Viaggi, of 1556, 1565, and 1606, which contains several other pieces on the conquest, all supplied with appropriate headings and marginals. Barcia next published them direct from the manuscript, in the Historiadores Primitivos, i. This collection bears the imprint Madrid, 1749, but the letters had already been printed in 1731, as Pinelo affirms, Epitome, ii. 597. Barcia died a few years before his set was issued. From this source Archbishop Lorenzana took the version published by him under the title of Historia de Nueva-España, Mexico, 1770, which is not free from omissions and faults, though provided with valuable notes on localities and customs, and supplemented with illustrated pieces on routes and native institutions, a map of New Spain by Alzate, an article on the Gobierno Politico by Vetancurt, a copy of a native tribute-roll from picture records, not very accurately explained, and the first map of Lower California and adjoining coast, by Castillo, in 1541. This version of the letters was reproduced in New York, 1828, with a not wholly successful attempt by Del Mar to introduce modern spelling. The work is also marked by a number of omissions and blunders, and the introductory biographic sketch by Robert Sands adds little to its value. An abridgment from Lorenzana appeared as Correspondance de Fernand Cortés, par le Vicomte de Flavigny, Paris, 1778, which obtained three reprints during the following year at different places. A great many liberties are taken with facts, as may be imagined; and the letters are, beside, misnamed first, second, and third. From the same source, or perhaps from Flavigny, of whom they savor, are Briefe des Ferdinand Cortes, Heidelberg, 1779, with several reproductions, and with notes; and the corrected Brieven van Ferdinand Cortes, Amsterdam, 1780-1. The first edition in English, from Lorenzana, was issued by Folsom, as Despatches of Hernando Cortes, New York, 1843, also with notes.

The fifth letter of the conqueror, on the famous expedition to Honduras, dated at Temixtitan, September 3, 1526, lay hidden in the Vienna Imperial Library till Robertson’s search for the first letter brought it to light. Hist. Am., i. xi. He made use of it, but the first complete copy was not published till of late, in Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 8-167, reprinted at New York, 1848, and, in translation, in the Hakluyt Society collection, London, 1868. It bore no date, but the copy found at Madrid has that of September 3, 1526, and the companion letter printed in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 14-23, that of September 11th. This, as well as the preceding letters, was issued by Vedia, in Ribadeneyra’s Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, xxii.; the first three letters being taken from Barcia, and the fifth from its MS. The letter of the ayuntamiento is given and a bibliographic notice of little value. A very similar collection is to be found in the Biblioteca Historica de la Iberia, i. But the most complete reproduction of the principal writings by Cortés, and connected with him, is in the Cartas y Relaciones de Hernan Cortés, Paris, 1866, by Gayangos, which contains 26 pieces, beside the relations, chiefly letters and memorials to the sovereign, a third of which are here printed for the first time. Although a few of Lorenzana’s blunders find correction, others are committed, and the notes of the archbishop are adopted without credit, and without the necessary amendment of date, etc., which often makes them absurd. The earliest combined production of Cortés’ relations, and many of his other writings, may be credited to Peter Martyr, who in his Decades gave the substance of all that they relate, although he also mingled other versions. Oviedo, in the third volume of his Hist. Gen., gives two versions of the conquest, the first, p. 258 et seq., almost a reproduction of Cortés’ letters, and the other, p. 506 et seq., from different sources.

Beside the relations, there are a number of miscellaneous letters, petitions, orders, instructions, and regulations, by Cortés, largely published in Navarrete, Col. de Viages; Col. Doc. Inéd.; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc.; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.; Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq.; Alaman, Disert., and as appendices to histories of Mexico. A special collection is the Escritos Sueltos de Hernan Cortés, Mex., 1871, forming vol. xii. of the Bib. Hist. de la Iberia, which presents 43 miscellaneous documents from various printed sources, instructions, memorials, and brief letters, nearly all of which are filled with complaints against ruling men in Mexico.

Cortés’ letters have not inaptly been compared by Prescott to the Commentaries of Cæsar, for both men were military commanders of the highest order, who spoke and wrote like soldiers; but their relative positions with regard to the superior authorities of their states were different, and so were their race feelings, and their times, and these features are stamped upon their writings. Cortés was not the powerful consul, the commander of legions, but the leader of a horde of adventurers, and an aspirant for favor, who made his narrative an advocate. The simplicity and energy of the style lend an air of truth to the statements, and Helps, among others, is so impressed thereby as to declare that Cortés ‘would as soon have thought of committing a small theft as of uttering a falsehood in a despatch addressed to his sovereign.’ Cortés, ii. 211. But it requires little study of the reports to discover that they are full of calculated misstatements, both direct and negative, made whenever he considered it best for his interest to conceal disagreeable and discreditable facts, or to magnify the danger and the deed. They are also stamped with the religious zeal and superstition of the age, the naïve expressions of reliance on God being even more frequent than the measured declarations of devotedness to the king; while in between are calmly related the most cold-blooded outrages on behalf of both. There is no apparent effort to attract attention to himself; there is even at times displayed a modesty most refreshing in the narrative of his own achievements, by which writers have as a rule been quite entranced; but this savors of calculation, for the general tone is in support of the ego, and this often to the exclusion of deserving officers. Indeed, generous allusions to the character or deeds of others are not frequent, or they are merged in the non-committing term of ‘one of my captains.’ Pedro de Alvarado complains of this in one of his Relaciones, in Barcia, Hist. Prim., i. 165-6. In truth, the calculating egotism of the diplomate mingles freely with the frankness of the soldier. Cortés, however, is ever mindful of his character as an hidalgo, for he never stoops to meanness, and even in speaking of his enemies he does not resort to the invectives or sharp insinuations which they so freely scatter. His style bears evidence of training in rhetoric and Latin, yet the parade of the latter is not so frequent as might be expected from the half-bred student and zealot. Equally indicative are his regulations and instructions of the experience gained as notary and alcalde, and the promise once entertained of him as a legal light. The sentences are remarkably concise and clear for the time, and the expression both fluent and pure. The whole tends to confirm the opinion already formed of his character, as one who, while not wholly free from defects of his age, indulged in grand views, and stood forward conspicuous as a born leader of men.

[985] Of the central provinces actually under control Herrera enumerates: Cempoala, with 50 towns and villages, containing over 120,000 families; Tlascala, with 60 vassal lords, over 120,000; Huexotzinco, 50,000; Cholula, 40,000; Tepeaca, Acatzingo, and Quecholac, 80,000; Quauhquechollan and Itzucan, 20,000; ‘beside a number of others.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii.

[986] Narvaez it was, they said, who without right or without exhibiting evidence of such right, had set himself up against Cortés, and begun to rouse the natives against him and his followers as piratical intruders, intent on mischief, while his own announced object was to right the natives, release Montezuma, and then to depart from the country without taking even gold with him. These intrigues caused the uprising which lost Mexico to the emperor, together with so many hundred lives and millions of treasure. To Velazquez, therefore, no control should be given in a country lost through the machinations of himself and his lieutenant. If any grants had been made to him, they were based on false representations, and would imperil the safety of these extensive and rich lands. The second object of the latter was to laud the character of Cortés as a man and soldier, and to pray that he be confirmed in the office of captain-general and justicia mayor as the only fit and worthy person. At the foot came the signature of 534 Spaniards, the majority of the troops, headed by Alvarado, Ordaz, and similar warm friends of the commander, and also by such prominent personages of the Narvaez party as Vasco Porcallo, and Juan Diaz, the clergyman. Bernal Diaz was still down with fever, which accounts for the absence of his name. Many others whose names might have been added were probably away on expeditions and on garrison duty. For copy of letter see Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 427-36.

[987] Whom Bernal Diaz calls Francisco Álvarez Chico; and Vetancurt, Francisco Hernandez.

[988] Bernal Diaz insinuates that there were a number of officers far more suitable than Captain Ávila for this mission, but Cortés desired to be rid of so outspoken an observer and champion of the men, and at the same time to promote the more pliable Alonso de Grado to the vacated contaduría, and the devoted Andrés de Tapia to the captaincy. He thinks that Grado, or Alonso de Cáceres, the rich, should have been sent. Hist. Verdad., 117. His insinuation cannot be wholly correct, however, since Ávila had already been for some time alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Grado, contador. See Lejalde, Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 419 et seq.

[989] ‘Despues de ganado Mexico, le llamamos Solis el de la huerta, yerno de ... Bachiller Ortega.’ Hist. Verdad., 118.

[990] This author indicates the despatch of only three vessels for Spain, Española, and Jamaica, respectively, one of which, or a fourth, conveyed the returning adherents of Narvaez. Id., 117. But Cortés writes: ‘Envio á la isla Española cuatro navíos para que luego vuelvan cargados de caballos y gente.’ Cartas, 154, 162. The Jamaica vessel is probably included in this number.

[991] Bernal Diaz names twelve of those who returned, two going merely to bring their children. Pilot Cárdenas, whose clamor at the treasure repartition at Mexico had called the attention of Cortés, was allowed to return to his family, with a present of 300 pesos from the general, only to join the ranks of his enemies. With one of the Cubans Cortés sent some bullion and jewels to his wife and brother-in-law. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 117; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148.

[992] Cáceres also joined the commissioners. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 117. Clavigero names Ordaz as the sole commissioner, and he was probably the principal. Storia Mess., iii. 160.

[993] ‘Para el camino de la costa de la mar no hay mas de dos puertos muy agros y ásperos, que confinan con esta dicha provincia.’ Cortés, Cartas, 145. ‘Que señoreaua los puertos, el vno que se dize de Siculchima, por donde los Castellanos entraron en aquellas partes, y el otro de Quochula, legua y media de Tepeaca, por donde van los caminos Reales de la villa Rica.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi.

[994] ‘Le auian pedido presidio.’ Id. Cortés gives merely the strategic motives.

[995] Francisco de Solis, Cristóbal Corral, and Cristóbal Martin are mentioned as regidores in Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 418-19. Herrera adds to their ranks Gerónimo de Aguilar, the interpreter, ‘porque sabia Cortes honrar ... los benemeritos.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. The villa was removed after the conquest to a new site in the plain, not far from the old town. In 1545 it received the dignity of a city, and has ever since ranked as a district seat, supported to some extent by woollen factories. Of the strong fortress erected by the conquerors the remains are still to be seen in the plaza under the name of el Rollo de Tepeaca. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 8; and in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 145-6. In Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xxi. is given a description of the city and district. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 153; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, i. 248; Alcedo, in Dic. Univ., v.

[996] ‘Tambien me movió á facer los dichos esclavos por poner algun espanto á los de Culúa, y porque tambien hay tanta gente, que si no ficiese grande y cruel castigo en ellos, nunca se emendarian.’ Cortés, Cartas, 144; Oviedo, iii. 334. ‘Otros dizen que sin partido los tomo a todos, y castigo asi aquellos en venganza, y por no auer obedecido sus requerimiẽtos, por putos, por ydolatras,’ etc. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 168.

[997] Hist. Verdad., 116. This was probably the case, and Tapia’s testimony appears to confirm it in saying that of the 6000 captives taken from the Tecamachalco region the males, 2000 in number, were slaughtered in cold blood. Cortés, Residencia, i. 59. Perhaps it would be more correct to assume that a few were killed to expiate the murder of Spaniards, while the rest were given to the Tlascaltecs.

[998] ‘Saluo a las mugeres y niños,’ says Herrera, which leads Brasseur de Bourbourg to assume that women and children were not enslaved. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 370. ‘Creyerõ, q̄ a cada soldado bolveriã sus pieças, y q̄ apreciarian que tantos pesos valian, y que como las apreciassen, pagassen el quinto a su Magestad.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116-17. This could hardly have been the case.

[999] ‘Mandò Cortes vender a muchos que auia prendido ... aplicando vna parte a su exercito, y a otra la republica de Tlascala, sacando primero el quinto que pertenecia al Rey.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. ‘Y despues otro quinto para Cortez,’ adds Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148, and this appears correct; yet Clavigero and many others do not refer to the second fifth. This deduction was declared to be an attempt at installing a second king. The deceit practised, as they claimed, at the distribution of treasure at Mexico was again called up, and declared to be less outrageous than the present effort to defraud poor and wounded soldiers of the prize for which they had shed their blood. Juan Bono de Quexo declared that he would complain to the emperor, and others were no less bitter. Previous to this a cause for dissatisfaction had been given by a proclamation of Cortés ordering the surrender of all gold saved from the common treasure at Mexico, thrown open to the soldiers on the eve of the flight. One third was to be retained by the possessor. Many refused to comply, and since the royal officials and leaders had shared in the treasure, the proclamation was allowed to lapse. What had been surrendered Cortés kept as a loan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116-117.

[1000] ‘Buenas, ò malas Indias, sacallas al almoneda ... que se venderia.’ Id. This was to be done at the next distribution in Tezcuco. The proceeding was discussed at length in Spain, and favored also by a large body of the clergy, as justifiable; but the emperor took the humane course of allowing captives to be held only as prisoners, so long as this was absolutely necessary. Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 233.

[1001] The party commissioned to carry the Villa Rican share of the Aztec treasure from Tlascala to the coast. Bernal Diaz intimates that another party of nine were killed at Xocotlan. Hist. Verdad., 115-16.

[1002] The bodies of five of the Spaniards here murdered had been sent to Mexico, the rest eaten.

[1003] Alcántara’s, it would seem. The treasure carried by him had been dissipated.

[1004] ‘Dos dias ante de Navidad llegó el capitan con la gente ... que habian ido á las provincias de Cecatami y Xalazingo,’ says Cortés, Cartas, 163-5, who had already taken up quarters at Tlascala. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 172. Bernal Diaz speaks of a second expedition to Xocotlan, with 30 cavalry and 100 infantry; but this must be owing to a confusion of names, in one case the valley, Cacatami, being mentioned, in the other the town, Cocotlan. Hist. Verdad., 116.

[1005] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 172; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii. See note 37. ‘Por Capitan vn Francisco de Orozco, con obra de veynte soldados que estauan heridos, y dolientes,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118; Vetancurt follows. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 149.

[1006] ‘Por tener la nauidad q̄ era de ay a doze dias en Tlaxcallan.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 172.

[1007] Gomara calls it Coliman, which Chimalpain identifies with Amozoc, still in existence. Hist. Conq., ii. 13.

[1008] In the person of an illegitimate brother, is the assumption of modern authorities.

[1009] Herrera names him Lorenzo; but Torquemada insists that this was the father’s name.

[1010] The old soldier calls him Lorenzo de Vargas, but is probably mistaken. Hist. Verdad., 118.

[1011] Camargo gives at length the speeches of Cortés and the chiefs on the occasion. The latter invites him to accept their friendship and services, and settle among them, whereupon the general explains that the main object of his coming is to overthrow false idols, and that the condition of his staying with them must be the adoption of the true faith, wherein lies the sole reason for the superiority of his race over theirs. The holy ghost assists to impress his words, and they yield; but they implore him not to cast down the revered idols, for such an act may be fraught with the most terrible disasters. Cortés insists, and promises to assume all risks. Thus pressed, they ask to confer with the representatives of the people, lest a revolt occur. The council objects, offers to give the most prominent place to the new gods, and finally yields, amidst tears and wailing. The people secretly hide the adored images, and while accepting baptism still retain the old worship in secret. The four chiefs first receive the rite, under the sponsorship of the leading Spanish captains, Maxixcatzin the elder being named Lorenzo; Xicotencatl, Vicente; Tlehuexolotl, Gonzalo; and Citlalpopoca, Bartolomé. The general baptism followed, those baptized on the first day being named Juan, and María, and Ana, for men and women respectively, each receiving a ticket whereon the name was written. Many forgot their names, nevertheless, and had to appeal to the register; some received baptism over again, because they failed to acknowledge the previous rite, and others attended service for years without having been to the font. Among the idols and relics saved from the general destruction were the ashes of Camaxtli, the chief god of the tribe, said by some to have been the brother of Tezcatlipoca, by others the father of Quetzalcoatl. They were jealously guarded by the chief Tecpanecatl Tecuhtli, of Tepeticpac, till 1576, when, tired of the temporal injuries which were falling upon him, owing to their presence in his house, he turned to the Church and surrendered the relic, and died the same week, on holy Thursday, while penitently lashing himself before the madonna. On opening the envelope of the relic a mass of blonde hair fell out, showing that tradition was true in describing the god as a white man. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 151-9, 178-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg eagerly seizes on this statement to support his theory that the Toltecs had come from the north of Europe to found their empire and era of culture in Mexico. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 392 et seq. Camargo places the general baptism on the occasion of Cortés’ first arrival in the republic, but herein Torquemada corrects him, although following the version in other respects. The picture in the convent at Tlascala indicates, he says, that the four chiefs, including the elder Maxixcatzin, were baptized together, and by the clergyman Juan Diaz. Great festivals followed the ceremony, i. 523, iii. 166-9. Ixtlilxochitl, who also refers to this picture, follows Camargo’s date, but names Xicotencatl senior Bartolomé, Zitlapopocatzin Baltasar, Tlehuexolotzin Gonzalo, and Maxixcatzin, a young man, Juan. Hist. Chich., 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg corrects this by substituting Xicotencatl junior for Maxixcatzin and naming him Vicente. He adds Nezahualpilli’s son Tecocoltzin, who receives the name of Fernando, ubi sup. The assumption that the four elder chiefs were baptized together, and the statement that the elder Maxixcatzin had died before Cortés returned to Tlascala, appear contradictory, but Vetancurt reconciles them by dating the general baptism just before the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, and adopting the names as given on the picture in ‘our convent,’ and as quoted by Camargo and Torquemada. Padre Juan Diaz, who performed the rite, is supposed to have been killed soon after. Several other versions of his fate and burial-place are given. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 146. But he testified during the residencia investigation against Alvarado, 1529. See Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 124. Clavigero follows Vetancurt, and maintains, notwithstanding the failure of the conquest writers to notice that event, that ‘è certo, che tutti i quattro Capi di quella Repubblica furono battezzati avanti la conquista.... Oltre ad’ altre pruove ciò consta dalle pitture antiche.’ Storia Mess., iii. 150. It would be interesting to know what the ‘altre pruove’ are. Prescott admits only the baptism of the two Maxixcatzins and old Xicotencatl, but avoids giving the new names, owing to the conflict of authorities. Mex., ii. 445.

[1012] ‘Cómo era Muchacho, imprimió mas en él nuestra conversacion y tornóse cristiano.’ Cartas, 177.

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XXX. CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET

DECEMBER, 1520-FEBRUARY, 1521.

THE OBJECTIVE POINT—VESSELS NEEDED—MARTIN LOPEZ SENT TO TLASCALA FOR TIMBER—THIRTEEN BRIGANTINES ORDERED—CORTÉS AT TLASCALA—DRILL AND DISCIPLINE—ADDRESS OF THE GENERAL—PARADE OF THE TLASCALTECS—MARCH TO TEZCUCO—NEW RULER APPOINTED—SACKING OF IZTAPALAPAN—THE CHALCANS—ARRIVAL AT TEZCUCO OF THE BRIGANTINE BRIGADE.

The Tepeaca campaign had been only part of the plan conceived during the flight to Tlascala for the recovery of the dominating point of the empire. The strength of the capital, and the ascendancy acquired by the Aztecs during Spanish exclusion from the lake region, made it impossible to strike directly at the centre of the uprising. It was necessary first to conquer the surrounding provinces on which Mexico depended for aid, and to do this in detail was easier than to meet the combined strength of the foe. This would also leave the conquering troops free to turn their whole attention against the capital, with fresh allies and larger resources. A centre for operation was now needed within the valley, and one from which the Aztecs might be attacked in due time both by land and water. For this object Tezcuco presented the greatest advantages in being situated on the lake, some six leagues from Mexico, in the midst of a fertile country, and near enough to Tlascala, from and through which reinforcements might readily be obtained.[1013]

With a prudent foresight to these movements Cortés had shortly after his first successes in Tepeaca sent Martin Lopez, the shipwright, to Tlascala to prepare timber for thirteen brigantines, which were to be transported to the lake for besieging purposes. The republic offered to provide material and native carpenters, and aided by Andrés Nuñez and others, Lopez soon formed an efficient corps of assistants for felling and shaping the pieces, as modelled and numbered by himself. The site of construction was at Atempan, on the Rio Zahuatl,[1014] which afforded the necessary water for the trial launch, and had forests near by from which timber, masts, and pitch could be obtained.[1015] Iron, sails, cordage, and other needful articles taken from the sunken fleet were forwarded from Villa Rica, together with smiths and other workmen.

With the arrival of Cortés at Tlascala, preparations receive a fresh impulse, and weapons and armor are overhauled, pikes and arrows made, and stores collected. An opportune addition is made by the arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, laden with war material, bows, bowstrings, arquebuses, powder, and a variety of goods; also over a dozen soldiers, with three horses. Cortés purchases the whole cargo, and persuades the owner, Juan de Búrgos, the captain, and the men to join him.[1016]

Drill receives attention, and equally necessary is the maintenance of order, for they are few, remote from succor, and surrounded by a powerful, warlike, and astute foe. Then they must maintain friendly relations with their allies, whose aid is essential to the achievement of their plans. One hasty utterance, one unjust act, can raise a storm wherein all may perish. Good treatment on every hand is necessary to win neutral and hostile provinces. It is often easier to persuade than to enforce. With this view Cortés, as captain-general and justicia mayor for his majesty, prepares a series of regulations which are proclaimed on the 26th of December 1520.

In a lengthy preamble are set forth some reasons for its publication and the necessity for good conduct, as recognized not only in human but in divine affairs, and practised since time immemorial for the regulation of wars.

The first article proclaims the primary motive of this, and indeed of all their campaigns, to be spiritual conquest, in the absence of which material conquests must be regarded as unjust. Blasphemy is forbidden lest the offended Almighty should refuse his assistance. Gambling in a modified form is permitted, but quarrelling is prohibited.

Rules are laid down for discipline in camp and field for sentinels, for prompt and courageous performance of duty. No Spaniard may enter houses in a hostile city to plunder until the foe has been driven forth and victory secured; and booty of whatsoever nature, however and wherever acquired, must be declared before the proper officers, under penalty of death. Any captain who attacks an enemy without orders shall be put to death.[1017]

Orders were also issued to regulate the prices of clothing and accoutrements, which were excessive. In order to enforce the necessary respect for the regulations, Cortés punished the earlier infringements with a severity even in excess of the penalty proclaimed. Two of the general’s own negro slaves were hanged for petty theft, and a pilfering soldier was pardoned only when half strangled.[1018]

After a fortnight of rest and preparation Cortés concluded to resume the campaign, partly lest a longer delay should cool the ardor of the soldiers and allies. On the day following Christmas the troops were mustered for review in the main square of Tlascala, where Cortés in velvet-covered mail stood surrounded by the royal officials, the leading chiefs of the republic, and a brilliant suite. First marched the cross-bowmen in double file, who at a signal discharged their arms aloft and passed on with a salute. After them came the shield-bearers, waving their swords, which they sheathed after saluting; then the pikemen with copper-headed pikes, followed by arquebusiers, who saluted with a thundering salvo that reëchoed along the circling hills and sent a tremor through the crowd of native spectators. Last came the cavalry, prancing and skirmishing in rapid evolutions, to display their skill as fighters and riders, and to dazzle the beholders with their glittering arms and adornment. The total force consisted of five hundred and fifty infantry, divided into nine companies, and forty cavalry in four squads, with nine small pieces of artillery, eighty cross-bows and arquebuses.[1019]

The main reliance of the infantry was in the swords and pikes, the long Chinantec poles being largely introduced, even among the allies, and made effective by long drilling. The nucleus of the troops, whereon rested the highest hopes, was of course the horsemen, whose safety had been carefully looked to by providing the steeds with poitrels, and side and quarter coverings of stout bulls’-hide, reaching to the hocks. They were fringed with small pieces of iron which jingled like bells, and were supposed to add to the terror ever spread by these animals among the natives.[1020] The riders were equally protected, some with helmet and body mail of steel, which covered even the limbs, leaving the wearer vulnerable only at the joints.[1021] Others had less complete mail, while many possessed only the twisted cotton armor worn by the foot-soldiers, though this was sufficiently effective in native warfare. Thus was experience rapidly developing the art of war in America.

The troops having fallen into line, Cortés advanced on horseback and addressed them. They had mustered for a most important enterprise, to recover the rich provinces once acquired but wrested from them by treacherous rebels, to elevate the holy faith insulted by idolaters, and to avenge the blood of cruelly murdered friends and comrades. “Just are the reasons which impel us,” cried the speaker, “and necessary to our security. Spaniards! God has ever favored you; therefore be fearless. Let your conduct be such as to inspire with respect and confidence our stout and tried allies, a hundred thousand and more of whom stand ready and eager to join us. What more can Christian soldiers desire than the double favors which God here giveth us, rich rewards in temporal blessings and that glory immortal which follows victory?” Thus the astute commander stirred the hearts of his men; and believing his own words, was himself stirred thereby. And the shout came back to him that they would regain the lost and avenge themselves on the exultant Tenochtitlans.[1022]

Not to be outdone by foreigners, next morning the Tlascaltecs marched into the plaza to the sound of conchs, pipes, and drums, the four lords at the head richly attired and in plumage studded with precious stones, which rose a yard above their heads in variegated colors, denoting their rank and achievements. Following them were four squires bearing their weapons, and the standard-bearers of the respective quarters. Then in files of twenty deep came the regular warriors, divided into archers, shieldmen, and pikemen, and into companies, each with its ensigns and musicians. A striking spectacle they presented in their orderly lines, gay with flowing plumes, glittering arms, and many-colored devices; some of the latter displayed on a broad plane of shields extended; others embroidered on the quilted cotton tunics of leading warriors. All together formed a series of gay streaks broken by wider bronze-hued masses of naked rank and file, while above all heads rose a profusion of feather-work banners, speckled with brilliant ornaments.[1023] These were lowered as the companies passed before Cortés, who doffed his cap in acknowledgment, the warriors responding by bending the head and discharging their bows. Their number on this occasion has been estimated as high as one hundred and fifty thousand, and although this is evidently exaggerated, there is no doubt that the large Tlascaltec army was swelled by companies from the neighboring provinces.[1024]

The march over, Cortés addressed the allies, extolling their deeds which had covered the republic with glory. Soon again would they add to its renown and its wealth, while avenging ancient wrongs. He would see to it that their services were recognized by the emperor. A small proportion would accompany him on the present march; the remainder could follow after the completion of the brigantines.[1025] In orthodox cheers the native warriors testified approbation. Their general then spoke, exhorting them ever to remember that they were Tlascaltecs, a name of terror to all foes. Only twenty thousand of the eager republicans, including some Huexotzincas and the carriers, were allowed to join the expedition, for more could not be conveniently used during the preliminary campaign. Their general was Chichimecatl.[1026]

On the following day, the 28th of December, after the invocation of divine aid, and midst the stirring strains of music, the army filed out of Tlascala, the populace lining the route and shouting their farewell blessings. “The gods grant you victory!” they cried, “and successful return.” “There go the strong ones to humble the proud,” said some, while of the women many sobbed: “Oh! if our eyes should never behold you again!” There were three routes leading into the lake provinces, two of them tried already during former marches; but since the enemy were doubtless on the alert with ambuscades and other measures, it was deemed best to select the third and worst road, north of snow-crowned Iztaccihuatl, by which an approach would be least expected.[1027] This led through Tezmeluca,[1028] a village in Huexotzinco, six leagues from Tlascala, where camp was formed. Here began a three-league ascent of the pass, and the Tezcucan border was crossed amidst intense cold, the gradually dwindling vegetation giving freer scope to the bleak wind which came whistling from the summits. A league farther a convenient spot was found for a halt, and the tired and shivering soldiers were soon huddling round fires. On the following day a thick pine forest was entered, and soon after the road was found blocked with felled trees. This created no little stir among the men, but Cortés, who had not expected an unobstructed path, sent forward a body of natives to clear it.[1029] With forces massed and arms prepared, Cortés thereupon led the way, and in half a league open ground was gained, to the relief of all. The difficulties of the march were passed, and behind the army now lay the grim expanse of barren rocks and hoary peaks; while beneath a pale-blue sky they descended the wooded slopes to the valley below, rich in variegated hues of field and garden, and enlivened with the gleaming white of human habitation. Beyond spread the glassy surface of the lakes, bordered on the farther side by the misty outline of low ranges, fading in the distance like the glories of the now fading empire. The queen city was the theme, however, and while some descanted to late recruits on its wealth and beauties, others stood silently gazing on the spot so dimmed with sad remembrances. Thus pondering on the past they could almost hear the voices of fallen comrades calling on them for vengeance, and “we vowed,” writes Cortés, “there to achieve victory or perish.”[1030] As if in response to the challenge, ominous smoke columns rose from the circling heights, the signal of the Mexicans to rouse the inhabitants against the invaders.

No opposition was met during the descent, but beyond a ravine, on level ground, forces were seen approaching from different directions.[1031] By a quick movement Cortés managed to leave the broken ground and gain the bridges ere the foe had united. Having now a plain before them, fifteen of the horsemen charged and routed the main body. The rest dispersed, with the Tlascaltecs in close pursuit to kill and ravage. The army did not camp till they reached the deserted Coatepec, some three leagues from Tezcuco.

Shortly before this there had been an accession in the person of Ixtlilxochitl,[1032] the ruler of the northern part of Acolhuacan, who had offered his friendship to the Spaniards before they ever entered the valley. His faith in them was unshaken, particularly under the aspect of their late successes, and he came to renew his protestations, assuring Cortés that no opposition would be offered at Tezcuco. He gave information about the political feeling, the prospect for humbling the hated Aztecs, and the fate of certain small bodies of Spaniards during the uprising. He also stated that Cuicuetzcatl was no more. While at Tepeaca, Cortés had sent to Cohuanacoch, the usurper king at Tezcuco, an Acolhua noble,[1033] with peaceful proposals. The envoy was executed. Not long after, Cuicuetzcatl set out for Tezcuco, without leave, tired as he was of the semi-captive restraint at Tlascala, and confident that with the aid of his adherents and the prestige of Spanish success he would be able to overthrow his usurping brother and resume the sceptre entrusted him by Montezuma and Cortés. The presence of so powerful an intriguer in the capital could not long escape the spies of Cohuanacoch, who had him seized, and by the advice of Quauhtemotzin summarily removed from his path.[1034]

* * * * *

Although fully a hundred thousand warriors were rumored to be hovering hereabout, no formidable evidences of hostility were encountered during the march to Tezcuco. A short distance from Coatepec a procession of Acolhua nobles appeared, headed by four prominent personages, and bearing a golden banner as a peace offering. They came in the name of Cohuanacoch to tender his submission and the hospitality of the city, with the request that no ravages be committed. After what he had learned Cortés could hardly look upon their master as other than an inimical usurper, whose tardy proffers could not be trusted, and whose opposition need not be feared. He accordingly received the message coldly, referred to the treacherous slaughter of the Yuste party of fifty Spaniards and three hundred Tlascaltecs, and demanded that at least the treasures seized on that occasion should be restored; failing in which, a thousand natives should die for every Spaniard killed. The envoys tremblingly explained that the outrage had been committed by Zoltepecs at the instance of the Aztec ruler, whose men had carried off the valuables. Still, they would institute a search.[1035]

Regardless of their urgent request that the entry into the capital should be deferred till quarters had been prepared, Cortés proceeded through the outlying suburbs of Coatlichan and Huexotla, where the chiefs came forth to render homage, and passed on Monday, the 31st of December, into Tezcuco, which was for many a month to be his ‘halting-place,’ as the name signifies.[1036] Quarters were taken up in Nezahualcoyotl’s palace, as the largest and strongest place.[1037]

* * * * *

Meanwhile some soldiers who had ascended a tower came to report that the inhabitants were hurrying away by land and water. Cortés now understood why the envoys had sought to detain him on the road, and gave immediate orders to seize the ruler and as many leading men as possible. It was too late, however. Cohuanacoch had escaped. After usurping the throne, combining with the foes of the Spaniards, and murdering the ruler appointed by them, he did not dare to trust himself within their reach. Hence, as the invaders marched in he embarked for Mexico with his family, his chief adherents and treasures, attended by a fleet of canoes with fugitives and effects. The anger of Cortés at this escape encouraged the pursuing troops to commit certain excesses; and in this they could hardly be blamed, for in one of the temples were found relics of the Yuste party, which very naturally fired the soldiers with a desire for vengeance.[1038] Ixtlilxochitl and other friendly chiefs implored pity for the unoffending inhabitants, and orders were issued in accordance, though not until the allies had sacked a number of houses and fired the beautiful Nezahualpilli palace containing the national archives.[1039]

Not knowing what might follow this exodus, Cortés hastened to fortify his quarters and to collect supplies, aided by Ixtlilxochitl, who had succeeded somewhat in reassuring the people. In order to restore confidence, however, and win the inhabitants to his purposes, he saw that there should be a recognized head, with influence to control them, and one whom he could trust. The former necessity demanded that the choice should be made among the brothers of Cohuanacoch, children of Nezahualpilli, and of these Ixtlilxochitl and Tecocoltzin were the only professed friends of the Spaniards. The latter was of less legitimate birth, it seems, than some of the brothers, and a mere youth, who had shared the quasi captivity of Cuicuetzcatl, and had accepted baptism with the name of Fernando Cortés de Monroy.[1040] He was tall and well formed, of noble presence, and as fair as the average Spaniard. Of docile disposition, he had readily conformed to the teachings of the friars, had adopted Spanish ideas, and had become a favorite among the conquerors. It may be readily understood that this easily ruled boy should be preferred by Cortés to Ixtlilxochitl, whose stay in Tezcuco during the troublous times had not tended to strengthen Spanish confidence.

Cortés summoned the chiefs and represented that since Cohuanacoch had forfeited any claims that he might have had to the throne, by murdering the lawfully elected king and by abandoning his country, they should therefore choose another ruler. He took care that his selection should become known to them, and the electors hastened to conform to the conqueror’s will, not even Ixtlilxochitl venturing to remonstrate.[1041]

Fernando was accordingly brought from Tlascala soon after and installed with great ceremony, receiving a Spanish dress with arms.[1042] He proved kind and faithful, particularly to his patrons, yet Cortés never relaxed his caution, and in order to keep him under safe surveillance Antonio de Villareal was appointed his tutor, and Bachiller Escobar captain of Tezcuco, while Pedro Sanchez Farfan and his brave wife María de Estrada also remained there. This recognition of an esteemed descendant of the beloved Nezahualpilli, and the just and moderate conduct of the Spaniards, served to reconcile the people, who speedily returned to their homes and avocations. The caciques of Coatlichan, Huexotla, and Atenco tendered allegiance within three days of the Spanish entry, protesting that their hostility had been wholly compulsory.

This ready submission was by no means palatable to Quauhtemotzin, who sent messengers to stir anew the spirit of revolt, while preparing to strike a blow. But the emissaries were promptly surrendered to the Spaniards, before whom they pretended to be merely peace mediators. It pleased Cortés to accept the explanation, and after treating the captives with great kindness he sent them back to Mexico to carry peace proposals. Those who had been the chief promoters of the late uprising were now dead, and it was better the past should be forgotten, and friendship established. To this no answer was vouchsafed.

No hostile demonstration having occurred for eight days after the entry into Tezcuco, Cortés resolved to waste no further time in preparation, but to begin the campaign. This course was also needed to maintain the troops in activity, to encourage them with spoils, and to save the friendly Tezcucans from the constant drain of providing supplies. Among the intended head-quarters during the siege of Mexico to follow was the rich and beautiful garden city of Iztapalapan, close to the southern entrance of the capital. This was an advantageous point, through which a blow might be dealt the Mexicans while chastising the town itself for the hostility of its inhabitants and their late ruler, Cuitlahuatzin, the brother and successor of Montezuma. The expedition consisted of eighteen horse and two hundred foot, with a few thousand Tlascaltecs and Tezcucans,[1043] headed by Cortés, Sandoval remaining in charge of the camp.

Warned by the movement, the inhabitants began to remove their families and valuables, while the warriors marched along the lake shore for nearly two leagues to meet and detain the invaders, supported by Aztec forces and a fleet of canoes. As soon as the Spaniards came up a lively skirmish ensued, the warriors being obliged to retreat, though slowly, rallying at times, when the nature of the ground permitted.[1044] Three hours of fighting brought them near the town, and a final assault by the soldiers effected an entrance and forced the warriors to take refuge in canoes and houses. The first comers occupied the upper quarters, the others continued their course toward the lake, where the dwellings stood on piles, cutting down every person encountered in the streets. General massacre was followed by pillage, and before nightfall six thousand bodies were ready for the funeral pyre.[1045] Suddenly midst the work of destruction Cortés observed startling signs of increasing waters, and soon after a Tezcucan brought word that the dike shielding the town on the west had been cut. In their desperation the inhabitants had invoked the flood, whose mercy could not be more pitiless than the invaders, while it might assist the work of revenge.[1046]

The opening was widening every moment. No time was to be lost. The recall was sounded, but with the people so scattered it took some time to gather them. Staggering under the weight of spoil they fell into line, their march being dimly lighted by the flames behind them. The flood increased so much that few of them could retain their burdens, and near the opening the water came with such force as to make the passage difficult. Several of the allies were swept away. It was nine o’clock before the last of the troops gained the high land beyond the dike. “A delay of three hours longer, and none of us would have escaped,” writes Cortés. Failing in their desperate sacrifice to catch the invaders in the flooded houses, there to be imprisoned all night by the rushing waters, the enemy were at hand in canoes with early dawn, showering missiles and sallying against the flanks of the invaders. The Spaniards could only reply with sword and lance, for the powder was wet, and since nothing more could be done under the circumstances, they continued the retreat to Tezcuco. A number of allies fell, and even the soldiers, who had suffered no casualties in the capture of Iztapalapan, now lost one out of their ranks.[1047]

Notwithstanding the loss of booty and the humiliating retreat, the expedition had succeeded in its main object, to inflict a severe lesson on the foe by desolating one of the finest cities in the valley, at the very threshold of the capital. The effect was noticed in the arrival, the day after the return to Tezcuco, of messengers from Otumba and several adjacent towns,[1048] penitently to renew their allegiance, which was never again broken. A number of other towns and domains followed the example, notably Chalco, a large and fertile district extending round Chalco Lake, and toward the south-eastward. It had fallen from the rank of an independent kingdom to that of a province tributary to the Aztecs. The severity of its taskmasters kept ever smouldering the flame of revolt, and deeply the people sighed for deliverance. Owing to the proximity of the Mexicans and the presence of their lawless garrisons, they like many others had not before ventured to cast off the yoke, but with the approach of the Spaniards they gathered courage, and two envoys were sent to implore protection.[1049]

* * * * *

This accorded with Cortés’ plans, and Sandoval was instructed to assist them. His first order, however, was to escort to Tlascala with twenty horsemen and two hundred infantry the carriers, together with a number of warriors, who desired to return home with the booty so far acquired. Fresh supplies were likewise desired, and communication with Villa Rica must be kept open. They had not proceeded far before the Tlascaltecs, who had hastened in advance of the Spanish main body, found themselves attacked by a large force, which slew a number and captured the carriers’ train. Sandoval routed the assailants and recaptured most of the booty.[1050]

From Tlascala Sandoval turned to Chalco. In certain maizefields in front of the capital the Mexicans stood prepared with twelve thousand warriors to dispute possession. He charged them at the head of his cavalry, but, though yielding for a moment, they rallied and with their long pikes compelled him to fall back upon the infantry and allies. The second charge was more successful, and within two hours the foe was in flight, during which large numbers were slaughtered and some captives taken, including three leading men, while but few of the Spaniards were even wounded.

The Chalcans came forth to tender an ovation, and the two young rulers Acazitzin and Omacatzin[1051] accompanied the troops to personally offer allegiance to Cortés, together with some small presents. Their father had always admired the Spaniards and sought to serve them,[1052] and on his death-bed, during the late small-pox epidemic, he had recommended them and their counsellors to submit to the white chief, for to him and his children of the sun did prophecy point as rulers of that land. So important an accession gave no little pleasure to Cortés, who treated the young prisoners with every consideration. At their own request he confirmed them in the lordship, assigning to the eldest Chalco city, with more than half the towns in the province, while the younger received Tlalmanalco and Chimalhuacan, with Ayotzinco and other places subject to them.[1053]

The eight captives were kindly treated, and sent to Mexico with peace proposals similar to those transmitted by the former captors; but there came no reply. The secession of Chalco was a blow to the Mexicans even more severe than the capture of Iztapalapan, owing to the bad example to submissive and wavering provinces, and Quauhtemotzin hastened with allurements and threats to reimpress upon them the necessity for remaining true to the empire. These messages were also sent to the towns round Tezcuco; and the caciques of Coatlichan and Huexotla came to the Spanish camp in great distress, to say that all Mexico was coming upon them. They were doubtful whether to flee to the mountains or come to Tezcuco. They were reassured and promised succor when required; meanwhile they must entrench themselves and prepare the warriors. The Mexicans did little, however, beyond making raids on farms and stragglers from two towns,[1054] wherein they were entrenched, not far from Tezcuco. This attack on the larder of the army could not be endured, and Cortés went forth on two occasions to secure the threatened crops for himself, driving off a force of marauders who had come with quite a fleet in the expectation of a fine harvest, and capturing their strongholds on the lake.[1055]

All this made communication with Tlascala insecure, and on last leaving that province Sandoval had strictly forbidden any one to cross to Tezcuco without a permit. It so happened that a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with over thirty soldiers, besides the crew, eight horses, and a quantity of war stores. Knowing how pleased Cortés would be, a young soldier broke the rules, adventured his life, and carried the tidings to the general, who freely forgave the disobedience of orders. This young cavalier also reported that the brigantines were completed and ready for transport. Since siege operations could not begin until the brigantines were floated on Tezcuco Lake, no time was to be lost, and Sandoval received orders to proceed at once to Tlascala and convoy the precious train. In going he must pass through Zoltepec, five leagues distant, near the eastern border of Acolhuacan, and there inflict chastisement for the murder of the Yuste party during the late uprising.

Sandoval set out with fifteen horse and two hundred foot. On the way a house was passed bearing upon its wall the touching inscription, “Herein the unhappy Juan Yuste was a prisoner.” The inhabitants of Zoltepec, henceforth termed ‘pueblo Morisco,’ had long expected this descent, and no sooner did the party appear in sight than they hastened to the mountains. One body of soldiers entered the town to plunder, and found among other things relics of the dress, arms, and accoutrements of their slain comrades in one of the temples.[1056] Another body pursued the fugitives, killing a few and capturing a large number, chiefly women, who were enslaved. Their pleading so moved the heart of Sandoval that he issued a pardon to those who had escaped.

Meanwhile Martin Lopez, the master shipwright in Tlascala, had arranged for the transportation of the brigantines. A trial launch had been made of one or two above a dam thrown across Zahuatl River,[1057] and this proving satisfactory they were broken up. Upon the shoulders of eight thousand carriers were now loaded the separate pieces of timber and planks, duly marked and numbered for fitting them together; also the spars, cordage, sails, together with a quantity of ammunition, two heavy guns, and other effects.[1058] Gayly they bent to the burden wherein lay enginery so portentous for the destruction of the hated Aztecs. The caravan set forth, escorted by a large force of warriors, and halted at Hueyotlipan to await the Spanish convoy. After a time the Tlascaltecs became impatient, and regardless of warnings proceeded. While encamped near the border an alarm was raised, and tumultuously the warriors rushed to arms to protect a portion at least of the train which had cost such labor and embodied such hopes. The next moment a cheer was heard. It was Sandoval and his men.

With this new protection many of the Tlascaltec escort could be dismissed, and the remaining twenty thousand were redistributed, the rear being assigned to the leading chief, Chichimecatl, and the flanks to Axotecatl and Teotepil.[1059]

It was a strange sight in those parts, this serpentine procession as it wound its way across the Tezcucan border, along the narrow defiles of the mountains,[1060] extending two miles from front to rear, it is said. A fleet impelled by human agencies over mountain and plain, through forest and dale, it was indeed a “cosa maravillosa,” as Cortés expresses it. The feat of Vasco Nuñez stood repeated, but magnified in some respects, in the number of the vessels, in the distance of the journey, the lurking foe being ever present, and in the audacity of purpose, the subjugation of the proudest metropolis on all this vast continent. And great was the rejoicing at Tezcuco as the caravan came in sight on the fourth day, arrayed in gala attire, with brightly gleaming devices and ornaments, and waving plumage, advancing in one long line to inspiring music. With a large retinue, also in gala dress, Cortés went forth to meet them, and as the procession passed into the city the Tlascaltecs rolled forth their newly acquired Spanish vivas: “Viva el Emperador!” “Viva Malinche!” “Castilla!” “Tlascala, Tlascala, Castilla!” The march past occupied six hours, says Cortés. Ship-yards were prepared for the vessels on the border of a creek or irrigation canal, which had been deepened and widened for nearly half a league, fortified in places with timber and masonry, and provided with dams and locks. This labor had occupied eight thousand Tezcucans fifty days.[1061]

FOOTNOTES

[1013] Many favored Ayotzinco, near Chalco, which offered also a good launching place for the vessels. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118.

[1014] Where now is the chapel of San Buenaventura. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 176. Yet Lorenzana says: ‘Por constante tradicion se trabajó en un Barrio de Hueyothlipan, que llaman Quausimalán, que quiere decir, donde labran los Palos.’ Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 167. But it is more likely to have been on the river passing through Tlascala city, and near Matlalcueye Mount.

[1015] The timber came probably from the Matlalcueye slopes; the masts from Hueyotlipan; the pitch from the pine woods near Huexotzinco, says Bernal Diaz, where it was prepared by four sailors, for the natives did not understand its manufacture. ‘Es la Sierra Matlalcuie,’ states Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., i. 524. ‘La brea se saca de ... la sierra de la Agua de Xalapa,’ near San Juan de los Llanos. Bustamante, in Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 13. This applies rather to colonial times. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118, 124, names a number of those who aided in building. See also Mora, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 302-3.

[1016] Bernal Diaz names several of the thirteen soldiers. The captain was Francisco Medel. One of the men, Monjaraz, was said to have murdered his wife. He kept aloof from all combat, but once he ascended a tower to look on, and was that same day killed by Indians. Hist. Verdad., 118-19.

[1017] Such are in substance the famous regulations of Cortés. The document was witnessed on the 22d of December by the leading officers, before Juan de Ribera, ‘notary public in all the kingdoms of Spain,’ and was publicly read at the review of the troops, the 26th, by Anton García, crier. The full text has been reproduced in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 445-51, and Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 13-23, owing to the defects of the copy by Prescott, and the briefness and blunders of earlier references to it.

[1018] ‘Quedò tal, que no boluio en si, ni pudo tragar en vn mes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx. One soldier was lashed for imposing on an Indian, and another degraded.

[1019] This is Cortés’ own account, with the exception that he gives the field-pieces as eight or nine. Cartas, 165. Gomara says 540 infantry and nine guns. Hist. Mex., 174. Vetancurt writes six guns, which may be a misprint. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 150.

[1020] ‘Anqueras,’ as Spaniards call the covering, are still in use by rich horsemen in Mexico, highly ornamented.

[1021] Thompson describes the armor of Alvarado at the Mexico museum. It indicates that this renowned cavalier was a smaller man than Cortés, whom he supposes to have been of Napoleon’s size. Recol. Mex., 119.

[1022] In Cortés, Cartas, 165-6, are given the main points of the speech, too brief evidently for Gomara, who fabricates a verbose spiritless oration according to his fancy, Hist. Mex., 174-5, while shorter versions are presented by Ixtlilxochitl, Oviedo, Torquemada, and Clavigero.

[1023] See Native Races, ii. 405-12, for description of arms, banners, etc.

[1024] Herrera, who objects to Ojeda’s large figure, gives 60,000 archers, 40,000 shieldmen, and 10,000 pikemen, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx., and this Vetancurt accepts, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 150, while Solis reduces the men at the review to 10,000, though he allows over 60,000 to join the march the following day. Hist. Mex., ii. 287-8.

[1025] If any there were who followed not of their free-will they should remain behind. He had enough men as it was. The lords replied that they would rather be drowned in the lake than return without victory. Torquemada, i. 526. On this occasion may have been presented to the Tlascaltec battalion the red damask banner, bearing on one side the crowned image of the virgin with the hands uplifted in prayer, and on the other the royal arms of Castile and Leon, a banner which Boturini obtained possession of with proofs of its genuineness. Catálogo, 75. Yet this design appears to belong to a standard borne by the Spaniards on entering the conquered Mexico.

[1026] The chief motive for restricting the number was, according to Gomara, the trouble of sustaining them. Hist. Mex., 176. Bernal Diaz mentions only 10,000 warriors, wherein he evidently does not include carriers. Hist. Verdad., 119. Herrera increases the number to 80,000, under four captains, directed to a certain extent by Ojeda and Juan Marquez. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx.

[1027] ‘Acordé de entrar por esta de Tezmoluca, porque ... el puerto dél era mas agro y fragoso.’ Cortés, Cartas, 167. Yet Lorenzana adds a note of explanation which shows that he misunderstands the text. Ixtlilxochitl calls the road Tlepehuacan. Hist. Chich., 306. Through the Rio Frio Mountains. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 19. The present improved road from Vera Cruz to Mexico. Orozco y Berra, in Noticias Mex., 255.

[1028] ‘Lugar de Enzinas.’ Herrera, loc. cit. Now San Martin Tezmeluca. Bustamante, in Chimalpain, ubi sup.

[1029] Herrera leaves the impression that a new road was now opened to escape the entrenchments and traps already formed by the enemy. But he is evidently wrong.

[1030] ‘Prometimos todos de nunca dellas salir sin victoria, ó déjar allí las vidas.’ Cartas, 169. ‘We vowed, if God gave success, to act better in besieging the city.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 119.

[1031] Herrera calls them 100,000; Vetancurt, 140,000.

[1032] At Tlepehuacan, near the border. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 306-7.

[1033] Ixtlilxochitl calls him in one place the brother of Cohuanacoch. Id., 299.

[1034] ‘As a spy,’ adds Cortés, Cartas, 176. Ixtlilxochitl states, contrary to Cortés, that this general sent him to Tezcuco on the same errand as the previous envoy. Hist. Chich., 306. But this appears a needless exposure of an important personage.

[1035] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés nevertheless embraced the envoys, three of whom were relatives of Montezuma. Hist. Verdad., 120.

[1036] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 214.

[1037] Prescott says Nezahualpilli’s, but this was burned at this very time according to the only authority on the point, Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 10. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that the allies stayed at Huexotla, which is doubtful. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 402.

[1038] The stuffed skins of the five horses were found, and other things, offered to the idol. Cortés, Cartas, 183. Strange that the Tezcucans should not have removed so palpable evidence against them.

[1039] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 306.

[1040] Real Cédula, 1551. In this cédula are named a number of the brothers, but the pagan name is not given in every instance. Bernal Diaz and Torquemada confirm this baptismal name for the ruler now appointed; Cortés writes merely Fernando; Ixtlilxochitl adds Tecocoltzin; Sahagun gives the latter name and calls him legitimate, as he was in a certain sense. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 143. Clavigero calls him Fernando Cortés Ixtlilxochitl; Chimalpain interpolates De Alvarado in lieu of Cortés, but substitutes Tecocoltzin for Ixtlilxochitl in one place. Hist. Conq., 21, 55. Vetancurt evidently accepts the true name, but applies the baptism and appointment to Ixtlilxochitl. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 152. The latter, who succeeded to the Tezcucan rulership toward the end of 1521, received the name of Fernando Pimentel, and it is this similarity of the first name that has led to the pretty general confusion about the appointee. Lockhart actually attempts to rectify the correct statement of Bernal Diaz with a blunder, Memoirs, ii. 411; and Zamacois, in doing the same with the blundering Solis, gives a long note amusingly erroneous. Hist. Méj., iii. 585.

[1041] Ixtlilxochitl states not wrongly that Tecocoltzin was chosen by general request, but he adds that while the political horizon was so cloudy the electors preferred that a legitimate heir like Ixtlilxochitl should not fill so dangerous a position; nor did the latter care to rule while the elder brother lived. Hist. Chich., 307; Hor. Crueldades, 11-13. Pretty good excuse for a prince who forcibly wrested half the domain from Cacama. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that he feared to be suspected of seeking a Spanish alliance merely to obtain the crown. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 409. But this design he had long harbored, as even the abbé intimates at times. He no doubt stood, with his strong character, as one of the powers behind the throne. Cohuanacoch does not appear to have had much influence.

[1042] Solis takes this opportunity to elaborate a few of his specimen speeches. Hist. Mex., ii. 315-16. ‘Fue el primero que en publico en Tezcuco se casò, y velò.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 152.

[1043] Bernal Diaz differs somewhat, and gives the proportion of forces, attended also by Alvarado and Olid. Hist. Verdad., 121. The Tlascaltecs numbered about 4000, and the Tezcucans, according to Ixtlilxochitl, from 4000 to 6000.

[1044] Gomara assumes that they sought to allure the Spaniards into the town. Hist. Mex., 179.

[1045] So estimated by Cortés and others. Herrera reduces it to 5000.

[1046] Cortés states that he saw men cutting the dike as he entered the town, but did not consider the significance until the water rose and recalled it to him. Cartas, 174.

[1047] So says Cortés, while Bernal Diaz assumes that two men and one horse were lost, he himself receiving so severe a wound in the throat as to become an invalid for some time. Hist. Verdad., 121. Solis refers to the affair as a glorious victory.

[1048] Four, says Cortés, and Lorenzana enumerates several which may have embraced them. Hist. N. Esp., 196. Brasseur de Bourbourg confounds some with southern Chalco towns.

[1049] Duran states that the Chalcans had sent presents with offers of alliance before the Spaniards crossed the mountain border. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 491. But this is doubtful. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that they appealed first to his namesake, as their suzerain, and he advised submission to Cortés. Mizquic and Cuitlahuac appear to have joined in the submission.

[1050] Bernal Diaz writes that two archers fell and seven of the foe. Owing to this incident Sandoval left orders that no reënforcements from Villa Rica should advance beyond Tlascala till further orders. Hist. Verdad., 122. Prescott wrongly assumes that this attack occurred on the march to Chalco.

[1051] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich. 314. On another page, 307, he names Omacatzin and four other caciques, and Chimalpain, several others, Hist. Conq., 36-7; but they appear nearly all to be sub-caciques. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the first lord Itzcahuatzin.

[1052] He had served the Spaniards during the late uprising. Cortés, Cartas, 178-9.

[1053] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 123; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 174. After taking them back to Chalco, Sandoval escorted from Tlascala some Spaniards and Don Fernando, the new ruler of Tezcuco.

[1054] Chimalpain names Chimalhuacàn, Chitlahuaca, and Chicoaloapan. Hist. Conq., ii. 24.

[1055] Some of the raided fields were Mexico temple properties. One Spaniard was killed and twelve wounded, while the Mexicans lost over a dozen, besides a number of prisoners. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 122-3. The caciques of the captured strongholds came now to submit. The Aztecs recaptured them, and had again to be driven forth. Cortés, Cartas, 180-1; Torquemada, i. 529.

[1056] ‘Dos caras que auian desollado ... quatro cueros de cauallos curtidos ... muchos vestidos de los Españoles q̄ auiã muerto.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 124.

[1057] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v., intimates that all were launched, as do Camargo, Prescott, and others, but Torquemada observes that it would have been needless injury to the timbers to put all together. Besides, all were made on one or two models, the different pieces being shaped in exact imitation of those for the models.

[1058] Ojeda, who appears to have rendered great service as interpreter and in controlling the Tlascaltecs, was soon after rewarded with what he terms a generalship over all the auxiliaries under Cortés. Herrera makes a special later expedition of 5000 Tlascaltecs convey the guns and other effects, carried in wooden beds by relays of twenty natives for each. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vi.

[1059] The names are written in different ways by different authors. The former is probably identical with the chief of Atlihuetzian, who afterward killed his two sons for becoming Christians, says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 176. Chimalpain calls them brothers. Hist. Conq., ii. 26. Camargo, followed by Herrera, assumes that the original native force was 180,000. Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl allow 20,000 to have been retained, besides carriers; others give each of the chiefs 10,000 men, while Bernal Diaz, who as a rule seeks to ignore the value of native aid, reduces the number to 8000 warriors and 2000 carriers. Chichimecatl became quite indignant at finding himself removed from the van. He was a lord of Tlascala, and had ever been accustomed to posts of honor and danger. ‘For this very reason,’ replied Sandoval, ‘have I placed you in the rear, for there the foe will be most likely to attack.’ Though mollified in the main, Chichimecatl still grumbled, and considered his army sufficient to guard the rear without the aid of the Spanish force attached to his. Sandoval no doubt took the van, though Bernal Diaz states that he joined the rear. Hist. Verdad., 124. Cortés implies that the change was owing to the risk, in case of attack, to have in the van the cumbersome timber under Chichimecatl’s care. Cartas, 184-5. Chimalpain supposes that the chief carried his points. Hist. Conq., ii. 27.

[1060] North of Telapon, as the easiest route, is the supposition of Orozco y Berra, in Noticias Mex., 256.

[1061] ‘Hizieronla quatro cientos mil hombres.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 191. That is, 8000 fresh men daily for 50 days, to judge by the figure. Ixtlilxochitl fails not to adopt a number which speaks so well for the size of his province. Hist. Chich., 307; Relaciones, 416. ‘La zanja tenia mas de dos estados de hondura y otros tantos de anchura, y iba toda chapada y estacada.’ Cortés, Cartas, 206. Bustamante claims to have seen traces of it, Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 66-7, as did Lorenzana in his time. Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 234. For the caulking of the vessels cotton was also used, and for want of grease, human fat was obtained from slain enemies, writes Gomara. Oidor Zuazo was assured of this pagan consecration for the fleet. This has been denied by others, observes Oviedo, iii. 423-4; but there is nothing improbable in a partial use thereof, for human fat had been frequently used in other cases, as Cortés admits. Additional timber was obtained in Tolantzinco, says Ixtlilxochitl.

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