XXIII. UPRISING OF THE AZTECS…

XXIII. UPRISING OF THE AZTECS

MAY-JUNE, 1520.

CHARACTER OF THE AZTECS—SPANISH QUARTERS—THE CITY IN ARMS—GROWING HATRED TOWARD THE INVADERS—PERILOUS POSITION OF ALVARADO—MONTEZUMA CALLED TO INTERFERE—FAILING PROVISIONS—MIRACULOUS WATER—CORTÉS TO THE RESCUE—RENDEZVOUS AT TLASCALA—THE CITY AND ITS PEOPLE—THE ARMY JOINS ALVARADO—DESPERATE ENCOUNTERS.

The Spaniards had mistaken somewhat the character of the Aztecs. Ground to the dust by political despotism and bloody superstition, their features had assumed a melancholy cast and their form the attitude of humility. Yet beneath all slumbered a ferocity the most blood-thirsty among the Nahua nations. And now, though their nature might be as cold and impassive as the stone of the pavement, the iron heel of the conqueror had struck fire from it.

Before the fort the angry throng increased, until the whole city seemed to have gathered there. On the roofs and in the courts fell showers of arrows, stones, and darts, and charge after charge was made at the entrances. Attempts were also made both to scale and undermine the walls, and some resorted to battering, until it seemed to the besieged as if the whole habitation was coming down upon their heads.

The structure consisted of a vast irregular pile of stone buildings, one story in height, and raised, like most of the pretentious edifices, on a pyramidal foundation, which was low and difficult to undermine or beat down. An occasional tower relieved the monotony of the outline and offered a view over the neighborhood. Beside the smaller courts inclosed by the buildings, a larger yard appears to have been formed by a stout wall, within which the allies had erected temporary shelter. This was the weakest point, and here the battering parties were chiefly collected. The flanks and curtains of modern fortification were wanting, and the protection of the wall face depended on the turrets which rose here and there, and on the parapets, with their few embrasures.

Though attempting no sortie beyond the immediate vicinity of the gates, the Spaniards were not sparing of powder and arrows, and picked off the more presumptuous assailants, while their pikes and swords did good service at the parapets and openings. The cannon, however, loaded as they were with small shot and scraps, which brought down a dozen or more at a time, were the only weapons that could hold the enemy in check. On one occasion, when a charging party had approached in a somewhat wavering column to carry the main entrance, the cannon charge failed to explode, owing to dampness. This the assailants were quick to observe, and with yells of encouragement they rushed forward, and were soon in a hand-to-hand conflict with a party which had sallied to break the first column. The Spaniards plied their swords and pikes with desperation, supported by a desultory fire from the musketeers and archers of the fort, but without effect. The gaps made by their weapons were quickly filled with fresh warriors, and the sallying party was obliged to fall back with the loss of two soldiers, who were captured alive and devoted to sacrifice. It was a critical moment, for the enraged horde was about to follow them into the quarters. Just then, as if touched by invisible fire, the powder ignited, sending from the cannon its death-dealing missiles, mowing a path through the crowd of pursuers. The Mexicans were appalled and speedily thrown into disorder, of which the Spaniards were not slow to take advantage. Nor was this the only miracle of the day; for it is alleged that the virgin, and he of the dazzling white steed, both appeared fighting on the side of the Spaniards, and bringing defeat and confusion upon their assailants, as at Tabasco and Tlascala.[744]

Thus closed the first day of Alvarado’s chivalrous doings, during which a large number were wounded, although there were but six killed,[745] not including allies. A portion of the quarters, with a quantity of ammunition and supplies, had been burned, and a large breach made in the wall. The brigantines were also burned, the bridges raised, and barricades erected in different parts of the city; while the supply of provisions was cut off. Even after darkness had stilled the fury of the warriors the unhappy people remained before the Spanish quarters, and with outstretched arms and dishevelled hair they lifted up their voices, crying, “You are doomed, you vile things! But for your thunder and your fortress walls, curses on them, you would now be killed and cooked. And you shall be, unless you instantly release Montezuma and depart. You shall meet with holy death, and be cooked with chilmole, and be given as food to the eagles and the beasts, for your flesh is bitter, as we have found, and not fit for men to eat. Why does not the earth swallow you alive? Oh ye gods! ye gods! unmoved all, all but the devilish gods of these devilish men. But our mighty ones, whom you have outraged, shall yet give you your deserts. If they do not, we shall; nor shall they escape, the despicable ones of Tlascala, your slaves, who serve you as women and hire out the wives of their lords!” Thus raved the heart-broken.

So critical had become his condition on the second day that Alvarado appealed to Montezuma to exert his influence to stay the assailants, intimating that if the Spaniards perished so would the Aztec king. Montezuma’s overtures were not received with enthusiasm by the people; nevertheless aggressive operations were reduced to desultory attacks.[746] Water was greatly needed by the besieged, and again the good fortune of the Spaniards, which hardly ever forsook them, came to their aid. Digging, under inspiration or desperation, they struck fresh water within the fortress,[747] and offered thanksgiving.

Communication was shortly after established between Alvarado and Cortés. Several Tlascaltecs and Cholultecs were despatched by different routes to the coast, and a courier arrived from Cempoala and gained entrance to the fort.[748] Ordering Velazquez and Ordaz to abandon their mission and direct their march to Tlascala, Cortés hastened preparations to join them there. A garrison of one hundred men was left at Villa Rica, under Rodrigo Rangel, a relative of the general,[749] and about thirty men remained at Cempoala to take charge of the sick and wounded, and some baggage, with orders to follow as soon as possible.

The route to the plateau lay partly through a bleak and desert country, and the inhabitants being beside less friendly than before, the army would have found it difficult to obtain supplies; but Cortés had gathered experience from his previous march, and Tlascala was entered in the middle of June.[750] A hearty reception was accorded, and more encouraging news obtained from Mexico, showing that the siege maintained its passive character. Reinforcements were nevertheless urgent, since a fresh outbreak might at any time occur. A message was again sent to gladden the garrison with promises of speedy relief.[751]

Including the troops under Velazquez and Ordaz the muster-roll showed about eleven hundred men, with some eighty horses, one hundred cross-bows, and eighty fire-arms, besides several cannon, and a large quantity of ammunition.[752] The heart of the company, however, was the veterans of Cortés, whose superior discipline and familiarity with native warfare made them doubly reliable. Eager for a fray with the detested Aztecs, and desirous of excusing their refusal of men a month before, the Tlascaltecs offered not only supplies but large reinforcements, of which only two thousand were accepted, besides a small number from Cholula and Huexotzinco.

The more northerly route by way of Calpulalpan, recommended already on the former march as the easiest, was this time selected, partly with a view to obtain provisions more readily.[753] As the lake region was approached evidences were seen of the revolt in deserted villages and in the sullen demeanor of the few Indians who showed themselves. The contrast was chilling indeed as compared with the reception accorded on the former occasion, when the journey resembled the triumphal march of gods. Oppressed with misgivings the army entered Tezcuco, the seat of the Acolhua kings, a few leagues north of Mexico, on the border of the same lake.

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It was one of the most ancient cities of the country, ranking since the early half of the eighth century as the capital of a dominion founded by Tezcatlipoca, the later supreme deity of the Nahuas. After the fall of the Toltec empire it took the leading position in Anáhuac, as the centre of Chichimec power. The new dynasty fostered the inherited culture in every way, and made the city not only the political capital, but the Athens of the country. The rise of the Aztecs gave it a rival in Mexico, which in course of the fifteenth century assumed the political sceptre, but Tezcuco still maintained the precedence in culture and elegance. It was said to contain one hundred and forty thousand houses, distributed among different suburbs, and extending with their smiling gardens from the border of the lake to a distance of from three to four leagues. The six divisions of the city were crossed by a series of fine streets lined with tasteful and costly buildings. Among the finest structures were the two palaces, which are claimed to have excelled those of Mexico. The older, the Huetecpan, wherein the poet-king Nezahualcoyotl held his court, formed a magnificent monument of his artistic taste. It lay upon a triple terrace bathed by the lake, and was surrounded by an immense wall, from fifteen to twenty-five feet high, inclosing two large squares. Within this precinct were the council-chambers, the halls for various arts and sciences, and the royal apartments. The pleasure-grounds, almost hedged by cedars, were filled with shady groves, traversed by labyrinthian paths, and interspersed with well stocked ponds and aviaries, baths, and sparkling fountains. The new palace, which occupied a smaller space, excelled in imposing architecture and in comforts of the most varied character.

Beside these there were a number of summer resorts in the neighborhood, conspicuous among them the fine palace of Tezcocingo, a prototype of Chapultepec, and like it overlooking the capital from a hill, two leagues to the east. An aqueduct of stone supplied two reservoirs on the summit, whence the water was distributed over grounds intersected by canals with meandering currents and picturesque cascades. The palace lay almost hidden within groves of gigantic cedar and cypress, revealing to the rapt beholder pavilions of marble, tessellated pavements, and playing fountains with statuary of unique form.[754]

* * * * *

The Spaniards found none to welcome them, but were allowed unmolested to take up their quarters in the palace. Shortly afterward a canoe arrived from Mexico[755] with an imperial messenger and a Spaniard,[756] bearing the cheering news that everything had been quiet in the capital for some time, and that supplies, which had been scantily furnished only against heavy payments, had now become more liberal. Montezuma sent word that the city would return to its normal condition the moment Cortés entered it, and he expressed a hope that no ill-will would be entertained toward him for what had happened, since this had been beyond his control, and had grieved him as much as the Spaniards. Reassuring messages were forwarded to Villa Rica.

After a stay of four days the army proceeded from Tezcuco by the northern shore of the lake, and camped for the night at Tepeyacac, the terminus of the northern causeway from Mexico.[757] On entering this place the horse of Solis, Casquete, stepped into a hole on the bridge and broke a leg, throwing its rider into the water. This was looked on as a bad omen, particularly by an astrologer soldier named Botello, but Cortés made light of it, saying, “Troubles at St John’s festival bring peace for the year.”[758] The following morning, St John’s day, the army entered the capital. On all sides an ominous silence prevailed. The streets were deserted, the houses apparently abandoned, and the solitary native occasionally seen hovered in the distance like a shadow.[759] It was also noticed with apprehension that many of the canal bridges were removed. On approaching the Axayacatl palace the arrival was heralded by trumpet blasts, which called forth responsive shouts from the garrison. Throwing open the gates, the besieged received their deliverers with the most extravagant demonstrations of joy.[760] For greater accommodation a part of the troops were quartered in the great temple adjoining the fort.

* * * * *

The unpleasant aspect of affairs, so apparent during the last days of the march, had ruffled the temper of Cortés, and his treatment of Alvarado was not altogether cordial. Still, as he had ever been a close friend, and as he was an invaluable officer, brave and influential, he deemed it prudent to go no further than to express a curt disapproval of his rashness.[761] Indeed, an inquiry into the causes and results of the massacre could criminate Alvarado no further than the Cholula affair did himself. The captain had acted in full accord with his party, and whatever blame might attach must be shared by all. Dissension would never answer, and so the matter was dropped. But the ill-temper which the general dared not wreak on his own men found a ready object in Montezuma. The conduct of Cortés in this respect was most ungenerous. It shows the several sides of humanity: how odious in some respects are those who appear to the best advantage in other respects. This poor king had a superstitious sympathy, a maudlin affection for the captain, who, considering his own infamous conduct toward him, might at least have saved the captive unnecessary mental suffering. As Cortés entered the fort Montezuma stepped out of his apartment to welcome him. The cavalier passed by the king in lofty disdain, ignoring his presence. Cut to the quick, the monarch shrank back, apparently more stunned by this treatment than by the late terrible slaughter of his subjects.[762] He retired deeply chagrined to pour his sorrow into Olmedo’s ear. “What can I do?” he cried; “he loves gold and fame, and I will give him a life-size equestrian statue of himself in gold if he will but be kind to me.”

With the arrival of the main forces supplies were stopped, as if in protest, and Cortés became only the more irritated. Accordingly, when two chiefs appeared on behalf of the emperor to ask for an interview they were repulsed with the insulting epithet of ‘dogs!’ Velazquez and other officers remonstrated against the policy of this rudeness to one who had interfered to save his troops. “What consideration can I have for a dog?” was the dastardly rejoinder. “Was he not willing to treat with Narvaez, and does he not now seek to starve us?” Persuaded presently of the necessity for imperial interposition, he addressed the chiefs roughly, “Tell your master, Montezuma, to order markets to be held at once, or there will be trouble.” His tone and gesture were sufficient indications to the chiefs of the insults offered to them and their august lord, and they failed not to give them full force in their report. In answer to the demand Montezuma said that he and his chief officials were prisoners, and that nothing could be effected without the release of one among them. Cortés saw the necessity, and, without considering the result, released Cuitlahuatzin, lord of Iztapalapan, the emperor’s brother, and generalissimo of the army, a man whose hostility to everything Spanish was well known. According to Aztec law he was the most probable successor to the throne, and therefore particularly dangerous.[763]

Cortés was becoming foolhardy. Whether the brothers were in accord upon the measures to be adopted is uncertain; but Cuitlahuatzin, who was not only bold, but ambitious, had evidently determined on his course. If the Mexicans had hoped for better prospects with the arrival of Cortés that hope was now dissipated, and bitter indignation filled their breasts. Cuitlahuatzin was welcomed as a liberator. His constant efforts in the imperial council to oppose the admission of the Spaniards, by force if necessary, and his services for the cause of liberty and religion in connection with the Cacama revolt, were sufficient to endear him to his brother patriots. Strongly urged, he accepted the leadership of the insurgents, a position for which his experience and success as a general had well fitted him. He began by ordering war material and erecting barricades. The value of the Chinantec pikes introduced by Cortés had not been lost on him, and a number were provided, barbed with the vitreous iztli. Arrangements were made with adjoining towns and provinces for a supply of provisions and reinforcements to carry on the holy war.[764]

The Spaniards soon learned what was brewing, and first in this way: Ojeda and Marquez, when out foraging early in the morning of the day following their arrival, observed several suspicious circumstances, among others broken bridges, which in one place obliged them to fill up a canal before crossing it. Here and there they saw large collections of slings and other weapons, and presently they came on a priest with dishevelled hair shouting with wild gesticulations to a crowd of armed men. They hurried back to inform the general, guided through intricate cross-streets by a Tlascaltec. Antonio del Rio, who had been despatched for Villa Rica the same morning, returned at a gallop in less than half an hour, excited and bleeding. The streets, he said, were full of warriors, who had raised the bridges and were apparently prepared to attack. Had it not been for his trusty sword and swift horse he would have been slain. At this moment the sentinels in the towers announced the approach of a vast multitude from different directions, with gleaming iztli weapons, and speedily the neighborhood was alive with warriors, whose yells rose high above the shrill shell and doleful drum.[765] Even if they did not inspire the full measure of dread intended they presented a striking picture in their painted bodies, grotesque with patterns and brilliant colors, with no covering among the rank and file save the raw cotton on the head and the universal maxtli round the loins. They were protected in part by the chimalli, or shield, a slight bamboo frame covered with gaudily colored skin or reed-grass, chiefly oval and round, and often large enough to cover the whole body. Secured to the arm it left the hand free to hold the bow or stone, while the right managed the arrow or the sling. The latter was an implement of great effect with the Aztecs, who could impel the stone with wonderful precision and force. The maza, or club, with its knotty head, and the macana, or sword, toothed with iztli, were well represented, while high above gleamed the obsidian or copper points of the spear. One of the most dreaded weapons was the tlacochtli, or javelin, often provided with three points, and attached to a cord by which it could be recovered for a fresh cast. Conspicuous among the warriors were the nobles, those that were left of them, in lofty quetzal plumage on a head-dress of green feathers set in tiger-skin, or in a gold or silver band, which gave the appearance of metal helmets. The body was covered in corselets of red, green, or yellow feathers, worked with gold, and so arranged as to indicate the company or district to which the wearer belonged. Beneath gleamed occasionally cuirasses of gold or silver. The limbs were covered with wood or leather armor set with feathers or gold plates. A more common body armor was the cotton tunic, one or two fingers in thickness, which extended to the knees and elbows. It was almost equivalent to the quilted cotton protector used on the eastern coast, whose efficiency against native weapons had caused the Spaniards to adopt it. The tunic was adorned with feathers, which corresponded to the uniform in color and arrangement, usually in the form of an animal. Many were distinguished by casques in the form of eagle-heads, and in armor spotted like a tiger-skin, indicative of the two orders of Quauhtin and Ocelome, eagles and tigers. At the head of the different columns appeared officers with small drums, painted and adorned with feathers, with which they directed the march. Beyond, in the centre of the masses, could be seen banners, with devices in various colors and forms, which the Tlascaltecs pointed out as belonging to different wards and to cities on the mainland, a sign that an extensive body of troops had been enlisted for the war.[766]

As the forces drew near, slingers and bowmen appeared on the roofs of the neighboring buildings, who, together with those below, began to send stones, arrows, and darts in showers upon the fort. The Spaniards responded with a series of volleys, the number of cannon being increased to twelve or more. The effect was merely to startle them for a moment, and on they pressed over dead and dying, amid encouraging shouts, till they reached the sides of the wall, where the dreaded cannon, at least, could not destroy them. All attempts to scale the wall proved futile, and soon their efforts were confined to effecting breaches. With their rude implements this was slow work, but they persevered with reckless obstinacy, reinforced at frequent intervals, while the main body kept up a galling discharge of missiles, and occupied the attention of the besieged with continual charges at different points.

This passive or defensive policy did not suit the Spaniards, while it encouraged the Aztecs. Therefore two corps were formed, each of two hundred men, besides allies, under Cortés and Ordaz. Clearing a path with a volley of artillery, they sallied in different directions to drive back the assailants, who hurried for safety into lanes and houses, and behind barricades. This comparative freedom of advance appears to have been permitted to entice the Spaniards into a disadvantageous position, for soon the natives reappeared in swarms in the rear and along the flanks, showering arrows and stones, and coming to close quarters with spears and swords. The heaviest attack was from the roofs, on which large supplies of missiles had been collected, and from which commanding position the enemy was able to direct the discharges with terrible effect, particularly upon the naked Tlascaltecs. Several Spaniards also fell, and the greater number were wounded. Ordaz received three cuts, and Cortés a wound which maimed two fingers of the left hand.[767] The assailants were comparatively safe, for those on the roofs could be picked off only by archers and musketeers, and those below took refuge when pressed, only to return to fresh attack. Efforts were made to fire the houses, but this was slow work, since they were constructed almost wholly of adobe or stone, and were filled with defenders. Nor would the fire spread, owing to the detached form of the buildings, separated by alleys or canals, so that the torch had to be applied to each.

Thus matters continued until Ordaz, who was engaged on the street to the west of the fort, sent word to Cortés, who was pressing forward in the direction of the Iztapalapan causeway, that he was losing ground. Leaving his own forces, the general hurried to the scene with a few horsemen, and heading the charge, drove back the warriors at the most exposed point, so as to relieve the infantry in the retreat which was now found necessary. Returning to his men he found them also retreating, those who headed the column, including Andrés Duero, the Cuban secretary, having been cut down. “Shame upon you!” exclaimed Cortés to the corps, as he led the horsemen to the rescue of the fallen cavaliers. He was just in time to save them, for a moment more and Duero, at least, would have been slain. The elated warriors fell back before the charge of the terrible Malinche, although they soon recovered. Cortés then concluded to retreat, but this proved no less dangerous than the advance, and among others Lezcano was dragged from his horse and killed, after having distinguished himself for bravery and execution. The fort had meanwhile sustained an active siege, and when the retreating corps approached it they found more enemies in waiting, who, fearful of losing their prey, rushed forward with greater fury than ever. An entrance was finally effected, the forces in the temple being at the same time withdrawn for the greater safety of themselves and the fort.[768]

Swelling with triumph the Aztecs now directed all their efforts against the Spanish quarters. Burning arrows and whirling brands began to mingle with their missiles. Although the building itself was of stone, the roof and portions of the outwork, and the Tlascaltec camp in the yards, were of inflammable material, and more than once the flames burst forth, filling the whole place with suffocating smoke, and calling for the greatest exertions to subdue them. The little water at hand could not be spared, and so earth was cast up, and portions of the wall were torn down to check the fire and to stop the gaps. The assault continued all day, till darkness sent most of the warriors to their homes.[769]

FOOTNOTES

[744] Which speaks little to the credit of either Mary or Santiago. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 102. ‘Otro miraglo ... é fué muy notorio.’ ‘Ya sé que los incrédulos ... dirán que mi ocupaçion en esto de miraglos, pues no los ví, es supérflua ... é yo hablo que esto é más se puede é debe creer;’ for did the Indians have mysteries and miracles, surely God, the virgin, and the saints could effect greater deeds. Oviedo, iii. 511. He quotes from Livy and others concerning the reliable miracles of Roman times. Prescott and others transfer the miracles to the siege under Cortés for greater effect. Bustamante, the modern champion of the shrines of Mexico, who is ready to uphold any deed attributed to these images, is rather incredulous about miracles recorded in favor of Spanish cutthroats. See Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 283 et seq. ‘Si no oviéssemos miedo de esse del caballo blanco, ya vosotros estaríedes coçidos,’ cried some, Oviedo, iii. 511, while the more valiant added that ‘con todo esto si no soltays a Motecçumacin, y os vays luego, presto sereys muertos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 152.

[745] Cortés, Cartas, 127. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101-2, says seven, two having been taken alive. ‘Mataron a Peña, el querido de Motezuma,... Valdibia, y Juan Martin Narizes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii.

[746] ‘Tuvieron guerra con los yndios en esta Cibdad dos medios dias que fueron jueves e viernes.’ ‘Guerra casy dos dias.’ Lopes and Flores, in Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 131, 134. ‘Dieron bateria los Mexicanos á los Españoles siete dias, y los tuvieron cercados veinte y tres dias.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 29. ‘Cercados los españoles ocho dias.’ Id. (ed. 1840), 105. ‘Pelearõ y combatieron la casa diez dias arreo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 151. Torquemada explains this by assuming two days of fighting and eight days of close siege, with attacks upon all who sallied, i. 490. Sahagun states that Itzquauhtzin, governor of Tlatelulco, accompanied Montezuma to the roof and spoke to the people, representing that the Spaniards, as the mightier race, would inflict great injury on them unless they ceased to fight, and that the emperor would be murdered. The Mexicans responded with insults and missiles, but as the soldiers interposed their shields no harm was done. They appear to have stopped active operations, however. Hist. Conq., 28-9. The insults and missiles belong no doubt to the later siege under Cortés. Duran states, however, that Montezuma was henceforth looked on as an accomplice of the Spaniards, and discarded as a ruler, it being resolved to kill him and his family. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 463. According to Oviedo the news came at this time of the victory over Narvaez, ‘é Monteçuma mandó á los indios que dexassen de pelear é dexassen venir los otros chripstianos, porque á todos juntos matassen; é aquesto se cree que fué su intento.’ iii. 512. That he may have urged this with intent or as a bait is not unlikely, but it should apply equally to Narvaez’ men, since it appears that their defeat could not yet have been known. When known, however, it must have had its effect. ‘Quando supieron nuestra vitoria, cessarõ de dalle guerra.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101. Yet Gomara writes that on learning of the large forces coming against them, the besiegers resumed the attack at one time. Hist. Mex., 151.

[747] This spring was rediscovered during the reign of Viceroy Revilla Gigedo. Bustamante, Mem. Piedad Mex., 7. A pool of sweet water was the chief inducement for founding the city on this site in 1325. Native Races, ii. 559-61; v. 345 et seq.

[748] Cortés, Cartas, 126. The Spanish messenger from Mexico returned wounded. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v. With him, or about the same time, arrived four chiefs sent by Montezuma to complain that Alvarado had attacked the nobles without cause. While defending themselves six soldiers had fallen. Cortés told the chiefs with stern countenance that he was returning to investigate the matter. A letter was sent to Alvarado enjoining him to guard the emperor closely. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101.

[749] And the zealous aid of Velazquez de Leon, who did so much toward securing the Goazacoalco command for Cortés when Narvaez sent letters to win it over. Cortés, Residencia, i. 409; ii. 6, 31, 165-6. He is accused by his enemies of impiety and licentiousness, and as one whom the general favored above more worthy men. Solis assumes that Sandoval nominally retained the command of the coast province, Rangel being merely his lieutenant. Hist. Mex., ii. 108.

[750] ‘Llegò aquel dia [the first] à la Rinconada, el segundo caminò siete Leguas ... llegò à Tlaxcalla à diez y siete de Junio.’ Torquemada, i. 492. Herrera tells a long story of suffering from hunger and thirst during the march through the desert. Marquez and Ojeda were sent ahead to Tlascala for supplies, and came back with 1200 carriers laden with fowl, bread, fruit, and other refreshments. Cortés, among others, was found starving, and a number were discovered on the road almost dead. All, it seems, were rescued. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii. There are several reasons for believing that Herrera, who is somewhat confused about this period, has confounded the present march with the flight from Mexico to Tlascala of a month later, when the people were really starving. This seems confirmed by the erroneous statement that the troops arrived at Tlascala July 17th, the time, according to Herrera’s own later statement, when they reached that place after the flight. The account also intimates that the starving army was met among the Otomí settlements, where food could readily be obtained, without the necessity for Marquez and Ojeda to go ten leagues farther, to the capital, to obtain it. These and other discrepancies are overlooked by all who refer to the march. Prescott dwells in particular on the suffering from thirst, forgetful of the statement on a previous page that the rainy season had begun about three weeks before, and that water must have been abundant along the whole route. Solis finds that the effeminate followers of Narvaez endured the suffering remarkably well. Hist. Mex., ii. 109.

[751] ‘Embiò a fray Bartolome de Olmedo ... a Motezuma.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii. It is unlikely that so valuable a man would have been sent while affairs were threatening.

[752] Narvaez landed with about 900 soldiers, including 80 horsemen, 120 with bows, and 80 with fire-arms. A number had been picked up at Cozumel, but an equal proportion perished by shipwreck. Cortés had about 250 men, and 200 were probably left on the coast, of garrison, guards, and invalids. To the 950 soldiers thus taken may be added at least 150 from the crews of the dismantled or destroyed vessels. Prescott manages to mysteriously increase the horses and projectile arms beyond what he previously assigns to Narvaez and Cortés. One thousand infantry, 100 horsemen, and many allies, say Gomara and Herrera. The Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 425, indicates 80 horses. Bernal Diaz places the figures as high as 1300 soldiers, including 96 or 97 horsemen, 80 archers, 80 musketeers, and 2000 Tlascaltec warriors; while Cortés, with a prudent desire to cover the subsequent losses at Mexico, reduces them to 500 infantry and 70 cavalry. Solis gives the reason of the profound historian for the small number of allies taken to Mexico: ‘Por no escandalizar á Motezuma, ó poner en desesperacion á los rebeldes.’ Hist. Mex., ii. 111.

[753] The arrival at Tezcuco is evidence enough that a more northern road was taken than the one previous. The middle route by Telapon appears somewhat more direct for Mexico, but requires a detour to reach the Acolhua capital, and it is not likely that an army in hurried march could afford to go out of its way. Hence the Calpulalpan road must have been followed.

[754] See Native Races, ii. 162-3, 168-73, 569; v., passim; Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 181-3.

[755] Cortés writes that he was on the point of sending a Spaniard to Mexico with Tezcucan rowers, a chief being taken as hostage, but just then came this canoe. Cartas, 127.

[756] Two, named Santa Clara and Pedro Hernandez, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii.

[757] ‘Parò en Tepeaquilla, lugar a legua de Mexico.’ Id. Now the shrine of Guadalupe. Prescott assumes that the Iztapalapan road was taken, as before, but it was avoided probably because Cortés feared the fort Xoloc, which guarded the centre. It was also longer, and had more movable bridges than the other causeways.

[758] ‘Riñas por San Iuan pazes para todo el año.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 139. The following day a dress was found hanging from a beam, and in a square a pile of bread, with over 500 fowl, without a guard. This Cortés considered less favorable, and said ‘que serian riñas de por San Iuan.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii.-viii.

[759] ‘Para dar á entender con esto que ellos estaban de guerra y muy ofendidos de los españoles que él habia dejado.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 108. His account of deserted streets, applied to Cortés’ first arrival in Mexico, belongs no doubt to this occasion. Duran argues that had the massacre taken place before Cortés’ arrival he would not have been allowed to enter. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 470. Equally in the dark is Acosta, who assumes that the Indians were openly at war, but the custom being to rest every fourth day, Cortés managed to enter during the cessation of hostilities. Hist. Ind., 522. Oviedo looks on the non-resistance of the Indians as a wile to entrap all the Spaniards. iii. 510.

[760] Herrera writes amusingly that Cortés shouted before the closed gates, ‘Open!’ ‘Who is there?’ demanded Alvarado. ‘I,’ replied Cortés. ‘Do you come with full liberty, and power to command, as before?’ ‘Yes, and with victory, and greater forces.’ Alvarado thereupon opened, kissed his hand, and surrendered the keys! dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.

[761] ‘Con que aventuró la mayor parte de sus fuerzas.’ Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 120. Or perhaps because he had not had recourse to some safer measure, such as arresting the leaders of the proposed plot, for hostages. ‘Le dixo muy enojado, q̄ era muy mal hecho, y grande desatino, y poca verdad ... no le hablò mas en ello.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 102. Cortés would hardly have told him that he lied, since his statements were confirmed by so many; they certainly were years after. Vetancurt supposes that Cortés told him he should have allowed the emperor to attend the festival, and should have awaited the attack rather than opened the war. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 140. ‘Dissimulo por no enojar a los que lo hizieron.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 151.

[762] Solis supposes, however, that the two met in friendly intercourse, and takes Bernal Diaz and Herrera to task for asserting the contrary. Hist. Mex., ii. 112-14. He refers to Cortés’ friendly message from Tezcuco, which is doubtful, and to Gomara, who certainly allows Cortés to refer to Montezuma and his courtiers as ‘dogs.’ Hist. Mex., 153. In the testimony during Cortés’ residencia the discourtesy is asserted. Cortés, Residencia, i. 42 etc. Clavigero suggests ‘ch’era d’uopo il far sembianza di credere il Re colpevole dell’inquietudine.’ Storia Mess., iii. 121.

[763] Native Races, ii. 134-6; v. 462-4; ‘Il y joignait, comme de coutume, la charge du grand prêtre de Huitzilopochtli.’ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 309. Gomara assumes that Cortés orders a chief to open the market. He, offended at the insults used, goes only to rouse the people. Hist. Mex., 153. Ixtlilxochitl supposes that the chief is offended at the reprimand administered for delaying to open the market. Hist. Chich., 301. ‘Mandò Hernando Cortes llamar a los mas principales caualleros, hizoles vna larga platica diziẽdo, que les perdonaua lo passado, con que para adelãte fuessen ... amigos: ... sin responder ... se fueron.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.

[764] Duran enumerates some of the provinces summoned, as Xilotepec and Matlaltzinco. ‘Mandó llamar á ... Encantadores y Hechiceros para que los asombrasen y los mostrasen algunas visiones de noche, ... para que alli muriesen de espanto.’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 462-6.

[765] Cortés describes first a brief attack, then a sally, succeeded by a fresh assault on the fort, while Bernal Diaz and Herrera let a force advance against the Indians before they reached the palace. I follow Cortés as the chief guide, because his account of all this period was written while quite fresh in his mind, and appears the most sensible and correct, while the other versions depend more or less on faint recollection and hearsay. Cortés as a rule did not wait till the enemy approached, but he may not have been prepared for the sudden attack. Yet it is probable that he wished in his report to lay the responsibility of the attack upon the enemy. I do not think Cortés inclined to misrepresent in general or without an object.

[766] For war customs see Native Races, ii. 400-32.

[767] ‘Sinistræ manus digitis duobus mutilis.’ Peter Martyr, De Insvlis, 5. Cortés also says ‘quedé manco,’ Cartas, 142, 131, yet Cano ridicules the statement, and declares ‘nunca fué manco dellos ni le faltan.’ Oviedo, iii. 551-2.

[768] Cortés, Cartas, 128-9. Bernal Diaz speaks of a sally by Ordaz, with 400 men, before the natives reach the fort. He is sorely beset, as related, and retires with a loss of 23 soldiers. Hist. Verdad., 102-3. Herrera’s account, as usual, is confused. After Rio returns wounded to report the uprising of warriors, five horsemen rally to reconnoitre. The following day Ojeda and Marquez set out to forage, and come to announce the approach of assailants. Two hundred men now make a sortie and kill a multitude without losing a man. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii. It is useless to follow this author here except for incidents.

[769] Bernal Diaz places the dead at 35 soldiers, besides a large number of allies. Eight fell during the first discharge upon Ordaz’ party and fifteen more before he regained the fort, while of the 46 wounded among the garrison twelve died. Hist. Verdad., 103. Cortés, with his usual prudent suppression of evil news, allows four deaths and over 80 wounded. He never refers to those who die of wounds. Gomara follows him. Hist. Mex., 153.

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XXIV. FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT

JUNE, 1520.

THE NATIVES CONTINUE THE ASSAULT—THEIR FIERCE BRAVERY—THE SPANIARDS BUILD TURRETS—STILL THE MEXICANS PROVE TOO STRONG FOR THEM—MONTEZUMA CALLED TO INTERCEDE—HE IS INSULTED AND STONED BY HIS SUBJECTS—CORTÉS ATTEMPTS EGRESS BY THE TLACOPAN CAUSEWAY—FAILURE OF ESCOBAR TO TAKE THE PYRAMID—CORTÉS GAINS THE SLIPPERY HEIGHT—THE GLADIATORIAL COMBAT THERE.

At dawn the assault was renewed with the same fierceness as before, and with even less regard for the sweeping volleys of the cannon, which were fired without aim into the packed masses of the natives, bringing them down by the score. The gaps were quickly closed, and the rapidly repeated shots seemed to make no more impression on the surging mass than pebbles dropped into the boiling surf. It was a critical time for Cortés, who seemed not yet to recognize the full extent of the danger. He felt the necessity of open communication with the mainland, for obvious reasons, and to this end, in the course of the morning, he arranged another sortie like that of the preceding day, but in one direction only. The Indians retired, as before, into lanes and buildings, and beyond canals, raising; the bridges behind them. Barricades having been thrown up to impede the advance since the last sally, some guns were brought to the front, and with their aid a few of the obstructions were demolished and more than one bridge was gained, together with a number of houses, to which the torch was applied. The discharges from the roofs were kept up with galling pertinacity, although the effect was not so fatal as during the preceding day, owing to the experience then gained. The forces below, who had retired before the charges of the advance, rolled back like recurring billows, and in ever increasing number, upon flank and rear, as if to overwhelm them. Such were their numbers and stubborn recklessness that ten thousand Hectors and Rolands, says Bernal Diaz, could have effected nothing against them, and soldiers from the Italian war swore that never among Christians or Turks had they witnessed such fierceness. Considerable alarm was also created by the appearance of long pikes, like those of the Chinantecs, directed particularly against the cavalry. Fortunately they were not numerous, nor were the pikemen sufficiently practised to be very dangerous. Worn out in the unequal contest Cortés turned to gain his camp, which was no easy task, since the natives were massed in greatest number in the rear, determined to cut off retreat. The fort was gained, nevertheless, although hardly a man escaped uninjured, while about a dozen were killed; one unfortunate soldier being captured and sacrificed in full view of the garrison.[770]

It had been found that the greatest danger to the sallying parties came from the roofs, whence discharges could be directed with comparative impunity and with greater effect than from the ground. In order to counteract them, three mantas, or movable turrets, were planned, whose occupants were to devote their attention wholly to clearing the roofs of assailants. The completing of these machines and other preparations kept the garrison busy all the 27th of June, so that no sally was made. Ascribing this to fear, the Indians became more pressing in their assault, and more profuse with their insults. “Dogs!” cried some, “of hunger and thirst shall you die!” Others shouted, “Here is a piece of my tortilla!” at the same time flinging them unpalatable fragments of toasted bread. “Eat it, you perjured villains, who can fight only on the backs of animals; for soon shall your own bodies be cut up for food and cast before the beasts!” The enemy appeared more numerous than ever, and the roofs and yards were literally covered with their missiles. The greatest danger to the Spaniards lay in the operations of the battering and mining parties, who, regardless of bullets from the wall turrets, sought steadily to open fresh breaches. Conspicuous in the hostile camp was a richly dressed Indian, surrounded by a staff of finely attired warriors, who seemed to direct operations, and whose orders were received with the deepest reverence. This personage the prisoners declared to be Cuitlahuatzin, and the next in rank Quauhtemotzin.[771] Charge after charge was made by his direction, and with a vehemence that threatened to carry everything before it; and loudly rang the yells, whether of delight at some advantage gained or of fury over a repulse.

Thus the besieged were harassed beyond endurance. Large numbers were wounded, and all were exhausted from vigils, hard fighting, trying work, and the want of sufficient water and food; for in view of the stoppage of supplies, rations had been reduced. Those of the Narvaez expedition were particularly disheartened, and bestowed freely their maledictions, first on Velazquez, who had sent them to such a country, and then upon Cortés, whose promises of golden treasures and well stocked encomiendas had lured them to this plight. Perceiving, however, that unity of purpose alone could save them, they stifled regrets and showed Cortés that something must immediately be done to stay the onslaught, lest the building fall about their ears. It was exceedingly disagreeable, but it must be done; the proud Spanish general must sue to the greatly injured captive king, pleading for his influence in behalf of peace.[772] Montezuma had all these days been closely confined to his rooms brooding over the insults offered him, and apparently indifferent to the danger from without. When the message was brought he sullenly said, “Why does Malinche address himself to me, who care no longer for life? I will not listen to him, for he it is who has brought me into this plight.” He intimated further that the promises of the general could not be relied upon, and that his words carried a double meaning. Olmedo and Olid, who had come to urge the request, had recourse to soothing words and persuasion, and succeeded in mollifying him somewhat.[773] He replied, however, that it was probably too late to appease the Mexicans by promises. “They have now a new leader,” he said, “who is resolved to spare no Spaniard, and I believe that you have all to die in this city.”[774] Nevertheless he yielded, and as befitted the momentous point at issue, he arrayed himself in the richly bejewelled robes of state, and placed upon his head the mitred copilli, beneath whose precious feathers gleamed the golden plate.[775] Carefully guarded he ascended to the roof and stepped to the parapet, preceded by a courtier who bore the triple wand of the empire, as was customary on such occasions. Instantly the tumult was hushed, even before the leaders could issue orders for a stay of hostilities; instantly a thousand heads were bent in humble adoration before the august majesty of their sovereign. This attitude, however, was assumed but for a moment; soon these same heads were held higher than ever. Then the chiefs drew near to listen to the unhappy monarch.

Montezuma had appeared with a feeling of mingled fear and doubt as to what his reception might be, and he did not fail to observe that the accustomed reverence was shown only for an instant, involuntarily, as it were, and that silence was prompted rather by curiosity than respect. The urgency of the moment demanded that he should speak, but it was rather as supplicant than ruler that he turned to his people.

“You are in arms, my children,” he said, “in hot battle. Why is this? You will be slain, and there will be heard throughout the land for many years the wail of wives and little ones. You would give me my liberty, and I thank you. You do not turn from me in anger, and I thank you. You have not chosen another king in my stead, and I thank you. Such an act would displease the gods, and bring destruction on all. And see! I am no prisoner. Go your way; I am free. By divine command I must remain the guest of the Spaniards yet a little longer, and you must not molest them, for soon they will return whence they came. Alas, my people, my country, my crown!”[776]

With a heavy sigh, and midst copious tears, his head fell on his breast. The monarch’s strength had indeed departed. The people knew that he spoke falsely, that he was little better than imbecile, unfit to be their sovereign. Oh, if he but had the good fortune to die while helping them to grind to powder these hated enemies! Only a little while ago his words would have been received as the utterances of a deity. Now the scales had fallen from their eyes, and they saw him as he was. They could bear no more. Jeers and groans reached him from every direction. “Coward! chicken! Woman to the Spaniards, fit only for the gown and the spindle! Murderer of your nobles!” Such were the cries which now reached his ears as he stood stupefied with agony. Presently came a shower of arrows and stones, and before the Spanish guard could interpose their shields several missiles struck him, one on the left temple, which caused him to fall senseless into the arms of the by-standers.[777]

Startled by the crime they had committed, awe fell upon the multitude as the stricken sovereign was led away. Taking advantage of this feeling Cortés beckoned the chiefs to a parley with a view to explain what Montezuma had intended to convey. He had always wished them well, he said, and felt grieved to wage war for what had occurred during his absence. He desired peace, yet the desire was not prompted by fear, but by consideration for their safety and that of the city. The chiefs replied that the Spaniards must leave the country to the natives, and depart at once. That was exactly what they wished to do, replied Cortés, but they would not be driven away. If the Mexicans desired them to go, they must abandon the siege, tear down the barricade, and retire to their homes; they must likewise restore the bridges and supply provisions. To this the chiefs declined to listen, declaring that they would not lay down their arms so long as there was a Spaniard left on whom to use them.[778] The evident desire of the besieged for peace served only to encourage the Indians, and the assault was renewed with an increased ardor that taxed the defenders to the utmost.

And now, whatever the cost, a way out of this place must be opened. Cortés knew of three causeways which led to the mainland, the only means of exit for his forces. He knew that they were low and narrow, exposed on both sides to the attacks of canoe fleets, and intersected by a number of bridges which were perhaps by this time raised. Each of these openings was an almost impassable chasm. The southern causeway to Iztapalapan was two leagues in length, and provided with seven drawbridges, besides a strong fortress, which rendered it impassable to an enemy. The northern, leading to Tepeyacac, was one league long, while the shortest, conducting westward to Tlacopan, half a league distant, was broken by only three bridges.[779] Cortés resolved to undertake the passage by this last named causeway. During the night had been completed three mantas, of light framework and planks, each to hold twenty musketeers and archers, with which it was hoped to check the assailants on the roofs. These mantas were built with two chambers, provided with loop-holes; the upper ranged on a level with the house-tops of ordinary one-story buildings of the city, and had doors, so as to allow of sallies upon the roofs.[780]

The following morning, June 28th, Cortés placed himself at the head of five hundred Spaniards and over three thousand allies, and took the direction of the Tlacopan causeway.[781] By a sudden charge the cavalry drove back the Indians and allowed the free passage of the mantas, which were drawn and pushed by Tlascaltecs, and protected by bodies of infantry. A corps of pioneers accompanied them with pickaxes, mattocks, crow-bars, and ladders, to destroy barricades and walls, and to scale buildings. Four cannon were also brought. The rear was protected by a portion of the cavalry. The Aztecs were at first amazed at the curious moving turrets, and feared that they might contain more terrible destroyers even than the grape-charged guns; but finding them less dangerous, they continued their efforts, and fast and thick poured the stones and arrows on the line of advance, particularly on the engines, which were severely damaged. The march proceeded, however, with more or less interruption till a raised bridge was reached on the main road, where the Indians had gathered in vast numbers, with an evident determination to check the expedition. The turrets were brought alongside the houses adjoining the canal in order to clear the crowded roofs, but regardless of the volleys from the firelocks, the natives on the roofs plied their missiles only the faster, letting fly heavy rocks[782] upon the engine coverings, so as to render them untenable and hinder the manœuvring of the cannon. This success enabled the warriors beyond the canal and behind the barricades to maintain their assault with great effect, and to prevent a further advance. They gained a considerable advantage by a change of tactics in directing the missiles to a great extent against the legs of the Spaniards, to their serious discomfiture.[783] After spending the greater part of the forenoon in an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the houses nearest the canal, and to fill a passage across it, the troops retired to the fort greatly disheartened. Even the Tlascaltecs, who were usually so glib of tongue in replying to Aztec taunts, for once held their peace.[784]

Meanwhile the battle raged fiercely round the fort. The temple in front of it, since its evacuation by the Spaniards, had been occupied by some five hundred Mexicans, chosen men,[785] who introduced a large quantity of ammunition and supplies, and began to batter the besieged quarter. It was this shower which had first damaged the turrets and harassed the march. Perceiving the danger of leaving so commanding a position in hostile hands, Cortés had sent his chamberlain, Escobar, with one hundred men[786] and some allies to dispossess them. This was no easy task, for the pyramid was of great extent and over eighty feet in height, composed of a series of abrupt stone terraces, each receding about six feet from the one beneath, and so arranged that the ascent led along the entire circuit of each ledge before the steps conducting to the next could be gained.[787] Twenty men, says Cortés, could have held it against a thousand; yet the one hundred were to attempt it. Step by step they fought their way, beneath showers of arrows, and against javelins, and sword and lance thrusts from the upper ledges. More dangerous even than these weapons were the cumbrous missiles in the shape of heavy stones and timber which came crashing down upon them. Three times[788] did Escobar lead his men to the charge, only to see them repulsed and sent rolling down the steps and over the ledges. Finally he sent word to Cortés that the task was impracticable. The general received this notice while vainly battling at the canal, and he eagerly seized upon it as excuse for changing his base of operation. He hurried to the spot, threw a cordon round the pyramid, and although badly wounded in the left hand he immediately led his men to the charge. The Spaniards were making fair progress, when two heavy beams, which had been reserved at the summit for the last extremity, were loosened and sent tumbling down the side, so directed as to sweep to destruction the assailants along its entire length. At about the centre of their terrible passage, full before them, stood Cortés. Immediate death for himself and his brave comrades seemed inevitable, when behold! by some unseen finger the beams were turned end foremost and shot harmlessly through the opening made for them by the soldiers. “Thanks be to God and the virgin, whose image was placed in this tower!” cried Cortés, as without the loss of a moment he sprang forward and speedily gained the summit. There the fight assumed the form of a gladiatorial combat, a hand-to-hand and line-to-line conflict, poised in mid-air on this narrow slippery summit, and in full view of the whole city. As if by common consent the combatants below paused in their bloody work and stood breathless, lost in the more thrilling sight above.

At the eastern end of the platform stood the two three-story chapels, over fifty feet in height, originally dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca. Against this the Indians had massed themselves, fierce in their desperation. The Castilians had taken their stand at the other end. It was an awful situation, dire destruction being inevitable to one side or the other. With nerves and sinews strained to their utmost tension, they stood between attacks regarding each other, regarding every motion, anon picking from the other’s number with javelin, dart, or musket, as they were able. It was with difficulty the Spaniards could stand, and there was no railing round the slippery height; but fortune again assisted by unveiling the sun and sending its blinding rays full in the face of the enemy. Every now and then the soldiers charged in solid phalanx into the centre of the opposite mass, only to be obliged to retire under the pressure of its weight, and to receive the counter-charge, encouraged by wildly gesticulating priests, who flitted to and fro in bloody robes and dishevelled hair. Aware of the inferiority of their weapons, the natives sought rather to seize hold of the Spaniards, singly or in groups, and with the recklessness of doomed men to hurl themselves with their victims from the dizzy height. In one instance Cortés himself was selected for this terrible fate. Inspired to martyrdom and revenge, two young nobles watched their opportunity, and approached him on their knees, as if pleading for mercy. Ere he had time to consider the situation they had seized him in their arms and were struggling to gain the edge. One moment more and he would have been dashed to death, but by putting forth his whole strength, nerved by desperation, he succeeded in freeing himself from their grasp. Ojeda was singled out for a similar attempt, and would have perished had not a Genoese come to his aid.[789]

For three hours the struggle lasted, while one Indian after another was picked off by the bullet and the arrow, or pierced by the pike and sword, or sent headlong over the platform, either to be crushed by the fall or to be transfixed by the Spaniards on the ledges below. As their number diminished, many a one sought the higher martyrdom by leaping from the sacred spot into paradise. Thus melted away that fated band of Aztec warriors. At the portal of Huitzilopochtli’s chapel fell the last defender; and two priests, one of them the high-priest, alone remained to offer themselves as captives. On entering the chapel consecrated to the virgin no traces appeared of the holy emblems, only evidences of idolatrous rites, and upon the altar stains from the blackened hands of the temple attendants.[790] In the adjoining chapel the war-god was found reinstalled in all its glittering hideousness. Some consolation for this sacrilegious intrusion was offered to the victors in despoiling it of the rich ornaments, while the cacao and other provisions stored here by the garrison proved a prize to the half-famished Spaniards. The Tlascaltecs, so long deprived of meat, pounced upon the bodies of the slain heroes to secure them for a feast, which should not only satisfy the cravings of hunger, but infuse their hearts and minds with some of the qualities of the valiant dead.[791] The chapels were then fired. The upper portion of the structure being of wood, the flames rose in columns heavenward, heralding the triumph of the Spaniard, and striking the Indian with awe. It was a great and thrilling feat, this fight upon the temple top; and so the natives regarded it, their heart, and mind, and paintings being all stained sanguine over its remembrance.[792]

FOOTNOTES

[770] Bernal Diaz mentions the death of ten or twelve, but Cortés acknowledges only three score of wounded. On this occasion, apparently, Herrera allows Cortés to gain Tacuba, whither he might have retreated in safety with all his forces and wealth; yet he states that the return fight proved most severe, the fort being regained with difficulty, after the loss of two guns and several soldiers, one taken alive. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix. Solis manages to transform the operation into a victory, wherein Cortés stays the slaughter out of mercy. Prescott is quite arbitrary in the use of the chronicles. He combines the incidents of several days into one and transposes them at pleasure, with the sole aim apparently of presenting an exciting description of what the siege might have been. A few facts are elaborated, and the rest sacrificed to style.

[771] Marina asked Montezuma if a new king had been chosen, but he did not think they would elect one while he lived. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 141.

[772] ‘Fue acordado de demandalles pazes para salir de Mexico, ... acordò Cortes, que el gran Monteçuma les hablasse.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104. ‘Muteczuma ... dijo que le sacasen ... y que él hablaria á los capitanes.’ Cortés, Cartas, 129-30. The latter statement may be Herrera’s authority for saying that Montezuma was the first to propose speaking to the Mexicans. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Observing Cuitlahuatzin’s regal authority over the besieging forces, Montezuma was seized with a fit of jealous alarm for throne and life. ‘Chiamò Cortès, ... pregandolo instantemente di non differir più la sua partenza.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 124. This implies that the emperor was not aware of the vain efforts made to open communication with the mainland, or even to approach it. Cortés had to urge him in any case to speak to his subjects, an unwelcome task in view of his declining influence and of the merely partial success of the former appeal.

[773] Among other reasons it was represented that Cortés was not to blame for the late massacre. ‘Que si la indignacion de los mexicanos podia templarse con el castigo de los culpados ... le prometia castigar.’ So says the native version of Tezozomoc, Recop. tradiciones, MS., cap. vi.; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 287-8.

[774] He felt no eagerness to plead in behalf of those who had caused all his misfortunes, and he was only too conscious that his pusillanimity must have degraded him in the eyes of his subjects, while the elevation of his brother to the leadership must have diminished the influence which till then may have remained with him. He could hardly avoid a feeling of jealousy at the thought of this elevation; and if he, during an impulse of anger against Cortés, had counselled the proceedings of Cuitlahuatzin, he now felt probably both grieved and terrified at the storm he had raised. He also harbored a wholesome fear of Malinche, and the prospect of his speedy departure helped to stir anew the embers of hope. All might yet be well: the capital might be spared further desolation, and he again resume his former grandeur.

[775] See description of his first meeting with Cortés, Native Races, ii. This appearance of the emperor took place on the 27th of June, as Cortés states, but Bernal Diaz, Herrera, and Ixtlilxochitl place it respectively on the 5th, 6th, and 7th day of the siege.

[776] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104. ‘No molestàsen à los estrangeros y fuésen sus amigos, pues su persona corria riesgo.’ Tezozomoc, Recop. tradiciones, MS., cap. vi. Cortés, followed by Gomara, gives him no time to speak ere the people assault.

[777] They would no longer recognize him as emperor, etc. Saying this, a chief threw a stone which struck Montezuma on the forehead. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 468. Acosta attributes this first throw to ‘Quicuxtemoc,’ the later king of Mexico. Hist. Ind., 523. ‘Ma io nol credo,’ says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 126. ‘Aunque vn Castellano tenia cuydado de arrodelar a Motezuma ... le acertò vna piedra en las sienes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Had not the Spaniards held up a shield before Montezuma the people would have known it was he and not thrown the stone which killed him, says Cano, his later son-in-law. Oviedo, iii. 550. Gomara is inclined to believe this, for his people ‘no lo quisieran hazer mas que sacarse los ojos.’ Hist. Mex., 154. ‘Una saéta alcanzó al emperador en el estòmago que lo atravezó por el baso, y una piedra le dió en la sien izquierda.’ The people would never have thrown missiles, for they pitied him, and were prepared to obey his injunctions, but Cacama, who stood behind the emperor, made signs that they should continue the attack without regard for him or for the monarch. Tezozomoc, Recop. tradiciones, MS., cap. vi. According to Bernal Diaz, the four chiefs who had approached to confer with him expressed their sympathy for his misfortunes. They had now chosen as leader ‘Coadlabacan, señor de Iztapalapa,’ and had sworn to the gods to continue the war till all Spaniards were exterminated. Yet they prayed daily to the gods for his safety, and if all went well he would more than ever be their lord. They had hardly finished when showers of missiles fell, of which three stones and an arrow hit him, on the head, arm, and leg. Hist. Verdad., 104. ‘Remorse succeeded to insult,’ and they fled, says Robertson, Hist. Am., 90, a statement which Prescott improves by stating that the square before the fort was left empty. But remorse must have been brief, for the main authorities, Cortés, Gomara, Bernal Diaz, and Torquemada, either declare or intimate that the assault never stopped. ‘No por eso cesó la guerra y muy mas recia y muy cruda de cada dia.’ Cortés, Cartas, 130.

[778] ‘Esta Fortaleza casi no tiene exemplar,’ exclaims Lorenzana, forgetting that Cortés’ firmness was due to the justifiable fear that a trap was intended. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 136-7. Cortés concludes the sentence about Montezuma’s being wounded by saying that he died within three days. He thereupon resumes the account of parleys and siege operations, leaving the impression that these took place after his death, while such was not the case. Nevertheless, Gomara, Herrera, and others, Bernal Diaz not excluded, are misled, by this vagueness evidently, into extending the siege and confounding the events, so that modern historians have all more or less remained mystified. Solis assumes that during Montezuma’s illness the siege was conducted only by straggling parties, the main forces being occupied with crowning the new emperor. Hist. Mex., ii. 155-6. This is probably due to a misconstruction of Bernal Diaz.

[779] ‘En esta auia tres no mas, y en la de Yztapalapà, siete.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.; Native Races, ii. 561 et seq.

[780] Cortés, Cartas, 130, 133. ‘Quatro ingenios ... en que pudiessen yr veynte y cinco hombres,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 103. ‘Tres mantas ... cõ sus ruedas; leuauan treynta hombres a cada vna, cubierta con tablas gruessas de tres dedos.’ Herrera, loc. cit. Drawn by men within, adds Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v. ‘Cabia cada vno veynte hombres, con picas escopetas y ballestas y vn tiro.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 154.

[781] Herrera unwisely assumes that the three towers with their forces were respectively directed against the three causeway approaches.

[782] ‘De tres y quatro arrouas, que maltrataron a los que yuan en los ingenios, y rompieron las tablas.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.

[783] ‘Hirieron a mas de docientos Castellanos.’ Id., cap. ix.

[784] ‘Nos mataron un español y hirieron muchos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 130-1.

[785] ‘Subieron allá dos vigas rollizas para desde alli echarlas sobre las casas reales y hundirlas.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 30. Peter Martyr supposes the temple to have been long held by the enemy, but this is contrary to what Cortés and Sahagun say.

[786] Three hundred, says Gomara.

[787] For a full description of this pyramid see Native Races, ii. 579 et seq. Some horses had been taken to clear the approaches, but they slipped on the smooth pavement, and were sent back as unserviceable. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105.

[788] ‘Acometiola tres o quatro vezes, y otros tantos dias,’ is Gomara’s interpretation, in order to fill up the time assumed by him. Hist. Mex., 156.

[789] Ojeda appears to be the sole authority upon which Herrera relies for these two struggles. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix. Clavigero doubts them; yet there is nothing unlikely in either attempt.

[790] It was related afterward that when the natives first sought to remove the virgin image their hands clove powerlessly to it for some time, and left their marks upon it. Oviedo, iii. 510. Montezuma, being told of this miracle, ordered the image to be left in its place. Afterward, ‘pareciò, segun supimos, que el gran Monteçuma tenia ó deuocion en ella, ó miedo, y la mandó guardar.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104, 102. Others, as will be shown, suppose it to have been saved by its owner, Villafuerte, perhaps when Cortés withdrew the troops from the temple, or to have fled by its own miraculous power to the shrine at Remedios.

[791] ‘Comierõ de los caualleros Mexicanos muertos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix.

[792] Cortés, Cartas, 130-1. According to Bernal Diaz the sally with the engines was directed against the temple, which he appears to place at some distance. It was held by 3000 or 4000 Indians, ‘all chiefs,’ and cost the Spaniards 46 lives, every man being beside wounded. They returned hard pressed by the enemy. ‘Se mostrò Cortes mui varõ, como siẽpre.’ Hist. Verdad., 103-4. ‘Murieron todos quinientos Indios, como valientes.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 157. ‘En trecientos caualleros que alli estauan no quedaron seys viuos.’ Herrera, loc. cit. This author describes on a later occasion the capture of a tower attached to Montezuma’s own palace, from which missiles fell with telling effect. Cortés goes with 200 men to reduce it, and is hotly received; yet the Indians, relying upon the execution to be made by some loose beams which are to be rolled down upon the assailants at a favorable moment, allow the Spaniards to rush forward and gain the tower, putting almost every occupant to the sword. This story is probably a version of the temple fight.

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XXV. DEATH OF MONTEZUMA

JUNE, 1520.

A LIVING DEATH—THE OLD IMPERIAL PARTY AND THE NEW POWER—AZTEC DEFIANCE—PERILOUS POSITION OR THE SPANIARDS—DISAPPOINTMENT TO CORTÉS—ANOTHER SALLY—THE DYING MONARCH—HE HAS NO DESIRE TO LIVE—HIS REJECTION OF A NEW FAITH—HE WILL NONE OF THE HEAVEN OF THE SPANIARDS—COMMENDS HIS CHILDREN TO CORTÉS—THE CHARACTER OF MONTEZUMA AND OF HIS REIGN.

Long before this the Spaniards had learned that the power which had arisen in Montezuma’s stead was of a different quality from that lately wielded by the poor caged monarch, whose proud spirit they had so blighted and brought low. No Quetzalcoatl or other personage, fair or dark, heaven-descended or of import infernal, might now interpose to prevent the killing and cooking of the strangers. Cortés had thought that the late spoliation of idols would fill the people with awe toward beings so superior to their gods. But when he threatened that if they did not lay down their arms not a man of them should remain alive, nor one stone be left on another throughout all their city, they laughed at him, the priests abetting. “How speak you so foolishly,” they said, “mortal as we now know you to be, when for every Spanish life we are prepared to sacrifice, if need be, twenty-five thousand of our own lives?” They had cut off retreat at the causeways, so that the lake alone was open to exit, and here they were prepared with fleets of canoes filled with resolute men. Even should the Spaniards hold out against assault, hunger and thirst must overcome them in the end. “The truth of this was too evident,” observes Cortés, “for hunger alone would have soon killed us.”

The imperial party, which had sunk to insignificance since the elevation of Cuitlahuatzin to the leadership, and was now sustained only by a few relatives of Montezuma, had no longer a voice in the direction of affairs. Their efforts to make terms with the Spaniards might have gained public approval, but the ambition of Cuitlahuatzin stood in the way of any compromise. To release the strangers would be to restore Montezuma, and he preferred to occupy the throne himself. He was also covetous of military fame; and knowing the desperate condition of the besieged, he hoped by their reduction to add to his record of glorious achievements.[793]

The soldiers felt the peril of their position more than the general. They had been cheered for a moment by victory, only to find how barren it was; only to realize that many such triumphs would prove their ruin. In order to counteract this growing despondency, Cortés resolved on a night sally with half his force. The Indians being unprepared for this, the party advanced with comparative impunity, destroyed several barricades, and fired a large number of houses along the Tlacopan road, where the roof assault had been so severe. The warriors having finally gathered in sufficient force to render retreat advisable, the Spaniards destroyed a number of buildings in the vicinity of their quarters before entering, and thus secured additional immunity.[794]

The present purpose of the Spaniards was to open an exit from the city. At a council, called to consider the situation, it was admitted that delay would only reduce their strength without corresponding gain, and with the prospect of closing more effectually the gate against them.[795] It was a great disappointment to Cortés thus to abandon his hard-earned advantage. There were those who would exult over his misfortunes, and never could he hope to win favor from the king except by some brilliant success. But this he would yet achieve, God willing, or perish in the attempt.

The engines were strengthened, and every preparation was made to meet the rapidly accumulating difficulties. At dawn a large force set out in the direction of the Tlacopan causeway to secure its approaches.[796] The advance was made in the order of the day previous, with guns and pioneers, and with cavalry in front and rear. The late destruction of houses proved of no considerable advantage, but the cannon being brought to play on the barricades, an opening was soon made. The engines, with their fortified sides and covers, proved more efficient than formerly in checking assaults from the roofs. The soldiers accordingly advanced with firmer resolution, and although the showers from the house-tops were still troublesome, and resistance on the streets was as fierce as ever, yet one after another the first four canals were captured. The nearest houses were razed, and with the débris roadways were thrown across the channels.

These operations were carried on in the face of a bitter onslaught, and occupied the entire day. Evening being at hand the crossings were left in charge of a strong guard, composed of the freshest men, while the rest returned to the fort.

Montezuma the while lay a-dying, prostrate a-dying, not as Vespasian would have an emperor die—standing; but with manhood, and the aspirations of man, ay, even the regrets and remorse incident to foiled endeavor, all crushed he was killed when the insults of his people fell upon him; he scarcely heeded their darts and stones.

It is not necessary always that breath shall cease before one can be dead. From Ianthe’s spirit fell the shackles of sense, the body being left with its animal life, but soulless. And though corporal life was yet present in Montezuma, the soul was already free: the accursed aliens had done their worst. When the might of sacred sovereignty was extinguished, the remains were less than man, though they walked, and talked, and wept.

Compared with his present condition, how dignified and happy death would have been by the hands of his brother priests, before the gods, in the eyes of the nation, on the sacred sacrificial stone! Or, like that among the Massagetæ, told of by Herodotus, who sacrificed and ate their old people, holding natural death a misfortune—even this or any other stepping down and out would have been preferable to thus dying like a silly hare in a trap!

He refused food and any attention to the wounds, which were far from fatal. He tore off the bandages, threw from him all medicines, and bared his body to disease, even as his soul had been long since bared, and stretched out his hand to hasten the cold stony grasp of death. What a farce was life, and honor, and majesty, all to end in poverty and disgrace! Feeling the all-changing moment at hand, he summoned Cortés; for despite his long maltreatment he entertained a kind of affection for the monster, who might even yet prove to be the demi-god of some far away incomprehensible world. Moreover, the Spaniard’s intellect and arm were the stronger; he was his son-in-law and probable successor; therefore, though his jailer, he would speak with him. And when he came Montezuma said: “The end for me approaches, Malinche; it is even here. You cannot harm me further, nor help me if you would. I have given you all; you have taken all—my liberty, my kingdom, my life, and that which is more to me than kingdom, liberty, or life, the affection of my people, the love of my counsellors and friends; and respect—respect of self, and that sacred respect which, living or dead, is mine by inheritance, and by virtue of my office. But I would not upbraid you; I pray only that my ruin will benefit you; I beg of you care for my children, and I conjure you to avenge me on my rebel subjects and their leaders.”[797]

Moved by the touching appeal, Cortés promised all that was asked of him, while remonstrating with the monarch for rejecting food and medicine. Montezuma then, in like manner, exhorted his nobles who were prisoners with him, and was touched by their sorrow for the sad state of the empire, and their manifestation of affection for himself. Father Olmedo, who had never relaxed his efforts for the captive’s conversion, now pressed to his aid the general. But in vain. All else these beings maledict had taken from him; they should not now rob him of his religion. His faith was as dear to him, as true, as pure, as efficacious, as was theirs to them. Away with another’s gods! Let each live and die by his own. He was high-priest, too, and for him to prove recreant to the national faith would overshadow all his former crimes combined. “What is this they would have of me?” he groaned within himself. Then turning suddenly to Olmedo, he asked, “Do Spaniards go to this heaven of yours?” “Assuredly,” was the reply; “it was made for them, and is held by Christians, against all others, as the reward of their pure belief and gentle deeds.” “It is enough; I will none of it,” said Montezuma, who from that moment would not listen to a word of Christian exhortation.[798] It was early in the morning of the 30th of June,[799] three days after the trying scene in the presence of his people, that the monarch breathed his last. And even the Spaniards forgot for a moment their diabolisms, and allowed their minds to dwell on the virtues of this magnificent heathen, this mighty sovereign, their sweet-tempered prisoner, and kind and generous host.[800]

Of a truth, despite his pusillanimity with regard to the Spaniards, which was indeed little else than pardonable superstition, this man was in many respects not unworthy the title of Great so freely bestowed upon him. Montezuma was but forty-one[801] at the time of his death, and had wielded the sceptre for nearly eighteen years with wonderful success. Under him the Aztec empire acquired its widest extent and greatest glory. While his armies by well directed operations spread the terror of his name to distant provinces and increased the national domain by fresh conquests, his subtle intrigues secured advantages at home, and established the supremacy of Mexico in the tripartite alliance. With a high regard for the dignity of his throne, he caused the sovereign to be worshipped almost like a god, and sustained the grandeur of his surroundings with lavish expenditure. This severe and ostentatious pride kept him above the reach of his people, and failing to understand their wants or to sympathize with their condition, he ruled not by love, but by fear. Thus it is that we find the native records dwell upon his fitful cold-blooded cruelty and superstition, not as a tyrant, however, but as an administrator of their own cruel yet revered rites. He was reputed just, but this quality was to be found rather in the intention than in the act. With all his pride he appears to have been most affable and kind to those with whom he came in contact. The Spaniards certainly found him so. In their later intercourse other considerations may have ruled him, however, and with the cunning and secrecy of his race he may have submitted to the inevitable demands of circumstances.[802]

Surrounded by fawning ministers, whose existence depended on his favor, he was encouraged in the extravagant habits of a magnificent court, which promoted their schemes at the expense of a tax-ridden people. The ambition to extend his fame and power required the maintenance of immense armies, of numerous garrisons, and of costly campaigns, which proved another drain on the people. This was augmented in subjected provinces by the extortions of imperial officers, who found means to prevent the cry of the oppressed from reaching the throne. Perhaps the most terrible infliction was the levy on the youth of both sexes for slaves, and for sacrificial victims to appease the bloody appetite of Aztec gods—an appetite which had increased in horror with the abject superstition of this otherwise enlightened monarch. Enlightened he undoubtedly was, for as high-priest he had become versed in the higher learning of the priesthood. The study of mythology came naturally to him, while astronomy and natural history were favorite subjects with the lords of the lake peoples, the former connected with myths and divinations, the latter illustrated by specimens from different regions, and collected in the botanic and zoologic gardens of Mexico and other cities. The studies of his youth had gained for him a well merited respect from his priestly confrères, and the prudence and sagacity which controlled the well stored mind commanded attention in the council.[803] While yet a young man there seemed to develop qualities which fitted him for the position of high-priest, also as counsellor, to which his princely rank paved an easy way. Besides this he had shown himself possessed of great courage, and had established his fame as a general by many victories.

It was with this reputation, as zealous and learned priest, prudent statesman, and brave soldier, that he ascended the throne in 1503, while only twenty-three years of age. It is in such terms that his colleague Nezahualpilli in his coronation address refers to the hopes entertained of the youthful ruler.[804] Though ever a devout servant of the gods, the effeminate pleasures of the court weakened the nerves and energy of the soldier, till his warlike ardor survived only in a taste for military reviews and for the chase. The caution of the general remained, but timidity saves few leaders from disaster. Vanity and designing ministers overruled too often the dictates of wisdom in the administration of affairs.[805] His path had been prepared by able predecessors, and answered well for the policy of aggrandizement which became the leading feature of his reign. In this his natural liberality and talent for intrigue, fostered by priestly training, served him well and procured blindly devoted instruments for his plans. Thus, by fair means and foul, the empire was raised to the pinnacle of its glory, but not being of a natural or healthy growth it proved unstable, and crumbling under the strong commotion created by the approach of Castilians, it revived only for a moment in the present uprising like the mental illumination preceding death. Montezuma could not have failed to recognize the insecurity of the bonds which held it, and influenced by the predictions of its downfall he readily fell beneath the spell of the superior intellects which were to assume control. It was his misfortune to have lost the sanguine energy of his youth, which might have enabled him to rise above the weaknesses of himself and his age. Duty and honor were overcome by superstition and absorbing love of power, of life, and he reaped the natural fruit of puerile and misdirected efforts by losing both. Resistance might not long have delayed the inevitable, but it would at least have procured for him an end worthy of his grandeur.

Of his many wives may be named the princesses Teitlalco, Acatlan, and Miahuaxochitl, of whom the first named appears to have been the only legitimate consort.[806] By her he left a son, Asupacaci, who fell during the noche triste, and a daughter, Tecuichpo, baptized as Isabel, married consecutively to Quauhtemotzin, the last Mexican sovereign, to visitador general Alonso Grado, to Pedro Andrade Gallego, and to Juan Cano de Saavedra. She had children by the latter two, from whom descend the illustrious families of Andrade-Montezuma and Cano-Montezuma.

By the Princess Acatlan were left two daughters, baptized as María and Mariana. The latter alone left offspring, from whom descends the Sotelo-Montezuma family. By the third wife came to the emperor the son Tlacahuepantzin, known after baptism as Pedro Yohualicahuacatzin Montezuma, whose descendants, the condes de Montezuma y de Tula, intermarried with the noblest families of Spain, and connected the name with the highest offices of state, and with the title of grandee.[807]

FOOTNOTES

[793] In Manuscrit de 1528, Aubin Col., Cihuacohuatl and Tzihuacpopocatzin, brothers of Montezuma, are named as the leaders of the opposition party, connected also with the followers of Quetzalcoatl, who abhorred the cruel rites of the Aztecs. They succeeded, it is said, in introducing provisions for the besieged. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 317-18. But this is doubtful.

[794] This is probably the sally which Herrera intrusts to Salcedo. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.

[795] ‘Por importunidad de muchos ... acordó de salir della.’ Carta del Ejército, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 429. ‘El ... capitan dilataba de cada dia la dicha salida,’ but the officers insisted that he should leave. _Segunda Probanza de Lejalde_, in Id., 423.

[796] Clavigero directs the operation against the Iztapalapan road, which would have been a useless manœuvre. Cortés is explicit enough on the point.

[797] In a privilegio in favor of the daughter Isabel, Cortés refers to this interview, saying that three daughters were intrusted to him. No allusion is made to any son. The affectionate terms in which he herein speaks of Montezuma must be due to political reasons, and perhaps to a regard for the princesses. Panes, Vireyes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 67-8. Ramirez ridicules the idea of an appeal by the emperor to Cortés, who was on unfriendly terms with him. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 359 et seq. But the effort of Montezuma to save the Spaniards shows that intercourse had been reëstablished; and was not Cortés, as the husband of one or more of his daughters, the proper person to protect their sisters?

[798] The question of his conversion has been much discussed. ‘No le pudo atraer a que se bolviesse Cristiano,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105; and Herrera is even more explicit. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Cortés and his followers, Martyr and Oviedo, give no indications to the contrary. Ixtlilxochitl states, however, that he had learned several prayers, and even begged for baptism, but that the rite was deferred ‘por la pascua siguiente, que era de la resurreccion, y fue tan desdichado, que nunca alcanzó tanto bien.’ Hist. Chich., 299. Yet he adds that it has been said ‘que se bautizó y se llamó Don Juan.’ Relaciones, 457. According to Gomara he asked for baptism in the beginning of lent, but it was determined to postpone the rite till pentecost, for greater effect, and as more appropriate for so high a personage. Owing to the troubles arising out of Narvaez’ arrival nothing was done then, ‘y despues de herido oluidose con la prissa del pelear!’ Hist. Mex., 154. Cortés had persuaded him, says Vetancurt, during the early days of his imprisonment, to accept baptism, and he was taken to the temple for the purpose, but at the last moment he excused himself on the ground that the Indians would elect another lord and attack them all if he abandoned the faith. Teatro Mex., iii. 132-3. Father Duran, on the contrary, ever zealous for the natives, and particularly for his hero, Montezuma, asserts that trustworthy men had vouched for his baptism. Padre Olmedo had also expressed belief therein, although he had not been present when it was administered. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 445. The father’s memory must have failed him with respect to Olmedo. Camargo has also been assured of his baptism, with Cortés and Alvarado for sponsors. Hist. Tlax., 166. Tezozomoc, who claims to have investigated the point, declares explicitly that the rite was administered on his death-bed, when he received the name of Cárlos, and that Cortés, Olid, and Alvarado were the sponsors. Recopilacion de verídicas tradiciones, probando que el emperador Moteuhsoma recibió el santo sacramento del bautismo. This author wrote at the close of the sixteenth century, and follows traditions only. Bustamante, in modern times, has also reviewed the question, and follows Tezozomoc implicitly. In support thereof he quotes a poem, by Captain Angel Betancourt, wherein he refers to Montezuma as the ‘indio bautizado,’ introduces the vague utterance of Ixtlilxochitl, and even attempts to misconstrue a certain expression of Cortés. Montezuma tells the latter to baptize his daughters, and this Bustamante regards as proof that he himself desired the rite. He does not suppose that the religion of the vicious Spaniards could have had great attractions for him, but when about to die he accepted it, ‘as the drowning man does the saving plank.’ Article in Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 287-95. Still fuller is the review of Ramirez, who follows Torquemada in pointing out the fact that neither Cortés nor Alvarado ever referred to their supposed sponsorship, as they certainly would have done in connection with so distinguished a personage had they felt empowered. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin.

[799] Cortés’ chronology, as indicated in the Cartas, shows clearly that he left Mexico during the night of June 30th, as will be demonstrated. He also implies what Bernal Diaz and Herrera distinctly assert, that considerable fighting took place on the Tlacopan road between the time the corpse was surrendered to the Aztecs and the Spaniards returned to their quarters preparatory to evacuation. Hence the death must have occurred early on that day. Herrera confirms Cortés’ testimony that he could not have died before the 30th, by saying, ‘en quatro dias se murio.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. It is also generally admitted that he was not wounded before the third day of the siege.

[800] ‘Cortes lloró por èl, y todos nuestros Capitanes, y soldados: è hombres huvo entre nosotros ... que tan llorado fue, como si fuera nuestro padre.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104. Cortés speaks highly of him, ‘y siempre tuvo mui buena voluntad á los Españoles,’ but this is in the deed presented to his daughter. See Privilegio, Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 66. In the Cartas he is referred to merely as a captive who dies. After saying that he never consented to the death of a Spaniard nor to injury against Cortés, Gomara adds: ‘Tambien ay quien lo cõtrario diga.’ Hist. Mex., 154-5.

[801] Clavigero says 54, but Bernal Diaz, who was so much in his company, could hardly have been mistaken, and the comparative youth of his children also indicates that 41 is more correct.

[802] ‘Antes ni despues huvo en este mundo quien le igualase en magestad y profanidad ... fue muy justiciero ... de condicion muy severo, aunque cuerdo y gracioso.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 301. ‘Dizen los Indios que fue el mejor de su linaje, y el mayor rey de Mexico.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 155. ‘Fu circospetto, magnifico, liberale ... sua giustizia degenerava in crudeltà.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 132; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x.; Torquemada, i. 499-500.

[803] ‘Fue muy sabio, pues passaua por las cosas assi, o muy necio q̄ no las sentia.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 155. ‘El hombre mas sábio de su siglo,’ is Bustamante’s interpretation. He also discovers that Montezuma objected to sacrifices! Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 292-3.

[804] See Native Races, ii. 149-50.

[805] ‘Pareva aver cangiato di sesso, siccome dicevano i suoi sudditi.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 132.

[806] So Cano, the son-in-law, declares, Oviedo, iii. 549, and so Cortés intimates in the privilegio to Isabel, whom he calls ‘su legitima heredera,’ especially commended to him.

[807] Of the rest of the imperial wives and concubines nothing positive is known, save that a number of them and their daughters were liberally bestowed, as a mark of imperial favor, on prominent personages, including Spaniards. After the conquest they sank into obscurity, although some of them still managed to maintain a certain consideration among the natives, despite their poverty. Bernal Diaz claims that he received one of the concubines; upon Olid was bestowed a daughter, and upon Cortés two, it is said, one baptized as Ana, the other as Inés. Two witnesses declare that Isabel also ‘cinco meses questava casada con ... Gallego e que pario una fija y que hera del ... Cortés.’ Cortés, Residencia, ii. 242, 244; i. 63, 99, 221, 263. The three daughters confided to Cortés on their father’s death-bed were not in the Spanish quarters at the time, at least not all of them, but were found after the conquest and baptized. The eldest and legitimate, the attractive Tecuichpo, was then the wife of the last and captive sovereign, Quauhtemotzin, her cousin, who had married her chiefly with a view to strengthen his hold on the throne, for she was too young for the married state. She was baptized as Isabel, and her Indian husband having been executed, Cortés, on his return from Honduras, gave her in marriage to the hidalgo Alonso Grado, of Alcántara, who had succeeded Ávila as contador, and now held the position of visitador general of New Spain. In consideration partly of Grado’s services and partly of Isabel’s rank, the captain-general bestowed as dower, in the emperor’s name, the town of Tacuba (Tlacopan), with the villages and farms subject to it, together with the title of señora thereof. The deed, which recounts the services of her father and the intrusting of his daughters to Cortés, is signed by him as captain-general and governor of New Spain, and dated June 27, 1523. It is given, among other books, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 65-8. Grado dying soon after, without issue, she married Pedro Andrade Gallego, by whom she had one son, Juan Andrade, the founder of the Andrade-Montezuma family. This branch inherited the Villa Alta villages, in Oajaca, and other estates, which in 1745 were bought up by the crown for a pension of 3000 pesos, continued by the Mexican government in irregular payments. A member of this branch was the bishop of Chiapas a few years later. Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 14-18. M. Fossey describes a visit, in 1849, to the poverty-stricken yet proud descendants. Mexique, 497-500. The omission of Gallego’s middle name has led the critical Alaman, among others, to assume that this family descends from Isabel’s fifth marriage with Juan Andrade. Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. 1844), ii. 31. Nor is Prescott free from error in connection with Montezuma’s descendants. The Andrade branch became allied to the Condes de Miravalle, and a daughter of this house was the wife of General Barragan, who became presidente interino of the republic, thus raising a descendant of Montezuma once again to the supreme place in the country. The Princess Isabel was married a fourth time, to Juan Cano de Saavedra, by whom she had five children, the inheritors of the Tacuba estates, also exchanged for a pension which was continued by the republic. Of the Princess Acatlan’s two daughters, María and Mariana, the former left no issue. Mariana married the conquistador Juan de Paz, bringing a dower of three towns, and after his death she took for husband the conqueror Cristóbal de Valderrama. By him she had a daughter, Leonor, who, marrying Diego Arias Sotelo, gave origin to the Sotelo-Montezuma family. Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, i. 464. This work, with its collection of official papers and extracts, gives a mass of information about the imperial descendants and estates. Prescott confounds the mother and daughter. Mex., ii. 351-2. Viceroy Mendoza, in a despatch to the emperor of December 10, 1537, refers to the death, three weeks before, of Valderrama, and speaks of children by the former husband, which are not admitted in Fonseca. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 208. Cortés refers to three sons of Montezuma: the heir, who fell on the causeway during the noche triste, and two surviving boys, ‘one said to be insane, the other paralyzed.’ On leaving Mexico he took with him one son and two daughters, his concubines probably, all of whom perished. Cartas, 135, 153. Sahagun names two sons, who perished on that occasion. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 122, 126. Ixtlilxochitl gives them different names. Hist. Chich., 302. Cano gives the name Asupacaci to the heir, or only legitimate son, the brother of his wife Isabel, and states that he was killed by Quauhtemotzin, who feared him as the only rival to the throne. Oviedo, iii. 549. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows him, but prefers the name of Cipocatzin for the young prince, while Axayoca is also applied. Cortés’ version is more likely to be correct, however. One of the surviving sons, ‘Signor di Tenajoccan,’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 133, was baptized with the intervention of his sponsor, Rodrigo de Paz, and died three years after the conquest, ‘y se enterrò en la Capilla de San Joseph.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 144. This author assumes that the youth fled with the Spaniards from the capital and hid at Tepotzotlan. The other prince, son of Miahuaxochitl, daughter of the lord of Tula, and niece of Montezuma—baptized as María, says Vetancurt—received the name of Don Pedro. He accompanied Cortés to Spain in 1528, it appears, at the age of eighteen, and made repeated appeals to the emperor for a maintenance in accordance with his rank. At first some trifling favors were granted, and he, together with a cousin, was educated by the Franciscans in Madrid. Puga, Cedulario, 85. President Fuenleal, of the audiencia, and other prominent persons having added their recommendation, regular pensions and encomiendas were bestowed, including the town of Tula, the seat of his maternal grandparents, upon which was based the second title of Condes de Montezuma y de Tula, conferred on his grandson. The line expired on the male side with the great great-grandson of the emperor, whose daughter married Sarmiento de Valladares, duke of Atlixco, and viceroy of New Spain, thus raising the name again to the highest position in the country. Prescott, following Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 191, 203, calls Valladares, by mistake, a descendant of Montezuma. The cousin of the vice-queen married Silva, the first marquis of Tenebron, whose descendants inherited the title and estates from the other branch, and became grandees in 1765. Their pension amounted at this time to 40,000 pesos, says Berni, Titulos de Castilla, which represented in part the encomiendas withdrawn by the government. The republic recognized this portion, as it had the pensions to the other branches. Shortly after the independence of Mexico the holder of the title, Alonso Marcilla de Teruel Montezuma, came over with the intention of asserting his claim to the throne of his forefathers, but the prudent possessors of the power thought it best not to admit him, and he passed on to New Orleans, there to put an end to his life some years later. Prescott understands that the septuagenarian had been disappointed in love. Mex., ii. 352. Several members of the Spanish nobility have intermarried with this line, among them a branch of the Guzman family, whence the claim made for the consort of Napoleon III. of having Montezuma’s blood in her veins. Gondra gives a portrait of a member married into the Mendoza family. Prescott’s Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), 219. One of the line, Padre Louis de Montezuma, wrote the Historia del Emperador, which has been consulted by Alaman, Disert., i. app. ii. 158. Clavigero gives a genealogic table in Storia Mess., iii. 235, and Carbajal, while plagiarizing the statements and blunders of others, adds a few of his own. Hist. Mex., ii. 378-88. In Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, i. 455 et seq., are to be found several valuable extracts concerning titles and estates; also in Reales Cédulas, MS., i. pt. i. 5, ii. 4 etc.; Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS.; Mex. Mem. Hacienda, 1848, 35-6; Fuenleal, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 222. The family name has been spelled in different ways, also by its possessors, as Motezuma, Muteczuma, Moctezuma, Mocthecuzoma, Motecuhzuma, Moteuhzuma; but Montezuma is the most common form.

The Historia de las Indias de Nueva-España y Islas de Tierra Firme, by Father Diego Duran, is claimed by its author, in the introductory to chapter lxxiv., to be devoted essentially to the life and rule of this monarch, ‘cuya vida é história yo escribo.’ The preparation of the work was more directly prompted by a compassion for the maltreated natives, whose champion he constituted himself, in common with so many of the friars. This spirit led him naturally to color the occurrences of the conquest; and a non-critical acceptance of whimsical legends and statements in favor of his protégés tends further to reduce the value of the work. His deep interest in the aborigines and their history may be explained by the fact that he was born at Tezcuco, of a native mother. Franco wrongly calls him Pedro, and Clavigero, Fernando. He professed as a Dominican at Mexico, in 1556, with missionary aspirations, no doubt, but a delicate constitution and constant suffering confined him rather to the monastery, and directed his efforts to researches and writing. Castellanos, Defensa, 28, attributes several works to him, and Eguiara, Bib. Mex., 324, the compilation of the Dominican history of Dávila Padilla, though not the style and form. Dávila also, ‘scrisse la Storia antica de’ Messicani, servendosi de’ materiali raccolti già da Ferdinando Duran Domenicano da Tezcuco; ma questa opera non si trova.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 13. But this may be a mistake. A similar rewriting would have greatly improved the Historia de las Indias, which is exceedingly unpolished and slovenly, full of repetitions and bad spelling, and showing great poverty of expression. On the other hand, it is relieved by an admirable portrayal of character and knowledge of human nature, and by a minute study of the effect of conversion on the natives. The work consists of three tratados, the first in 78 chapters, giving the history of Mexico from its origin to the conquest, terminating with the expedition to Honduras. This was completed in 1581, while the other two were finished two years before. The second tratado, in 23 chapters, treats of Mexican divinities and rites, and the third, in two, or more properly nineteen, chapters, of calendar and festivals. Padre Duran died in 1588, leaving the manuscripts to Juan Tovar, Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 653, who gave them to Acosta, then occupied in preparing his Natura Novi Orbis, and other works. The contribution came most opportunely, and was used chiefly for his account of Mexico, as he frankly admits, though giving the credit to Tovar, who may have claimed the authorship. On the strength of this statement Clavigero, with others, confirms the claim to the ‘nobilissimo Gesuita Messicano.’ Torquemada, i. 170-1, ii. 120, himself not spotless, takes advantage of the confession to rail at Acosta for borrowed plumage, mutilated at that. The manuscripts, now in the Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, are written in double columns and illustrated with numerous plates. Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 711, refers to them as in two parts. A few copies have been taken, mine forming three volumes. A set obtained by José Fernando Ramirez, one of Maximilian’s ministers, was prepared by him for publication, but, owing to the death of the imperial patron, only the first 68 chapters were issued at Mexico, 1867, in one volume, with notes and considerable changes of the style. This mutilation, as some term it, may have been a reason for the seizure of the whole edition, together with the separate plates, by the republican government. Only a few copies escaped this fate, one of which I succeeded in obtaining. Although independent issue was long withheld from Duran, he has at least enjoyed the honor of being associated with one possessed of far greater fame than he himself could ever hope to achieve.

The motives which impelled Joseph de Acosta to write on America were quite pretentious. Among the many Spanish books on the New World, he says: ‘I have not seene any other author which treates of the causes and reasons of these novelties and wonders of nature, or that hath made any search thereof. Neither have I read any booke which maketh mention of the histories of the antient Indians, and naturall inhabitants.’ With a view to repair these omissions he issued De Natvra Novi Orbis libri dvo, et de Promvlgatione Evangelii, apvd Barbaros, sive de Procvranda Indorvm Salvte Libri sex. Salmanticœ, 1589. The first part, De Natura, is a philosophic dissertation on physical features, on the probable knowledge among the ancients of a western hemisphere, and on the origin of the Indians. The second part, in six books, bearing a separate imprint under 1588, though published only in connection with the previous two books, treats entirely of the method and progress of Indian conversion. The Natura was translated into Spanish, and incorporated, with some amendments, in the Historia Natvral y moral de las Indias, Sevilla, 1590, dedicated to Infanta Isabel, which treats also of Indian history and customs, and refers briefly to the conquest. The work achieved great success, and was reproduced in numerous editions, in nearly every language, though often without Acosta’s name, and in distorted form, as in De Bry and some German versions. This may not be considered bad treatment by those who charge Acosta with plagiarism, although he frankly admits following a number of authors, among them ‘es vno Polo Ondegardo, a quien communmente sigo en las cosas de el Piru: y en las materias de Mexico Ioan de Touar prebendado que fue de la Iglesia de Mexico, y agora es religioso de nuestra Compañia de Iesvs. El qual por orden del Virrey hizo dõ Martin Enriquez diligẽte, y copiosa aueriguaciõ de las historias antiguas.’ See p. 396. There is no doubt that the interest and value of the work are owing chiefly to the circumstance that the original authorities have remained sealed, until lately at least; for, despite its pretentious aim, the pages are marred by frequent indications of the then prevalent superstition and credulity. The Procvrando Indorvm Salvte is more in consonance with the character of the Jesuit missionary and scholastic.

Born at Medina del Campo about 1539, he had in his fourteenth year joined the Society, to which four brothers already belonged. After studying and teaching theology at Ocana, he proceeded in 1571 to Peru, where he became the second provincial of his order. Returning to Spain seventeen years later—‘post annos in Peruano regno exactos quindeciem, in Mexicano & Insularibus duos,’ says the dedication of 1588 to Philip II., in De Natvra of 1589—he gained the favor of the king, occupied the offices of visitador and superior, and died as rector at Salamanca, February 15, 1600. Several other works, in print and manuscript, chiefly theologic, are attributed to him—see Camus, 104-13—among them De la criança de Cyro, dedicated to Filipe III. in 1592, which was also a borrowed text, from Xenophon, and remained a manuscript in the Royal Library.

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XXVI. LA NOCHE TRISTE

JUNE 30, 1520.

THE CAPTIVE-KING DRAMA CARRIED TOO FAR—BETTER HAD THE SPANIARDS TAKEN MONTEZUMA’S ADVICE, AND HAVE DEPARTED WHILE OPPORTUNITY OFFERED—DIPLOMATIC VALUE OF A DEAD BODY—NECESSITY FOR AN IMMEDIATE EVACUATION OF THE CITY—DEPARTURE FROM THE FORT—MIDNIGHT SILENCE—THE CITY ROUSED BY A WOMAN’S CRY—THE FUGITIVES FIERCELY ATTACKED ON ALL SIDES—MORE HORRORS.

And now what must have been the feelings of the invaders, who, like the ancient mariner, had killed the bird that made the breeze blow! For assuredly they were responsible for the emperor’s death. Indeed, the direct charge of murder against Cortés has not been wanting, even among Spanish chroniclers; but this was owing greatly to the effort of the general to extricate the army from its desperate situation while the enemy was supposed to be distracted by grief and engaged in solemn obsequies. We may be sure, however, that the Spaniards did not kill Montezuma; that they did not even desire his death; but regarded it at this juncture as the greatest misfortune which could happen to them.[808] For in the vast evolvings of their fast, unfathomable destiny, they were now all like sea-gulls poised in mid-air while following a swiftly flying ship.

It is interesting to note the manœuvring on both sides over the dead monarch, who having ministered so faithfully to his enemies while living, must needs continue in the service after death. The hostile chiefs were called and informed of the sad consequences of their outrage on the emperor. The body would be sent to them, so that they might accord it the last honors. The leaders replied curtly that they had now a new chief, and cared no longer for Montezuma, dead or alive. The corpse was nevertheless carefully arrayed in fitting robes and given in charge of two prisoners, a priest and a chief,[809] with instructions to carry it to the Mexican camp, and explain the circumstances of the death and the grief of the Spaniards. On appearing outside the fort a leader motioned them back, and would probably have used force but for the priestly character of the bearers, behind whom the gate had been closed. A few moments later they disappeared from view. The disrespect shown the living was not spared the dead. As the corpse was borne through the streets jeers and insults fell from lips which formerly kissed the ground on which the monarch had stood. Many declared that a coward like Montezuma, who had brought so many misfortunes on the country, was not worthy of even ordinary burial.[810] The imperial party managed, however, to secure the body, and, assisted by those to whom the royal blood and high priestly character of the deceased outweighed other feelings, an honorable though quiet cremation was accorded in the Celpalco, where Sahagun intimates that the ashes remained.[811]

Shortly after the body had left the Spanish quarters Cortés sent a fresh message to the Mexicans, believing that by this time the presence of the august dead might have had its effect on them. He pointed out the respect due to the remains of a sovereign, and proposed a cessation of hostilities with that view, and till they had elected a successor, one more worthy than the present leader, who had driven them to rebel.[812] The chiefs replied that the Spaniards need trouble themselves about nothing but their own safety. They might come forth, they added tauntingly, to arrange a truce with their new leader, whose heart was not so easily moulded as that of Montezuma. Respect for the emperor, the Spaniards replied, had made them hitherto lenient toward his people, but if they remained obstinate no further mercy would be shown, and not one Mexican would be spared. “Two days hence not one Spaniard will be alive!” was the retort.

Hostilities were thereupon resumed, and Cortés did not delay the prearranged attempt to complete the capture of the approach to Tlacopan. The presence of the imperial corpse had either a retarding influence on the movements of the enemy, or else the Spaniards sallied unexpectedly and fought with greater energy, for the four remaining bridges were gained with little difficulty, and twenty horsemen passed on to the shore, while the infantry and allies took possession of the route, and began filling in the channels with débris, so as to form a solid path, or to repair the bridges at the deeper places. At this time a messenger arrived with the announcement from the chiefs who were directing the siege of the fort that they were willing to treat for peace. Leaving the forces in charge of Velazquez, Cortés hurried with some horsemen to answer the welcome summons. The chiefs proposed that if pardon was granted them for past offences they would raise the siege, repair the bridges and causeways, and return to peaceful intercourse. In order to arrange the conditions they demanded the liberation of the captured high-priest. This was at once agreed to, and after some discussion messengers were despatched to different parts of the city, bearing orders, it was said, to stay hostilities.

It is somewhat singular that the astute Cortés should have given such ready credence to proposals so advantageous to himself. Yet this appears to have been the case. Delighted with the happy adjustment of affairs, he ordered prepared a grand supper; but he had hardly seated himself at table before tidings reached him that the Mexicans had returned to the attack on the causeway, largely reinforced by land and water, and were regaining the bridges taken that day. The conference had been a ruse to throw the Spaniards off their guard, to obtain the release of the high-priest, from whom besides much information was expected about the condition of the besieged, and to gain time for bringing up reinforcements.[813] Fearful that his retreat would yet be cut off, Cortés galloped back to the causeway, threw himself on the enemy, recovered the bridges, and was soon in hot pursuit of the flying Mexicans. He had not proceeded far, however, when the Indians, who had rushed for safety into the lake and the canals, were encouraged to return to the attack and cut off the cavalry. With furious charges they drove the guard from the bridges, and began to destroy them and remove the filling.[814] The causeway swarmed again with foes, and the water round it was alive with canoes, whence myriads of missiles were directed against the horsemen as they pushed their way back. On reaching the last causeway breach, nearest the city, the riders feared they would be overwhelmed, for here the enemy was gathered in masses and had destroyed the passage. Nothing was left for them but to take to the water, midst a storm of stones and darts, while lines of spears and javelins pressed against them from the land and from canoes. The party was thrown in disorder, and one rider was pitched from his saddle during the mêlée, obstructing the passage to the rest.[815] Cortés remained the last to cover the retreat, and single-handed now and then turned on the swarming warriors, striking with the energy of despair. Eager to secure the great general, the enemy pressed heavily upon him, and but for the stout armor protecting himself and the horse he would certainly have perished. As it was, he received two severe wounds in the knee, besides many scratches. The last Spaniard having left the bank, Cortés rang loud his San Pedro cry, and clearing the way he leaped his heavily laden horse across the chasm, six feet in width, and quickly left behind him the discomfited crowd. “Had not God helped me,” he writes, “that moment would have been my last.” Indeed, it was already rumored in the city that he was dead. It being found impossible to hold the causeway bridges, a guard was left only at the others, while the remainder of the troops returned to the fort, worn-out and demoralized.[816]

Long since it had been agreed among the Spaniards that the city must be evacuated; time and method were the only questions. The former of these was now resolved on by the council: it should be this very night. It was safer to meet the issue now than later. The enemy was hourly reinforced. Perilous indeed was the undertaking to pass with luggage, war stores, prisoners, and women over the broken causeway in the darkness; but to remain was death. Botello, the astrologer, had declared for this time, and so it was determined. For Botello was wise and prudent, knowing Latin and the stars; he had foretold the greatness of Cortés, and had recommended his night attack on Narvaez, and general and soldiers believed in him.[817] Had he lived a century or two later his words might have been employed as the vox stellarum by the almanac makers. The Mexicans had said that they would make it a time of sore distress, any attempted escape of the intruders, a time when men must struggle, and women would pray and weep; and if so, it were no worse for the fugitives that black night should fling her mantle over the bloody scene.

Since the Indians were supposed to have destroyed the crossing at the causeway channels, a portable bridge was made with which to effect the passage. Two more would probably have been made had time and convenience permitted, but misfortune willed it otherwise. It was agreed that a large portion of the effects must be left behind in order not to encumber the march, but the gold demanded special care. The royal officials, Mejía and Ávila, were charged to secure it, and for this purpose a number of carriers were assigned, the general giving also one of his own mares. Their convoy was intrusted to a body of infantry, under Alonso de Escobar.[818] The secretary, Hernandez, and the royal notaries were called to testify that all had been done that was possible. There still remained a large quantity of the bulky jewels belonging to the king, besides a mass of unappropriated treasure, which could not be intrusted to carriers, or for which no carriers were found, and rather than leave them to the ‘Indian dogs’ Cortés announced that the soldiers might take all they wished—after permitting his favorites the first selection. He warned them, however, that the more they took the more their safety would be endangered. The adherents of Cortés do not appear to have been eager to encumber themselves, and Bernal Diaz shared this prudence in taking only four chalchiuite stones. The men of Narvaez practised less restraint, and many loaded themselves with the metal. Cortés was afterward charged with having appropriated a considerable share of the wealth thus thrown open; he certainly had funds with which to send for horses, war material, and supplies.[819]

Sandoval was appointed to lead the van, with two hundred infantry and twenty horsemen, assisted by Ordaz, Andrés de Tapia, and others. With him went fifty men under Captain Magarino to carry the bridge. They were pledged to remain at their post to the last, and were escorted by a select body of infantry and allies. For the middle were destined the baggage and treasure, the prisoners and the sick, under a large escort, supervised by Cortés himself, who, with Olid, Morla, Ávila, and other captains, and a special force of one hundred men, were to render aid where needed. The artillery was intrusted to two hundred and fifty Tlascaltecs and fifty soldiers, and the rear was placed in charge of Alvarado and Velazquez, with thirty horsemen and about one hundred adherents of Cortés, with most of the men of Narvaez. The allied forces, of whom a number appear to have returned home during the inaction of Montezuma’s captivity, and who had suffered greatly during the siege, must still have numbered nearly six thousand men, including carriers, distributed among the three divisions.[820] Among the prisoners Cortés enumerates the legitimate son of Montezuma, and two of his daughters, probably those bestowed on the general in marriage, King Cacama and his younger brother and successor, and several other high personages.[821] The sick were to be carried in hammocks and behind riders.

* * * * *

It is the evening of the 30th of June.[822] Fiery copper has been the sky that day; the sun blood-red and moon-like, turning day to night, when night is so soon to be employed as day. As the hour approaches, a fog sets in, which thickens into mist and denser moisture until, to favor the Spaniards, providence turns it to a drizzling rain,[823] thus to veil their movements, and make substantial the silence of the city, the lake, the distant wood; and thereupon all join fervently in the prayer of Father Olmedo and commend their lives to almighty God.

About midnight the order is given to march.[824] Stealthily they creep down the temple square and reach the Tlacopan road.[825] The streets are wholly deserted. All is quiet, save the dull rumble of tramping soldiers. The blessed rain, or some supernatural interposition, seems to keep the whole city within doors. And if this kind power will but have patience and not desert them for one brief hour—ah, it is so easy for Omnipotence to help! Along the road like a phantom the army moves. The van picks up the guard at the canal crossings. The causeway is almost reached. Already they begin to breathe freer; a feeling of intense relief steals into their breasts, and—Mother of God! what noise is that? It is the piercing outcry of a woman[826]—may the foul fiend seize her!—breaking upon the stillness like a warning note from the watch-tower of Avernus. On the instant the war-drum of the Tlatelulco temple sends forth its doleful sound, chilling the fugitives to the very heart’s core. Quickly its tones are drowned by the nearer, shriller trumpet-blasts and shouts of warriors, echoed and reëchoed from every quarter.

Meanwhile the advance column had reached the sixth bridge crossing,[827] the first to connect with the causeway, and had obliged the Mexican picket to retire, after exchanging a few shots. The portable bridge was here laid, and the van crossed with quickened steps, followed by the centre with the baggage and artillery. At this juncture the enemy fell upon the rear, rending the air with their yells, sending their missiles fast and furious, while from the cross-roads issued a swarm, with lance and sword, on Alvarado’s flank. Over the water resounded their cries, and canoes came crowding round the causeway to attack the forward ranks. To add to the horrors of the tumult, several men and horses slipped on the wet bridge and fell into the water; others, midst heart-rending cries, were crowded over the edge by those behind. All the rest succeeded in crossing, however, except about one hundred soldiers. These, it is said, bewildered by the battle cries and death shrieks, turned back to the fort, and there held out for three days, till hunger forced them to surrender and meet the fate of sacrificial victims at the coronation feast of Cuitlahuatzin.[828]

The half mile of causeway extending between the first and second breaches was now completely filled with Spaniards and allies, whose flanks were harassed by the forces brought forward in canoes on either side. Dark and foggy as the night was, the outline of the Indian crews could be distinguished by the white and colored tilmatli in which many of them were clad, owing to the coldness of the air. Fearlessly they jumped to the banks, and fought the Spaniards with lance and javelin, retreating into the water the moment the charge was over. Some crept up the road sides, and seizing the legs of the fugitives endeavored to drag them into the water. So crowded were the soldiers that they could scarcely defend themselves; aggressive movements were out of the question.

Repeated orders had been transmitted to Magarino to hurry forward the removal of his bridge to the second channel, and, seeing no more soldiers on the opposite bank of the first opening, he prepared to obey, but the structure had been so deeply imbedded in the banks from the heavy traffic that his men labored for some time in vain to lift it, exposed all the while to a fierce onslaught. Finally, after a number of the devoted band had succumbed, the bridge was released, but before it could be drawn over the causeway the enemy had borne it down at the other end so as effectually to wreck it.[829] The loss of the bridge was a great calamity, and was so regarded by the troops, hemmed in as they were between two deep channels, on a causeway which in width would hold only twenty men in a line. On all sides were enemies thirsting for blood. Presently a rush was made for the second channel, where the soldiers had already begun, in face of the foe, to cross on a single beam, which had been left intact when the bridge was destroyed. As this was an exceedingly slow process, many took to the water, only to receive their death-blow at the hands of the watermen. Some were taken prisoners; some sank beneath their burden of gold; the horses found a ford on one side where the water was not above the saddle.

The canoes, however, were as numerous here as elsewhere, and their occupants as determined; and the horsemen had the greatest trouble to keep their seats while resisting them. The general, being at the head, suffered most. At one time some Indians seized him by the legs and tried to drag him off. The footing of the horse being so insecure, the attempt would probably have succeeded but for the prompt aid of Antonio de Quiñones, and Texmaxahuitzin, a Tlascaltec, known afterward as Antonio. Olid, who also came to the rescue, was almost overpowered, but managed to free himself by means of backhanded blows from his muscular arm. One of the cavalry, Juan de Salazar, the page of Cortés, then took the lead to clear the way for the rest, only to fall a victim to his zeal. The next moment his master had gained the bank, and thereupon directed the troops by the ford.[830]

Thus in the darkness the wild roar of battle continued, the commingling shouts and strokes of combatants falling on the distant ear as one continuous moan. The canoes now pressed on the fugitives in greater number at the ford than in the channel. Sandoval, with his party, had swum the channel before the Mexicans assembled there in great numbers, and was now leading the van down the causeway, scattering the assailants right and left. Little regular fighting was attempted, the Spaniards being intent on escaping and the Mexicans quickly yielding before the cavalry, taking refuge in and round the canoes. With greater hardihood and success, however, they harassed those on foot. On reaching the next channel, which was the last, the fugitives found with dismay that it was wider and deeper than the others, and with bitter regret they saw their mistake in not bringing three portable bridges. The enemy was here also gathering in ever increasing force, to watch the death trap. Every effort to clear a passage was stubbornly resisted, and, the soldiers growing more irresolute, a rider was sent to bring Cortés. Before he arrived, however, Sandoval had already plunged in with a number of the cavalry, followed by foot-soldiers, who seized the opportunity to fall into the wake, by either holding on to the trappings of the horses or striking out for themselves. The passage was extremely difficult, and more than one horseman reeled and fell, from the united pressure of friends and foes. Those who followed suffered yet more, being pushed down by comrades, struck by clubs and stones, pierced by spears, or, most horrible of all, drawn in by dusky boatmen, who carefully guarded them for the dread stone of sacrifice.

With five horsemen Cortés led a body of one hundred infantry to the mainland. Accompanying this force was a number of carriers with treasures secured by the general and his friends. Leaving the gold in charge of Jaramillo, with orders to hold the entrance of the causeway against assailants from the shore, Cortés returned to the channel where Sandoval had taken a stand to keep clear the bank and protect the passage. Tidings coming that Alvarado was in danger, Cortés proceeded to the rear, beyond the second channel, and found it hotly contested. His opportune arrival infused fresh courage, as with gallant charges he relieved the troops from the terrible pressure. He looked in vain for many comrades who had been placed at this post, and would have gone in search of them had not Alvarado assured him that all the living were there. He was told that the guns reserved for the rear had for a while been directed with sweeping effect against the ever growing masses of warriors around them; but finally a simultaneous attack from the canoe crews on either side, and from the land forces to the rear, impelled by their own volume, had overwhelmed the narrow columns nearest the city, together with their cannon, killing and capturing a large number, and throwing the rest into the panic-stricken condition from which he had just extricated them.

Leaving Alvarado to cover the rear as best he could, Cortés hastened to direct the passage of the middle channel. What a sight was there! Of all the bloody terrors of that dark, sorrowful night, this was the most terrible! A bridge had been wanting, and behold, the bridge was there! With dead and living fugitives the chasm on either side the slippery beam had been filled,[831] and now the soldiers and allies were rushing, heedless of the groans beneath them, across this gory support, still narrow and full of gaps, to be filled by the next tripping fugitive. Scattered pell-mell on the bank lay the baggage and artillery, abandoned by the fleeing carriers, which, proving only an obstruction, Cortés ordered it thrown into the channel in order to widen the crossing.

But the end was not yet. Great as had been the woe, it was yet to be increased at the last and wider channel. Here was indeed a yawning abyss, having likewise a single remaining beam, whose narrow slippery surface served rather as a snare than a support.[832] The necessarily slow motion of the train had enabled the Mexicans to come up in swarms, and like sharks surround the chasm. Harassed on every side, and with an avalanche rolling against the rear, the retreating thought only of escaping the new danger, and at once. They threw aside their arms and treasures and plunged in, bearing one another down regardless of any claims of friendship or humanity. And woful to hear were the heart-rending cries from that pit of Acheron. Some begged help of Mary and Santiago; some cursed their fate and him who had brought them to it, while many sank with mute despair into the arms of death; and over all roared the wild cries and insults of the Mexicans. In strong contrast to the panic-stricken men appeared a woman, María de Estrada, who, with shield and sword, faced the enemy like a lioness, standing forth among the men as a leader, and astonishing friend and foe with her prowess.[833]

Cortés did all he could, as became an able commander and valiant soldier, to save his men. He was indefatigable in his efforts, being everywhere present, encouraging, guiding, and protecting. Yet his position was most trying; there were that night so many brave soldiers given over to despair, so many ears deaf to commands and prudent counsel. Unable to do more at the channels, he hastened to look to those who had crossed and were proceeding in straggling bands to join Jaramillo. Heedless of companies or officers, the soldiers had banded in parties of a score or two, and sword in hand, where this had not been thrown away, they were hurrying down the causeway.[834] The assailants fell off somewhat beyond the last channel, and finding the advance comparatively safe, guided by his soldierly impulses Cortés again returned with a few horsemen[835] and foot-soldiers to cover the remnant of the army. The rear, composed chiefly of the Narvaez party, were approaching the last channel, but under the continued onslaught panic had seized them. They made hardly an effort to defend themselves, and like the Indians during the massacre by Alvarado they huddled one against the other, offering their backs as a target for unsparing attack. Among this number was the loyal and noble Velazquez de Leon, who shared with the Tonatiuh the command of this section. How he fell is not known, but he never crossed the last breach.[836]

Alvarado had been wounded and had lost his horse, in common with most of his party. Finding it impossible to control the men, he gathered a small band round him and sought the channel, leaving the rest to look to themselves.[837] On reaching the spot he saw a confused mass of struggling humanity in the water, but the solitary beam which spanned it was vacant, and steadying himself with his lance he sprang swiftly across. Narrow and slippery as was the beam, it was no insignificant feat for a wounded man to cross upon it, but time magnified the performance to something miraculous. When Alvarado came to the channel, it is related, no friendly beam spanned the wide, deep gap. His life turned on brief resolve and instant action. Lithe, strong, and determined, even though wounded, he was not yet ready to yield all. With a searching glance into the troubled pool and across the awful chasm he stepped back for a preparatory spring. Then, rushing forward, he planted the long pike upon the yielding débris and vaulted across, to the wonder of all witnesses. The Indians, says Camargo, prostrated themselves in admiration, and tearing up grass, ate it, with the exclamation, “Truly, this man is the Tonatiuh!” So runs the story, preserved by tradition, and by the name yet given to the spot, ‘El Salto de Alvarado.’[838]

Cortés and his small band of rescuers came up as Alvarado appeared, pike in hand and bleeding, accompanied by a few stragglers.[839] Among these was Juan Tirado, who, in gratitude for his deliverance, erected at this bridge after the conquest a hermitage to San Acacio, known also as De los Mártires—martyrs to avarice, as Torquemada intimates.[840] The badly wounded were now mounted behind the horsemen,[841] and repelling the foes who still pressed on them, Cortés in person covered the remnant of the army in its retreat toward Tlacopan,[842] losing in this final struggle the gallant Captain Morla.[843] The route lay through Popotla village or suburb; and here, according to tradition, Cortés seated himself on a stone to weep over the misfortunes of this Sorrowful Night.[844]

By a similar process of annealing, gold is made soft and iron hard; so by misfortune the wise man is made wiser while the fool is hardened in his folly.

FOOTNOTES

[808] According to the version of the rabid Duran, based on native paintings and narratives, the bodies of the prisoners were found in the fort after its evacuation, that of Montezuma with five stabs in the breast. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 477-9. Acosta seems rather to favor the story, improbable as several of its points are. Hist. Ind., 524. To some extent it rests on the statement repeated by Ixtlilxochitl, which assumes that Cacama, who had made himself particularly obnoxious to the Spaniards, was killed with 47 stabs before the fort was evacuated. Hist. Chich., 301. A more severe account is found in a manuscript fragment in Ramirez’ collection, written by a Tezcucan, wherein it is related that a sword was thrust into the intestines, ‘por la parte baxa.’ The body was thereupon taken to the roof, as if to address the people. A stone struck the head, and now the Spaniards proclaimed that this had caused the death. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 362. This is substantially repeated in Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 457. A stronger testimony, however, comes from Sahagun, who states that Cortés recommended to his followers the murder of the prisoners in order to terrify the natives and to assume the mastery. ‘Y lo primero que hicieron, fue dàr Garrote à Motecuhçuma, y à Itzquauhtzin, Señor de Tlatelolco, y à otros.’ Version in Torquemada, i. 498, and in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. [ed. 1840], 113. The issue, modified by the censor, merely states that the bodies were found near a stone, Teoaioc, outside the fort. Id. [ed. 1829], 31. This account has received its chief support in the quasi admission of Torquemada; and when he, the otherwise zealous champion of the conquerors, takes such a view, others may be pardoned for accepting it. ‘Y que esto aia sido asi, puede ser posible, pues para tenerse por seguros, le avian prendido; y viendo agora, que no bastaba la prision, vsarian de este vltimo medio, para vèr si le aplacaban, y atemoriçaban estos Mexicanos.’ i. 498-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts the version, and adds that Montezuma was told of his fate and urged to accept baptism. ‘On répandit aussitôt la nouvelle de sa mort comme s’il eût expiré naturellement.’ Hence even the soldiers did not know of the murder. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 330-1. Bustamante, of course, adopts anything Sahagun may say against the Spaniards; and Carbajal takes Torquemada’s view, Hist. Mex., ii. 375, as does Beltrami, eager for any sensation. Mex., ii. 145. Vetancurt seeks to reconcile conflicting opinions by assuming that when Montezuma died Itzquauhtzin and several other prisoners were murdered and cast out together with the emperor’s body, in order to terrify the Mexicans and occupy their attention while the Spaniards hurried away. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 142. ‘Io non posso persuadermi,’ says Clavigero, ‘che gli Spagnuoli si risolvessero a toglier la vita ad un Re, a cui doveano tanti beni, e dalla cui morte non potevano aspettarsi, se non molti mali.’ Storia Mess., iii. 131. Solis cannot believe Cortés guilty of an act so bad and reckless. Hist. Mex., ii. 150-1. Prescott disposes of the charge as an ‘absurdity’ and a ‘monstrous imputation.’ Hist. Mex., ii. 321. It must be considered, however, that the Spaniards did seek to profit by the death; and scruples about ‘killing a dog of an Indian,’ as they had so lately termed him, could not have weighed with such men when their interests were concerned; how much less when their lives were at stake? The whole argument, then, may be said to depend on the question whether Montezuma was more valuable as captive or as corpse. If the people manifested little respect for the living ruler, the Spaniards could have had no reason to expect more for the dead. His death would only have loosened the bond which still restrained a vast number, whether of kindred or of mere subjects, and given the hostile leaders fresh motives and strength for their operations. Besides, Montezuma must have retained a great influence outside the city, which a fugitive army would have found of service. The recognition of this influence is shown by the efforts made to save the imperial children, as noticed even by the most rabid accusers of the Spaniards. It may be mentioned that no charge is brought forward in the residencias either against Cortés or Alvarado.

[809] Apanecatl, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 332. Bernal Diaz sends these men to carry the news of the death, and following them were six high personages and most of the captive priests, carrying the body. Hist. Verdad., 105.

[810] Stones were thrown upon the cortege, and it was driven from quarter to quarter. Finally Apanecatl took refuge in the palace where Cuitlahuatzin held forth, and appealed to him, only to be repulsed by his courtiers. The body was nevertheless secured by a friendly party. Manuscrit Nahuatl, 1576, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 333.

[811] ‘Hicieron todas las solemnidades que solian hacer ... Mocthecuzoma lo enterraron en México ... algunos decian mal de Mocthecuzoma porque habia sido muy cruel.’ Hist. Conq., 31. ‘Vimos q̄ hizierõ muy gran llanto, q̄ biẽ oimos las gritas, y aullidos q̄ por èl dauan.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105. ‘Hizieron muy gran llanto, para enterrar al rey en Chapultepec.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 154. Herrera combines these two authorities in saying ‘le deuieron de enterrar en el monte de Chapultepèque, porque alli se oyò vn gran llanto.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. He forgets that Chapultepec lay three miles off. Torquemada corrects Herrera, and insists that the ‘Copalco’ was the place. He gives specimens of the insults offered during the cremation, i. 499. ‘Estaban indignados contra él.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 301. It has been asserted by some, says Duran, that the ashes were scattered to the winds, as unworthy of preservation. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 479. Acosta attempts a modification by stating that the body being contemptuously rejected, a servant burned it, ‘y puso sus cenizas dõde pudo en lugar harto desechado.’ Hist. Ind., 524. The burial-place has certainly not been pointed out to posterity. According to Sahagun, the body of Itzquauhtzin was ‘cast forth’ from the quarters, together with that of Montezuma, and was taken in charge by his subjects of Tlatelulco, by whom he was greatly beloved and mourned. ubi sup. To ‘cast forth’ the bodies could have been only a needless insult, which Cortés was too prudent to inflict on the people.

[812] ‘Que alçassen a su primo del Monteçuma, que con nosotros estaua, por Rey.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105. ‘Dixo Cortes ... el se queria hallar a sus honras.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x.

[813] Prescott, following Clavigero, assumes that the whole was an artifice to liberate the two captive priests, one of whom was indispensable in the event of a coronation. Mex., ii. 338. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes that the parley was conducted by the party favorable to the Spaniards, and duped by the stronger faction, which never intended to adhere to the arrangement. Hist. Nat. Civ., 321.

[814] ‘Como los peones estaban cansados y heridos y atemorizados; ... ninguno me siguió. A cuya causa, después de pasadas yo las puentes ... las hallé tomadas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 134. Where had he left his prudence?

[815] ‘Hallé á todos los de caballo que conmigo iban, caidos en ella, y un caballo suelto.’ Id.

[816] With a loss of over twenty men. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105. This author places all the fighting on the causeway on one day, a Thursday, the day of evacuating Mexico, and the day following the surrender of Montezuma’s body. Herrera, who is far more confused, has a sally on this day in three directions, one being the Tlacopan road; but the operations on the latter route are only partially told, and the rest referred to the third day of the siege. There are also several contradictions to aid in confusing the many who follow him. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi. Prescott abandons himself to the guidance of Clavigero for the occurrences of these days, but embellishes the narrative with some incidents belonging to the siege of Alvarado.

[817] ‘Botello ... afirmò que ... supiessen que moriria el o su hermano, y algunos de la cõpañia, y qui se saluaria el Capitan, y otros muchos, y ninguno si salian de dia.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi. ‘Hora lo creyesen, hora no.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 159. ‘Anteponendo le vane osservazioni di quel meschino Soldato alla luce della prudenza militare,’ is the indignant comment of Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 135. But there is no doubt that ‘military prudence’ had more weight in the matter than Botello’s words, and that the result was not due to his advice. Solis casts the blame of crediting the ‘ignorant charlatan’ Botello chiefly on the majority of the council, to whom Cortés yielded. Hist. Mex., ii. 171-2. In order to lull any suspicions among the Mexicans, says Bernal Diaz, a leading priest and some other captives were sent to the Mexican camp with a proposal to surrender all the gold if the Spaniards were allowed to leave in peace eight days later. Hist. Verdad., 105.

[818] Lejalde, Segunda Prob., in Icazbalceta, _Col. Doc._, ii. 424. For carrying the royal treasures ‘les dió siete cauallos heridos, y cojos, y vna yegua, y muchos Indios Tlascaltecas, que segun dixeron, fueron mas de ochenta.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106.

[819] Bernal Diaz, for instance, states that he had hardly taken the four chalchiuites for his share, from a collection in a mat, when Cortés gave orders to his mayordomo to secure it. loc. cit. His penchant for appropriating large shares to himself is well known. Greed of gold was not now his motive, however, but rather a prudential care to secure means for his plans, and he could hardly neglect them when taking so great care of the royal portion. Martyr, Gomara, and Herrera estimate the treasure at 700,000 ducats, chiefly in bulky jewels according to Gomara. Bernal Diaz reckons in pesos, which may mean pesos de oro. Peter Martyr assumes it to have been the general fund, from which the royal fifth had been set apart only at the last moment, but not apportioned. dec. v. cap. vi. Solis assumes that 700,000 pesos remained after the king’s portion had been deducted. Hist. Mex., 174-5. One witness estimates that over 2,000,000 pesos were lost during that night. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 414. The Carta del Ejército reduces the loss to 400,000 pesos de oro. Another witness states that 300,000 castellanos remained when the soldiers were told to help themselves; afterward the general compelled them to surrender what had been thus given, only to keep it for himself. Cortés, Residencia, i. 241-2. ‘Lo demás ... lo dimos y repartimos por los españoles para que lo sacasen,’ says Cortés, Cartas, 135, which may be interpreted as either giving or intrusting. Whatever may have been left after the Spaniards had taken their loads was gleaned by the allies. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 159.

[820] Bernal Diaz gives Sandoval 100 young unmarried soldiers, with Francisco de Acevedo, the dandy, Ordaz, Tapia, and eight or nine of Narvaez’ men, captains on his staff. To Cortés he gives 50 men, and adds B. V. de Tapia to his staff. Hist. Verdad., 105. This author is contradictory, however. Herrera places Antonio de Quiñones as Sandoval’s chief aid, and Olid and Ordaz in the rear. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 160; Cortés, Cartas, 134; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 30 et seq.

[821] Herrera adds a brother of Montezuma, and Sahagun names two sons. Hist. Conq., 33. So does Vetancurt, although he assumes that one was saved. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 142-3. Ixtlilxochitl gives a longer list, including two sons of Montezuma, and two sons and four daughters of Nezahualpilli, of Tezcuco. One of the daughters escaped, but it was not the beloved of Cortés, who had been baptized and named Juana. Cacama is not included in the list, because he is assumed to have been stabbed to death before the fort was evacuated. Hist. Chich., 302; Relaciones, 390. With the prisoners’ division went Marina, the interpreter, the Tlascaltec princesses Luisa and Elvira, and some other women, protected, says Bernal Diaz, by 30 soldiers and 300 Tlascaltecs.

[822] This date is based on Cortés’ letter, wherein he places the arrival on Tlascala’s border on Sunday, July 8th, after giving a clear account of the intermediate days. Any doubt about this date is removed by the testimony in Lejalde, Segunda Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 423, wherein the leading captains state that the siege lasted six days. This testimony also clears up the only doubtful point in Cortés’ account of the siege operations, where he disposes of the wounding and death of Montezuma in one sentence, and then resumes the description of the fighting in a manner that has assisted to mislead Gomara and many others into extending the stay in Mexico till July 10th. Ixtlilxochitl adopts this date, yet in the Relaciones, 390, 412-13, he states that the siege lasted only seven days. Bernal Diaz places the eve of the departure on a Thursday, July 10th [with Cortés it is Saturday], yet he dates the battle of Otumba just one week later than Cortés. Hist. Verdad., 105, 108. This latter date induces Zamacois to change the date of flight to July 8th. Hist. Méj., iii. 406-7. ‘La notte del 1 Luglio,’ says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 135, but his reasons for the date are wrong, and the term he uses may apply also to the night following that adopted in the text.

[823] The Spaniards recognized this as a favoring shield direct from God, says Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 473-4.

[824] Ojeda was instructed to see that no somnolent or sick person was left. He found one man asleep on the roof and roused him. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi. Gomara takes the trouble to deny the statement of Cano that 270 men, ignorant of Cortés’ departure, were left behind to perish. Oviedo, iii. 551. A later note will explain the cause of this rumor.

[825] The ravaging sallies of the preceding days, which had involved the destruction of houses in the vicinity and along the approaches to Tlacopan, had evidently obliged the enemy to retire from these streets and seek shelter elsewhere for the night. Oviedo assumes that Cortés led the way, but Diaz and Herrera let him advance only when the first troops are guided into Tlacopan.

[826] ‘Pasaron cuatro acequias, y antes que pasasen las demas salió vna muger á tomar agua y viólos.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 32. ‘A devil, without doubt,’ adds Camargo, who describes her as a keeper of an eating-house, and indicates exactly the location of her house. Hist. Tlax., 167. Cortés states that the alarm was given by the guard at the first breach held by the Mexicans, where the portable bridge was laid down. Cartas, 136.

[827] Sahagun names this Mictlantonco, and the next two Tlantecayocan and Petlacalco. In another place he names the first Tecpantzinco, and the second or third Tolteacali. Hist. Conq., loc. cit., and [ed. 1840] 121-2. Torquemada gives the second breach of the causeway the latter name. The names should probably be written Tecpantzinco, Tolteca-Acalulco, and Petlacalco.

[828] This native rumor, as recorded in the manuscripts used by Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 476-7, is probably the foundation for Cano’s statement, that Cortés abandoned 270 men in the fort. Herrera reduces them to 100. ‘Que se boluieron a la torre del templo, adonde se hizieron fuertes tres dias.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

[829] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106, assumes that the enemy bore it down before the baggage train had crossed, and that the channel was filled in consequence with artillery, baggage, and dead bodies. Gomara gets the bridge across the second breach. Both must be mistaken, however.

[830] Camargo relates the incidents of the passage in detail, and says that Cortés fell into a hole as the enemy pounced upon him. The two deliverers disputed the honor of having rescued the general. Hist. Tlax., 169.

[831] ‘El foso se hinchó hasta arriba; ... y los de la retroguardia pasaron sobre los muertos. Los españoles que aquí quedaron muertos fueron trescientos, y de los tlaxcaltecas y otros indios amigos fueron mas de dos mil.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 122.

[832] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 4, 53, 68.

[833] ‘Casò esta Señora, con Pedro Sanchez Farfan [who seized Narvaez], y dieronle en Encomienda el Pueblo de Tetela.’ She married a second time, and died in Puebla. Torquemada, i. 504.

[834] Bernal Diaz formed one of a band of 50, who were repeatedly attacked with arms and midst insults. He quotes some of the low expressions used. Hist. Verdad., 106.

[835] One authority states that Cortés was nearing Tlacopan, when Olid and others called out to him that the fugitives were accusing the captains of abandoning them, and urged that they should turn back. ‘It is a miracle to have escaped,’ was his reply, ‘and fewer will be left if we return.’ Saying this he headed a dozen horsemen and a few foot-soldiers and galloped back. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106. But Cortés was not the man to wait in such a case till entreaty came. ‘Yo con tres ó cuatro de caballo,’ he says, ‘y hasta veinte peones, que osaron quedar conmigo, me fuí en la rezaga.’ Cartas, 135. He takes the palm from all American conquerors, exclaims Oviedo, iii. 326.

[836] Zamacois makes atonement for a lack of research by inventing doughty deeds for this hero. Hist. Méj., iii. 417-18.

[837] Among the soldiers contributed in later times by Garay’s expedition was one Ocampo, who, fond of scandal and pasquinades, libelled many of the captains, among them Alvarado, declaring that he had left Velazquez with over 200 men to die. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106-7. The charge came forward in the residencia, but Alvarado brought witnesses to prove that he had lost all control over the men, and could do nothing else than to save himself, wounded and unhorsed as he was. There were other witnesses who did all they could to blacken his fame, and to attribute to his neglect of duty a great portion of the loss sustained during that sad night. Ramirez, Proceso, 4, 38, 53, 68, and 288. Ramirez decides against the accused. But Alvarado was admittedly brave, recklessly so, and it must be regarded rather as his misfortune that a panic seized the men. Perhaps, as commander intrusted with this section, he should have remained longer at his post. This signified death, and such men as then comprised his command he regarded as hardly worth dying for. He chose to save life at the expense of a blemish on his honor. More it never amounted to, for the court absolved him. He redeemed the fault afterward by brave achievements.

[838] Camargo intimates that several Tlascalan chiefs of the expedition testified to the feat. Hist. Tlax., 168; and Gomara adds that several followers tried to imitate it, but failed, and were drowned. Hist. Mex., 160. Contradictory as Bernal Diaz is about the incidents of the night, he strenuously insists that the channel was examined during the following siege and found to be too wide and too deep to allow of such a leap. Hist. Verdad., 107. This solitary denial of a story which has been adopted by almost every writer, from Oviedo to Prescott, finds support in testimony during the hero’s residencia, wherein it is distinctly stated that he crossed the channel on a fixed beam. His own testimony gives assent to the charge so formulated, although hitherto he had no doubt allowed the other version to be believed. Ramirez, Proceso, 4, 53, 68 et seq.

[839] Seven Spaniards and eight Tlascaltecs, all badly wounded. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106.

[840] ‘Durò poco este nombre, pues tampoco les convenia à los muertos, que iban cargados de Oro.’ Monarq. Ind., i. 504. Zamacois describes the site as he found it not long ago. Hist. Méj., iii. 421-3. Bernal Diaz implies that the ‘martyr’ name was given in honor of those captured and sacrificed during the siege, a year later. Hist. Verdad., 153.

[841] Alvarado was taken on Gamboa’s horse, Laso on Sandoval’s. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 69, 119.

[842] Alvarado said that only the dead remained behind, but Olid insisted that a number were still fighting the enemy. Cortés accordingly went back again and rescued several more. Castañeda, in Id., 44. Bernal Diaz also states that Cortés returned as far as the bridges. Hist. Verdad., 106.

[843] The same who sprang into the sea, off Yucatan, to replace the rudder of his vessel, unshipped during the storm.

[844] La Noche Triste, as it has ever since been called. Amid so much that is romantic the tendency to further romance is often uncontrollable. The truth of this statement is open to grave doubts. ‘Llegó [Alvarado] á Cortés, que estaba ençima de unas gradas de un qü, sentado diçiendo muchas lástimas.’ Oviedo, iii. 514. Zamacois describes the enormous tree, yet standing, which shaded the stone and bears the name of ‘Arbol de la Noche Triste.’ Hist. Méj., iii. 424. Prescott improves the occasion by allowing the army to file past in sad dilapidation, regardless of the fact that the army was already gathered in Tlacopan. Mex., ii. 371-2. Testimony confirms the statement of Cortés that ‘fuí en la rezaga, peleando con los indios hasta llegar á una ciudad que se dice Tacuba’ [Tlacopan]. Cartas, 135-6.

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XXVII. RETREAT TO TLASCALA

JULY, 1520.

FATAL MISTAKE OF THE MEXICANS—A BRIEF RESPITE ALLOWED THE SPANIARDS—THE REMNANT OF THE ARMY AT TLACOPAN—THEY SET OUT FOR TLASCALA—AN EVER INCREASING FORCE AT THEIR HEELS—REST AT THE TEPZOLAC TEMPLE—CORTÉS REVIEWS HIS DISASTERS—THE MARCH CONTINUED AMIDST GREAT TRIBULATION—ENCOUNTER OF THE GRAND ARMY—IMPORTANT BATTLE AND REMARKABLE VICTORY—ARRIVAL AT TLASCALA—THE FRIENDLY RECEPTION ACCORDED THEM THERE.

What would Emperor Charles have said to Hernan Cortés had they met on the morning after the Sorrowful Night! It is related of Xerxes that with a golden crown he rewarded a pilot who had saved his life, and thereupon ordered him beheaded for having sacrificed in the operation the lives of so many of his Persian subjects. Now Cortés had not saved the emperor’s life, nor yet the emperor’s gold; he had sacrificed many lives, and had little to show for them. Had Charles been there, and had he valued Spaniards as did Xerxes Persians, he might have cut off the Estremaduran’s head; but Cortés was yet worth to Charles more than all that had been thus far lost in New Spain.

Prosperity implies ability; adversity, weakness of mind and character. In the high-souled and chivalrous, prosperity tends to yet loftier heights, while adversity sinks the unfortunate still lower; nevertheless, the fortitude and dignity which come to the really great under misfortune are among the grandest sights in this universe. I have said that Cortés might have ridden to Mexico over palm branches, midst hosannas, had he but known it; but had he done so, there would have been no greatness attending the act. The door of peaceable exit from the city of Mexico had long been open to him; but to have accepted Montezuma’s invitation hence would not have raised Cortés in the estimation either of himself or of his soldiers.

After all the terrible disasters of the Noche Triste the Spaniards were not wholly forsaken by fortune, though they called it the irrepressible Santiago on his milk-white steed who caused the Mexicans to neglect their opportunity of vigorously pursuing the fugitives beyond the last channel, and in their helpless state to exterminate them. Yet we cannot help asking why Santiago did not come to their assistance sooner, and save them untold woe. The Spaniards, however, were not captious in their criticisms of benefactors, and so a small stone was erected on the Tacuba road in honor of the mounted saint.[845] If we would have the real cause why the Mexicans did not follow up the Spaniards, we may find it in their greed for spoils, as Sahagun observes, which detained the warriors, especially round the channels. A thorough search was soon instituted by them; the canals were dragged, and quantities of arms, baggage, and personal effects were secured, beside the gold and jewels which had been taken by the Spaniards. Their own dead they decently buried, while those of the Spaniards and their allies were more summarily disposed of, and the whole road cleared of obstructions and whatever might infect the atmosphere.[846]

According to Gomara the discovery of the bodies of Montezuma’s son and heir and other princes created such sorrow that pursuit was on this account suspended. It seems not unreasonable that the natives should have charged their death wounds to the Spaniards, who, rather than see men like King Cacama free to create mischief, should have preferred to dispatch them, offering, Medea-like, a bribe to reverence and love with a view to retard the Colchian pursuers.[847] Although this accusation could not be proven, their death was nevertheless to be avenged. At least forty Spaniards and a number of allies had been captured during the night, and at the obsequies, which were of the most imposing order, they added solemnity to the occasion by yielding their hearts’ blood; while those who, according to native tradition, turned back to hold the fort for three days before they swelled the throng of victims, were reserved for the coronation soon to follow.

The respite from close pursuit had enabled the fugitive army to join, in detached groups, the nucleus already gathered under Jamarillo in one of the squares of Tlacopan,[848] the capital of the smallest tripartite state, half a league from Mexico. A sorry spectacle was this remainder of the brilliant army which had so lately entered Mexico as conquerors. A haggard, bleeding, ragged crowd, dreggy with mire and smeared with gore, many without weapons, and without a vestige of their baggage and war stores. When Cortés arrived with the last remnant the sun was rising, and fearing the danger of an attack in the narrow streets, such as had made the sallies in Mexico so disastrous, he hastened to conduct his men into the open field. The movement was made none too soon, for immediately after the scouts gave warning of approaching hosts, magnified to a hundred thousand or more, speedily the war shrieks again broke on the ears of the startled troops. The Mexicans had sent word to Tlacopan and the neighboring towns to intercept the fugitives, and assistance coming with the dawn they joined in the attack.[849]

A Tlascaltec chief had recommended a northward course, round the lakes, as the least exposed to pursuit, and offered himself as guide.[850] The march was accordingly directed north-westward through some maizefields, with Cortés leading. The enemy were upon them before the rear left the city, and several soldiers fell in the onslaught. A short distance before them rose the hill of Totoltepec, Bird Mountain,[851] surmounted by a temple with several strong buildings,[852] and a small village. This appeared an eligible spot for the rest which they so much needed. Crossing the Tepzolac Creek, at its foot, Cortés ordered the advance guard, under Ordaz, to capture it, while he faced the pursuers. Little resistance was offered at the temple, but the general was hotly pressed, as the enemy perceived that their prey was about to escape. At this juncture it was said that the Vírgen de los Remedios appeared, and by casting dust into the eyes of the foe enabled the Spaniards to effect their escape with little loss into the temple. “By this time,” writes Cortés, “we had not a horse that could run, or a horseman who could lift an arm, or a foot-soldier who could move.”[853]

A few additional intrenchments were thrown up, and the necessary guards posted to watch the baffled enemy, who perceiving the strength of the place contented themselves with flinging their missiles and filling the air with shouts. Feeling comparatively secure, the troops abandoned themselves to rest round blazing fires. The food found in the place, although insufficient for the demands of the half-starved men, afforded some comfort, which was increased by grateful sleep.[854]

Thus were refreshed the wounded and disheartened. And with grateful hearts the remnant of the brave army returned thanks to God for deliverance. Some, however, attributed their escape to the presence among them of the image of the Vírgen de los Remedios, which Rodriguez de Villafuerte is said to have afterward placed in the great temple of Mexico. It had been brought here by the owner, although some supposed it might have come over of its own accord, as it is said to have miraculously done in later times when detained in Mexico against its will.[855] Some years after the Noche Triste it was found on this hill under a bush, by a converted cacique named Juan de Tobar, who kept it for a long time, and then by divine direction built a hermitage for it on the hill, where it had been found. The many miracles reported of the shrine induced the City of Mexico in 1574 to adopt it as a patron, and by the following year the simple chapel was replaced by a fine temple worthy of the sanctity of the image which has absorbed so large a share of holy pilgrimage.[856]

The review held on Remedios Hill revealed the full extent of the blow suffered, “one which Spaniards alone could have endured,” says Peter Martyr. At the beginning of the siege the army mustered twelve hundred and fifty Spaniards and six thousand allies, with arms and ammunition in abundance, and now little more than five hundred soldiers and less than two thousand allies remained.[857] The baggage, artillery and ammunition, intrusted to the trains of carriers, had all been lost, and a great portion of the arms carried by the men, so that only twelve battered cross-bows and seven firelocks could be counted. What better commentary could we have on the night’s disaster! The side arms were fortunately better preserved, and there were twenty-four horses left, now the only formidable element of the army.[858] Of the treasure none could tell what had been saved, the holders keeping the fact secret. It was whispered, however, that Cortés had taken good care of the portion appropriated by him, Bernal Diaz, among others, insisting that with the first party conducted by the general to Tlacopan went a number of carriers with gold bars and jewels. Among these is said to have been some of the royal treasure, but the officers declared that it had all been lost, including the mare with the fifth proper, and the account books and records. The loss of the papers, however unfortunate for history, must have been rather convenient to Cortés, at least, who had a fancy for adjusting facts and figures to suit his schemes.[859]

Deeply stricken was Cortés, and bitterly did he repent of the mistakes which had contributed to this sad result: of having left Alvarado in charge to follow his rash bent; of having treated Montezuma and his chiefs so inconsiderately on his arrival; and, above all, the faulty arrangements for the flight by night.[860] His had been the greatest conquest yet undertaken in the New World, and his the greatest disaster. The men of Narvaez had suffered most, partly, it is said, because they were most eager to burden themselves with gold, but rather because they were inexperienced, and assigned chiefly to the rear. It was the gaps in the ranks of his veterans that touched Cortés most. Gone was the dear dandy Francisco de Salcedo, whom slovenly comrades should no more trouble! The cavalry, so sadly depleted, missed among its number the dashing Láres[861] and the brave Morla. Neither could Botello be injured by the curses freely given him for his false reading of the stars.[862] The death which most deeply moved Cortés, however, was that of the true-hearted and brave Velazquez, whose standing and influence, as a relative of the Cuban governor and as a man of high birth, had so greatly assisted the general in carrying out his schemes. Cortés had in return conferred on him some of the most important commissions, ever regarding him as among the truest of his friends. With him had died his native wife, Elvira, the daughter of the Tlascaltec lord Maxixcatzin, and nearly every prisoner.[863]

With so many losses to deplore, it proved a solace for Cortés to find present his favorite captains, Sandoval, Alvarado, and Olid. His interpreters were also here, and foremost the loving Marina, whose life, together with that of Luisa, Xicotencatl’s daughter, was due to the zealous care of the latter’s brothers. Martin Lopez, the ship-builder, also survived, and the sight of him assisted to give the thoughts of the general a hopeful bent, rousing in his enterprising spirit projects for vengeance and recuperation. Remnants though they were, his forces were still larger than those with which he had overcome Narvaez, and which he had till then regarded as sufficient for the conquest of the empire. The experience gained and a knowledge of the country were in themselves an army; and, thank fortune, he had some gold, and better still, allies. Tlascala was now his hope. Everything, indeed, depended on the little republic, and whether it would afford him shelter and aid. He knew that the loss of so many of its warriors under his banner had brought wide-spread affliction, which might turn to hatred toward him as the cause. Thereupon he talked to the Tlascaltec chiefs who were yet alive, and endeavored to stir in them the thirst for revenge, and excite their desires for rich spoils and increased domain.[864]

* * * * *

Besiegers and besieged sat watching each other the whole day, but the latter made no signs of stirring. Thinking that they would not venture forth for some time, many of the former began to file off homeward, leaving, nevertheless, a strong force round the hill. Cortés feared that the morrow would bring them back with reinforcements and make escape difficult. Trusting again therefore to the darkness, now joined to the more advantageous circumstance of an open field, he set forth, leaving the fires blazing to lull the watchfulness of the foe. Eight captains were appointed for the different sections to maintain the arranged order of march,[865] Cortés with a portion of the cavalry taking the rear, as the post of danger. The rest of the horsemen led the van, while the sound infantry formed a cordon for the centre, wherein the wounded were carried in hammocks, or hobbled along on hastily prepared crutches, a few being taken up behind the horsemen. The rear had hardly left the temple before the enemy were upon them with swords and lances, many of the captured and recovered weapons of the Spaniards being now used against themselves. But the attack was not severe, partly because the pursuers had been reduced to irregular bands from the mainland settlements, whose chief object was plunder. At dawn the town of Calacoayan was sighted, and on approaching it the mounted scouts came in a ravine upon an ambuscade formed by its warriors. Believing them to be numerous the horsemen galloped back, and joined by others returned to charge. It is related that the leader halting for a moment to arrange for the attack, a soldier became impatient, and hoisting an improvised flag on his lance he called out, “Santiago! follow me who dare!” The rest responded, and the enemy was routed with slaughter.[866] The town was ransacked for food and fired as a warning to the assailants. The march was resumed, and the plain of Tizaapan reached, but owing to the fight at the town and the constant skirmishing only three leagues were made that day. Toward sunset they reached the hamlet of Teuculhuacan, and took peaceable possession of the temple for the night.[867]

At noon on the 3d the march was resumed, with quickened steps and with less interruption. Though persistent in harassing, the pursuers fled whenever the cavalry charged, and took refuge on the hill-slopes, flinging with their missiles jeers and insults. “Women!” they cried; “cowards, who fight only when mounted! You are going whence none of you shall escape!” The latter threat was frequently heard, but its meaning failed as yet to be understood. There was a worse enemy than the Mexicans, however, and that was hunger, which made itself severely felt, “although Spaniards can endure its pangs better than any other nation,” vaunts Gomara, “and this band of Cortés’ better than all.” Eagerly they scanned the road side for fruit or roots, and many ate grass, while the Tlascaltecs threw themselves upon the ground and begged their gods to take pity upon them.[868] One soldier opened a dead body and ate the liver, and when Cortés heard of it he ordered the man hanged, but the sentence was not executed. The route, at first craggy, passed through the towns of Quauhtitlan and Tepotzotlan, along the lake of Zumpango, to Citlaltepec, where camp was formed. The inhabitants had fled, but food was there to eat, and even to carry on their journey, and there they remained all the next day.[869]

On the morning of the 5th of July they skirted the lake and turned westward to Tlascala, pursued by increasing forces;[870] owing to which, or to the roughness of the road, or to the guide, less progress was made than on the previous day, and camp was pitched at the deserted hamlet of Xoloc. The following day they proceeded toward the Azaquemecan Mountains, and halted at the town Zacamolco.[871] Observing a mysterious movement among the Indians on the slope, Cortés set out with five horsemen and a dozen foot-soldiers to reconnoitre. After skirting the mountain he came in sight of a large army,[872] with a portion of which he came to close quarters, the fleet natives having gained on the foot-soldiers in making the turn of the hill. In the mêlée Cortés was badly wounded in the head.[873] He retreated to camp and had the wound bandaged, and the forces were hurried away from the town, which appeared too exposed for an attack. The Indians pursued them so closely that two men were killed and a number wounded, beside four or five horses. One of the animals died, and although the troops deplored its loss, the meat proved acceptable, for roasted maize with a little fruit had been their only food for several days.[874] Camp appears to have been formed for the night in a hamlet among the hills, the enemy being left on the opposite western slope of the range.

A serious encounter being apprehended the next day, additional crutches and hammocks were prepared for those of the wounded who had hitherto been carried on horseback, so as to leave the cavalry free in its movements.[875] Before dawn on July 7th[876] the march was resumed, in the hope of eluding the forces in the rear, little suspecting that this was but a wing of the main body now preparing to surround them. They had proceeded about a league, and were on the point of entering the large plain of Otumba,[877] when the scouts came galloping back with the information that the whole field was filled with warriors in battle array. The hearts of the Spaniards sank within them. They were hoping to escape an enemy such as this.[878] Cortés ordered a halt, and with his captains talked over the situation. Retreat was out of the question, and to turn aside would be useless. “We must charge upon this host,” said Cortés; “we must make our path through its very centre. Remember your dead comrades; remember your God; comport yourselves like Christian soldiers, and this idolatrous horde will melt before you like the morning mist.” He thereupon issued the necessary instructions for charging and resisting, and for protecting the disabled. The horsemen were to ride with loose rein, lancing at the faces, so as to break the enemy’s lines, and open a path for the infantry, who were to follow and thrust their sidearms at the bowels of their assailants.[879]

Commending themselves to the virgin, and invoking the aid of Santiago, the troops advanced and entered the plain, skirted on the east by the lower ranges of the Tlaloc, which inclosed in the distance the town of Otumba. The sight was as grand as it was terrifying. In every direction were seemingly endless columns, with flowing plumage, brilliant shields of varied designs, and above and beyond these a forest of glittering iztli points. “It was the finest army Spaniards ever encountered in the Indies,” exclaims Bernal Diaz. Their number was legion, and the richness of their attire signified the presence of the strength and nobility of the empire. The original estimate was doubled, and that was increased fourfold, until, like Don Quixote’s sheep, two hundred thousand seemed small. Aware of the route taken and the destination of the Spaniards, Cuitlahuatzin had sent orders to the caciques of Otumba, Teotihuacan, Calpulalpan, and adjoining region, to mass their forces here and exterminate the intruders. This order came most opportune, for at the time a fair was held at Otumba, which attracted a large concourse, from which volunteers were readily obtained for so laudable an object, represented not only as easy of achievement, but as profitable from the spoils that were to follow. A strong force from the lake region had come to form the nucleus of the army, the command of which was assumed by Cihuacatzin, lord of Teotihuacan.[880]

The sight of the sorry remnant of the Spanish army was greeted by the native host with triumphant shouts, trumpet blasts, and the clashing of weapons. Nothing should now prevent their escape; they were doomed! Cautiously the Indians advanced to surround them; for though the wounded and bedraggled band was small, it still looked viperish. Like the French in Egypt the Mexicans might have said that the centuries were looking down on them from the mystic towers of Teotihuacan, consecrated to the sacred past. It was natural enough for them to feel glad and proud; surely the invaders had brought them misery enough to justify any return. But let them not forget that there are still strong men, now nerved to desperation. And just beyond the mountain fringe, toward which pointed their holy banner of the cross, was a promised land, ‘the land of bread,’ and, as they hoped, of trusty friends.

Cortés did not wait for them to advance too near before he made a charge. With head and arm bandaged he led the cavalry, which in parties of five rushed at the enemy, lancing straight at the face, and opening a way for the infantry, which followed at a quick pace, thrusting sword and pike as they had been directed.[881] This tactic disconcerted the natives somewhat, and discarding their projectile weapons the front ranks seized on lances, two-handed swords, and heavy clubs, encouraging one another by shouting the names of their towns and districts. After breaking the lines the horsemen turned to open another path in the direction of the infantry, throwing the Indians in a disorderly pressure one against the other, and keeping them in a state of apprehension as to where the mounted avalanche would next roll over them. Again the horsemen turned, dashing close along the flanks of the troops, scattering the intermediate assailants in confusion, and rendering them an easy prey to the foot-soldiers. Swift as the wind the gallant Sandoval flew past, crying to his comrades: “We win to-day, señores! We win to-day, God helping us!” María de Estrada was likewise there, cheering onward the men, and sharing danger with the foremost of the brave.

It would indeed seem to persons of less confidence than the Spaniards that some supernatural power had been necessary on this day to deliver them. Nor did the Tlascaltecs belie their fame as warriors, for they fought like lions, as the soldier-chronicler declares, the chief Calmecahua being particularly conspicuous for his bravery.[882]

For a while the horsemen had it all their own way, chiefly, as Cortés observes, because the enemy consisted of such disorganized masses as to prevent one another either from fighting or fleeing; but as they became more used to the Spanish tactics they offered firmer resistance. The horse of the general being so severely struck in the mouth as to become unmanageable, Cortés dismounted and turned it loose to seek another. The injured animal, seemingly imbued with its master’s spirit, dashed at the enemy in mad career, creating quite a panic in its course. The cavalry took advantage of the confusion to follow, partly with a view to secure the animal; after regaining the main body they indulged in a brief rest. The heat no less than the fighting had tired out both men and horses; but there was for them little respite, for no sooner had the foes observed their inaction than they closed in round them with renewed courage. “Thrust well and deep,” came the order to the soldiers, “for they are all chiefs!” And so they seemed, from their rich dress, their elaborate devices, and their glittering ornaments. Cortés now mounted a horse whose viciousness had hitherto consigned him to the baggage department,[883] and again the cavalry formed, this time in more compact order. But the enemy, ever relieved by fresh men, maintained the firmness with which they had begun the charge, and both horsemen and foot-soldiers found the pressure becoming greater and the fight hotter. Thus the battle continued during the greater part of the forenoon,[884] the natives evidently as fresh as ever, and the Spaniards visibly failing. “We thought surely that this was to be our last day,” writes Cortés, “in view of the great strength of the Indians and the little resistance they could find in us, tired as we were, and nearly all wounded, and faint with hunger.”

A feeling of suffocation and deathly despair comes over the Spaniards as the dusky host fold them in closer and yet fiercer embrace. Hot falls the blood-reeking breath upon their faces, as, flushed with success and sure of their victims, the foe lay hold of the Spaniards to drag them away to the sacrifice. Rare offerings to the gods, indeed, are these magnificent men! And such they will surely become if Mary, Santiago, or the ready genius of Cortés appears not quickly to the rescue! But how shall there be rescue? What rescue is there to the sinking ship alone in mid-ocean? Can this Cortés for the release of his comrades baffle death like Hercules for the release of Alcestis?

So it would seem. Behold yonder grand personage, borne aloft in open litter, high over the others, with plumed head-dress, and above it the gold-net standard, the tlahuizmatlaxopilli, set with precious feathers, and secured to his back by a staff, according to custom.[885] This is the generalissimo of all the native forces there gathered, and around him are the flower of the army in feathered armor of rich designs, guarding with zealous care the banner, and encouraging the rest to renewed efforts and brave deeds. Cortés sees him, and his purpose for weal or woe is fixed almost before his comrades are aware of the chieftain’s approach; for he comes as captain of the hounds to be in at the death of these Spanish foxes. Cortés is well aware of the importance attached by natives to the person of the general, and to the safe-keeping of the standard. In these centre all the hope of their armies: success is theirs so long as they remain; but once brought low, and the Indian regards all as lost. Even at this juncture Cortés does not fail to observe the increased firmness and spirit among the warriors as the banner approaches. Here, then, is the one chance more, which is all the brave man asks. With a quick motion to his mounted followers, pointing to the sacred insignia, and as if he would throw the whole might of Spain into his brief words, Cortés cries out: “Señores, let us break with them! In the name of God and St Peter, señores, let us close with them!” Not a man there but knew that the next moment would determine all, would determine the fate of every Spaniard in New Spain.

Throwing themselves with the compact force of one of their own cannon-balls against the heaving mass, they mow an instant path to the charmed centre. The wave of disorder strikes the sacred guard, while the unruly horse of Cortés, bearing him unresistingly onward, overturns the litter of the generalissimo, and hurls the bearers to the ground. “Victory!” shouts Cortés, when he recovers his breath; and “victory! victory!” echo his people, while Juan de Salamanca plunges his lance into the body of the prostrate chief, and seizing the sacred banner, presents it to the general as his rightful trophy.[886]

The welcome cry of Cortés electrified the whole Spanish line, while the warriors lately so triumphant stood stupefied with dismay. With the disappearance of the palladium their courage had fallen, while the Spanish soldiers, with the confidence and strength of joy, rushed from wing to wing upon them. The warriors wavered; then, with one more searching glance in the direction of the guiding emblem, they became convinced that their leader had indeed fallen. Consternation followed; the panic from the centre overtook the more distant, and valiantly as they had fought before, as cravenly did they now flee.[887]

Forgetful of wounds and hunger, and regardless of the imminent danger attending such a course, the Spaniards pursued the foolish fugitives, thrusting and slashing at them until they had killed twenty thousand—a round figure, truly, and one which accords well with the estimates of the entire force. But after all, what the natives had hitherto suffered must have been little compared with the present slaughter, for their dead lay very thick along the line of retreat. Hardly one among the Spaniards had come off scathless, while few of the poor Tlascaltecs were left to share in the rich spoils.[888]

After recalling the troops from their bloody pursuit, the first care of Cortés was to see that the wounded soldiers had rest and refreshment. Then a solemn thanksgiving service was held, and right earnestly did they all join in its offering. Cortés ascribed the victory to St Peter, as with his name on his lips he had made the miraculous charge. But Santiago was the soldiers’ favorite, as they declared he was present and fought with them; and near the village of Tenexcalco a chapel was afterward erected to commemorate his appearance.[889]

Obviously this battle was the most important so far in the New World; and it must ever be regarded as one of the most remarkable in history. The natives were probably much less numerous than the estimates of the boastful victors; still they were immensely superior in number and condition to the Spaniards, enfeebled by recent defeat, by wounds, and want. Further, the latter had no fire-arms wherewith to terrify the natives, only swords and pikes. Their main advantage lay in their horses, their discipline, and the genius of their leader;[890] all strengthened by the enthusiasm born of a national pride, and a certain knowledge that failure meant utter destruction.

Fatigued as all were, and weakened from battle, Cortés resolved nevertheless to push on toward Tlascala the same day, fearing that the enemy might be shamed into a rally, or receive such reinforcements to their already immense numbers as to encourage them to return. In this he was not mistaken, for Cuitlahuatzin had ordered Tezcuco, Chalco, and neighboring districts to send larger forces, and so insure an assumed victory for the Otumban army. The reinforcements appear to have been already in motion when news came of the defeat, accompanied by the rumor that a Tlascaltec army was on the way to aid the Spaniards. The hasty march eastward of the fugitives offered in itself sufficient encouragement for straggling marauders from the surrounding villages to follow in their wake and harass them with occasional missiles.[891]

By night the town of Temalacayocan[892] was reached, and here the army obtained some food and camped in and around the temple. Badly wounded as he was, Cortés took charge of the watch, for sleep had no power over his mind at that moment. Before him rose invitingly the ranges of the Tlascaltec border, where he hoped to find a haven. It was only hope, however; for Cortés came not as before, heralded as the invincible conqueror, to whose bravery and deeds the warlike republic was delighted to offer homage; nor with the vision of the mighty Montezuma bending before him; nor with the prospect of entering to assume control of a great empire. All this was changed. He had lost his former prestige, and could present himself only as a fugitive to seek protection for a remnant of his army. And this at the hands of those who might yet smart under the stigma of defeat by a handful, and who might now find it prudent and convenient to accept the friendship and wealth of the victorious Aztecs. What if the people of Tlascala should reject him? “We were not very confident in finding the natives of the said province faithful and friends of ours,” writes Cortés; “for we feared that they, on seeing us so dismembered, might seek our lives, in order to recover the liberty which they formerly enjoyed. This thought and fear kept us in as great an affliction as when we marched along harassed by those of Culúa.”[893] Nevertheless he sought to cheer his men with hopes for the best, and to remind them how necessary it was, now above all, to guard their conduct so as to give rise to no jealousies or unpleasantness, since even a petty quarrel might raise a whirlwind to overwhelm them. Should God, however, not permit them to rest in Tlascala, they must recall their many glorious victories over greater forces than could henceforth be brought against them, and be prepared with stout hearts and vigorous arms to meet the issue.

The march was resumed in the morning with the usual precautions, although the pursuers fell off as the border was approached. Soon the Spaniards reached a fountain on the slope of a hill, close to an ancient fortress, which marked the boundary of the republic.[894] Resting there for a while, they drank of the water and were refreshed. Then they passed on to Hueyotlipan, a town of three or four thousand families, about four leagues from the capital.[895] Here food was obtained in sufficient abundance, yet not without the stimulus of presents. The women, however, were most sympathetic in their offers to tend the wounded, although only too many were deep in mourning and clamoring for vengeance for brothers, sons, or husbands, who had fallen during the retreat. The captains did their best to console them with the prospect of speedy victories, with bitter retaliation on the hated Aztecs. Whatever doubt yet remained of Tlascaltec disposition was dispelled in the afternoon by the arrival of the lords, including the ruler of Huexotzinco, with a large suite, bearing provisions and other presents, and cheering the hearts of the discomfited with the most cordial greeting. They still showed admiration for the white heroes, and extended a sympathy for their sufferings which displayed itself even to tears. This feeling was particularly strong in Maxixcatzin, the most powerful of the four chiefs, who gently upbraided Cortés and his captains for not having listened to his warnings. Remonstrances were now out of place, however, and he and his could only bid them welcome, and tender their estates and services. They were to regard themselves as in their own house. Their escape from the plots and overwhelming forces of the Mexicans had raised them and their prowess in the estimation of the Tlascaltecs, and they were prepared, as friends and as vassals of the Spanish king, to shed their last drop of blood in the task of avenging the common injury suffered at the hands of their ancient enemies. How inexpressibly dear is the prospect of revenge! The hatred of the Tlascaltecs for the Mexicans was too deep to be smothered by one reverse, and the desire to avenge their fallen brethren intensified it. When the news came of the hostile gathering at Otumba they had endeavored to procure reinforcements for their allies, but had not been able to collect a sufficient number in time.[896]

Cortés was deeply moved by the kind expressions and offers accorded him, and sought in every way to strengthen this so vital friendship. He exhibited profound grief over the death of so many Tlascaltec allies, and sympathized in particular with Maxixcatzin over the loss of his daughter Elvira, who had fallen with her husband Velazquez. He also distributed presents, chiefly such as had been obtained from the Otumba battle-field, and induced his men to follow the example. Maxixcatzin’s heart was completely won by the gift of the banner taken from the Mexican generalissimo,[897] and other chiefs were gladdened with different trophies. The troops remained at Hueyotlipan for three days,[898] in order to recruit somewhat, and then, assisted by a number of carriers, they passed on to the capital. Here the whole population came forth, headed by the lords, to welcome them, with music, and flowers, and acclamations.[899] Cortés was taken in charge by Maxixcatzin and lodged in his palace; Alvarado became the guest of old Xicotencatl, and the others received every attention. The reception concluded with a series of festivities.[900]

FOOTNOTES

[845] ‘Esto despues lo declararon los mismos Indios.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 143. Nor do they omit the ever recurring story of the virgin image casting dust into the eyes of the pursuers.

[846] The Tlascaltec and Cempoalan bodies were thrown among the reeds, and the Spanish into deeper water. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 126-7.

[847] Duran and Ixtlilxochitl make the murders take place in the Spanish quarters, as we have seen. Sahagun permits two of Montezuma’s sons to fall between the last channel and Popotla, while guiding the fugitives. Hist. Conq., 33 (ed. 1840), 122. Gomara assumes also that the pursuers may have been content with the injury inflicted, or cared not to renew the fight on more open ground. Hist. Mex., 161. Solis attributes the respite wholly to the discovery of the bodies. Hist. Mex., ii. 185-6.

[848] ‘Llegado á la dicha ciudad de Tacuba, hallé toda la gente remolinada en una plaza, que no sabían dónde ir.’ Cortés, Cartas, 136. ‘Hasta cerca de Tlacupan hasta un lugar que se llama Tilihucan.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 33. ‘Tacuba ... is at the present day chiefly noted for the large and noble church which was erected there by Cortez.’ Latrobe’s Rambler, 128.

[849] Gomara assumes that the Tlacopan people were not aware of the broken condition of the troops. Now they joined the 40,000 Mexicans who had set forth prepared for pursuit. Hist. Mex., 161. ‘Yà auian venido de Mexico.... dar mandado a Tacuba, y a Escapuçalco, y a Tenayuca, para que nos saliessen al encuentro.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106. The Mexicans were disgusted with those of Tlacopan for their neglect. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

[850] ‘Un Angel de Guarda, ó San Pedro, como otros quieren, ó Santiago Apostol,’ observes the enthusiastic Lorenzana. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 145.

[851] ‘Totolpec.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302; Toltotepec is Vetancurt’s misspelling. ‘Cerro llamado de Muteczuma.’ Lorenzana, ubi sup.

[852] ‘Una torre y aposento fuerte.’ Cortés, Cartas, 136. ‘Vnas caserias q̄ en vn cerro estauan, y alli jũto a vn Cu, e adoratorio, y como fortaleza.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 107. ‘A este templo llamaron de la Vitoria, y despues nuestra Señora de los remedios.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Sahagun calls the rise Acueco, and places upon it the Otomí village of Otoncapulco. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 122. Vetancurt follows, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 143, while Camargo calls it Tzacuyocan. The variations in Sahagun’s editions lead Torquemada to say that the Spaniards moved the same day from Otoncalpulco pueblo to Acueco, an Otomí village, i. 504-5. This, Brasseur de Bourbourg follows. The Spaniards may have passed through it on departing, but would hardly move from a stronghold to a probably open village while surrounded by enemies. If food was the object, the able-bodied soldiers would have made a sally for it. It appears that the army camped for the night on the hill now occupied by the Remedios shrine, and in the fortress-like temple, to which a small village was attached. Alzate, however, who took pains to inquire into the subject, found that the natives applied the name Otoncapulco, not to the Remedios hill, but to the mountain, three fourths of a league off. On this mountain he found the ruins of a strong building, and none on the hill, whence he assumes that the camp was not made on the site of the shrine, but on the mountain. Gacetas de Lit., ii. 457-9. Bustamante accepts this view, but Archbishop Lorenzana, whose testimony in the matter must be reliable, says: ‘Se conservan aun algunos vestigios de la antigua Fortaleza, y esta se ha convertido dichosamente en el célebre Santuario de N. Sra. de los Remedios.’ Cortés, Hist. N. España, p. xiii. He also intimates that the Otoncapulco name is misapplied. Hence it may be assumed that the common application of Otoncapulco to this hill is due to a misinterpretation of Sahagun’s versions, which have been greatly tampered with, for that matter, and that the ruins mentioned by Lorenzana had disappeared by the time Alzate examined the place.

[853] Cartas, 136; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 110. ‘Aqui se señalò mucho Gonçalo Dominguez, hombre diestro y valiente.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Prescott makes several blunders and omissions in connection with this day.

[854] A few stragglers managed to reach the camp, and among them one Sopuerta, who had escaped death by feigning it. Herrera, ubi sup. Sahagun states that Otomís from Teucalhuican, and from the immediate neighborhood, no doubt, brought food, and invited the Spaniards to the former town, a few leagues from there. Hist. Conq., 33. Torquemada follows him, but the story is probably an exaggeration.

[855] It has been shown previously, by testimony not accessible till later years, that the image placed in the great temple was a picture on a tablet, while that of Remedios is a doll. But, of course, the image that could move through the air could also transform its shape. Bernal Diaz assumes, as we have seen, that Montezuma had ordered the image to be cared for; yet many believe that Rodriguez secured it before or after the massacre, while the more pious prefer to suppose that he could not find it, for want of time, perhaps, and that it moved miraculously to the camp. Acosta, Hist. Ind., 524; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302. After the departure of the troops the image hid itself on the spot, or Rodriguez, tired of the burden which had saved his life, ungratefully left it there. It is also supposed to have been carried to Tlascala ere it reappeared on its later site. Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106 et seq.; Alaman, Disert., i. 122. Lorenzana accepts it as the image from Mexico’s temple. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 138.

[856] It has frequently been brought to Mexico, and is still brought to avert epidemics and other ills, to bring rain or other blessings. When detained it would travel back of its own accord to the shrine, a proof of which was afforded by the travel stains on the dress. One rainy night it arrived covered with mud. Latrobe’s Rambler, 133. Thompson describes it as ‘a little alabaster doll, with the nose broken, and the eye out ... about eight inches high.’ Her wardrobe and jewels are valued at over $1,000,000. Recollections, 103-9. He gives an account of the veneration for the image and its miraculous power. The history of its origin and worship is to be found in a multitude of books, among which may be mentioned, Medina, Chrón. S. Diego Mex., 30 et seq.; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106 et seq.; Bustamante, Mem. Piedad Mex., 1-52.

[857] Cortés prudently limits, and we must add untruthfully, the loss to 150 soldiers and some 2000 allies. It is with a view to this estimate that he reduced the force brought into Mexico to 570 men, to which must be added the 140 composing the garrison. Deducting the 150 lost, 560 remain, and since he would hardly overestimate the number, for obvious reasons, this figure is probably near the truth. Bernal Diaz musters 1300 at Tlascala, and has 80 at Mexico. Deducting from this 800 men stated to have been lost before entering Tlascala, not counting those who fell in other provinces, leaves about 580; yet he acknowledges only 440 alive. Hist. Verdad., 108 et seq. Herrera is also contradictory, admitting in one place 500, and in another ‘less than’ 400 soldiers and 600 allies. Oviedo reduces the soldiers to 340. iii. 513. Vetancurt adopts Bernal Diaz’ 440 soldiers and Herrera’s 600 allies. Prescott hastily declares Gomara as nearest to the truth, yet he departs from him in the result. With regard to the allies, he reckons the full number of all who were brought to Mexico, while it is pretty obvious, from figures and facts, that a portion must have been allowed to return home during the inaction of the emperor’s captivity. The list of losses, as given by different authorities, stands as follows: 150 soldiers, over 2000 allies, Cortés; over 200 soldiers, over 2000 allies, Lejalde, Probanza; nearly 200 soldiers, over 1000 allies, Solis; 300 soldiers, over 2000 allies, at one bridge, Sahagun, 122; 450 soldiers, 4000 allies, Gomara, followed by Ixtlilxochitl, Clavigero, Camargo, and others; over 500 soldiers in all New Spain, Carta del Ejército; over 600 soldiers, Robertson; over 600 soldiers, B. V. de Tapia, in Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 38; 800 soldiers in all New Spain, Cortés, Residencia, i. 42; 870 soldiers in all New Spain, Bernal Diaz; 1170 soldiers, 8000 allies, Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 551.

[858] The loss in horses varies from 45, in Cortés, to 56, in Lejalde, Probanza, both acknowledging 24 left.

[859] ‘Perdidose todo el oro y joyas y ropa,’ etc. Cortés, Cartas, 135. It had been confided to Tlascaltecs, and was nearly all lost, says their chief. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 169-70. The officers testified afterward before public notary: ‘Se perdió todo el dicho oro é joyas de SS. AA., é mataron la yegua que lo traia.’ Lejalde, Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 425. Two witnesses during the residencia of Cortés stated that the general had two mares, one given to carry the royal treasures and the other laden with his own. The latter being lost, he claimed the other to be his, and in this manner appropriated 45,000 pesos or more which belonged to the king. Cortés, Residencia, i. 69, 101-2. Not long after the retreat he called on all to declare, under penalty, what gold they had saved of that taken from the unappropriated piles. From those who did so the treasures were taken, although it was understood that they had been given to them. All this Cortés kept. Id., 101-2, 241-2; ii. 402. Many refused to surrender, and since the leaders had also secured shares from the common pile, the order to reveal possession thereof was not enforced, says Bernal Diaz. He adds that one third was to be retained by the possessor as a reward. Cortés kept as a forced loan what had been surrendered. Hist. Verdad., 117-18. The loss of treasure, that thrown away by carriers and pressed soldiers, or sunken with their bodies, has been estimated at from several hundred thousand pesos to over two millions, in the values of that time; to which Wilson sarcastically objects, that ‘nothing was really lost but the imaginary treasure, now grown inconveniently large, and which had to be accounted for to the emperor. The Conquistador was too good a soldier to hazard his gold; it was therefore in the advance, and came safely off.’ Conq. Mex., 412-13.

[860] ‘Si esta cosa fuera de dia, por ventura no murieran tantos,’ adds Gomara, Hist. Mex., 161. While grieving he recognized ‘el manifiesto milagro que la reyna de los angeles su abogada, el apostol San Pedro, y el de los egércitos Españoles Santiago, habian hecho en haberse escapado él.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302. Vetancurt moralizes on the flight as a chastisement by God, who saved the remnant to spread the faith. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 145-6.

[861] On a later page Bernal Diaz says he fell at Otumba. Hist. Verdad., 107, 246.

[862] Herrera attempts to save somewhat the reputation of the astrologer by the statement that he prophesied death for himself or his brother.

[863] Every one, say Cortés and Herrera; but Ixtlilxochitl states that one sister of King Cacama was saved, and he intimates that one or two of his brothers also escaped. He is contradictory, however. Hist. Chich., 302, 390. The one who escaped must have been Cuicuitzcatl, the newly made king of Tezcuco. Brasseur de Bourbourg adds two of his brothers, probably from misinterpreting Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 339.

[864] Ixtlilxochitl names some of the chiefs to whom these offers were made. Hist. Chich., 302.

[865] Ávila, a veritable martinet, maimed a soldier with a blow for stepping from the ranks to pluck some fruit. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. The same story has been told of Ávila in Cempoala.

[866] Cortés allows the five scouts to defeat the enemy, who are frightened by the supposition that a larger force is upon them. Cartas, 137. Herrera is more explicit with regard to the ambuscade, and makes Ordaz lead up the reinforcements. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

[867] ‘Mas no cenar.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162. Sahagun states, however, that this was the town to which the Otomís had on the preceding day invited them, chiefly because they were related to the Otomís of the Tlascaltec division under Cortés. Hist. Conq., 34-5. A risky proceeding, if true, for an isolated community, on whom might fall the vengeance of the hostile Mexicans. In the account of the route followed to Tlascala Cortés is still the best guide, for he not only kept a record, but wrote his report while the occurrences were yet fresh. He is wanting in details, however, and fails to give names to localities. These omissions are remedied by Sahagun, who now seems more reliable. Other authors are vague or misleading for the route, but the occasional incidents told by them are noteworthy. Bernal Diaz indicates only one stopping place, Quauhtitlan evidently, before Otumba is reached. Camargo skips to a place adjoining Otumba, and Ixtlilxochitl takes the army to Quauhximalpan, a place which modern maps locate south of Remedios. He resumes the northern route, but names some towns that cannot be identified. Gomara adheres pretty well to Cortés, but his commentator, Chimalpain, supplies names for places, which differ from Sahagun and indicate a deviation from the extreme northern course, as will be seen. Torquemada follows chiefly Sahagun, whom he recommends. Orozco y Berra has closely studied the journey, and throws much light on it, more so than any other writer; yet his conclusions are not always satisfactory. Itinerario del Ejercito Español, in Mex. Not. Ciudad., 246 et seq. I have already spoken at length, in Native Races, iii. 231-6, on the life and writings of Father Sahagun, and will here refer only to the twelfth book of his Historia General, inserted by Bustamante, at the beginning of the set, under the title of Historia de la Conquista de Mexico. This copy is from one found by Muñoz in the Franciscan convent of Tolosa, in Navarre. Another copy of the twelfth book, in possession of Conde de Cortina, claimed as the true original, was published separately by the same editor, at Mexico, 1840, with lengthy notes from Clavigero and other writers to complete the chain of events, and to comment on the suppression in the former issue of statements concerning Spanish misdeeds. It has also an additional chapter. Neither copy, however, corresponds quite to that used by Torquemada, who in more than one instance quotes passages that are startling compared with the modified expressions in the others. The severity of the friar toward Spanish conquerors was no doubt a strong reason for the suppression of his work. The twelfth book begins with Grijalva’s arrival and the omens preceding it, and carries the narrative of the conquest down to the fall of Mexico. According to his own statement, on page 132, it is founded to a great extent on the relations given him by eye-witnesses, soldiers who had assumed the Franciscan robe and associated daily with the friar; but much is adopted, with little or no critique, from superstitious natives, the whole forming a rather confusing medley, so that it is difficult to extract the many valuable points which it contains. This difficulty is, of course, not encountered by such followers as Bustamante and Brasseur de Bourbourg, and similar supporters of native records or anti-Spanish versions.

In the Native Races I give the traits which characterize the French abbé and his famous works on Central American culture and antiquities, and it remains only to refer briefly to his version of the conquest, comprised in the fourth volume of the Histoire des Nations Civilisées. His pleasing style lends attraction to every page, but his faults become more conspicuous from the comparison presented by a vast array of authorities, revealing the indiscreet and enthusiastic readiness to accept native tales, or anything that favors the hypotheses by which he is ruled, and in the disposition to build magnificent structures on airy foundation. His version, indeed, strives rather to narrate the conquest from a native standpoint, and to use Spanish chronicles only as supplementary authority. To this end he relies chiefly on the now well known writings of Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Camargo, and Torquemada, and it is but rarely that he is able to quote the often startling original manuscripts possessed only by himself.

[868] ‘Mordiendo la tierra, arrancando yeruas, y alçãdo los ojos al cielo, dezian, dioses no nos desampareys en este peligro, pues teneys poder sobre todos los hombres, hazed que con vuestra ayuda salgamos del.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

[869] Herrera conforms to Cortés and Gomara in admitting a stay of two nights at one place, but makes this Tecopatlan, called ‘duck town,’ from its many fowl. This is evidently Tepotzotlan. But it was not near the lake like Citlaltepec, and ‘duck town’ applies rather to a lake town, in this region, at least. Cortés also writes, in Cartas, 137, ‘fuimos aquel dia por cerca de unas lagunas hasta que llegamos á una poblacion,’ and this does not apply well to Tepotzotlan, which lies a goodly distance from the lakes, requiring certainly no march along ‘some’ lakes to reach it. Hence the Citlaltepec of Sahagun must be meant. This author, however, supposes the Spaniards to stay one night at each place. Hist. Conq., 36 (ed. 1840), 129. Ixtlilxochitl calls the place after Tepotzotlan, Aychqualco. Hist. Chich., 302. At Tepotzotlan, says Vetancurt, some of the people remained to receive the Spaniards—this is in accordance with one of Sahagun’s versions—and here remained to hide the son of Montezuma, whom he supposes to have escaped with the troops. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 144. According to Chimalpain’s interpretation the Spaniards stay the two nights at Quauhtitlan, and thence proceed by way of Ecatepec, now San Cristóbal, skirting the northern shore of Tezcuco Lake, and on to Otumba. Hist. Conq., i. 304-5. This route certainly appears the most direct, but there is no authority for it. The sentence from Cortés might no doubt be adopted equally well for this road; but Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera name towns which lie east and north of the Zumpango Lake, and during the rainy season now prevailing the passages between the lakes were rather swampy. Tezcuco was beside too close for the fleeing army. Alaman accepts the route south of Zumpango, Disert., i. 122, against which nearly all the above reasons apply.

[870] ‘Nos convenia ir muchas veces fuera de camino.’ Cortés, Cartas, 138. Owing to the guide’s inefficiency, adds Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162.

[871] Sahagun also calls the mountain, or the slope, Tona. His confusing versions sometimes reverse all the names. Cortés places it two leagues from the last camp.

[872] ‘Detrás dél [hill] estaba una gran ciudad de mucha gente.’ Cortés, Cartas, 138. Zacamolco is also called a large town. There could hardly be two large towns so close together in a district like this, so that the other must have been Teotihuacan, ‘city of the gods,’ with its ancient and lofty pyramids, sacred to all Anáhuac, and one of the chief centres of pilgrimage. For description of ruins, see Native Races, iv. 529-44.

[873] ‘Con un golpe de piedra en la cabeza tan violento, que abollando las armas, le rompió la primera tunica del cerebro.’ So Solis defines the wound, which afterward grew dangerous. Hist. Mex., ii. 203. He supposes that it was received at Otumba.

[874] ‘Le comieron sin dexar [como dizen] pelo ni huesso.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162. ‘La cabeza cupo a siete o ocho.’ The horse was Gamboa’s, on which Alvarado was saved after his leap. Herrera, ii. x. xii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 107. Ixtlilxochitl says that Zinacatzin, of Teotihuacan, killed it—he whom we shall find leading the enemy on the morrow.

[875] ‘Y pareció que el Espíritu Santo me alumbró con este aviso,’ exclaims Cortés, Cartas, 139. Many a soldier carried a comrade on his back. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 163.

[876] According to Cortés, whose dates I have already shown to be reliable. He makes it a Saturday. Prescott makes it the 8th, a mistake which has been copied by several writers, including Brasseur de Bourbourg and Carbajal Espinosa.

[877] ‘Llanos de la provincia de Otupam.’ The battle taking place near Metepec. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302-3. Plain of Otumpan, also called Atztaquemecan. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 170. ‘Los Llanos de Apan.’ ‘El Valle de Otumba.’ Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, xiv. 148. Clavigero calls it the plain of Tonan, derived from Sahagun, who applies the name to the slope of the range bordering it.

[878] Following the intimation given by Sahagun, Torquemada states that the enemy came pouring in from rear and sides to surround the troops, i. 508.

[879] While they were halting, writes Ojeda, a big Indian with club and shield advanced to challenge any Spaniard to single combat. Ojeda responded, but in advancing against the man his negro slave followed him, and either the sight of two frightened the native or he sought to decoy them, for he retreated into a copse. Herrera, ii. x. xiii.

[880] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 171-2; Torquemada, i. 509. Ixtlilxochitl spells the name Zihuatcatlzin, and Oviedo calls it Xiaquetenga, based probably on that of the Tlascaltec chief. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 480. ‘La flor de Mexico, y de Tezcuco, y Saltocan.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108.

[881] Solis clears the way with volleys, but only seven muskets remained and no ammunition.

[882] Camargo states that he lived to an age exceeding 130 years. Heroes in all ages have enjoyed the privilege of not being tied down to laws governing ordinary mortals.

[883] An ill-natured brute, which attacked the enemy with teeth and hoofs. He did good service all through the following campaign, till he fell in one of the last battles of the great siege. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 172.

[884] ‘Duró este terrible conflicto por mas de cuatro horas.... Llegado el medio dia, con el intolerable trabajo de la pelea, los españoles comenzaron á desmayar.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 132.

[885] ‘En vnas Andas, vn Caballero mandando, con vna Rodela Dorada, y que la Vandera, y Señal Real, que le salia por las Espaldas, era vna Red de Oro, que los Indios llamaban Tlahuizmatlaxopilli, que le subia diez palmos.’ Torquemada, i. 509. ‘Su vandera tendida, con ricas armas de oro, y grandes penachos de argenteria.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108. Ixtlilxochitl calls the gold net matlaxopili. Hist. Chich., 303. Camargo more correctly agrees with Torquemada.

[886] The accounts of this incident vary greatly. According to Bernal Diaz ‘Cortes dió vn encuẽtro cõ el cauallo al Capitã Mexicano, hizo abatir su vãdera ... quiẽ siguiò al Capitan q̄ traia la vandera que aun no auia caido del encuentro que Cortes le diò, fue vn Juan de Salamanca, natural de Ontiueros, con vna buena yegua ouera, que le acabò de matar.’ Hist. Verdad., 108. The banner could not have fallen without the general. Gomara intimates that Cortés charged alone against the ‘capitan general, y diole dos lançadas, de que cayo y murio.’ Hist. Mex., 163. This is also substantially the view of Duran and Camargo. Herrera leaves the impression that Salamanca alone follows Cortés in the charge, and cuts off the head and banner of the commander after his chief had wounded and overthrown him. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. Torquemada, Clavigero, Prescott, and others, also assume that Cortés lances the generalissimo, but they let the cavalry follow. Sahagun, who obtained his information from participants that afterward became friars, merely states that Cortés and one other led the charge, which resulted in the overthrow of the general and his banner. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 132. Cortés is still more reticent in saying: ‘quiso Dios que murió una persona dellos, que debia ser tan principal, que con su muerte cesó toda aquella guerra.’ Cartas, 139. The assumption that Cortés overthrew the commander with his lance rests chiefly on the fact that Cortés as leader of the charge receives credit for everything that happens. Writers also forget that the commander was carried aloft in a litter the better to observe the movements of the army. His burdened carriers would with greater likelihood have been overthrown by the horses or in the disorder created by their advance. This supposition is confirmed by Cortés’ reference to the affair, wherein he gives credit to none for the act, his usual custom when some one else performed a noteworthy deed. He was seldom chary in giving credit to himself for achievements, as may be gathered alone from his account of the stay in Mexico City, which announces that he it was who tore down the idols, who captured the temple after another had failed to do so, who single-handed covered the retreat of his comrades on the Tlacopan causeway on the morning preceding the flight, and who with less than a score that ‘dared stay with him’ protected the retreat of the last remnant from the city. The supposition receives further support from the permission given by the emperor to Salamanca to add to his escutcheon the trophy taken from the commander. This implies that although the victory was due to Cortés he could not have inflicted the mortal wound. Salamanca became alcalde mayor of Goazacoalco. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108, 111.

[887] ‘Los principales, lleuarõ cõ grã llanto, el cuerpo de su general,’ says Herrera; but this is doubtful, to judge also from his subsequent observations.

[888] ‘Murieron ... casi todos los amigos de los españoles, y algunos de ellos mismos.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 132. Solis acknowledges only wounded, of whom two or three died afterward. Hist. Mex., ii. 203. Cortés did not escape additional wounds, from which he was soon to suffer intensely.

[889] The natives were particularly ready to testify to this supernatural aid, as Camargo relates, Hist. Tlax., 172, perhaps for their own credit, as good converts and brave warriors.

[890] ‘Never,’ writes Gomara, ‘did a man show such prowess as he, and never were men so well led. He by his own personal efforts saved them.’ Hist. Mex., 163. ‘Se tuuo la vitoria despues de Dios, por el valor de Cortés.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. While quite prepared to uphold the general as a hero, Bernal Diaz takes exception to this praise as unjust to his many followers, who not only did wonders in sustaining him, but in saving his life. Hist. Verdad., 111.

[891] Ixtlilxochitl assumes that another army was encountered and routed with great slaughter, a few leagues ahead, at Teyocan. Hist. Chich., 303.

[892] Ixtlilxochitl. Chimalpain calls it Apam, which appears to have been situated farther north. Lorenzana refers to all this extent as the plains of Apan, the name which it now bears. Camargo names the plains of Apantema, Tacacatitlan, and Atlmoloyan as traversed by the army to reach Tlascala. Hist. Tlax., 172.

[893] Cartas, 140. ‘Pues quizà sabiamos cierto, que nos auian de ser leales, ò que voluntad ternian.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108.

[894] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives to a village here the name of Xaltelolco. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 352. Ixtlilxochitl refers to it as Huexoyotlipan, and states that Citlalquiauhtzin came up with food and presents from the lords.

[895] Cortés calls the town Gualipan; Bernal Diaz, Gualiopar; Gomara, Huazilipan; Herrera gives it 2000 houses.

[896] ‘Yo queria,’ said Maxixcatzin, ‘yr en vuestra busca con treynta mil guerreros.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 109. This is confirmed by the Aztec version of Duran, which says that the rumor of Tlascaltec preparations helped to intimidate the proposed Mexican reinforcements for Otumba. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 483. According to Oviedo, 50,000 warriors, followed by 20,000 carriers, met the Spaniards at the frontier, iii. 514. Camargo extends the number to 200,000, ‘who came too late, but served nevertheless to check pursuit from the enemy.’ Hist. Tlax., 173. Gomara stamps Oviedo’s statement as hearsay, but adds that the Tlascaltecs declared themselves prepared to return with the Spaniards at once against Mexico. This Cortés declined to do for the present, but allowed a few soldiers to join a band in pursuit of marauding stragglers. Hist. Mex., 164. The delay in collecting the proposed reinforcements may have been due to the small faction hostile to the Spaniards, headed by the captain-general, Xicotencatl the younger, who seems never to have forgiven the disgrace of defeat which they had been the first to inflict upon him. He had accompanied the lords to Hueyotlipan, perhaps to gloat over the misfortune of his victors. According to Herrera, Captain Juan Paez—Torquemada writes Perez—was one of the invalids at Tlascala, and to him 100,000 warriors had been offered to go to the aid of his general; but he declined, on the ground that his strict orders were to remain with his 80 men at Tlascala. For this he was naturally upbraided by Cortés as a coward, fit for hanging. The story is not very probable. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv,; Torquemada, i. 512.

[897] ‘Que estimó él mucho, y puso por una de sus armas.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 303.

[898] Cortés, Cartas, 140. Bernal Diaz intimates one day.

[899] ‘Cõ mas de duzientos mil hombres en orden: yuan las mugeres, y niños, en la delantera.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. This order may have been intended to signify peace and welcome.

[900] Camargo differs from Bernal Diaz, in intimating that all were lodged in Maxixcatzin’s palace, while Ixtlilxochitl assumes that Cortés was the guest of Xicotencatl. ‘Magiscacin me trajo una cama de madera encajada, con alguna ropa ... y á todos hizo reparar de lo que él tuvo.’ Cortés, Cartas, 141.

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