XIV. SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA
OCTOBER, 1519.
DEPARTURE FROM TLASCALA—DESCRIPTION OF CHOLULA—THE WELCOME—ARMY QUARTERS IN THE CITY—INTIMATIONS OF A CONSPIRACY BETWEEN THE MEXICANS AND CHOLULTECS—CORTÉS ASKS FOR PROVISIONS AND WARRIORS—HE HOLDS A COUNCIL—PREPARATIONS FOR AN ATTACK—THE LORDS ENTER THE COURT WITH THE REQUIRED SUPPLIES—CORTÉS REPRIMANDS THEM IN AN ADDRESS—THE SLAUGHTER BEGINS—DESTRUCTION OF THE CITY—BUTCHERY AND PILLAGE—AMNESTY FINALLY PROCLAIMED—XICOTENCATL RETURNS TO TLASCALA—RECONCILIATION OF THE CHOLULTECS AND TLASCALTECS—DEDICATION OF A TEMPLE TO THE VIRGIN—REFLECTIONS ON THE MASSACRE OF CHOLULA.
The Spaniards had been three weeks beneath the hospitable roofs of the Tlascaltecs, and now they departed amid expressions of good-will mingled with grief.[362] A crowd as large as that which had welcomed their arrival followed them for a considerable distance, and this included all the available warriors of the districts,[363] who would gladly have joined the handful of heroes in their quest for wealth and glory amongst the hated Aztecs. Cortés did not think it well, however, to trammel his movements, or to intrude on his various hosts with too large a force of undisciplined and unmanageable men, whom he had not learned to trust, and only about five thousand were allowed to attach themselves to his army.[364]
Late in the afternoon the army reached the southern border of Tlascala, and camped by a river two leagues from Cholula. The city stood in a vast fertile plain, so thickly covered with plantations and gardens “that not a span of land remained uncultivated.” A network of ditches irrigated the fields wherein maize and agave, cochineal and chile, swelled the resources of the owners. “No city in Spain,” exclaims Cortés, “presents a more beautiful exterior, with its even surface and mass of towers,” interspersed with charming gardens and fringed with alluring groves. Its six sections were marked by fine, straight streets, lined with buildings, the neatness and substantial appearance of which fully corresponded to the reputed wealth of the occupants. Cortés estimates the number of houses at twenty thousand, with as many more in the suburbs, which implies a population of two hundred thousand.[365]
Cholula was one of the most ancient settlements in the country, with traditions reaching far back into the misty past. It was here that Quetzalcoatl had left the final impress of his golden age as ruler and prophet, and here that a grateful people had raised to him the grandest of his many temples, erected upon the ruins of a tower of Babel which had been stayed in its growth by divine interference. Notwithstanding the vicissitudes of war, during which the frenzy of the moment had overcome religious scruples to wreak destruction, or during which reckless invaders less imbued with veneration came to desecrate this western Rome, she had maintained herself, ever rising from the ashes with renewed vigor and fresh splendor, and she was at this time the commercial centre for the great Huitzilapan plateau, famous beside for her pottery and delicate fabrics. The warlike Tlascaltecs referred to her contemptuously as a city of cunning and effeminate traders, and there was doubtless a good deal of truth in this; but then her merchants rivalled those of Mexico in wealth, while her citizens were not behind the dwellers on the lake in refinement.
But the chief renown of Cholula consisted in being the holy city of Anáhuac, unequalled for the frequency and pomp of her festivals and sacred pageantry; in being the religious centre for countless pilgrims who journeyed from afar to worship at the shrines here maintained, not only by the citizens, but by princes of different countries. Her temples were estimated to equal the number of days in the year, and as some possessed more than one chapel, fully four hundred towers rose to bewilder the eye with their gleaming ornamentation. Chief among them was the semispherical temple, with its vestal fire, devoted to Quetzalcoatl, which stood upon a quadrilateral mound of nearly two hundred feet in height, ascended by one hundred and twenty steps, and with a larger base than any old-world pyramid.[366]
The government was aristocratic republican, directed by a council of six nobles, elected in the six wards. At their head sat two supreme magistrates, the tlachiach and aquiach, chosen respectively from the priesthood and nobility, and corresponding to pontiff and captain-general,[367] the latter office held at this time by Tecuanhuehuetzin.[368]
At the command of these chiefs a number of Cholultec nobles appeared at the camp to offer welcome and to bring provisions.[369] In the morning the army advanced toward the city and was met by a crowd of fully ten thousand people, preceded by a stately procession, at the head of which appeared the lords. They showed themselves most obsequious, but requested that the Tlascaltecs, as their enemies, should not be allowed to enter the city, and Cortés accordingly persuaded these warriors to camp outside. Some of their carriers alone entered with the Cempoalans and Spaniards to receive a share in the proffered hospitality. If the troops found no arches and floral festoons, as at Tlascala, to honor them, nor the same jubilant shouts of welcome, they were at least heralded by clashing music, and dense crowds of spectators lined the streets and roofs, while priests in white robes went chanting by their side, swinging the censers whence the copal rose to shed a halo on the heroes. Cortés was struck with the superior quality and quantity of dresses worn, the higher classes being noticeable in their embroidered mantles, not unlike the Moorish cloak. He also observed that beggars abounded, as they did in “Spain and other parts inhabited by civilized people.”
The courts of one of the temples[370] were offered as quarters for the army, and presently servants appeared with provisions, which, if not abundant, were at least good.[371] Cortés did not omit to vaunt the grandeur of his king and to impress the advantages of the true faith, but although the lords bowed admission to the first they held firmly to their idols. The following day they failed to appear, and the supply of food dwindled perceptibly, while none was furnished on the third day, the populace even appearing to avoid the Spanish quarters. Cortés sent to remind the chiefs of their neglect, but received only the scantiest provisions, with the excuse that the stock was nearly exhausted.[372]
The same day came envoys from Montezuma, unprovided with the usual presents, who, after some words with the confrères acting as guides to the Spaniards, represented that to proceed to Mexico would be useless, since the roads were impassable and the food supply insufficient.[373] Finding that these and other statements had no effect on Cortés, they left, taking with them the leading envoy stationed with the Spaniards.[374] All this was far from reassuring, taken in connection with the warning of the Tlascaltecs still ringing in their ears, and with the report brought by Cempoalans of barricades, of stone piles upon the roofs, and of excavations in the main street set with pointed sticks and loosely covered over.[375]
Now came messengers from the allied camp to announce that women and children had been leaving the city with their effects, and that unusual preparations seemed to be going on. Scarcely had this set Cortés pondering when Marina appeared with the still more startling information that a native woman of rank, won by her beauty and evident wealth no doubt, had just been urging her in a most mysterious manner to transfer herself and her effects to the house of the woman, where she should be married to her son.[376] By expressing gratitude and pretending acquiescence, Marina elicited that envoys had been coming and going between Mexico and Cholula for some time, and that Montezuma had prevailed on the chiefs, by means of bribes and promises,[377] to attack the Spaniards that very night or in the morning. Aztec troops were stationed close to the city, to the number of twenty or even fifty thousand, to aid in the work and to carry the Mexican share of the captives to their capital.[378] Cortés at once secured the communicative woman, who was awaiting the return of Marina with her valuables, and ascertained further that the covered excavations, the stone piles, and the barricades were no fiction.
He also secured two apparently friendly priests,[379] and by bribing them with chalchiuite stones, and showing that he was aware of the plot, obtained a revelation which agreed substantially with the account already given. It appeared that Montezuma had proposed to quarter his troops in the city, but this the lords had objected to, fearing that once within the walls the Aztecs would retain possession.[380] The Cholultecs intended to do the deed themselves, and it was only in case the Spaniards left the city, or escaped, that the confederate Aztecs were to take an active part.
Only three of the wards had consented to share in the treachery,[381] and the priests of the others had that very day sacrificed ten children[382] to the god of war, and received assurances of victory. So confident were they of securing the encaged guests that ropes and stakes had been prepared to bind the captives.
Cortés called his counsellors, and placing before them the state of affairs asked their views. A few of the more cautious advised retreat to Tlascala, whose friendly hospitality seemed alluring. Others suggested an immediate departure by way of the friendly Huexotzinco, while the majority inclined to a prompt and effective chastisement of the treachery as a warning to others. This was what Cortés had determined upon. He showed them how well the arrangement of the courts would answer for the plan he had evolved, and how strong they were in case of a siege.
Summoning the lords, he expressed his displeasure at the inconsiderate treatment received, and said that he would rid them of his presence on the morrow. He reminded them of the allegiance they had tendered, and declared that if loyal they would be rewarded; if not, punishment would follow. Finally he demanded provisions for the journey, and two thousand warriors, beside carriers, to accompany the army.[383] This appeared to suit their plans, for they exchanged a look of intelligence, and at once promised compliance, protesting at the same time their devotion. “What need have these of food,” they muttered with a laugh, “when they themselves are soon to be eaten cooked with chile?”[384] That very night preparations were made, the Spaniards planting guns at the approaches to the streets and courts, looking to the horses and accoutrements, and sending a message to the Tlascaltecs to enter the city and join them on hearing the first shot.
In the morning, so early indeed as to indicate a decided eagerness, came the lords and leading priests, with an immense throng. A force even larger than had been demanded followed them into the Spanish quarter, and was allowed to file into the court, which was commanded at all points by the soldiers and the cannon, the latter as yet innocent-looking instruments to the Cholultecs.[385] The lords and leading men, to the number of thirty or forty, were invited to Cortés’ rooms to receive his farewell. He addressed them in a severe tone, in the presence of the Aztec envoys, representing that he had sought to win their friendship for himself and their adhesion for his king, and to further this he had treated them with every consideration. They had withheld the necessary supplies, yet he had respected their property and persons, and for their sake he had left his stanch allies outside the city. In return for this they had, under the mask of friendship, plotted against the lives of his party, the invited guests of themselves and of Montezuma, with the intention of assassinating them. But they had been caught in their own trap. The amazement of the chiefs deepened into terror as he concluded. “Surely it is a god that speaks,” they murmured, “since he reads our very thoughts.” On the impulse of the moment they admitted their guilt, but cast the blame on Montezuma. This, rejoined Cortés, did not justify treachery, and the excuse should avail them naught. The lords who had been opposed to the plot, and a few others less guilty or less responsible chiefs and priests, were now taken aside, and from them further particulars were obtained, which implicated the Mexicans only the more.
Returning to the envoys, who protested that their emperor was wholly blameless, he reassured them by saying that he believed not a word of the accusation. Montezuma was too great a prince, he continued, to stoop to such baseness, and had beside, by means of presents and messages, shown himself to be his friend. The Cholultecs should suffer the penalty not only of their treason but of their falsehood. The fact was that it did not suit Cortés to quarrel with Montezuma for the present, but rather to lull him into fancied security.[386] A terrible punishment was now in store for the Cholultecs.
The signal being given, volleys poured from cannon, arquebuses, and cross-bows upon the warriors confined in the court, and then the Spaniards rushed in with sword and lance thrusting and slashing at the packed masses. The high walls permitted no escape, and at the gates gleamed a line of lances above the smoking mouths of the guns. Pressing one upon another, the victims offered only a better mark for the ruthless slayers, and fell in heaps, dead and dying intermingled, while many were trampled underfoot. Not one of those who had entered the court remained standing. Among the slain were the captain-general and the most inimical of the lords and leading men.[387]
Meanwhile other guns had belched destruction along the approaches from the streets, as the crowd rushed forward in response to the cries and groans of their butchered friends. Terrified by the fiery thunder and its mysterious missiles, they fell back; and now the cavalry charged, trampling them underfoot, and opening a way for the infantry and allies, who pressed onward to take advantage of the confusion and to repeat the scene enacted within. Panic-stricken as the natives were by the strange arms and tactics of the Spaniards, they offered little or no resistance, though armed with intent to attack. Being also without leaders, they had none to restrain their flight, but pressed one on the other, down the streets and into buildings, anywhere out of the reach of the cutting blades and fierce-tramping horses. The Tlascaltecs[388] were at the same time falling on their flanks, glorying in the opportunity to repay their enemies the treachery of years ago. A bloody track they left. Unprepared for such an onslaught the people of Cholula found little opportunity to make use of the barricades and the stone piles, and where they attempted it the fire-arm and cross-bow aided the fire-brand. The strongest resistance was met at the temples, wherein the fugitives mostly gathered, but even these did not hold out long, for stones and arrows availed little against armor.
All who could sought to gain the great temple of Quetzalcoatl, which offered not only the best defence from its height, but was held to be impregnable through the special protection extended over it by the deity. Within its walls lay confined a mighty stream, so it was said, which by the removal of a few stones could be let loose to overwhelm invaders. Now, if ever, in the name of all the gods, let it be done! Reverently were removed, one by one, the stones of the sacred wall, but no flood appeared, not even a drop of water. In their despair the besieged hastened to hurl the stones, and arrows, and darts[389] upon the enemy as they climbed the sides of the pyramid. But there was little use in this. Quickly they were driven by the sword from the platform into the chapel tower. Not caring to lose time in a siege, the Spaniards offered them their lives. One alone is said to have surrendered. The rest, inspired by the presence of the idols, spat defiance. It was their last effort, for the next moment the torch was applied, and enfolding the building, the flames drove the besieged, frenzied with terror and excitement, upon the line of pikes inclosing them, or head-foremost down the dizzy heights. To the last could be seen a priest upon the highest pinnacle, enveloped in smoke and glare, declaiming against the idols for having abandoned them, and shouting: “Now, Tlascala, thy heart has its revenge! Speedily shall Montezuma have his!”[390]
During the first two hours of the slaughter over three thousand men perished, if we may believe Cortés, and for three hours more he continued the carnage, raising the number of deaths according to different estimates to six thousand or more.[391] The loss of life would have been still greater but for the strict orders issued to spare the women and children, and also the less hostile wards,[392] and for the eagerness of the Tlascaltecs to secure captives as well as spoils, and of the Spaniards to hunt for treasures. The hostile wards had besides been pretty well cleared of inhabitants by the time Cortés returned to his quarters forbidding further butchery. When the amnesty was proclaimed, however, numbers appeared from hiding-places, even from beneath the heaps of slain, while many who had pretended death, to escape the sword, arose and fled.
The pillage was continued for some time longer,[393] and as the Tlascaltecs cared chiefly for fabrics, feathers, and provisions, particularly salt, the Spaniards were allowed to secure all the gold and trinkets they could, though these were far less in amount than had been expected.[394] When the real work was over, Xicotencatl appeared with twenty thousand men and tendered his services; but Cortés could offer him only a share in the booty for his attention, and with this he returned to Tlascala to celebrate the downfall of the hated and boastful neighbor.[395]
The prayers of the chiefs who had been spared, supported by the neighboring caciques, and even by the Tlascalan lords, prevailed on Cortés to stop the pillage after the second day, and to issue a pardon, although not till everything of value had been secured. Some of the chiefs were thereupon sent forth to recall the fugitive inhabitants, and with such good effect that within a few days the city was again peopled. The débris and gore being removed, the streets speedily resumed their accustomed appearance, and the shops and markets were busy as before, though blackened ruins and desolated homes long remained a testimony of the fearful blow.[396] Impressed no less by the supposed divine penetration of the white conquerors than by their irresistible prowess and terrible revenge, the natives were only too ready to kiss with veneration the hand red with the blood of their kindred. To this they were also impelled by finding that the Spaniards not only allowed no sacrifice of captives, but ordered the Tlascaltecs to release the prisoners they had hoped to carry into slavery. This was a most trying requirement to the allies, but at the instance of Maxixcatzin and other lords they obeyed in so far as to restore the greater proportion of the thousands who had been secured.
The intervention of the Tlascaltec lords and chiefs in behalf of the Cholultecs tended to promote a more friendly feeling between the two peoples, particularly since the one had been satiated with revenue and the other humbled, and Cortés took advantage of this to formally reconcile them. Whatever may have been their sincerity in the matter, they certainly found no opportunity to renew their feud.
The captain-general having fallen, the people, with Cortés’ approval, chose a successor from the ranks of the friendly chiefs.[397] Cortés assured them of his goodwill and protection so long as they remained the loyal subjects they now promised to be, and he hoped that nothing would occur hereafter to mar their friendly intercourse. He explained to them the mysteries of his faith, and its superiority over the superstitious worship of the idols which had played them false during the late conflict, counselling them to cast aside such images, and let their place be occupied by the redeeming emblems of Christianity. The terrified natives could only promise obedience, and hasten to aid in erecting crosses, but the idols nevertheless retained their places. Cortés was quite prepared to take advantage of his power as conqueror to compel the acceptance of his doctrines by the now humbled people, but Padre Olmedo representing the futility of enforced conversion, he contented himself with breaking the sacrificial cages and forbidding the offering of human victims. As it was, idolatry had suffered a heavy blow in this terrible chastisement of the holy city, rich as she was in her sanctuaries and profound in her devotion. The gods had proved powerless! Although a number of temples were speedily restored to their worship, the great pyramid was never again to be graced by pagan rites. Twice had this temple shared in the destruction of the city, only to rise more beautiful than ever in its delusive attractions; now a simple stone cross stood upon the summit, erected by Cortés to guard the site on behalf of the church which was there to rise a few years later. This was dedicated to the Vírgen de los Remedios, whose image is said to have been left in the city by her conquerors.[398]
* * * * *
The massacre of Cholula forms one of the darkest pages in the annals of the conquest, and has afforded much ground for reproach against Cortés, but it is to be regarded from different stand-points. The diabolical doctrines of the day may be said to have forced on adventurers in America the conquest of her nations, and cruel deeds were but the natural result, particularly when the task was undertaken with insufficient forces. According to their own admission, made also before the later investigating committee, the Cholultecs had plotted to destroy their invited guests, whom they sought first to lull into fancied security, and in this they acted as treacherously and plotted as cruelly as did their intended victims in retaliating. True, they had been forced by threats, and by the exhibition of an apparently superior force, into a submission which they could ill brook, and were justified in striking a blow for liberty, especially when encouraged, or bidden, by the great monarch; but they had no right to complain if they suffered the penalty everywhere affixed to treachery; and the Cholultecs did bear an unenviable reputation in this respect. The native records naturally assert their innocence; but even if we ignore the confession of the Indians, as prompted by fear of their judges and masters, or as colored by Franciscans whose patron Cortés was, and if we disregard all official testimony, we must still admit that there was evidence enough to justify the general in a measure which he regarded as necessary for the safety of his men.[399]
It might be claimed that by holding captive the chiefs their safety would have been assured; but treason was rife everywhere, and a lesson was needed. Here among the greatest plotters, and in the holy city, the lesson would be most effective. It might also be claimed that the chiefs were the guilty ones, and should alone have suffered, not the citizens and soldiers; but they were also in arms, even if subordinate, and such discrimination is not observed in our own age.
Outrages equally as cruel are to-day exculpated throughout Christendom as exigencies of war. If we, then, overlook such deeds, how much more excusable are they in the more bloody times of Cortés? But neither now nor then can war, with any of its attendant atrocities, be regarded by right-thinking, humane men as aught but beastly, horrible, diabolical.
FOOTNOTES
[362] ‘Hiço sacrificar treynta muchachos el dia que se partieron.’ Oviedo, iii. 497.
[363] Estimated by Cortés at around 100,000. Others say he was offered 10,000 to 20,000 men.
[364] This is the figure deduced from later references. ‘Quedaron en mi compañía hasta cinco ó seis mil.’ Cortés, Cartas, 72. Dismissing the 100,000 with presents, he retained only 3000. ‘Por no ponerse en manos de gente barbara.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i. ‘Six thousand warriors,’ says Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 294. He gives the names of their chiefs, which differ wholly from those mentioned in Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 160. ‘Fueron tãbien con el muchos mercaderes a rescatar sal y mantas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 91.
[365] Cartas, 74-5. ‘En el tiempo de la guerra salian en campo ochenta ó noventa mill hombres de guerra.’ Oviedo, iii. 498. ‘Ultra triginta millia familiarum capiebat.’ Las Casas, Regio. Ind. Devastat., 26. ‘Parecio ... en el assiento, y prospetiua a Valladolid.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i.
[366] See Native Races, iii. iv.
[367] Native Races, v. 264; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 160. ‘Gouernauase por vn capitan general, eligido por la republica, con el consejo de seys nobles, assistian en el sacerdotes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. ii. Gomara mentions only a captain-general or governor. Hist. Mex., 95. Torquemada gives the city four lords, who divided between them the territory, ii. 350-1. The government appears to have undergone several changes since the age of Quetzalcoatl, and at one period four nobles appear to have represented the wards, but these increased in course of time to six, and the council appears also to have been increased by the attendance of other priests beside the pontiff.
[368] Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 100, 107-8. For history and description of city and temples, see Native Races, ii.-v.
[369] From a vague reference in Camargo, Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that this party is headed by the three counsellors least friendly to the Spaniards. A little later the other three come to Cortés for protection, after escaping from the imprisonment imposed upon them by their colleagues. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 174. Herrera places the arrival of the refugees at Tlascala. dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. But there appears to be no ground for these statements.
[370] ‘Del gran Cú de Quetzalcoatl.’ Sahagun, _Hist. Conq._, 18.
[371] ‘Les dieron aquella noche a cada vno vn gallipauo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 92.
[372] ‘Lo que traian era agua, y leña,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 58.
[373] ‘Do Muteczuma estaba habia mucho número de leones é tigres é otras fieras, é que cada que Muteczuma quirie las hacie soltar, é bastaban para comernos é despedazarnos.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 574; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 92.
[374] Cortés told them to wait, for he would start for Mexico on the following day, and they promised to do so, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 58.
[375] On his entry into the city Cortés also observed suspicious features. ‘Algunas calles de la ciudad tapiadas, y muchas piedras en todas las azoteas.’ Cartas, 72.
[376] ‘Hermano de otro moço que traia la vieja que la acompañaua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 59. This is probably the young man who, according to Peter Martyr, reveals the plot to Aguilar. A ‘Cempoal maiden’ was also warned by a Cholultec woman, dec. v. cap. ii.
[377] ‘Dieron al capitan-general vn atambor de oro.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 92. This official was the husband of the old woman. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 59.
[378] ‘Auian de quedar veinte de nosotros para sacrificar á los idolos de Cholula.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 59. Others say half the captives.
[379] Marina won them over. Id. ‘Dos que andauan muy solicitos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes that the friendly chiefs were those who gave the first intimation of the plot, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 174, and it is not unlikely that they did warn the Spaniards.
[380] Oviedo regards the Cholultecs as having rebelled against Montezuma, iii. 498. But they stood rather in the position of allies. See Native Races, v. Bernal Diaz assumes that half the Aztec troops were admitted.
[381] ‘Los Mexicanos ... trataron con los Señores de los Tres Barrios.’ Torquemada, i. 438. Herrera has been even more explicit, and Bernal Diaz confirms this in several places, without specifying the number. ‘Otros barrios, que no se hallaron en las traiciones.’ Hist. Verdad., 60.
[382] Three years old, half males, half females. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. ii. Oviedo supposes the females to be young virgins, iii. 498. Bernal Diaz says five children and two other persons.
[383] Most authors, following Gomara and Herrera, assume that only carriers were asked for, but Diaz writes warriors, and correctly, no doubt, since it could not be Cortés’ plan or desire to wreak vengeance on helpless carriers, but rather on the very men who proposed to attack him. According to Tapia, followed by Gomara, Cortés upbraids the lords for lying and plotting, but they assure him of their loyalty. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 575. It is not likely that he would have roused suspicion by such language.
[384] ‘Aguilar que los oya hablar.’ Oviedo, iii. 498.
[385] Picked warriors were brought, pretending to be slaves and carriers. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 575. ‘Cõ hamacas para lleuar los Españoles.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 93.
[386] According to Bernal Diaz the envoys are told of this on the preceding evening, and are thereupon placed under guard. Hist. Verdad., 59.
[387] Tapia states that most of the lords and chiefs whom Cortés addressed were killed. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 575. ‘Some of them,’ say Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara, while Clavigero, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others suppose that all these leaders were pardoned, which is not likely, since so many less guilty men fell. ‘El que solia mãdar, fue vno de los que murieron en el patio.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 60. He intimates that the real carriers were allowed to leave the court, the warriors alone being detained for slaughter. The two friendly priests were sent home to be out of harm’s way. This leads to the supposition that all the rest of the leading men fell. ‘Los otros señores naturales todos murieron.’ Oviedo, iii. 499.
[388] Wearing crowns of rushes to be distinguished from their enemies. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 164.
[389] Zamacois enters into an elaborate argument to disprove the unimportant statement that burning arrows were showered on the besiegers. Hist. Méj., ii. 707. This author has a decided faculty for singling out trifles, apparently under the impression that important questions can take care of themselves.
[390] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 163-4; Torquemada, i. 440. ‘Se dejaron allí quemar.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 576.
[391] Cortés, Cartas, 73-4; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 94; 6000 and more within two hours. Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, 294. Las Casas lets him first kill 6000 unarmed carriers and then proceed to devastate the city. _Regio. Ind. Devastat._, 27.
[392] ‘Eché toda la gente fuera de la ciudad por muchas partes della.’ Cortés, Cartas, 74. The statement of Bernal Diaz that the friendly priests were sent home, to be out of harm’s way, shows also that parts of the city were respected. See notes 17 and 23. ‘El marques mandaba que se guardasen de no matar mujeres ni niños.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 576.
[393] For two days, says Tapia, Id., and Bernal Diaz intimates that it ended with the second day. Hist. Verdad., 60.
[394] ‘Tomaron los Castellanos el oro, y pluma, aũque se halló poco.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. ii. ‘Ovo mucho despojo de oro é plata,’ says Oviedo, iii. 499, probably because he knew Cholula to be rich; but a great deal of private treasure at least must have been taken out of the city when the women were sent away. The Tlascaltecs carried off 20,000 captives, he adds.
[395] Herrera, ubi sup. Oviedo allows a reinforcement of 40,000 Tlascaltecs to join in the massacre and pillage, iii. 498, and Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 60, says the late comers joined in the pillage on the second day. The Tlascaltecs brought the Spaniards food, of which they had fallen short. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 295.
[396] A very similar massacre and raid was perpetrated by the Chichimec-Toltecs at the close of the thirteenth century. Native Races, v. 484-7.
[397] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 95. Finding that the brother of the deceased was, according to custom, entitled to the office, Cortés appointed him. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 60. Oviedo intimates that one governor was chosen to take the place of all the other ruling men. iii. 499.
[398] It is also said ‘que la trajo un religioso franciscano á quien se le apareció en Roma.’ Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., i. 156. ‘Disgusted with the idol which had played them false, they installed another in its place,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61. The disregard shown by Spaniards even for the temples and relics of Quetzalcoatl might have struck the natives as peculiar in men whom rumor pointed out as his descendants, yet no chronicle refers to it.
[399] Spanish chroniclers as a rule approve the deed as necessary and just, either in tacit or open comment, and a few devout missionaries, who have assumed the rank of Indian apostles, are the only ones to take exception. Chief among these stands Las Casas, as might be expected from his sympathy with Velazquez, and from his character as Indian protector. He condemns it in the most unmeasured terms as a base murder of innocent and defenceless people, committed merely with a view to spread terror. Six thousand carriers, he writes, were shut up in a court and put to the sword, while the many discovered alive on the following days were thrust through and through. The chiefs of the city and neighborhood, to the number of over 100, were chained together to a circle of poles and burned alive, and the king, who fled with 30 or 40 followers to a temple, met the same fate there. While the soldiers were butchering and roasting the captives, ‘eorum Capitaneum summa lætitia perfusum in hunc cantum prorupisse:
Monte ex Tarpeio Romana incendia spectans Ipse Nero planctus vidit, nec corde movetur.’
Las Casas, Regio. Ind. Devastat., 26-8. A number of finely executed copper plates are appended to illustrate these deeds.
Bernal Diaz expresses himself hotly against this version, and states that several of the first Franciscans who came to Mexico held an investigation at Cholula of the massacre. After examining the leaders, and other persons who had witnessed it, they came to the conclusion that the story of the conquerors was true, and that the slaughter was a well merited punishment for a plot which involved the lives of Cortés’ soldiers, and would, if successful, have stayed the conquest for God and the king. Diaz had heard the pious Motolinia say that although he grieved over the deed, yet, being done, it was best so, since it exposed the lies and wickedness of the idols. Hist. Verdad., 61. The Franciscans did not probably care to weigh carefully the value of testimony from new converts given before a tribunal composed of their religious and political masters, nor were they likely to favor a Dominican friar like Las Casas when the interest of their patron Cortés was at stake. In awe of the friars, and in terror of the conquerors whose encomienda slaves they were, the Indians hardly dared to say aught to implicate the latter. This is doubtless the view Las Casas would have taken. Intent on pleading the cause of his dusky protégés, he cared not to sift statements that might create sympathy for them. Yet, had he foreseen how widely his accusations would be used to sully Spanish fame, he might have been more circumspect. ‘E’ vero, che fu troppo rigorosa la vendetta, ed orribile la strage,’ says Clavigero; yet he severely condemns Las Casas for his distorted account. Storia Mess., iii. 63-4. According to Sahagun’s native record, the Tlascaltecs persuaded Cortés to avenge them on the Cholultecs, and as the latter received him coldly, he began to believe the accusations of his allies. Assembling the chiefs and soldiers, together with citizens, in the temple court, he slaughtered them, defenceless as they were. Hist. Conq., 18. Bustamante comments on this version, and denounces the conquerors as atrociously cruel. Id. (ed. 1840), 56-63. Duran’s version is a little milder. His main object being to give the life of Montezuma, he has passed by many events connected with the Spaniards, and has suppressed many accounts of their cruelties. He accordingly refers but briefly to the Cholula massacre, saying that ‘the Indians, in their eagerness to serve the Spaniards, came in such large numbers to their quarters with provisions, grass, etc., that Cortés suspected treasonable designs, and put them to the sword.’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 438-9. Ixtlilxochitl evidently struggles between his fear of the Spanish rulers and the desire to tell what he regards as the truth. He intimates that the only ground for suspicion against the Cholultecs was the effort to dissuade Cortés from going to Mexico. The chiefs and the citizens were assembled on the pretence of selecting carriers, and over 5000 fell beneath the sword. Hist. Chich., 294. An antagonistic view of the affair is offered by Juan Cano, of Narvaez’ expedition, who gave Oviedo the hearsay statement that Cortés had asked for 3000 carriers, and wantonly killed them. iii. 552. Carbajal Espinosa, a Mexican historian, like Bustamante, regards the victims as innocent and the deed as barbarous. Hist. Mex., ii. 182. Robertson considers that Cortés had good reasons for it, yet ‘the punishment was certainly excessive and atrocious.’ Hist. Am., ii. 452. Solis condemns those who seek to accuse the Spaniards of cruelty and to pity the Indians—‘maligna compasion, hija del odio y de la envidia.’ The conquerors gave religion to them, and that he regards as sufficient compensation. Hist. Mex., i. 345. ‘Cortez felt but doubtful of their fidelity, and feared to leave his rear to a people who might ruin his enterprise,’ says Wilson, Conq. Mex., 383, in explanation of the motive; but he forgets that a few hostages, as taken from other peoples on the route, would have secured Cortés far more than the murder of a small percentage of this population. Prescott compares the deed with European cruelties, and, considering the danger threatening the Spaniards, he excuses it. He prefaces his comments by a consideration of the right of conquest. Mex., ii. 29-39. Alas for honesty, humanity, decency, when talented American authors talk of the right of one people to rob and murder another people! See also Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 381-2; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 86-9; Peralta, Not. Hist., 112-13, 313-14; Pimentel, Mem. Sit., 90-2. Although some of the early Dutch writers eagerly copy and even exaggerate Las Casas’ version, the contemporary German writers are quite moderate. Cortés’ version is given in the Weltbuch Spiegel und bildtnis des gantzen Erdtbodens von Sebastiano Franco Wördensi, Tübingen, 1534, ccxxxvii leaves, beside preface and register. This book was much sought after in its day, and received several editions, in German and Dutch, as late as the seventeenth century. The earliest mentioned by Harrisse is dated 1533. The new continent was gradually receiving a larger space in the cosmographies at this period, and Franck actually assigns it a whole section, as one of the four parts of the world. The historic and geographic description of Africa occupies the first and smallest section; Europe follows and absorbs about half the pages, while Asia receives 100 folios, and America the remainder, beginning at folio 210. The heading reads: Von America dem vierdten teyl der welt, Anno M.CCCC.XCVII. erfunden; but after this chapter follow several pages on Portuguese discoveries in Africa and eastward, till folio 220, when begins the voyage of Columbus, ‘sunst Dauber genant,’ the German translation of the admiral’s name. After several chapters on the physical features, natural resources, and inhabitants of the new discoveries, comes one relating how Americus Vespucius found the fourth part of the world. This is followed by three pages of matter on Asia, as if the author, fearful of forgetting it, there and then gave his story. Several interpolations occur, but the chief portion of the remaining folios relates to Cortés’ conquest of Mexico. The carelessly compiled and badly arranged material of the volume claims to be based on over sixty authorities, among which figure Apianus, Munster, Vespucci, Columbus, and Cortés. The affix Wördensi indicates that Franck was a Hollander, although he is often referred to as a German, probably because his life was passed chiefly in Germany. Here he issued, among other works, a not very orthodox chronicle, which was excommunicated at Strasburg. Franck was chased from more than one place, but enjoys the honor of standing in the first class among authors condemned by the Roman Church, and of having been deemed worthy of special refutation by Luther and Melancthon. Even the liberal-minded Bayle, after applying the term Anabaptist, refers to him as ‘un vrai fanatique.’ Dict. Hist., ii. 1216.
XV. FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN
OCTOBER-NOVEMBER, 1519.
MONTEZUMA CONSULTS THE GODS—HE AGAIN BEGS THE STRANGERS NOT TO COME TO HIM—POPOCATEPETL AND IZTACCIHUATL—NEWS FROM VILLA RICA—DEATH OF ESCALANTE—RETURN OF THE CEMPOALAN ALLIES—AGAIN EN ROUTE FOR MEXICO—RECEPTION AT HUEXOTZINCO—FIRST VIEW OF THE MEXICAN VALLEY—EXULTATIONS AND MISGIVINGS—RESTING AT QUAUHTECHCATL—THE COUNTERFEIT MONTEZUMA—MUNIFICENT PRESENTS—THE EMPEROR ATTEMPTS TO ANNIHILATE THE ARMY BY MEANS OF SORCERERS—THROUGH QUAUHTECHCATL, AMAQUEMECAN, AND TLALMANALCO—A BRILLIANT PROCESSION HERALDS THE COMING OF CACAMA, KING OF TEZCUCO—AT CUITLAHUAC—MET BY IXTLILXOCHITL—THE HOSPITALITY OF IZTAPALAPAN.
Elated by his success, Cortés again spoke to the Aztec embassadors, telling them in an aggrieved tone that proofs existed connecting Mexican troops with the recent plot, and that it would be only just for him to enter and desolate the country for such perfidy. The envoys protested their ignorance of any such complicity, and offered to send one of their number to Mexico to ascertain what ground there was for the charge. This Cortés agreed to, expressing at the same time the opinion that Montezuma, after all his friendly demeanor, could hardly have favored the treachery. He regarded him as a friend, both for the sake of his king and for himself, and it was out of deference to him that he had spared the Cholultecs from total extermination.[400]
When the envoy reached Mexico he found that his master had retired to grieve over the fate of the holy city, or more probably over the defeat of his plans, and to appeal to the incensed gods by prayers and fastings, while the priests supported the invocations with reeking human hearts.[401] But the holocaust was in vain, for a miraculous incident frightened the idols into silence. Among the victims, says a sacred chronicle, was a Tlascaltec, who, while stretched on the sacrificial stone, called loudly on the God of the advancing Spaniards to deliver him. The words were yet on his lips when a dazzling light enveloped the place, revealing a bright-clad being with diadem and large wings. The priests fell awe-stricken to the ground, while the angel advanced to cheer their victim with hopeful words of a happy future. He was told to announce to the priests that soon the shedding of human blood would cease, for those destined to rule the land were at hand. This the victim did, when the sacrifices were resumed, and with the name of God the last upon his lips his spirit rose to a brighter world.[402]
The downfall of Cholula resounded throughout the land, and the Spaniards were now almost universally confirmed as divine beings, from whom nothing could be kept secret, and whose anger was fierce and devastating. One effect was the arrival of envoys from quite a number of surrounding chieftains, bearing presents, partly with a view of gaining the good-will of the dreaded strangers, partly to offer congratulations.[403] As for Montezuma, his awe deepened into terror as the reports came in and the half threatening message of the invader was delivered him. It would be dangerous indeed to admit these beings; but how prevent it? Thus revolving the matter, Montezuma had recourse once more to timid entreaties. His envoy returned to Cholula within a week, accompanied by the former chief of the commission, and brought ten plates of gold,[404] fifteen hundred robes, and a quantity of fowl and delicacies, together with the assurance that he not only had had no share in the plot, but desired to see the Cholultecs further chastised for their treachery. The Mexican troops near Cholula belonged to the garrisons of Acatzingo and Itzucan provinces, and had marched to the aid of that city without his knowledge, prompted wholly by neighborly friendship. He begged the Spanish leader not to proceed to Mexico, where want would stare him in the face, but to present his demands by messengers, so that they might be complied with. Cortés replied that he must obey the orders of his king, which were to deliver to the emperor in person[405] the friendly communications with which he had been intrusted. With this object he had crossed vast oceans and fought his way through hosts of enemies. The privations and dangers depicted could not deter him, for naught availed against his forces, in field or in town, by day or by night.
Finding objections futile, Montezuma again consulted the idols. Their ruffled spirit had evidently been soothed by this time, for now came the oracle to invite the strangers to Mexico. Once there, it was added, retreat should be cut off, and their lives offered on the altar.[406] This utterance was favored by the counsellors on the ground that if the Spaniards were opposed they and their allies might ravage the country. The emperor accordingly sent an invitation, promising that, although the situation of the capital made it difficult to provide food, he would do his best to entertain them and give proofs of his friendship. The towns en route had orders to supply all their wants.[407]
The story is not without a parallel in classic literature. As Montezuma awaited the approach of Cortés, so old King Latinus awaited the arrival of Æneas and his Trojan warriors; refusing to give battle, or to fight the destinies, and curbing his impetuous people by quoting the oracle.
Along the western horizon of Cholula, at a distance of eight leagues, runs the mountain range which separates the plain of Huitzilapan from the valley of Mexico. And like sentinels upon it stand, in close proximity, the two volcanic peaks of Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl, terms signifying respectively ‘the smoking mountain’ and ‘the white woman,’ and indeed most apt, the former being suggested by the frequent eruptions, the latter by the snowy covering which falls like a tilmatli mantle from a woman’s shoulders. Tradition has it that Iztaccihuatl was the wife of her neighbor, whose noise and fumes were caused by the agonies of tyrants who there underwent purification ere they could enter final rest.[408] While the Spaniards were at Cholula, Popocatepetl was in eruption, an evil omen with the Indians, foreshadowing the disturbances soon to overwhelm the country. Interested by a sight so curious and novel, and desirous of ascertaining for himself and the king the “secret of this smoke,” Cortés consented to let Ordaz ascend the volcano. The Indians sought to dissuade him from an undertaking which had never been attempted, and which would in their opinion surely involve the life of him who ventured on it. This made Ordaz only more eager to exhibit his daring, and joined by nine men he set out under the guidance of some citizens and carriers who had been persuaded to go part of the way. They had not climbed far into the cooler region before the quaking ground and ash-rain caused the party to halt. Ordaz and two of his men continued, however, beyond the limits of vegetation, and over the stones and bowlders which covered the sandy expanse fringing the region of perpetual snow. At one time the outburst of ashes and heated stones obliged them to seek shelter for an hour, after which they sturdily climbed onward, turning from their path for a while by the projecting rock now known as Pico del Fraile, and almost losing themselves in the ash-covered snow. One more effort they made, despite the difficulties encountered in the rarefied atmosphere of this altitude, and finally they reached the summit, more than seventeen thousand seven hundred feet above the level of the sea. A short distance to the north rose the consort peak, three thousand feet less in height, and at their feet extended the field of their future campaign, in the valley to the east. The crater was nearly half a league in width, though not deep, and presented the appearance of a caldron of boiling glass, as says Gomara. The situation was too oppressive to permit of further observations, and after securing some snow and icicles as trophies, the men hastened to retrace their steps by the already trodden path. On their return they were received with great demonstration, the natives in particular extolling their deed as something superhuman.[409]
While preparing to leave Cholula, Cortés was startled by news from Villa Rica of a conflict with Mexicans, resulting in the death of Escalante and several soldiers. On the northern border of the Totonac territory, bathed by the Gulf of Mexico, lay the town and district of Nautla, which together with its river had received from Grijalva the name of Almería.[410] This was occupied by an Aztec garrison under Quauhpopoca,[411] whose Aztec pride and loyalty to Montezuma could ill brook the independence achieved by the Totonacs, and who probably grieved over the loss of slaves and other contributions which once swelled his income. No sooner had Cortés disappeared beyond the plateau border than my lord grew audacious, encouraged no doubt by the express or tacit consent of his sovereign, and demanded from the neighboring Totonacs the customary tribute, under penalty of having their lands ravaged. They refused, pointing out that they were now the subjects of the great white king. Escalante being appealed to for protection, sent a message explaining that the independence of the people had de facto been recognized by Montezuma, with whom he was on friendly terms. He would allow no interference with them. Quauhpopoca replied that his answer would be given on the battle-field. Escalante, nothing loath, set out at once with fifty men, two horses, and two cannon, attended by several thousand Totonacs,[412] and reached the vicinity of Nautla, where Quauhpopoca was already committing depredations. The armies met, and a fierce battle ensued. Awed by the remembrance of former defeats at the hands of the Aztecs, the Totonacs comported themselves so poorly[413] that the brunt of the fight had to be borne by the Spaniards, of whom several were killed and wounded, while one was captured, and a horse destroyed. The enemy was put to flight, but it has been said as an excuse for their defeat the Mexican officers declared to Montezuma that the virgin bearing an infant led the Spaniards in their attack which spread terror and fearful slaughter in their ranks.[414] Escalante laid waste the district, and captured Nautla town, which was sacked and burned. This lesson finished, he hastened back to Villa Rica, and there within three days succumbed to his wounds together with several soldiers, so that the campaign cost the lives of seven or nine men.[415] From prisoners it was understood that Quauhpopoca had acted wholly under orders from Montezuma. The captured soldier was Argüello, of Leon, a young man of powerful frame, with a large head and a curly black beard. He appears to have died from his wounds on the way to Mexico, and the head was presented to the emperor. Its wild appearance, however, increased by the black, curly beard, made so bad an impression upon him that he refused to offer it to his idols, ordering it to be sent to some other town.[416]
Fearing that these tidings might dishearten the men, Cortés said nothing about the affair;[417] but it had nevertheless a bad effect, for the Cempoalan allies, who had learned a few particulars from the messengers, requested at the last moment to be dismissed to their homes, pleading not only the long absence from their families, but the fear of being treated at Mexico as rebels. Cortés sought to reassure them, declaring that no harm could reach any one under his protection. Furthermore he would enrich them. But the larger portion still insisted, and since they had served him well, he did not wish to compel them. Several packs of the rich robes obtained from Mexico were accordingly divided among the leaders, two packages being destined for Chicomacatl and his nephew Cuexco, and with this parting gift all but a small body returned to Cempoala.[418]
After a stay at Cholula of nearly three weeks[419] the Spaniards set out for Mexico, attended by about six thousand natives, chiefly Tlascaltecs, with a sprinkling of Cempoalans, Cholultecs, and Huexotzincas.[420] They passed through Huexotzinco by a route already followed by Ordaz, and recommended as the best and safest. The first camp was made at the Huexotzinca village of Izcalpan, over four leagues from Cholula, where they met with a most friendly reception, and received abundant provisions, together with some female slaves and a little gold. Leaving behind them the smiling plain of Huitzilapan, where they had overcome so many dangers and obtained so many proofs of good-will, on the following day they approached the mountains and came upon the regular highway which leads across the range to the valley of Mexico. The junction of the roads was at the south-west border of Huexotzinco, where the Mexicans had left a proof of their hostility toward this republic, allied to Tlascala, by blocking up the way with trees and other material.[421] These were removed, and the army began the steep ascent of the pass, pressing onward against the chilling winds which swept down from its frozen heights, and before long they were tramping through the snow which covered the summit.
Here they were cheered by a sight which made them, for the moment at least, forget their hardships. A turn in the road disclosed the valley of Mexico—the object of their toil and suffering—stretching from the slope of the forest-clad ranges at their feet as far as the eye could reach, and presenting one picturesque intermingling of green prairies, golden fields, and blooming gardens, clustering round a series of lakes. Towns lay thickly sprinkled, revealed by towering edifices and gleaming walls, and conspicuous above all, the queen city herself, placidly reposing upon the mirrored surface of the larger water. Above her rose the cypress-crowned hill of Chapultepec, with its stately palace consecrated to the glories of Aztec domination.[422]
The first transport over, there came a revulsion of feeling. The evidently dense population of the valley and the many fortified towns confirmed the mysterious warnings of the allies against a powerful and warlike people, and again the longing for the snug and secure plantations of Cuba found expression among the faint-hearted, as they shivered in the icy blast and wrapped themselves the closer in the absence of food and shelter. In this frame of mind the glistening farm-houses seemed only so many troops of savage warriors, lurking amidst the copses and arbors for victims to grace the stone of sacrifice and the festive board; and the stately towns appeared impregnable fortresses, which promised only to become their prisons and graves. So loud grew the murmur as to indicate mutiny; but Cortés, with his usual firm words, quieted the soldiers, supported as he was by the spirited majority.[423]
After descending for a short distance they came to the travellers’ station of Quauhtechcatl,[424] whose commodious edifices afforded room for the whole army. The Mexicans had prepared for the arrival by furnishing an abundance of provisions, with fires in all the rooms, and the tired soldiers eagerly gave themselves up to repose.[425] No less exhausted than they, Cortés nevertheless could not think of rest till he had seen to the security of the camp. His prudence on this occasion came near costing him dearly, for in the darkness a sentinel taking him for a spy drew his cross-bow. Fortunately he heard the click and announced himself.[426] This promptness on the part of the guard was by no means unnecessary; during the night a dozen or more prowling natives met the fate which the general so narrowly escaped. They were supposed to have been the spies of an army hidden in the forest, which, on observing the watchfulness of the Spaniards, abandoned the premeditated attack.[427]
* * * * *
Montezuma’s fears appeared to grow with the approach of Cortés, and so did his anxiety about the import of the message which must be delivered to him alone. Could there be a design upon his person? This must be ascertained before the invaders came too near. Among his courtiers was a noble named Tzihuacpopoca, who greatly resembled him in person and voice. Him he commanded to proceed to the Spanish camp, attended by a large retinue, and by representing himself as the emperor to ascertain from the white chief what his intentions were, and to induce him with liberal offers to turn back. The idea was based on an incident which had occurred not many years before, wherein one of the tripartite monarchs saved his life by appearing in proxy at a treacherous court. Montezuma hoped to derive from a similar trick more than one advantage.
Tzihuacpopoca arrived at the mountain camp the morning after the Spaniards had entered it, and created no little excitement by the announcement that the emperor was present in person. Preparations were made to give him a brilliant reception. Unfortunately for the envoy, his secret had too many keepers in the large suite attending him; there were also many among the allies who had been at Montezuma’s court, and who looked on this sudden arrival as suspicious. They made inquiries and soon ascertained the truth. Cortés received the great man with courtesy, heralded as he was with a present of three thousand pesos de oro, but he resolved to take advantage of the discovery to impress him with his penetration. After a few moments’ conversation he told the noble with a severe tone that he was not the monarch he represented himself to be.[428] He also referred to the attempts made during the night to surprise the camp, as indicated by the dead spies, and assured him that his men were always prepared against plots and deception, and any attempts against them would lead only to the discomfiture and grief of the enemy. Awed by the superior intelligence and power of the general, the envoy thought no longer of anything else than to keep such a man from entering Mexico. He presented among other reasons that the city could be reached only in canoes, and that provisions were difficult to obtain there. He repeated the offer already made of an annual tribute payable in treasures on the coast, and promised as a bribe for Cortés himself four loads of gold, and for each of his officers and men one load.[429] Dazzling as the offer was, Cortés regarded it as but a faint reflection of still richer treasures, the attainment of which must procure for him greater glory than he had as yet dreamed of. In his reply he accordingly pointed out how strange it must appear to turn back now that he was within view of the goal. Such conduct would disgrace any envoy. No! he dared not disobey the orders of his king, who had sent him upon a mission of great benefit to Montezuma. He would leave as soon as this was accomplished, if desired.[430]
Nothing abashed by this rebuff, Montezuma again had recourse to the black art, and sent a number of sorcerers, the native records say, to cast spells on the Spaniards. They soon returned with the report that on nearing Tlalmanalco, Tezcatlipoca had appeared to them in the guise of a drunken peasant, frightening them greatly, and saying: “Fools, return! Your mission is in vain! Montezuma will lose his empire in punishment for tyranny, and I, I leave Mexico to her fate and cast you off!” The sorcerers recognized the god, and prostrated themselves to adore him, but he spurned their devotion, rebuking them, and finally pointed to Mexico, saying: “Behold her doom!” Looking round they saw her enveloped in flames, and the inhabitants in conflict with white men. On turning again to beseech the god he was gone.[431]
Montezuma was in consultation with his advisers when this report was brought. As if pierced by death’s dart, the monarch bowed low his head and moaned: “We are lost! We are lost!”[432] Less impressed with superstitious fear by an incident which he regarded as concocted by the sorcerers, Cuitlahuatzin vividly presented the danger of admitting such determined and powerful intruders within the city, and he boldly urged that they be forbidden to enter, by force of arms if need be. Cacama remonstrated that after inviting them such a course would savor of fear. The emperor owed it to his exalted station and power to receive envoys. If they proved objectionable, the city should become their tomb. Surely his nobles and his armies were able to overcome so small a number, assisted by the strategic advantages of the place in its approaches and resources. To the affrighted monarch anything was acceptable that would stay prompt action, and consequently defer the ruin which he feared. He at once inclined to Cacama’s advice, stipulating, however, that he, king as he was, should condescend to meet the Spaniards and sound their intentions. “May the gods not place within your house, my lord, one who shall cast you forth and usurp the empire,” was the solemn warning of Cuitlahuatzin, as he heard this resolution.[433]
The Spaniards had meanwhile descended the wooded slope from Quauhtechcatl to the cultivated district round Amaquemecan, a city which, together with its suburban villages for two leagues around, numbered over twenty thousand families.[434] The lord, Cacamatzin Teotlateuchtli, received them in his own palace, and entertained them most liberally during their two days’ stay, presenting them gifts of forty female slaves and three thousand castellanos in gold. The chiefs of Tlalmanalco and other neighboring towns came to tender their respects, and encouraged by the reports of Spanish prowess they hesitated not to lay bare their grievances against the Aztecs, who oppressed them with heavy taxes, robbed them of wives and daughters, and carried the men into slavery. Cortés encouraged the chiefs with fair promises, and was not a little delighted at finding disaffection in the very heart of the empire, whose power had been so much extolled.[435]
Passing by way of Tlalmanalco through a succession of flourishing maize and maguey fields, the Spaniards reached Ayotzinco, a town at the south end of Chalco lake.[436] Here was seen the first specimen of the peculiar aquatic cities of the lake region. Half of the town stood on piles, and was intersected by canals, wherein the traffic, with canoes, was far livelier than in the streets. The other half lay at the foot of steep hills, upon one of which the Spaniards were encamped. Prompted either by curiosity or by evil purposes, a number of Indians attempted during the night to enter the Spanish quarter, only to pay with their lives for the indiscretion.[437]
In the morning messengers arrived requesting the Spaniards to await the coming of Cacama. Shortly after appeared a procession more brilliant than any yet seen. In a litter profusely ornamented with gold, silver, and feather ornaments, and even inlaid with precious stones, sat the king of Tezcuco, a young man of about twenty-five, carried by eight powerful caciques. As he stepped out, attendants proceeded to sweep the road, removing even the straws, while nobles held over his head a canopy of green feathers, studded with gems, to shield him from the sun. With stately steps the monarch advanced toward Cortés, saluting him in the customary manner.[438] He had come, he said, with these nobles, in the name of Montezuma, their master, to serve him, and to provide all that was needed. He thereupon presented a rich gift, to which Cortés responded with three fine marcasite stones[439] for himself, and with blue glass diamonds for the nobles. In order to sound him, Cacama represented that there existed almost insurmountable obstacles to his entry into Mexico, among them the fears of the populace, which had been aroused by terrible accounts of the cruelty of his followers.[440] Cortés sought to reassure him, and declared that no obstacles were insurmountable to his men, whereupon Cacama hastened to state that Montezuma himself would willingly receive them, and did tender an invitation. He now returned to Mexico to prepare for the inevitable visit, leaving among the Spaniards the impression that if he, the inferior king, exhibited such grandeur, that of the emperor must indeed be imperial.[441]
Proceeding along the lake they entered upon a causeway in width a spear’s length, leading through the waters for over a half league to “the prettiest little town which we had yet seen, both with regard to its well built houses and towers, and to its situation,” as Cortés remarks. The admiring soldiers called it Venezuela, or little Venice, the native name being Cuitlahuac. It was situated on an islet, connected also with the northern shore by an extension of the causeway, and contained a population of about two thousand families, supported chiefly by floriculture, which was carried on to a great extent by means of chinampas, or floating gardens.[442] The chiefs came forth, headed by Atlpopocatzin,[443] and showed themselves most attentive. Here again complaints were uttered about Aztec oppression, with the warning that the Spaniards would meet with no true friendship at Mexico.[444]
The Mexican envoys suspected the disaffection of Cuitlahuac, and prevailed on the Spaniards to pass onward to Iztapalapan, where preparations had been made to receive them. As they neared the densely populated lake district, the crowds became larger and more curious, wondering at the fair hue and bushy beards of the strangers, and admiring the comely horses, and the glittering arms and helmets. “Surely they must be divine beings,” some said, “coming as they do from where the sun rises.” “Or demons,” hinted others. But the old men, wise in the records of their race, sighed as they remembered the prophecies, and muttered that these must be the predicted ones who were to rule the land and be their masters.[445] To prevent the natives from mingling with his men, and creating not only disorder but diminishing the awe with which they were regarded, the horsemen in the van received orders to keep the Indians at a respectful distance. Iztapalapan was already in sight when a large force of armed warriors was seen advancing, so large that it seemed as if the armies of Mexico had come to overwhelm them. They were reassured, however, by the announcement that it was Ixtlilxochitl with his escort, intent on having an interview with his proposed ally. The prince had urged upon Cortés to take a more northern route and join him at Calpulalpan, but finding that the general preferred the Amaquemecan road, he had hastened to meet the Spaniards on the lake. The approach of this personage had made the court of Tezcuco more pliable to one whose designs were well understood. When Ixtlilxochitl therefore came near the city, the elder brother, Cohuanacotzin, made efforts for a closer conciliation with himself and Cacama.[446] The opportunity was favorable, for the indisposition of Cortés to enter actively into the plans of the former, and his advance on Mexico, with proclaimed friendship for Montezuma, made Ixtlilxochitl not averse to the advances of his brothers, particularly since he intended this in no wise to interfere with his schemes. The result of the negotiation was that he found himself admitted with great pomp into his paternal city, wherein he hoped some day to displace Cacama. Imbued more than ever with his ambition, he hastened to intercept the Spanish captain, in order personally to promote his views and induce him to come northward to Tezcuco and to his own capital. Cortés was full of promises, but it did not just then suit him to disarrange the plan he had formed, and so Ixtlilxochitl had to wait.
It is this meeting no doubt which has been wrongly extended by several authorities into a visit to Tezcuco.[447]
As the Spaniards approached Iztapalapan,[448] Cuitlahuatzin, the brother of Montezuma and lord of the city, came forth in company with Tezozomoc, lord of the adjoining Culhuacan, and a number of other caciques and nobles,[449] to escort his guests to their quarters in his palace. The city with its ten thousand to twelve thousand houses was constructed partly on piles, and crossed by canals, on either side of which rose substantial buildings, chiefly of stone, a large proportion being, according to the conqueror, “as fine as the best in Spain, both in extent and construction.” The Spaniards were awed by the beauty of the place. The palace was particularly fine and spacious, with courts shaded by awnings of brilliant colors and bordered by commodious apartments. Adjoining it, and overlooked by a large pavilion, was a vast garden, divided into four squares by hedges of plaited reeds, which were entirely overgrown with roses and other flowers. Shaded walks led out in all directions, now by beds of rare plants collected from remote parts, now into orchards temptingly laden, and again past groups of artistically arranged flowers. In ponds fed by navigable canals sported innumerable water-fowl, consorting with fishes of different species. In the centre of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn stone, four hundred paces square, surrounded by a tiled pavement from which steps led at intervals to the water.[450]
Cortés was not only hospitably entertained, but received a present of female slaves, packs of cloth, and over three thousand castellanos in gold.[451]
The soldiers now prepared under more than usual excitement for the final march, which was to bring them to the longed-for goal. The reputed magnificence of the capital made most of the Spaniards eager to enter; but there were others who recalled the rumors of its strength, and of the terrible plots which their timid allies declared were to encompass them. “Being men and fearing death, we could not avoid thinking of this,” says Bernal Diaz, frankly, “and commending ourselves to God.” And as he remembers how warnings failed to deter them, the old soldier bursts forth in self-admiration, “What men have existed in the world so daring?”[452]
FOOTNOTES
[400] Cortés, Cartas, 75-6; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96-7.
[401] ‘Sacrificassen çinco mill personas para festejar é aplacar sus dioses.’ Oviedo, iii. 499. ‘Estuuo encerrado en sus deuociones, y sacrificios dos dias juntamente con diez Papas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61. ‘Estuuo en oracion, y ayuno ocho dias.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. ‘Si ritirò al palazzo tlillancalmecatl, destinato pel tempo di duolo.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 69.
[402] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 182; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 304. According to Arias de Villalobos, the idol was already stricken mute by the shadow of the approaching cross; the angel released the captive, one of 500 destined for slaughter, and he set forth to join the Spaniards. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 126.
[403] From the lord of Tepeaca came 30 female slaves and some gold, and from Huexotzinco a wooden box, bordered with gold and silver, containing jewels worth 400 pesos de oro. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[404] ‘Ten thousand pesos de oro,’ says Torquemada, i. 442.
[405] Cortés, Cartas, 75-6; Torquemada, i. 442. Gomara is confused about these messages between Cholula and Mexico, while Bernal Diaz ignores this attempt to keep back the Spaniards.
[406] ‘Quitarnos la comida, é agua, ò alçar qualquiera de las puentes, nos mataria, y que en vn dia, si nos daua guerra, no quedaria ninguno de nosotros á vida.’ This oracle came from Huitzilopochtli. The bodies should be eaten. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61; Oviedo, iii. 499; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97.
[407] Cortés, Cartas, 77. Bernal Diaz relates that six chiefs brought this message, together with a number of gold jewels, worth upward of 2000 pesos, and some loads of robes. Hist. Verdad., 62. Most authors are, like Gomara, somewhat confused about these messages.
[408] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96. ‘Algunos querian decir que era boca del infierno.’ Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 180; Torquemada, i. 436-7.
[409] ‘Vinieron muchos Indios a besarles la ropa, y a verlos, como por milagro, ó como a dioses.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96. According to Cortés they failed to reach the summit, although coming very near to it. But this statement is open to doubt, for Cortés is not liberal in according credit to others where it might tend to call attention from himself, particularly to a man like Ordaz, who had, until quite lately, been his most bitter opponent. Gomara had evidently good authority for his statement, since he in this case failed to follow his patron’s version; and Bernal Diaz, who is always ready to contradict him, and who was no friend of Ordaz, does also admit that he reached the summit. He gives him only two companions, however, and starts them from Tlascala. Hist. Verdad., 55. Leading modern authors are inclined to doubt their success. Prescott, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others, from a misinterpretation of Cortés’ text, allow the ascent to be made while the army was camped on the summit of the range, en route for Mexico.
Ordaz no doubt claimed to have reached the summit, since the emperor granted him a coat of arms, wherein the achievement is commemorated by a blazing mountain. Had he not merited it, his many jealous companions would surely have raised a clamor. He became also a knight of Santiago, in acknowledgment of his services during the conquest. Having beside acquired great wealth, he might have rested on his laurels; but eager to emulate his late chief, he in 1530 petitioned for and obtained the governorship of the tract between Rio Marañon and Cabo de la Vela, in South America, with a right to extend the conquest. After suffering great hardship there he set out for Spain, two years later, to recruit his health and seek redress against rival conquerors. He died on the way. Oviedo, ii. 211-24; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. ix.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. xi. Simon has him arraigned at Española for cruelty to his men, etc. Ordaz insists on going to Spain for justice, and fearing the result, since he stood in high favor there, his enemies poisoned him during the voyage. Conq. Tierra Firme, 104-35. His portrait is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 192, and Prescott’s Mex. (Gondra ed. of Mex.), iii. 221. ‘Su familia establecida en Puebla, en donde creo que todavía quedan descendientes suyos.’ Alaman, Disert., i. 101. Montaño, among other conquerors, made the ascent of the volcano not long after this, and he is even said to have descended into the crater. Padre Sahagun also reached the summit. Hist. Gen., iii. 317; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii.; Torquemada, i. 436-7; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii. The next successful ascent was not made till 1827, by Messrs Glennie. Sonneschmidt had explored Popocatepetl partially only in 1772, but had reached the summit of the consort peak. Berkbeck explored in the same year as the Glennies. Gérolt and Gros attempted the ascent in 1833 and 1834, and succeeded in reaching the summit on the second occasion. The record is given in Revista Mex., i. 461-82. In 1857 the Mexican government sent up a successful exploring expedition under Sonntag and Laverrière, whose report, with drawings, is given in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vi. 218-45. Meanwhile the observations of Gérolt and Gros had led to the examination of the crater for sulphur, an industry carried on pretty regularly since 1836. The volcano was in frequent eruption about the conquest period, as if in sympathy with the political turmoils around it. One of the heaviest discharges recorded took place in 1539-40, which covered the neighboring towns, as far as Tlascala, with ashes. Since then it has been comparatively silent, the last two outbreaks being in 1663-4 and 1697. ubi sup., 204-5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 55; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. The eruption of 1663-4 created great terror in Puebla, as Vetancurt relates. Teatro Mex., pt. i. 26. Bustamante extends this activity to 1665. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 75.
Rude cuts of the volcanic eruption of 1519 are to be seen in the old and curious cosmographies of Sebastian Munster. This learned man, famous as a Hebrew scholar, as mathematician and cartographer, was the author of some forty printed works, and would probably have issued as many more had not the plague cut him off at Basle, in 1552, at the age of 63. His editions of Ptolemy’s Geography began in 1540, and in the following year, according to Labanoff’s Catalogue, appeared the first edition of his Cosmographia Beschreibung; but this date, accepted by several bibliographers, as well as that of 1543 for a Latin edition, are evidently wrong, since Munster in his dedication of 1550, to King Gustavus I. of Sweden, remarks that ‘Inn dise dritt edition’ he had hoped to include a description of Stockholm and other towns under the king, but had not received a reply to his demands therefor. A few lines above this he writes equally to the point: ‘Als ich aber vor sechs jaren noch mit diser arbeit vmbgieng, ist zũ mir kommen E. K. M. diener, der hochgelert herr, herr Georgius Normannus, dem ich vorhin auss etlichen büchern vnder meinem namen aussgangen, bekãt wz, vnd als er besichtiget dise für genom̂en arbeit, schetzet er sie wol wirdig, das sie vnd dem künigliche schirm E. M. an tag käme.’ Nothing could more conclusively show that the work had not appeared in print before 1544. The second edition appeared in 1545. The title of the first reads: Cosmographia. Beschreibũg aller Lender Durch Sebastianum Munsterum. Getruckt zü Basel durch Henrichum Petri. Anno MDxliiij. The Gothic text is accompanied by marginals in Italics, and illustrated with numerous small wood-cuts, some being of the character which permits their reproduction in different chapters and for different countries. In the African division we find beings of the Anubis and Polyphemus type, and animal monsters of different form. In the dedication to Gustavus, Munster speaks of having spent eighteen years in collecting and arranging his material, on the plan of ‘dẽ hochgelerten man̂ Strabõi,’which is not very flattering to that geographer, if the method before us be accepted as a specimen. He divides the volume into six books—the first devoted to mathematical geography, the next three to a general rambling description of Europe, chiefly with reference to the natural resources and settlements of the different countries. In the third book, covering two thirds of the text, and relating to Germany, each little province receives a historic notice, and every town and castle of any note its description, with rude wood-cuts attached. The next division given at some length is Asia, to which is appended half a dozen pages on America, while Africa closes with the sixth book and about three times that amount of text. The one chapter relating to our continent is headed, Von den neuwen inseln, and gives a vague account of the discovery, the physical features and natural products of the land, the inhabitants and their customs, illustrated with several cuts, among them a volcano in eruption and two cannibal scenes. The regular maps are grouped at the beginning of the volume, each on the verso and recto of two leaves, bearing on the first recto the title, inclosed in a border more or less ornamented with portraits, symbols, and arabesque. The mappemonde shows Terra Florida and Francisia on each side of a bay. Above this runs a wide strait marked Per hoc fretû iter patit ad Molucas, which issues between Cathay regio and Temistitan. Below this land are placed Hispaniola and Cuba, at the mouth of another wide strait, bounded on the south by the large island of America seu insula Brasilij. Further down is Fretû Magaliani, with a large island to the south. The map for America bears the inscription: ‘Die newe weldt der grossen und vilen Inselen.’ The second edition of 1545 is considerably enlarged, the chapter on America covering nine pages. In the third edition, of 1550, the wood-cuts are increased by a number of large plans, views of towns, and other scenes by Deutsch, making this the most attractive volume for collectors. A portrait of the author in his sixtieth year is also given. The various editions in different languages, issued even in the following century, vary considerably in arrangement and extent, and that of 1614, although improved and enlarged to 1575 pages, devotes only ten to America, while previous editions contain more material thereon. The binding is provided with bosses, clasps, and vellum cover, impressed with tracery, portraits, and emblems.
[410] Cap. iii. note 1.
[411] ‘Quauhpopocatzin, señor de Coyohuacan, uno de los grandes del imperio, que asistia en Nauhtlan, y estaba á su cargo el gobierno de las costas del mar del norte.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 296.
[412] Bernal Diaz writes, 40 soldiers, 2 cannon, 2 firelocks, 3 cross-bows and 2000 natives; Cortés, 50 Spaniards and 8000 to 10,000 Indians, ‘y doce tiros de pólvora.’ Cartas, 88.
[413] ‘Á la primera refriega ... huyeron, y dexaron al Juan de Escalante peleando,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 74.
[414] ‘And Montezuma believed this to be the great lady whom we claimed for patroness.’ ‘Todos los soldados que passamos con Cortés, tenemos muy creido.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 74.
[415] ‘Seis soldados juntamente con él.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73. ‘Nueue Españoles,’ says Gomara, who assumes that two were previously assassinated by Quauhpopoca. Hist. Mex., 122, 129.
[416] According to Bernal Diaz, whose version is chiefly adhered to, the death of so many soldiers caused the Spaniards to fall somewhat in the estimation of the Indians, who had looked upon them as invulnerable beings. ‘Y que todos los pueblos de la sierra, y Cempoal, y su sujeto, están alterados, y no les quieren dar comida, ni servir.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73-4. But this is probably an exaggeration, for Cortés would not have ventured to send down a new comandante almost without escort, or to have remained quietly at Mexico for months, had his rear been so threatened. Cortés, who should be regarded as the best authority, gives a curious motive for the campaign. Qualpopoca, as he calls him, sent a message to Escalante, offering to become a vassal of the Spanish king. He had not submitted before, fearing to pass through the intervening hostile country; but if four soldiers were sent to escort him, he would come with them. Believing this protestation, Escalante sent the four men, two of whom wounded returned shortly after with the story that Quauhpopoca had sought to kill them, and had succeeded in despatching their comrades. This led to the expedition of Escalante. Cartas, 87-8. It appears most unlikely that this officer should have so far forgotten the prudence ever enjoined on his captains by Cortés, and trusted only four men in an unknown country, in response to so suspicious a request. There was beside no need for Quauhpopoca to go to Villa Rica, since his submission through envoys would be just as binding. If he desired to see the Spanish fort, he could have gone safely by water, for large canoes were used on the coast. It is not improbable that the story was made up to justify the expedition sent against Nautla, since a campaign by a small force, merely on behalf of a wretched tribe of natives, might have been regarded as unwarranted. This story was also useful afterward, when Cortés first thought proper to reveal it, for rousing his men to action. Gomara follows Cortés, with the difference that Pedro de Ircio, as he wrongly calls the captain at Villa Rica, having orders from Cortés to anticipate Garay by incorporating Almería, sent an order to Quauhpopoca to tender his submission. This he agreed to do, provided the four Spaniards were sent to escort him. Gomara appears to favor the view that Quauhpopoca acted on his own responsibility, for he says that this chief sent to warn Montezuma of Cortés’ intention to usurp the empire, and to urge upon him to seize the white captain. Hist. Mex., 122, 129. Bernal Diaz stamps this account as false. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii., assumes that the two Spaniards were slain by robbers, so that Quauhpopoca was innocent of any misdeed. Tapia’s version is incomplete, but appears to favor Bernal Diaz. In Duran’s native record, Coatlpopoca appears as the guide of the Spaniards. He treacherously leads them along a precipice, over which two horsemen fall with their steeds, and are killed. For this he is tried and executed. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 411-13.
[417] He reveals it only after his arrival at Mexico, and thus leads Bernal Diaz to assume that the news reached him there. In this he is followed by Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. i., and consequently by Torquemada, i. 455.
[418] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 62; Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 97; Torquemada, i. 442.
[419] The estimate varies from fourteen days, Herrera, to over twenty days, Gomara. By assuming that nineteen days were spent at Cholula, the army has a week in which to reach Mexico, and this is about the time consumed.
[420] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. ‘Saliẽdo acompañarle los señores de Chulula, y con gran marauilla de los Embaxadores Mexicanos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. ‘Andauamos la barba sobre el ombro,’ says Bernal Diaz, in allusion to the precautions observed. Hist. Verdad., 63.
[421] Bernal Diaz relates in a confused manner that at Izcalpan the Spaniards were told of two wide roads beginning beyond the first pass. One, easy and open, led to Chalco; the other, to Tlalmanalco, had been obstructed with trees to impede the horses, and so induce the army to take the Chalco route, upon which the Aztecs lay in ambush, ready to fall upon them. Hist. Verdad., 63. This finds some support in Sahagun, whose mythic account relates that Montezuma, in his fear of the advancing forces, had blocked the direct road to Mexico and planted maguey upon it, so as to direct them to Tezcuco. Hist. Conq., 21. Cortés indicates clearly enough that the Mexican envoys had at Cholula recommended a route leading from that city south of Huexotzinco to the usual mountain pass, and used by their people in order to avoid this inimical territory. Upon it every accommodation had been prepared for the Spaniards. This road was not only circuitous, but had been declared by Tlascaltecs and others as hard and perilous, with deep ravines, spanned by narrow and insecure bridges, and with Aztec armies lying in ambush. Cortés, Cartas, 76-8; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 574. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii., calls this route shorter and easier, though more dangerous. Certain remarks by Bernal Diaz indicate that the ambush had been arranged in connection with the plot at Cholula, and abandoned upon its failure, loc. cit. There could hardly have been more than one route across the range, through the pass wherein the Aztecs had erected their station for travellers, and this the Spaniards did follow. Here also accommodation was prepared for them, and here the embassy from Montezuma appeared. Hence the obstructions spoken of must have been at the junction of the Huexotzinca road with the main road from Cholula to the pass, and intended as an intimation to the Huexotzincas or to the Mexicans not to trespass. They could have been of no avail against the Spaniards, who were beside invited to enter on the main road then at hand. These are facts overlooked by Prescott, Clavigero, and writers generally who have lost themselves in the vague and confused utterances of the chroniclers, and in seeking to elaborate a most simple affair. Modern travellers follow the easier and less picturesque route north of Iztaccihuatl, which skirts Mount Telapon. This was the road recommended by Ixtlilxochitl, leading through Calpulalpan, where he promised to join him with his army; but Cortés preferred to trust to his own arms and to his Tlascaltec followers. Torquemada, i. 442.
[422] ‘Dezian algunos Castellanos, que aquella era la tierra para su buena dicha prometida, y que mientras mas Moros, mas ganancia.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[423] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97; Oviedo, iii. 500.
[424] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 295. Torquemada, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg and others, calls it Ithualco, which appears rather to have been a general term for these stations, since ithualli, according to Molina, signifies a court. Peter Martyr and Gomara refer to it as a summer palace.
[425] Cortés, Cartas, 79. ‘Aun que para los Tamemes hizieron los de Motecçuma choças de paja ... y aun les tenian mugeres.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. ‘Los Indios hizieron de presto muchas barracas,’ says Herrera, who places this ‘casa de plazer’ in the plain below. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Tapia calls the buildings ‘casas de paja.’ Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 578.
[426] Martin Lopez was the watchful sentinel. Torquemada, i. 443.
[427] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 577; Cortés, Cartas, 80. Herrera intimates that an attack on the summit, where the Spaniards were benumbed with cold, might have succeeded in creating confusion. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Unless the naked Indians had been equally benumbed!
[428] He appealed to the Tlascaltecs by his side, and they declared that they knew him to be Tzihuacpopoca. Torquemada, i. 446.
[429] A load being at least 50 pounds, the bribe swells to over $5,000,000.
[430] Cortés and Martyr call the envoy a brother of Montezuma. Cartas, 79; dec. v. cap. ii.; Gomara and Herrera, a relative. Hist. Mex., 98; dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. According to Bernal Diaz, the bribe is offered by four nobles at Tlalmanalco. Hist. Verdad., 64. Sahagun, who is the original authority for the story of ‘Tzioacpupuca’s’ attempt to pass himself off for Montezuma, says that Cortés was highly indignant at the deception, ‘y luego con afrenta enviaron á aquel principal y á todos los que con él habian venido.’ Hist. Conq., 19; Torquemada, i. 445-6.
[431] Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 20-1; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 519-20; Torquemada, i. 447. Solis, the ‘penetrating historian,’ repeats and improves upon this as an account taken from ‘autores fidedignos.’ Hist. Mex., i. 353. And with a similar belief it has been given a prominent place in West-vnd Ost-Indischer Lustgart, 131. Gaspar Ens L., the author, was one of the editors of the famous set of De Bry, from which he like so many others borrowed text, if not engravings. The narrator of several individual European travels, he also issued the Indiæ Occidentalis Historia, Coloniæ, 1612. The German version, published at Cöllen in 1618 in a small quarto form, under the above title, has for its guiding principle the appropriate maxim of Horace, Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci. The first part, relating to America in general, is divided into three sections, for physical and natural geography and Indian customs, followed by discovery, voyages, and conquests, and concluding with a review of political history, and an appendix on missionary progress. This arrangement, however, is nominal rather than real, and the confusion, extending into chapters as well as sections, is increased by the incomplete and undigested form of the material, enlivened, however, by an admixture of the quaint and wonderful.
[432] ‘Ya estamos para perdernos ... mexicanos somos, ponernos hemos á lo que viniese por la honra de la generacion.... Nacidos somos, venga lo que viniere.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 21.
[433] ‘Este parecer de Cuitlahuac, abraçaron muchos de los Presentes.’ Torquemada, i. 444-5.
[434] With seven towns and over 25,000 families, says Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 115. Herrera states that at the foot of the descent from the range felled trees obstructed the road, and appearances indicated that an ambush had been intended. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[435] Cortés, Cartas, 80-1. Bernal Diaz places this occurrence at Tlalmanalco, where the chiefs jointly offer eight female slaves, two packs of robes, and 150 pesos’ worth of gold. They urge Cortés to remain with them rather than trust himself within Mexico. This being declined, twenty chiefs go with him to receive justice from the emperor at his intercession. Hist. Verdad., 63. ‘Se dieron por sus confederados.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 74.
[436] For map of route see, beside those contained in this volume, Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 201, 538, and Alaman, in Prescott’s Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1844), i. 337, 384. The last maps in these books illustrate the later siege operations round Mexico, and so does Orozco y Berra’s, in Ciudad México, Noticias, 233. Prescott’s route map, in Mex., i. p. xxxiii., claims to be based on Humboldt’s, with corrections from the chroniclers.
[437] ‘Mataron dellos hasta veynte.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 98. The chiefs complained in secret of Montezuma. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 578.
[438] By touching the ground with the hand and then bearing it to the lips.
[439] Cortés ‘le dió tres piedras, que se llaman margaritas, que tienen dentro de si muchas pinturas de diuersas colores.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 64. A certain vagueness in the phrase has led some to translate it as a present of three fine pearls for Cortés.
[440] ‘No les quedaba sino decir que me defenderian el camino.’ Cortés, Cartas, 81. ‘Dieron a entender que les ofenderiã alla, y aun defenderiã el passo y entrada.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 98.
[441] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 64. Ixtlilxochitl contradicts himself about the place of meeting, and makes Cacama invite Cortés to Tezcuco. Hist. Chich., 295; Id., Relacion, 411. Torquemada does the same. i. 449.
[442] Native Races, ii. 345-6, 575. Cortés mentions another smaller town in the lake, without land communication. Cortés, Cartas, 82.
[443] ‘Pariente del rey de México.’ Chimalpain, _Hist. Conq._, 116. ‘Prince du quartier de Ticic.’ _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 203.
[444] ‘Cortés, ca yua con determinacion de parar alli, y hazer barcas o fustas ... con miedo no le rompiessen las calçadas (to Mexico).’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99.
[445] Torquemada, i. 451; Oviedo, iii. 500.
[446] For an account of the dispute between Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl, see Native Races, v. 474-7.
[447] Tezcuco was entirely out of Cortés’ route, and the narratives of the march show that no such detour could have been made. Torquemada, who contradicts himself about the visit, describes with some detail the reception at this capital, where the population kneel to adore the Spaniards as children of the sun. They are entertained at the palace, and discover in one of the courtiers, named Tecocoltzin, a man of as fair a hue as themselves, who became a great favorite. i. 444. Herrera takes the army from Ayotzinco to Tezcuco and back to Cuitlahuac. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iv. Impressed perhaps by the peculiarity of this detour, Vetancurt, after repeating the story, expresses a doubt whether the visit was really made. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 127-8. But Clavigero brings arguments, based partly upon vague points in Cortés’ later letters, to prove that it took place. Storia Mess., iii. 74. Solis, ‘the discriminating,’ lets Cacama himself guide Cortés from Ayotzinco to Tezcuco. Hist. Mex., i. 360-1.
[448] ‘Yxtapalapa, que quiere decir Pueblos donde se coge Sal, ó Yxtatl; y aun hoy tienen este mismo oficio los de Yxtapalapa.’ Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 56.
[449] Including Matlatzincatzin, lord of Coyuhuacan and brother of Montezuma; Tochihuitzin of Mexicaltzinco, and Huitzillatl of Huitzilopochco. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 75; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 116; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 205.
[450] Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99; Cortés, Cartas, 82. What with the retreating waters and the removal of native lords in whose interest it lay to preserve the gardens and palaces, her glories are now departed. The evaporation of the lake waters had been observed before the conquest. After this it increased rapidly, owing to the thoughtless destruction of forests in the valley, as Humboldt remarks. In Bernal Diaz’ time already Iztapalapan lay high and dry, with fields of maize growing where he had seen the busy traffic of canoes. Hist. Verdad., 65. The fate of the lake region was sealed by the construction of the Huehuetoca canal, which drained the big lake to a mere shadow of its former self, leaving far inland the flourishing towns which once lined its shore, and shielding the waters, as it were, from further persecution by an unsightly barrier of desert salt marshes—and all to save the capital from the inundations to which blundering locators had exposed her. Humboldt has in his map of the valley traced the outline of the lake as it appeared to the conquerors, and although open to criticism it is interesting. Essai Pol., i. 167, 173-5.
[451] Cortés, Cartas, 82. Bernal Diaz reduces it to 2000 pesos. According to Sahagun, Cortés summons the lords of the district and tells them of his mission. The common people keep out of the way, fearing a massacre. Hist. Conq., 21-2. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 205-6, assumes from this that many of the chiefs promised to support Cortés against the government, which is hardly likely to have been done in a city ruled by Montezuma’s brother, who was at heart hostile to the Spaniards. Here again, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v., Montezuma sought to dissuade Cortés from entering the capital; Torquemada, i. 449. His envoy being Cacama, adds Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 295.
[452] Hist. Verdad., 64-5.
XVI. MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA
NOVEMBER, 1519.
SOMETHING OF THE CITY—THE SPANIARDS START FROM IZTAPALAPAN—REACH THE GREAT CAUSEWAY—THEY ARE MET BY MANY NOBLES—AND PRESENTLY BY MONTEZUMA—ENTRY INTO MEXICO—THEY ARE QUARTERED IN THE AXAYACATL PALACE—INTERCHANGE OF VISITS.
From Iztapalapan the imperial city of the great plateau could clearly be seen, rising in unveiled whiteness from the lake. Almost celestial was its beauty in the eyes of the spoilers; a dream some called it, or, if tangible, only Venice was like it, with its imposing edifices sparkling amid the sparkling waters. Many other places had been so called, but there was no other New World Venice like this.
Sweeping round in sheltering embrace were the green swards and wood-clad knolls on the shore, studded with tributary towns and palatial structures, crowned with foliage, or peeping forth from groves, some venturing nearer to the city, and into the very lake. “We gazed with admiration,” exclaims Bernal Diaz, as he compares with the enchanted structures described in the Amadis their grand towers, cues, and edifices, rising in the lake, and all of masonry.
* * * * *
Let us glance at the people and their dwellings; for though we have spoken of them at length elsewhere, we cannot in this connection wholly pass them by.
Two centuries back, the Aztecs, then a small and despised people, surrounded and oppressed by enemies, had taken refuge on some islets in the western part of the saline lake of Mexico, and there by divine command they had founded the city which, under the title of Mexico Tenochtitlan, was to become the capital of Anáhuac. The first building was a temple of rushes, round which the settlement grew up, spreading rapidly over the islets, and on piles and filled ground. The city was enlarged and beautified by successive rulers, and when first beheld by the Spaniards it had attained its greatest extent—one it never again approached—and was reputed to be about twelve miles in circumference. This area embraced a large suburb of several villages and towns with independent names, containing in all sixty thousand houses, equivalent to a population of three hundred thousand.[453]
Four great avenues, paved with hard cement, ran crosswise from the cardinal points, and divided the city into as many quarters, which were again subdivided into wards.[454]
Three of the avenues were connected in a straight line, or nearly so, with the main land by means of smooth causeways, constructed of piles filled up with rubble and débris. The shortest of these was the western, leading to Tlacopan, half a league distant, and bordered all the way with houses. They were wide enough for ten horsemen to ride abreast, and were provided at intervals with bridges for the free flow of water[455] and of traffic. Near their junction with the city were drawbridges, and breastworks for defence. A fourth causeway, from the Chapultepec summer palace, served to support the aqueduct which carried water from the mountain spring in that vicinity.
Round the southern part of the city stretched a semicircular levee, three leagues in length and thirty feet in breadth, which had been constructed in the middle of the preceding century to protect the place from the torrents which after heavy rains came rushing from the fresh-water lakes of Xochimilco and Chalco. This levee was the chief resort of the people—during the day for bustling merchants and boat crews, during the evening for promenaders, who came to breathe the fresh air soft-blown from the lake, and to watch the setting sun as it gilded the summits of Popocatepetl and his consort.
Traffic, as may be supposed, was conducted chiefly by canals guarded by custom-houses, lined with quays, and provided in some places with docks. Upon these abutted narrow yet well lighted cross streets, connected by bridges, and leading to a number of open squares, the largest of which were the market-places in Tlatelulco and Mexico proper, wherein as many as one hundred thousand people are said to have found room.
Viewed architecturally and singly, the buildings did not present a very imposing appearance, the greater portion being but one story in height. This monotony, however, was relieved to a great extent by the number of temples sacred to superior and local deities which were to be seen in every ward, raised high above the dwellings of mortals, on mounds of varying elevations, and surmounted by towering chapels. Their fires, burning in perpetual adoration of the gods, presented a most impressive spectacle at night. The grandest and most conspicuous of them all was the temple of Huitzilopochtli, which stood in the centre of the city, at the junction of the four avenues, so as to be ever before the eyes of the faithful. It formed a solid stone-faced pyramid about 375 feet long and 300 feet broad at the base, 325 by 250 feet at the summit, and rose in five superimposed, perpendicular terraces to the height of 86 feet. Each terrace receded six feet from the edge of the one beneath, and the stages were so placed that a circuit had to be made of each ledge to gain the succeeding flight, an arrangement equally suited for showy processions and for defence. Surrounding the pyramid was a battlemented stone wall 4800 feet in circumference, and through this led four gates, surmounted by arsenal buildings, facing the four avenues.[456]
The pyramid was quite modern, and owed its erection to Ahuitzotl, who for two years employed upon it an immense force of men, bringing the material from a distance of three or four leagues. It was completed in 1486, and consecrated with thousands of victims. The rich and devout brought, while it was building, a mass of treasures, which were buried in the mound as an offering to the gods, and served subsequently as a powerful incentive for the removal of every vestige of the structure. The present cathedral occupies a portion of the site.[457]
The appearance of the city was likewise improved by terraces of various heights serving as foundation for the dwellings of rich traders, and of the nobles who were either commanded to reside at the capital or attracted by the presence of the court. Their houses were to be seen along the main thoroughfares, differing from the adobe, mud, or rush huts of the poor, in being constructed of porous tetzontli stone, finely polished and whitewashed. Every house stood by itself, separated by narrow lanes or by gardens, and inclosing one or more courts. Broad steps led up the terrace to two gates, one opening on the main street, the other on the back lane or canal. The terrace platform was particularly spacious in front, where occasionally a small oratorio faced the entrance. The façade was adorned with elegant cornices and stucco designs of flowers and animals, often painted in brilliant colors. Balconies were occasionally to be seen, supported on monolith columns without base or capital, though with incised ornamentation; but they were not common, owing to the prevalence of flat roofs surrounded by battlemented and even turreted parapets. Behind them rose flowering plants, arranged in pots or growing in garden plots, and aiding to render the spot attractive for the family gathering in the evening. Flower-gardens might be seen also in the courts, with a sparkling fountain in the centre. Around ran the shady porticos, lined with suites of apartments, the larger reception rooms in front, the stores and kitchen in the rear, and other rooms and chambers, with the never failing temazcalli, or bath, arranged between them, and provided with wicker screens or curtains in lieu of doors.
Courts as well as rooms were covered with flags of stones, tessellated marble or cement, polished with ochre or gypsum; and the walls were decorated not infrequently with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster, and hung with cotton tapestry adorned with feather and other ornaments. The furniture on the other hand was scanty, consisting chiefly of mats of palm leaves, cushions, low tables, and stools.[458]
It was in the morning of the 8th of November that the Spaniards mustered for the entry into Mexico. Not far from Iztapalapan they came upon the longest causeway, two leagues in extent, which with the exception of a short angle near the shore led in a straight line northward to the heart of the city.[459] They passed several towns, some on the shore, others touching the causeway,[460] and supported to a great extent by the manufacture of salt from the lake water. The causeway had been reserved for the passage of the troops, out of deference to the desire manifested to keep the natives at a respectful distance,[461] but both sides were lined with canoes bearing an eager crowd of sight-seers. About half a league from the city the causeway formed a junction with the road from Xochimilco and Coyohuacan, at a spot called Acachinanco,[462] where a stout battlemented wall, fully ten feet in height, and surmounted by two towers, guarded the two gates for entry and exit.
Entering here the Spaniards were met by a procession of over one thousand representative people from the capital,[463] richly arrayed in embroidered robes, and with jewelry of pendent stones and gold. These passed before the visitors in a file, touching the ground with their hand and carrying it to the lip in token of reverence. This ceremony occupied an hour, after which the march was resumed. At the junction of the causeway with the main avenue of the city was a wooden bridge ten paces wide, easily removable, inside of which Cortés halted to await the emperor, then approaching.[464] On either side of the street, closely along by the houses, came processions of nobles, headed by lords and court dignitaries, all of whom marched with bare feet and bowed heads. This humility was owing to the presence of the emperor, who in almost solitary grandeur kept the centre of the road, borne in a richly adorned litter on the shoulders of his favorite courtiers, and followed by a few princes and leading officials.[465] Three dignitaries preceded him, one of whom bore aloft three wands, signifying the approach of the imperial head of the tripartite alliance, so that all persons in sight might lower their heads in humble reverence till he had passed.
On nearing the Spaniards Montezuma stepped from the litter, supported on either side by King Cacama and Cuitlahuatzin, his nephew and brother, and followed by the king of Tlacopan and other princes. Four prominent caciques held over his head a canopy profusely covered with green feathers set with gold and silver, and precious stones, both fixed and pendent, and before them attendants swept the road and spread carpets, so that the imperial feet might not be soiled. The monarch and his supporters were similarly dressed, in blue tilmatlis which, bordered with gold and richly embroidered and bejewelled, hung in loose folds from the neck, where they were secured by a knot. On their heads were mitred crowns of gold with quetzal plumes, and sandals with golden soles adorned their feet, fastenings embossed with gold and precious stones.[466]
Montezuma was about forty years of age, of good stature, with a thin though well-proportioned body, somewhat fairer than the average hue of his dusky race. The rather long face, with its fine eyes, bore an expression of majestic gravity, tinged with a certain benignity which at times deepened into tenderness. Round it fell the hair in a straight fringe covering the ears, and met by a slight growth of black beard.[467]
With a step full of dignity he advanced toward Cortés, who had dismounted to meet him. As they saluted,[468] Montezuma tendered a bouquet which he had brought in token of welcome, while the Spaniard took from his own person and placed round the neck of the emperor a showy necklace of glass, in form of pearls, diamonds, and iridescent balls, strung upon gold cords and scented with musk.[469] With these baubles, which were as false as the assurances of friendship accompanying them, the great monarch deigned to be pleased, for if every piece of glass had been a diamond they would have possessed no greater value in his eyes. As a further expression of his good-will, Cortés offered to embrace the monarch, but was restrained by the two princes, who regarded this as too great a familiarity with so sacred a person.[470] The highest representative of western power and grandeur, whose fame had rung in the ears of the Spaniards since they landed at Vera Cruz, thus met the daring adventurer who with his military skill and artful speech had arrogated to himself the position of a demi-god.
After an interchange of friendly assurances the emperor returned to the city, leaving Cuitlahuatzin to escort the general.[471] The procession of nobles now filed by to tender their respects, whereupon the march was resumed to the sound of drums and wind instruments. At the head were scouts on horseback, followed by the cavalry, under Cortés, who had by his side two large greyhounds; then came the infantry, with the artillery and baggage in the centre; and last, the allies.[472] The streets, which had been deserted by the people out of deference to the emperor and to the requirements of his procession, were now alive with lookers-on, particularly in the entrances to the alleys, in the windows, and on the roofs.[473]
At the plaza, wherein rose the great pyramidal temple surrounded on all sides by palatial edifices, the procession turned to the right, and Cortés was led up the steps of an extensive range of buildings, known as the Axayacatl palace, which faced the eastern side of the temple inclosure.[474] Here Montezuma appeared, and through a court-yard shaded by colored awnings and cooled by a playing fountain he conducted him by the hand into a large hall. An attendant came forward with a basket of flowers, wherein lay “two necklaces made of the shell of a species of red crawfish,” so they said, and “much esteemed by the natives, from each of which hung eight crawfish of gold, wrought with great perfection, and nearly as large as the span of a hand.”[475] These the emperor placed round the neck of the general, and presented at the same time wreaths to his officers. Seating him upon a gilt and bejewelled dais,[476] he announced that everything there was at his disposal; every want would be attended to. Then with delicate courtesy he retired, so that the Spaniards might refresh themselves and arrange their quarters.
The building contained several courts, surrounded by apartments, matted and furnished with low tables and icpalli stools. Everything about the place was neat and of a dazzling whiteness, relieved by green branches and festoons. The finer rooms were provided with cotton tapestry, and adorned with figures in stucco and color, and with feather and other ornaments set with gold and silver fastenings. Here and there were vases with smouldering incense diffusing sweet perfume. So large was the place that even the allies found room. The halls for the soldiers, accommodating one hundred and fifty men each, were provided with superior beds of mats, with cotton cushions and coverlets, and even with canopies. Cortés was glad to find the building protected by strong walls and turrets, and after arranging the men according to their corps, he ordered the guns to be planted and the sentinels posted, issuing also instructions for the considerate treatment of the natives, and for intercourse generally. Meanwhile the servants had spread a dinner, which Bernal Diaz describes as sumptuous.[477]
In the afternoon Montezuma reappeared with a large suite. Seating himself beside Cortés,[478] he expressed his delight at meeting such valiant men, whose fame and deeds had already aroused his interest during their visits in the two preceding years at Potonchan and Chalchiuhcuecan. If he had sought to prevent their entry into the capital, it was solely because his subjects feared them, with their animals and thunder; for rumors had described them as voracious beings, who devoured at one meal what sufficed for ten times the number of natives, who thirsted for treasures and who came only to tyrannize. He now saw that they were mortals, although braver and mightier than his own race, that the animals were large deer, and that the caged lightning was an exaggeration. He related the Quetzalcoatl myth,[479] and expressed his belief that they were the predicted race, and their king the rightful ruler of the land. “Hence be assured,” said he, “that we shall obey you, and hold you as lord lieutenant of the great king, and this without fail or deceit. You may command in all my empire as you please, and shall be obeyed. All that we possess is at your disposal.”[480]
Cortés expressed himself as overwhelmed with these kind offers and with the many favors already received, and hastened to assure the emperor that they were not misplaced. He and his men came indeed from the direction of the rising sun, and their king, the mightiest in the world, and the ruler of many great princes, was the one he supposed. Hearing of the grandeur of the Mexican monarch, their master had sent the former captains, brethren of theirs, to examine the route, and to prepare the way for the present commission. He had come to offer him the friendship of their great king, who wished in no wise to interfere with his authority, but rather that his envoys should serve him and teach the true faith.
The reference to Montezuma’s grandeur led the emperor evidently to suppose that the rumors concerning him current in the outlying provinces might have reached the ears of the Spanish king, for he now alluded to the tales which raised him to a divine being inhabiting palaces of gold, silver, and precious stones. “You see,” he added with a sad smile, wherein seemed to linger regrets arising from his departing glory, “that my houses are merely of stone and earth; and behold my body,” he said, turning aside his vestment, “it is but of flesh and bone, like yours and others. You see how they have deceived you. True, I possess some gold trinkets left me by my forefathers; but all that I have is yours whenever you may desire it.”[481]
Cortés’ eyes sparkled with satisfaction as he expressed his thanks. He had heard of Montezuma’s wealth and power, and had not been deceived in the expectation, for a more magnificent prince he had not met with during his entire journey. Such fine words must be rewarded. At a sign the attendants came forward with a rich collection of gold, silver, and feather ornaments, and five thousand to six thousand pieces of cloth, most fine in texture and embroidery.[482] Being asked what relationship the men bore to one another, Cortés said that all were brothers, friends, and companions, with the exception of a few servants.[483]
Montezuma afterward elicited from the interpreters who the officers and gentlemen were, and in conferring favors he sent them more valuable presents through the mayordomo, while the rest obtained inferior gifts by the hand of servants.[484] At his departure from the Spanish quarter the soldiers with redoubled alacrity fell into line to salute a prince who had impressed them both with his gentle breeding and his generosity, and the artillery thundered forth a salvo, partly to demonstrate that the caged lightning was a fearful reality.[485]
The following forenoon Cortés sent to announce that he would make a return visit, and several officers came to escort him. Arrayed in his finest attire, with Alvarado, Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Sandoval, and five soldiers, he proceeded to the residence of Montezuma, in the new palace as it has been called, situated in the south-east corner of the great temple plaza.[486] If they had admired the palace forming their own quarter, how much more charmed were they with this, “which has not its equal in Spain,” exclaims Cortés.
The exterior presented an irregular pile of low buildings of tetzontli, raised upon high foundations, and communicating with the square by twenty doors, over which were sculptured the coat of arms of the kings of Mexico. The buildings were so arranged as to inclose three public squares, and contained an immense number of rooms and halls, one of them large enough to hold three thousand men, it is said. Several suites were reserved for royal visitors, envoys, and courtiers, while others were assigned for the emperor’s private use, for his harem and his attendants. Large monoliths adorned the halls or supported marble balconies and porticos, and polished slabs of different kinds of stone filled the intervening spaces or formed the floors. Everywhere, on projections and supports, in niches and corners, were evidences of the artist’s skill in carvings and sculptures, incised and in relief.
After being conducted through a number of courts, passages, and rooms, partly for effect, the Spaniards were ushered into the audience-chamber, and removed their hats as Montezuma advanced to receive them. Leading Cortés to the throne, he seated him at his right hand, the rest being offered seats by the attendants. Around stood with downcast eyes a number of courtiers, who in accordance with etiquette had covered their rich attire with a coarse mantle and left their sandals outside the room.[487] The conversation fell chiefly on religious topics, the favorite theme with Cortés, who aside from his bigotry was not averse to use the faith as a means to obtain a secure hold on the people. In any case it afforded a shield for other objects. He explained at length the mysteries of Christianity, and contrasted its gentle and benevolent purposes with those of the idols, which were but demons intent on the destruction of their votaries, and trembling at the approach of the cross. Aware of the inefficiency of himself and his interpreters as preachers, indicated indeed by the passive face of the proposed convert, Cortés concluded by intimating that his king would soon send holy men, superior to themselves, to explain the truths which he had sought to point out. Meanwhile he begged the emperor to consider them, and to abandon idols, sacrifices, and other evils. “We have given him the first lesson, at any rate,” said Cortés, turning to his companions.[488]
The ruler of a superstitious people, himself a high-priest and leader of their bloody fancies, was not to be touched by this appeal of Cortés. The prejudices of a lifetime could not be so easily disturbed. He had well considered the words, he replied, transmitted already from the sea-shore by his envoys, and had found many of the points identical with those held by his people; but he preferred not to dwell on the subject at present. The god depicted was doubtless good; so were their own, for to them they and their forefathers owed health and prosperity. Suffice it that he believed his guests to be the men predicted to come. “As for your great king,” he added, “I hold myself as his lieutenant, and will give him of what I possess.” As a tangible proof thereof, he again before dismissing them distributed presents, consisting of twenty packs of fine robes and some gold-ware worth fully one thousand pesos.[489]
FOOTNOTES
[453] The ruins of the old city, clearly traced by Humboldt, showed that it must have been of far greater extent than the capital raised upon its site by the Spaniards. This is also indicated by the size of the markets and temple courts. The reason is to be found partly in the former prevalence of one-story houses with courts inclosed.
[454] For ancient and modern names of quarters see _Native Races_, ii. 563.
[455] Cortés believed that the waters ebbed and flowed, Cartas, 102-3, and Peter Martyr enlarged on this phenomenon with credulous wonder. dec. v. cap. iii.
[456] For a description of the interior see Native Races, ii. 582-8.
[457] Ramirez and Carbajal Espinosa define the limits pretty closely with respect to the modern outline of the city, Hist. Mex., ii. 226-9, and notes in Prescott’s Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103; but Alaman, in his Disert., ii. 202, 246, etc., enters at greater length into the changes which the site has undergone since the conquest, supporting his conclusions with quotations from the Libro de Cabildo and other valuable documents.
[458] For further description of streets, buildings, and people, see Native Races, passim. Also Ramirez, Noticias de Mex., etc., in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS. no. 6, 309-50; Dávila, Continuacion de la Crónica, etc., MS., 296; Viagero Univ., xxvi. 203-6; Libro de Cabildo, MS., 1, 5, 11, 62, 105, 201-2; Sammlung aller Reisebesch., xiii. 459-60, 464-67; Las Casas, Hist. Apolog., MS., 17-27; L’America Settentrionale, 88-207; Mex., Not. Ciudad, 1-8. Venecia la Rica is the name applied to the city by some of the Spaniards. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 339.
A curious view of Mexico is given in the edition of Cortés’ letters issued at Nuremberg in 1524, which exhibits six causeway connections with the mainland. Both in situation, with respect to the surrounding towns, and in the general plan, it accords very fairly with the descriptions of the conquerors. The temple of Huitzilopochtli occupies an immense square in the centre of Temixtitan, as the city is called. Round the south-east corner extend the palace and gardens of the emperor, other palaces being scattered on the lake, and connected with the suburbs by short causeways. Less correct in its relative position is the view presented in the old and curious Libro di Benedetto Bordone, which has been reproduced in Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 81, so famous for its cuts, and, of course, with considerable elaborations which by no means promote the correctness, however much the beauty of aspect is improved.
Very similar to this is the view given in some of Solis’ editions, that of Antwerp, 1704, for instance, wherein is also found a view of Mexico with its surrounding towns, as Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, and others, all grouped closely together within the main lake! A native plan of the capital, said to have been given by Montezuma to Cortés, accords little with Spanish descriptions, and is difficult to understand from its peculiar outline, illustrated with Aztec hieroglyphics. Alaman doubts its origin and correctness. See Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. ed. 1844), ii. 157. A good copy of it is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 221.
The view in Libro di Benedetto Bordone, Nel qual si ragiona de tutte l’Isole del mondo, Vinegia, 1528, 73 leaves, is accompanied by an interesting description of La gran citta di Temistitan, remarkable from being perhaps the first sketch of any value given in a cosmographic work. It occupies the greater part of folios vi. to x., devoted to the terra da Ferdinando Cortese. Five more folios describe the West Indies and Venezuela region, the only portions of America known to Bordone when he wrote his book. It was completed in 1521, according to its pontifical license, although not issued till 1528. The versatile author, who figured both as artist and professor, died in 1531, and the later issues of the Libro, henceforth called Isolario, are by editors whose endeavor to keep apace with the demands of the times is instanced by the edition of 1537, wherein appears a letter on the conquest of Peru. In the mappemonde of the first edition before me, the smaller northern part of the new continent is called terra del laboratore, while the southern part bears the inscription ponẽti môdo nouo. The two are separated at the Isthmus, in about the latitude of the Mediterranean, by a long strait, at the eastern mouth of which, on the sectional map of folio vi., is written, stretto pte del mõdo nouo. Farther east lie the islands Astores, Asmaide, and Brasil. The numerous sectional wood-cut maps and plans bear the conventional outline of a series of concave segments, and of the ten referring to different parts of the new world, seven apply to the Antilles.
The clearest account of Mexico given by any of the conquerors is to be found in Relatione d’alcvne cose della Nuoua Spagna, & della gran città di Temistitan Messico, fatta per vn gentil’huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, wherein the description of the natives, their manners and customs, their towns, the resources of the country, and above all, the capital city, is to be found in concise form, arranged in paragraphs with appropriate headings, and illustrated by a cut of the great temple, which appears far more correct than those given by most subsequent writers. A view of the capital is also appended, showing the surrounding country, and according very nearly with those of the Nuremberg type, except in the faulty relative position to the neighborhood. Nothing is known of the author, who is generally referred to as the Anonymous Conqueror, but the opinion has been hazarded that he was Francisco de Terrazas, mayordomo of Cortés. His account was evidently written in Spanish, but did not see the light till Ramusio issued it in Italian under the above title. It forms one of the most valuable documents for the history of Mexico to be found in this prized collection of voyages and travels, the first large work of its class. No branch of literature obtained a greater stimulus from the discovery of Columbus. He it was who broke the barrier which had confined the ardor of voyagers, and who led the revival of maritime enterprise, creating a curiosity among the stayers-at-home that could be satiated only with repeated editions of narratives relating to expeditions and conquests. The number of these narratives became, within a few years, so large as to require their grouping into special collections for the sake of cheapness and convenience. The earliest is probably the Paesi Nouamente retrouati, Et Nouo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio; By Fracanzo or Fracanzano da Montalboddo, Vicenza, 1507, mentioned by Tiraboschi, Storia della literatura italiana. This was reproduced in 1508 by Madrignani, at Milan. According to Panzer, Ruchamer issued the same year a somewhat fuller collection at Nuremberg, under the title of Newe Unbekanthe landte Und eine Newe weldte, with eight pieces, among them the voyages of Columbus, Ojeda, Pinzon, and Vespucci. A similar work was issued by the Italian Angiolelo, in 1519.
The best known of these early collections, and by many regarded as the first issued in German, is the Novus Orbis Regionvm ac Insolarvm Veteribvs Incognitarvm; Basileæ apvd Io Hervagivm, Mense Martio, anno M.D.XXXII., 4to, 584 pages, beside unnumbered leaves. ‘La plus ancienne de ces (Latin) collections,’ says Boucher, Bibl. Univ., i. 55. Although prepared by John Huttich, the canon of Strasbourg, it is better known under the name of Simon Grynæus, who wrote the introductory and revised it at the request of Hervagius, the publisher, a well known bookman, greatly esteemed by Erasmus. Meusel, Bibl. Hist., iii. pt. i. 221, gives it with punctilious fairness the title of Collectio Huttichio-Grynæo-Hervagiana, while others apply only the middle name or the last two. The attribution to Grynæus is greatly due to his fame as a reformer, as the personal friend of Luther and Calvin, as the discoverer of Livy’s lost books, and as the first of a long line of scholars celebrated under that name. It is an excellently printed volume, with quaint head-pieces, and containing as it does so many papers of which the original editions are now lost, the collection must be esteemed of great value. The nineteen pieces of original contributions, journals, and borrowed accounts, include the voyages of Columbus, Alonso, and Pinzon from Madrignani; Alberici Vesputij nauigationum epitome, and nauigationes IIII.; and Petri Martyris de insulis. The other narratives relate to Asia, to the Levant, and to Russia. With some copies is found a mappemonde, but the only genuine one, according to Harrisse, 294, bears the inscription Terra de Cuba, in the northern part of the new world, and in the south, Parias, Canibali America Terra Nova, Prisilia, with the word Asia in large type. Among the several editions the German of 1534, by Herr, is rarer than the above original, while the Dutch of 1563, by Ablijn, is the most complete.
After Huttich the voyage collections increased rapidly in number and size, till they reached the fine specimen of Ramusio, forming not only the first large work of this class, but, for a long time, the most extensive which bears on America. Harrisse, 457, very justly observes that ‘the publication of Ramusio’s Raccolta may be said to open an era in the literary history of Voyages and Navigation. Instead of accounts carelessly copied and translated from previous collections, perpetuating errors and anachronisms, we find in this work original narrations judiciously selected, carefully printed, and enriched with notices which betray the hand of a scholar of great critical acumen.’ The first issue appeared as Primo Volvme Delle Navigationi et Viaggi. In Venetia appresso gli heredi di Lvcantonio Givnti, 1550, folio, 405 leaves. ‘Les Juntes (le) publièrent ... sous la direction de Jean-Baptiste Ramusio.’ Camus, Mém. Coll. Voy., 7. Neither in this, nor in the third volume, issued in 1553, nor in the second edition of the first volume, 1554, does the name of Giambatista Ramusio, Rannusio, or Rhamusio, appear as author, and it is only in the second volume that the publisher, Tommaso Giunti, resolves to set aside the modesty of his friend, and to place his name upon the title-page. The publication of this volume had been delayed till 1559, owing to the death of the author and to the burning of the printing establishment.
In the preface Giunti refers to the close friendship between them, and extols Ramusio as a learned man, who had served in foreign countries, acquiring in this way a perfect knowledge of French and Spanish. He had long been a devoted student of history and geography, inspired to some extent by the travels of his uncle, the celebrated Doctor Girolamo Ramusio. As secretary to the powerful Venetian Council ‘de Signori Dieci,’ he was in a position to maintain correspondence with such men as Oviedo, Cabot, Cardinal Bembo, and others, part of which is to be found in Lettere di XIII. Huomini illustri, Venetia, 1565. All this served him in the formation of the great work upon which he labored during the last 34 years of his life. He died at Padua, July 10, 1557, 72 years of age.
The first volume relates chiefly to Asia and Africa, but contains Lettere due and Sommario by Vespucci, and four papers on Spanish and Portuguese circumnavigation. The contents of the set have been somewhat changed and increased during the several republications, but the best editions are those of 1588, 1583, and 1565, for the first, second, and third volume respectively. Vol. ii. of this set relates chiefly to Asia, but is of interest to American students for its narrative of the much doubted voyages of the brothers Zeno. Its small size indicates the loss it sustained by the events above referred to. ‘Et nõ vi marauigliate, se riguardando gli altri due, non uedrete questo Secõdo volume, si pieno & copioso di scrittori, come il Ramusio già s’haueua pposto di fare, che la morte ui s’interpose.’ ii. 2.
The third volume is entirely devoted to America, and contains all the most valuable documents known up to the time of its first issue, such as the relations of Martyr, Oviedo, Cortés, and his contemporaries in Mexico, Pizarro, Verazzano, Carthier, the Relation di Nvnno di Gvsman, in several parts, and the valuable Relatione per vn gentil’huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese. The volume begins with a learned discourse by Ramusio on ancient knowledge of a land to the west, and of causes leading to the discovery. At the end of the 1565 edition is a map of America, showing Lower California as a wide peninsula, and Terra del Fuego joined to the land of the Circolo Antartico. The comparative crudeness of the wood-cuts and maps has not made the work much esteemed by collectors, but its value even now, for reference, is unquestioned. The set was dedicated to Hieronimo Fracastoro, the great poet and physician, born mouthless, yet so eloquent. Scaliger, Aræ Fracastoreæ. At the end of the Discorso sopra Perv, iii. 371, Ramusio says: ‘Et questa narratione con breuità habbiamo voluto discorrere per satisfattione de i lettori, laquale piu distintamente legeranno nel quarto volume.’ According to Fontanini, Bibl., 274, the material for this volume lay prepared in manuscript, only to perish in the disastrous fire of November, 1557.
[459] It is still one of the main roads, known under Spanish dominion as Calzada de Iztapalapan, now as S. Antonio Abad.
[460] Cortés names the well built Mexicaltzinco, Niciaca, and Huchilohuchico (now Churubusco), to which he gives respectively 3000, 6000, and 4000 to 5000 families. Cartas, 83-4. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99, names Coioacan instead of Niciaca, and this change is generally accepted, for the latter name is probably a mistake by the copyist or printer. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii.
[461] ‘Mandò que vn Indio en lengua Mexicana, fuesse pregonando que nadie se atrauessasse por el camino, sino queria ser luego muerto.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v.
[462] Also referred to as Fort Xoloc. ‘En donde hoy la garita de San Antonio Abad,’ says Ramirez, in Prescott (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. 104.
[463] Herrera, who is usually moderate, swells the figure to 4000.
[464] The avenue is now called el Rastro. The suburb here bore the name of Huitzitlan. ‘Vitzillan que es cabe el hospital de la Concepcion.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 23. At Tocititlan, says Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 439. ‘Junto de la Hermita de San Anton.’ Torquemada, i. 450. ‘Segun una antigua tradicion conservada en el hospital de Jesus, el punto en que le encontró fué frente á éste, y por recuerdo del suceso se hizo la fundacion en aquel parage.’ Alaman, Disert., i. 103; and Ramirez, note in Prescott (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. 103. The previous authorities indicate, however, that the meeting took place farther from the centre of the city.
[465] Chimalpain mentions among others Tetlepanquezatl, king of Tlacopan, Yzquauhtzin Tlacochcalcatl, lord or lieutenant of Tlatelulco, captain-general Atlixcatzin, son of Ahuitzatl, and Tepehuatzin, son of Titotzin. Hist. Conq., 125. Sahagun differs slightly in the names. Hist. Conq., 24-5.
[466] For dress, see Native Races, ii. 178 et seq. Cortés gives sandals only to Montezuma, but it appears that persons of royal blood were allowed to retain them before the emperor, as Ixtlilxochitl also affirms. Hist. Chich., 295; Oviedo, iii. 500; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 1121.
[467] ‘Cenzeño ... y el rostro algo largo, è alegre.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 67. ‘Motecçuma quiere dezir hõbre sañudo y graue.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 103; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 502-3. It is from this, probably, that so many describe him as serious in expression. A number of portraits have been given of the monarch, differing greatly from one another. The best known is Prescott’s, taken from the painting for a long time owned by the Condes de Miravalle, the descendants of Montezuma; but this lacks the Indian type, and partakes too much of the ideal. Clavigero’s, Storia Mess., iii. 8, appears more like him, though it is too small and too roughly sketched to convey a clear outline. Far better is the half-size representation prefixed to Linati, Costumes, which indeed corresponds very well with the text description. The face in Armin, Alte Mex., 104, indicates a coarse Aztec warrior, and that in Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 244-5, an African prince, while the native picture, as given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 6, is purely conventional. The text description, based chiefly on Bernal Diaz, is not inappropriate to the weak, vacillating character of the monarch. Clavigero makes him nearly 54 years old, and Brasseur de Bourbourg 51; but 40, as Bernal Diaz calls him, appears to be more correct.
[468] ‘Ellos y él ficieron asimismo ceremonia de besar la tierra.’ Cortés, Cartas, 85.
[469] ‘De margaritas y diamantes de vidrio.’ Id. ‘Que se dizen margagitas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 65.
[470] Solis assumes that Cortés was repelled when he sought to place the necklace on Montezuma. The latter chides the jealous princes, and permits him. Hist. Mex., i. 370. ‘Pareceme que el Cortès ... le daua la mano derecha, y el Monteçuma no la quiso, è se la diò â Cortès.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 65. This phrase, which applies equally to offering the right hand, has been so understood by those who notice it; but as this would be confusing, Vetancurt, for instance, assumes improbably that Marina offers her right hand to Montezuma, which he disregards, giving his instead to Cortés. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 129.
[471] Cortés, Cartas, 85. Ixtlilxochitl has it that Cacama was left with him; and Bernal Diaz, that the lord of Coyuhuacan also remained. According to Cortés, Montezuma accompanied him all the way to the quarters in the city, keeping a few steps before. Gomara and Herrera follow this version. But Bernal Diaz states explicitly that he left the Spaniards to follow, allowing the people an opportunity to gaze; and Ixtlilxochitl assumes that he goes in order to be ready to receive him at the quarters. Hist. Chich., 295. It is not probable that Montezuma would expose himself to the inconvenience of walking so far back, since this involved troublesome ceremonies, as we have seen, not only to himself but to the procession, and interfered with the people who had come forth to gaze. The native records state that Montezuma at once surrendered to Cortés the throne and city. ‘Y se fueron ambos juntos á la par para las casas reales.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 23-4. Leading Cortés into the Tozi hermitage, at the place of meeting, he made the nobles bring presents and tender allegiance, while he accepted also the faith. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 440-1.
[472] About 6000 in all. ‘Nosotros aun no llegauamos á 450 soldados.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 65. Prescott places the number at about 350.
[473] According to Sahagun not a soul was to be seen, either upon the causeway or along the streets, the people having taken this manner to express their indignation at the semi-forcible entry of the Spaniards. Montezuma came to receive them purely out of a feeling of humanity. Startled at this solitude, Cortés fears dangers, and vows, if all goes well, to build a church. This was the origin, says Bustamante, of the Hospital de Jesus. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1840), 79-84. See note 12, this chapter. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts this view. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 212-13. Still Sahagun describes the interview with Cortés as most cordial. He is in fact contradictory, and it is evident that the order issued to the people to keep the narrow causeway clear, and the etiquette which required them to give way to the emperor, have been hastily interpreted by the chronicler into ‘deserted streets’ and ‘popular indignation.’ Had the citizens objected to receive the strangers, the bridges could have been raised against them.
[474] ‘Au coin de la rue del Indio triste et de celle de Tacuba,’ says Humboldt, Vues, i. 58, prudently, without attempting to give its extent. Ramirez and Carbajal do so, however, and in allowing it about the same length as the temple inclosure, they place it right across the eastern avenue of the city, which like the other three is admitted to have terminated at one of the temple gates. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 222; Ramirez, notes in Prescott’s Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103. ‘Donde hoy las Casas de el Marqués del Valle,’ says Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 86, a statement disputed by later writers. Prescott quotes Humboldt, but evidently does not understand him, for he places the palace ‘facing the western gate,’ which is not only on the wrong side, but across the western avenue. Mex., ii. 79. ‘Adonde ... tenia el gran Monteçuma sus grandes adoratorios de idolos ... nos lleuaron á aposentar á aquella casa por causa, que como nos llamauã Teules, é por tales nos tenian, que estuuiessemos entre sus idolos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 66. The idea of being regarded as a god seems to have pleased the old soldier immensely.
[475] They doubtless formed a double necklace, with gold setting and pendants. Cortés writes that on the way to the palace Montezuma halted to place them round his neck. Cartas, 85; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 100-1; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 23.
[476] ‘A throne of gold,’ is Peter Martyr’s briefer yet grander term. dec. v. cap. iii.
[477] Hist. Verdad., 65-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v.; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 25-6.
[478] Bernal Diaz states that the emperor always addressed him as Malinche, and, indeed, it was common among Mexicans to address persons by a name given them in later life in connection with some peculiarity, deed, or incident. Hence Cortés, as master of the prominent female interpreter, received a name implying that relationship.
[479] For which see Native Races.
[480] Cortés, Cartas, 86. This is in substance the speech of Montezuma, as given by native as well as Spanish records; yet it appears improbable that the emperor should have been so ready, at the first interview, and in presence of his courtiers, to humble himself so completely before a few strangers whom he regarded as mortals. See note 19. ‘Myself, my wife and children, my house, and all that I possess, are at your disposal,’ says the Spaniard, even in our day, to the guest whom he wishes to impress with his hospitality. Perhaps Montezuma was equally profuse with hollow words, which have been recorded as veritable offers.
[481] Cortés, Cartas, 86-7. Bernal Diaz introduces this paragraph during the next interview.
[482] Id. ‘Á cada vno de nuestros Capitanes diò cositas de oro, y tres cargas de mantas de labores ricas de plumas, y entre todos los soldados tambien nos diò á cada vno á dos cargas de mantas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 66; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 101-2; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii.; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 441-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. vi.; Torquemada, i. 452-3; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 296; Peralta, Not. Hist., 107-8. Acosta implies that Cortés now reconciled the Tlascaltecs with the Aztecs. Hist. Ind., 521.
[483] ‘Eramos hermanos en el amor, y amistad, é personas mui principales,’ is the way Bernal Diaz expresses it. Hist. Verdad., 66.
[484] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 102-3. ‘Los haçia proveer luego, assi de mugeres de serviçio, como de cama, é les daba á cada uno una joya que pessaba hasta diez pessos de oro.’ Oviedo, iii. 500-1.
[485] Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 129. Sahagun, followed by Acosta, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others, states that the artillery was discharged at night to startle the natives. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 85.
[486] It is so depicted in the old Nuremberg view of the city, already referred to. Ramirez, Carbajal Espinosa, and Alaman give the extent, and the latter enters into quite a lengthy account of its situation with respect to present and former outlines of the quarter. Disert., ii. 202, etc.; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 221-2; Ramirez, notes in Prescott’s Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103. Humboldt places it opposite the southern half of the western temple side, Essai Pol., i. 190, but that site is assigned by all the above historians to the old palace of Montezuma, so called—not the Axayacatl where Cortés was quartered. The mistake is probably owing to his ignorance of the fact that the residence of the Cortés family stood first on the site of the new palace of Montezuma, whence it was moved to that of the old palace when the government bought the former.
[487] The Spaniards were also ‘costretti a scalzarsi, ed a coprirsi gli abiti sfarzosi con vesti grossolane,’ says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 83, but that is unlikely.
[488] ‘Con esto cumplimos, por ser el primer toque.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 67.
[489] ‘Â nosotros los soldados nos diò á cada vno dos collares de oro, que valdria cada collar diez pesos, è dos cargas de mantas.’ The rest went to their officers. Id.
XVII. CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR
NOVEMBER, 1519.
CORTÉS INSPECTS THE CITY—VISITS THE TEMPLE WITH MONTEZUMA—DISCOVERY OF BURIED TREASURE—PRETENDED EVIDENCES OF TREACHERY—CORTÉS PLANS A DARK DEED—PREPARATIONS FOR THE SEIZURE OF MONTEZUMA—WITH A FEW MEN CORTÉS ENTERS THE AUDIENCE-CHAMBER OF THE KING—PERSUASIVE DISCOURSE—WITH GENTLE FORCE MONTEZUMA IS INDUCED TO ENTER THE LION’S DEN.
Cortés failed not to make diligent inquiries and examinations into the approaches, strength, and topography of the city, but he longed for a view from one of the great temples which, rising high above all other edifices, would enable him to verify his observations. He also desired to obtain a closer insight into the resources of the place. With these objects he sent to Montezuma for permission to make a tour through the town to the Tlatelulco market and temple.[490] This was granted; and attended by the cavalry and most of the soldiers, all fully armed, Cortés set out for that suburb, guided by a number of caciques. It was here that the largest market-place in the city was situated.[491]
From this centre of trade the Spaniards proceeded to the lofty temple, which occupied one end of the Tlatelulco market-place,[492] and whither Montezuma had already gone to prepare for their reception, and to propitiate the idols for the intrusion by prayers and sacrifices. He hoped, no doubt, that his presence would prove a check upon the impulsive hands and tongues of the guests. Dismounting at the gate, the riders advanced with most of the soldiers through the temple court, and climbed the one hundred and more steps which led to the summit. Some priests and chiefs had been sent by Montezuma to assist Cortés to ascend, but he preferred to trust to himself. This pyramid, unlike that in Mexico proper, appears to have had but one continuous stair-way leading up the western slope.[493] The first sight which met the Spaniards on reaching the summit was the sacrificial cage for holding victims, and a large snake-skin drum, whose sombre tones gave appropriate effect to the horrible rites enacted around it.
Montezuma came out of one of the chapels to welcome them, expressing a fear that they must have been fatigued by the ascent, but Cortés hastened to assure him that Spaniards never tired. Calling their attention to the view here afforded of the city and its surroundings, he stood silent for a while to let the beauteous vision work its own enchantment. Around on every side spread the lake and its connecting waters, bordered with prairies and fields. Forests and towns intermingled on the green carpet, and extended far away till they disappeared in the shadows of the hills. The soldiers recognized the settlements and towns which they had passed, and saw the causeways which on three sides connected with the mainland. Beneath them lay a vast expanse of terraced roofs, intersected by streets and canals teeming with passengers and canoes. Here and there rose palatial edifices and towering temples, interspersed with open squares, and with gardens shaded by trees and relieved by the silvery jets of the fountain. At their feet lay the market through which they had just passed, alive with busy Lilliputians, whose talk and cries reached their ears in a confused murmur. Cortés could not fail to be impressed by scenes so varied and so attractive, but the æsthetic aspect was in him speedily overshadowed by the practical sense of the military leader. Then rose on high his soul as he thought to secure for Spain so rich an inheritance as the great city with its vast population, and turning to Father Olmedo he suggested that the site ought to be obtained for a church; but the prudent friar remonstrated that the emperor appeared to be in no mood to listen to such a proposal.
Cortés accordingly contented himself with asking to see the idols, and after consulting the priests Montezuma led them past the piscina with the vestal fire into the chapel. Withdrawing a tasselled curtain he displayed the images, glittering with ornaments of gold and precious stones, which at first drew the attention of the beholders from the hideous form and features. Before them stood the stone of sacrifice, still reeking with gore, and around lay the instruments for securing the human victim and for tearing open the breast. On one altar could be seen three hearts, and on the other five, offered to the idols, and even now warm and palpitating with life. The interior walls were so smeared with human blood as to obscure their original color, and to emit a fetid odor which made the Spaniards glad to reach the open air again.
Forgetting his prudence, Cortés expressed his wonder to Montezuma that so great and wise a prince should worship abominable demons like these. “Let me but plant a cross on this summit,” he said, “and within the chapel place an image of the virgin, and you shall behold the fear of the idols.” The eyes of the priests were at this aflame with anger, and the emperor could hardly suppress his indignation as he replied, “Malinche, had I suspected that such insults were to be offered, I would not have shown you my gods. They are good; they give us health, sustenance, victory, and whatever we require. We adore them, and to them make our sacrifices. I entreat you say not another word against them.” Observing the effect his remarks had produced, Cortés thought it best to restrain himself, and to express regrets at his hastiness. Then with a forced smile he said that it was time to depart. Montezuma bade them farewell. As for himself, he must remain to appease the idols for the insult offered.[494]
Not at all abashed by his rebuff at the temple, Cortés asked Montezuma to let him erect a church in his own quarters. Glad probably at finding the Spanish pretensions in this respect so modified, he not only assented, but gave artisans to aid in the work. This was concluded within three days, and services henceforth held therein, at which the Indians were always welcomed. A cross was also erected before the entrance, so that the natives might be impressed by the devotion of their visitors.
This effort in behalf of the faith was not to go unrequited. While looking for the best site for the altar, says Bernal Diaz, Yañez, the carpenter, discovered signs of a door-way recently closed and plastered over. Cortés was told of this, and ever on the guard against plots, he ordered the wall to be opened. Aladdin on entering the cave could not have been more surprised than the Spaniards were on stepping into the chamber there revealed. The interior fairly blazed with treasures; bars of gold were there, nuggets large and small, figures, implements, and jewelry of the same metal; and then the silver, the rare bejewelled and embroidered fabrics, the prized chalchiuite and other precious stones! Cortés allowed the favored beholders to revel in the ecstasy created by the sight, but to their greed he set a check. He had reasons for not disturbing the treasures at this time, and gave orders to restore the wall, so that no suspicions might be aroused that the deposit had been discovered.[495]
* * * * *
One reason with Cortés for not touching the treasures was to hold out an alluring bait to those who, more prone to listen to the warnings of timid allies than to the ambitious promptings of their leader, were ever ready to take alarm and urge withdrawal from a position which they regarded as dangerous. Unbending in his resolution, the general had nevertheless grasped all the perils of their position. Hitherto no firm ground existed for alarm. They had been a week in the capital, and were still receiving from all hands the kindest treatment and the most generous hospitality. Cortés was aware, however, that this depended on the favor of the emperor, whose power over the submissive people resembled that of a god, and whose person appeared to them as sacred as his will was absolute. He had also learned that this monarch was a man affrighted by his superstitions, and often influenced by trifling circumstances; ready to strike where he had fawned the moment before, and little bound by words or pledges, particularly when they involved his own sovereignty. One misstep by the Spanish leader or any of his men, ill-behaved and importunate as they were, according to his own statement, might precipitate the change. The presence of the hated Tlascaltecs was itself a burden, and the drain for supporting the self-invited guests would soon be felt. The religious topic had already created a momentary irritation, which might rankle and grow under the promptings of the priests, who must naturally object to rival interference.
Emperor and subjects were evidently restrained only by the military prestige of the Spaniards, and to some extent by the belief in their divine mission; but they were also aware that, whatever might be the prowess of the visitors and the power of their weapons and steeds, they were mortals, for this had been proved quite lately by the unfortunate defeat of Escalante, and in the Nautla campaign. The soldiers of Montezuma had but to raise the bridges of the causeways and cut off retreat, then stop supplies and reduce them by starvation. True, there was the fate of Cholula before the Mexicans; but they had gained experience, and could mass vastly more warriors and arms, while the Spaniards would have no allies in reserve to operate in the rear. Besides, what mattered the destruction of a part, or even of the entire city, when thereupon depended the safety of the throne, menaced by a horde of cruel, avaricious monsters!
Cortés had considered all these points, and knew the expediency of resolute action. He had undertaken an enterprise wherein one bold move must be supported by another, and to these all means had to be subordinate. He had not come all this way to place himself within the power of a suspicious and vacillating despot, nor to waste his time in waiting for what events might bring forth, while his enemies, headed by Velazquez, were arranging for his overthrow. He had formed his plans long beforehand, as indicated in his first letter to the king, wherein he promised to have the great Montezuma “a prisoner, a corpse, or a subject to the royal crown of your Majesty.”[496] Conquest, followed by settlement and conversion, was his aim. It would not pay him to play for a smaller stake.
Just now rumors began to circulate tending to stir anew the fears which Montezuma’s friendly and hospitable demeanor had soothed. One was that the nobles had actually prevailed on the emperor to break the bridges, to arm the whole city, and to fall on the Spaniards with all available strength.[497] Soldiers were readily found who fancied that the mayordomo was less obsequious than formerly, and that he gave scantier supplies. It was also understood from Tlascaltecs that the populace appeared less friendly during the last day or two. These reports may have sprung wholly from timid minds still agitated by the warnings uttered by Tlascaltecs before the departure from Cholula, or they may have been promoted by Cortés himself in furtherance of his plans. He at any rate seized the pretence to hold a council, composed of Alvarado, Leon, Ordaz, and Sandoval, together with twelve soldiers whose advice he most valued, “including myself,” says Bernal Diaz. His chief reason was to persuade them of the necessity for the measure he had resolved on, and to win their hearty coöperation. Laying before them the current rumors which confirmed the warnings formerly received, and representing the unreliable and suspicious character of Montezuma, his great power, and the peculiar position and strength of the city, he concluded by proposing the daring venture of seizing the emperor and holding him a hostage.[498]
Here was folly run mad! Four hundred men, after penetrating formidable barriers and gaining the very heart of a great empire, whose vast armies could oppose a thousand warriors to every Spaniard there, coolly propose to take captive the worshipped monarch of this vast realm, and then to defy its millions of subjects! The wildest tales of mediæval knights hardly equal this project. Reckless as was the conception, it was the fruit of yet greater audacity. Cortés reared his structure of folly insensate upon the platform of still greater insensate folly. If it was true that he had practically placed himself in the position of a captive, then he would cut the knot by capturing the captor. And yet, foolhardy as might appear the scheme when coolly viewed from the isle of Cuba, situated as the Spaniards were, it was doubtless the best they could do; it was doubtless all they could do. The efficiency of hostages had been frequently tried by the conquerors in the Antilles, and the opportune seizure of the Cempoalan lord had not been forgotten; but this had been effected under the impulse of the moment, while the chieftain was surrounded by Spaniards. Here was required not only a calm resolution, unflinching to the end, but a well laid stratagem. Cortés stood prepared with both.
Producing the letter from Villa Rica, which had been kept secret all this time, he gave an account of the unfortunate successes at Almería, describing in exaggerated terms the treachery of Quauhpopoca, and consequently of Montezuma as his master, and stirring the feelings of the council by an appeal to avenge their comrades.[499] Here was a pretence[500] which served also to set aside the suggestion that the emperor would be only too glad to let them depart in peace, for it was argued that a retreat now, since the Spaniards stood revealed as mortals, would draw upon them not only the contempt of allies and countrymen, but a general uprising, with the most fatal results. Retreat meant also the surrender of all hopes of wealth, preferment, and honor, to be followed by punishment and disgrace for their irregular proceedings so far. With Montezuma in their power, they possessed a hostage whose sacredness in the eyes of his subjects insured their safety, and made the people pliable to their will, while disaffected vassals could be secured by alliances, or by the promise of reforms. Should the seizure result in the monarch’s death, the succession would doubtless become the cause of division and dissension, in the midst of which the Spaniards might influence affairs in their own interest. Thus were answered the various objections raised.
As for the manner of seizure, the safest plan would doubtless be to inveigle Montezuma to their quarters and there detain him; but this would cause delay, and might arouse suspicion,[501] and, since prompt action was considered necessary, the best way would be to seize him in his own palace. This was agreed upon, and the same evening the facts and arguments were effectively presented to the men and preparations made.
“All night,” writes Bernal Diaz, “we passed in earnest prayer, the priests devoutly imploring God to so direct the undertaking that it might redound to his holy service.”[502]
In the morning Cortés sent to announce that he would visit the emperor. He then despatched a number of small parties as if for a stroll, with orders to keep themselves in and near the palace, and on the way to it, ready for any emergency. Twenty-five soldiers were told to follow him, by twos and threes, into the audience-chamber, whither he preceded them with Alvarado, Sandoval, Velazquez de Leon, Francisco de Lugo, and Ávila.[503] All were armed to the teeth,[504] and as the Mexicans had been accustomed to see them thus equipped no suspicions were aroused. Montezuma proved on this occasion to be particularly gracious, and after a brief chat he offered several presents of finely wrought gold, and to Cortés he presented one of his daughters, the captains being given women of rank from his own harem, which was a mark of great favor.[505] Cortés sought to decline for himself the favor, on the ground that he could not marry. Montezuma nevertheless insisted, and he yielded not unwillingly.[506]
Assuming a serious tone, the latter now produced the letter from Villa Rica, and informed the emperor that he had received an account of the outrageous conduct of Quauhpopoca, resulting in the death of some of his men, and that he, the sovereign, had been accused of being the instigator. Montezuma gave an indignant denial,[507] and Cortés hastened to assure him that he believed the charge to be false, but as commander of a party he had to account for the men to his king, and must ascertain the truth. In this Montezuma said he would aid him; and calling a trusted officer, he gave him a bracelet from his wrist bearing the imperial signet—a precious stone graven with his likeness[508]—bidding him to bring Quauhpopoca and his accomplices, by force, if necessary.[509] Cortés expressed himself pleased, but added that, in order to cover his responsibility as commander, and to convince his men that the emperor was indeed as innocent as Cortés believed him to be, it would be advisable for him to come and stay at their quarters till the guilty parties had been punished.[510]
Montezuma was dumfounded at this unhallowed impudence. He, the august sovereign, before whom even princes prostrated themselves, at whose word armies sprang into existence, and at whose name mighty rulers trembled, he to be thus treated by a score of men whom he had received as guests and loaded with presents, and this in his own palace! For a moment he stood mute, but the changing aspect of his countenance revealed the agitation within. At last he exclaimed that he was not the person to be thus treated. He would not go. They could always find him at his palace.
Cortés pleaded that his presence among the soldiers was necessary, not merely as a declaration of his innocence, but to allay the rumors which had reached them that he and his people were plotting for their destruction. Montezuma again made an indignant denial; but added that, even if he consented to go, his people would never allow it. His refusal, insisted the general, would rouse the worst suspicions of his men, and he could not answer for their acts. Mexico might meet the fate of Cholula, and he with it.[511]
Montezuma now began to implore, and offered to surrender his legitimate children as hostages if he were but spared the disgrace of being made a prisoner. This could not be, was the reply. The Spanish quarter was his own palace, and he could readily persuade his subjects that he went there for a short time of his own accord, or at the command of the gods.[512] He would be treated with every consideration, and should enjoy his usual comfort, surrounded by favorites and councillors. The plan involved no change beyond that of residence, to a place where he would be under secret surveillance.
Montezuma still objected, and time was passing.[513] The companions of Cortés becoming nervous at this delay, Velazquez de Leon exclaimed in his stentorian voice: “Why so many words, your worship? Let us either carry him off or despatch him. Tell him that if he calls out or creates a disturbance we shall kill him!”[514] Turning in alarm to Marina, Montezuma inquired what was meant. Full of pity for the troubled monarch, she told him that the men were becoming impatient at his delay. She besought him, as he valued his life, to accede to their wishes and go with them. He would be treated with all the honor due to his rank. A glance at the frowning faces of the Spaniards confirmed the mysterious words of the interpreter, and chilled him to the heart. He had heard too many accounts of the resolution and cruelty of these men not to believe them capable of anything. Were he to call for aid they would no doubt kill him and destroy the city; for few as they were they had proved themselves equal to hosts of natives.
The unhappy monarch yielded, since it was so decreed—by the sublime audacity of this score of adventurers. The spirit of Axayacatl had evidently not survived in the son, and the prestige of his early career as military leader had dwindled to a mere shadow in the effeminate lap of court-life.[515] Summoning his attendants, he ordered a litter brought. Everything had been quietly conducted, and since none ventured to question the emperor, his command was silently obeyed; but the mysterious interview and his agitation roused their suspicions, and the rumor spread that something extraordinary was about to happen. Wondering and murmuring crowds had already collected along the route between the two palaces when the emperor appeared. On seeing the sorrowing faces of the favorites who bore him, and observing how closely it was surrounded by the Spanish soldiers who acted as guard of honor, their fears became confirmed. The distance to the quarters was too short, however, and the news had not yet travelled far enough, to allow a serious demonstration.[516] But not long after the plaza in front of it was blocked with an excited multitude, and a number of leading personages and relatives made their way into the presence of their sovereign, asking with tearful eyes and knitted brows how they might serve him. They were ready to lay down their lives to rescue him. He assured them with a forced smile that there was no cause for alarm. Too proud to disclose his pusillanimity, he readily echoed the words of Cortés, that he had come of his own free-will, and at the intimation of the gods, to stay awhile with his guests. He told them to calm the people with this assurance, and to disperse the gathering.
FOOTNOTES
[490] They had now been four days in Mexico, without going farther than the palace, says Bernal Diaz. A page named Orteguilla, who had already acquired a smattering of Aztec, was sent with the interpreters to ask this favor. Hist. Verdad., 69.
[491] Soldiers who had been in Rome and Constantinople declared that never had they seen so large and orderly a market, with so large an attendance. Bernal Diaz indicates the site of the plaza to have been where the church of Santiago de Tlatelulco was erected, and this still remains under the same name, over a mile north-west-by-north of the central plaza of Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 70-1. The old maps of Mexico already spoken of give the same site, and Alaman’s investigations point out correctly the street which led and leads to it, although he has failed to notice the above authorities, which give the very site. Disert., ii. 282-5.
[492] It has been generally accepted that the temple in the centre of the city was visited, but Bernal Diaz, who is the only narrator of this excursion, states distinctly, in several places, that the pyramid ascended was situated in the Tlatelulco market-place, ‘adonde está aora señor Santiago, que se dize el Tlatelulco.’ Hist. Verdad., 70-1. The description of the temple court and interior is somewhat confused, and evidently combines points which belong to the central temple.
[493] Hence the contradictions between descriptions and views furnished by different chroniclers, which have so greatly puzzled modern writers.
[494] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 70-1. Sigüenza y Góngora, the well-known Mexican scholar of the seventeenth century, follows Bernal Diaz. Anotaciones Crit., MS., 1-2.
[495] ‘No dexarian de quedar aprobechados ... y satisfacer a su necesidad,’ says Vetancurt, who knew the avarice of his countrymen too well to believe in denials. Teatro, pt. iii. 131. Bernal Diaz says that Yañez, as the servant of Velazquez de Leon and Lugo, revealed the discovery to them, and they told Cortés. The soldiers all heard of it, and came quietly to gaze on the treasures, which rumor had already located somewhere in the palace. ‘Being then a young man,’ says the old soldier, ‘and having never seen such wealth, I felt sure that there was not anything like it in the world.’ Hist. Verdad., 72; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ii. Tapia and Gomara state that Cortés discovered the door-way as he was walking in his room one evening, pondering on his plans for seizing Montezuma. ‘Cerro la puerta ... por no escandalizar a Motecçuma, no se estoruasse por esso su prisiõ.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 123; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 579. Duran intimates that on hearing of the existence of treasures in the palace, the Spaniards, including the ‘Santo Clérigo,’ occupied themselves more in searching for them than in promoting the faith. They did not find them, however, till Montezuma revealed the hiding-place, under the pressure of questions and, it seems, of hunger. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 445-6.
[496] He refers to this promise in the second letter to the king, saying, ‘porque certifiqué á V. A. que lo habria preso ó muerto ó súbdito.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52.
[497] ‘En la verdad era así é lo tinien acordado,’ affirms Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 579. ‘Estas nueuas, falsas, o verdaderas,’ is the non-committing phrase of Gomara. Hist. Mex., 123. Ixtlilxochitl takes firmer ground. ‘According to an original letter in my possession, signed by the three heads of New Spain, and written to his Majesty the emperor, our master, they exculpate Motecuhzoma and the Mexicans of this and other charges, declaring them inventions of the Tlascaltecs and of some Spaniards who feared that they would never see the hour when they might leave the city and place in security the riches they had obtained.’ Hist. Chich., 296. Clavigero adopts the view that Cortés called for such testimony from certain chiefs among his allies, whose dislike of the Mexicans would be sure to prompt it. ‘Per giustificar vieppiù il suo attentato, e muovere i suoi Spagnuoli ad eseguirlo, fece chiamar parecchie persone principali de’ suoi alleati (la cui informazione dovrebbe sempre essergli sospettosa).’ Storia Mess., iii. 90-1. Vetancurt has a story that, a drought prevailing at the time, the Spaniards induced the heavens by means of masses and prayers to send rain. This made the priests and idols jealous, and the emperor was prevailed on to rid himself of the Spaniards. The Tlascaltecs learned of the plot and reported it. Teatro, pt. iii. 130.
[498] According to Bernal Diaz the members of this council suggested not only the seizure but the reasons for it. Cortés responded that he had not been oblivious of the danger, but saw not how the seizure could be effected. The captains proposed to beguile the prince to their quarter and detain him. If Cortés hesitated they were willing to undertake the task. The old soldier is evidently misled, as he was in the scuttling affair, to assume too much credit for himself and his fellow-soldiers. Cortés had no doubt adopted his common tactics, so frequently admitted by Bernal Diaz himself, of inspiring his comrades to suggest what he had resolved on. This is proved by the promise made to the emperor in his first letter, four months before, to capture Montezuma.
[499] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73, followed by a number of other writers, states that the letter was received at Mexico the morning after this meeting, but it has been shown that he must be wrong. He mentions as one of the statements in the letter that the Totonacs were in revolt, and it is probable that Cortés may have said so to show the soldiers that retreat was cut off, and that seizure was the only recourse.
[500] As both Peter Martyr and Gomara call it.
[501] The neglect of this less speedy plan does indicate that the rumors of danger were credited to a great extent at least.
[502] Hist. Verdad., 74. Cortés in his quiet way writes to the king that, after passing six days in the great city, and finding that for various reasons ‘it suited the royal interest and our safety to have this lord in my power, and not wholly at liberty, lest he change in the proposal and desire manifested to serve Y. H.... I resolved to seize and place him in the quarter where I was.’ Cartas, 88-9.
[503] ‘Mandó que su gente dos á dos ó cuatro á cuatro se fuesen tras él ... é con él entramos hasta treinta españoles é los demas quedaban á la puerta de la casa, é en un patio della,’ says Tapia, who appears to have been one of those who entered. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 579.
[504] ‘Cõ armas secretas,’ says Gomara, Hist. Mex., 123, and probably they did bear extra weapons beneath their cloaks.
[505] ‘Y otras hijas de señores á algunos de mi compañía.’ Cortés, Cartas, 89. But the customary mark of favor was to give them from his harem. See Native Races, ii.
[506] ‘Per non dar disgusto al Re, e per avere occasione di farla Cristiana,’ is Clavigero’s excuse for the acceptance. Storia Mess., iii. 93. Brasseur de Bourbourg, and some other writers, assume that Cortés declined; but the original authorities all say or intimate that he accepted. Even Cortés himself writes in his letter to the emperor, ‘despues ... de haberme él dado algunas joyas de oro y una hija suya,’ etc. Cartas, 89. ‘Le persuadió,’ says Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 290. Gomara is even more explicit, and Herrera says that Montezuma insisted, ‘porque queria tener nietos de hombre tan valeroso.’ dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ii. The affair is perhaps less important in itself than as index to the character of Cortés, who could accept so intimate an offer with one hand while he prepared a blow with the other. It might also be made to indicate that Montezuma could have had no base designs against him when he made the uncalled-for offer of intrusting a daughter (if such she was) to his keeping. Still the imperial character would not have suffered had it been shown that this was but an artifice to lull his intended victim into a false security.
[507] Some authors, like Herrera and Torquemada, say that he denied all knowledge of the occurrence, calling it an invention of enemies.
[508] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 297. ‘Q̄ tenia la figura de Vitzilopuchtli,’ Gomara, 123; and so says Bernal Diaz. Tapia states that Montezuma told Cortés to send two Spaniards with the messengers; but he doubtless declined to risk two lives on such a trip. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 583-4.
[509] ‘Ingrato rey!’ exclaims Gallo, in commenting upon this surrender of a devoted officer. Hombres Ilust. Mex., i. 318.
[510] Bernal Diaz makes Cortés accuse the emperor of perfidy, and of having instigated the Cholula massacre. Hist. Verdad., 74. But this he would hardly do, since his purpose was clearly to persuade, not to arouse anger.
[511] ‘No querria començar guerra, ni destruir aquesta Ciudad ... que si alboroto, ò vozes daua, que luego sereis muerto de aquestos mis Capitanes, que no los traigo para otro efeto,’ is Bernal Diaz’ blunt version. Hist. Verdad., 74.
[512] ‘Auia tenido platica de su idolo Huichilobos ... que convenia para su salud, y guardar su vida, estar con nosotros.’ Id., 75.
[513] ‘Estuuieron mas de media hora en estas platicas.’ Id., 74. Tapia and others say four hours, which is unlikely.
[514] ‘Porque mas vale que desta vez asseguremos nuestras vidas, ò las perdamos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.
[515] ‘Era, ó muy falto de ánimo, ó pusilánime, ó muy prudente.’ Oviedo, iii. 289. ‘En él se cumplió lo que de él se decia, que todo hombre cruel es cobarde, aunque á la verdad, era ya llegada la voluntad de Dios.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 411.
[516] Bernal Diaz intimates clearly enough that no demonstration was made till after his arrival. Hist. Verdad., 75. And so does Cortés. ‘Llorando lo tomaron en ella [the litter] con mucho silencio, y así nos fuimos hasta el aposento donde estaba, sin haber alboroto en la ciudad, aunque se comenzó á mover. Pero sabido por el dicho Muteczuma, envió a mandar que no lo hubiese; y así, hubo toda quietud.’ Cartas, 90. Ixtlilxochitl, however, allows Montezuma to stay long enough in his palace, after ordering the litter, to enable the lords and nobles to come and offer their services. A delay like this, which the Spaniards certainly never could have permitted, might have given time for the tumultuous gathering which he describes. Hist. Chich., 297. Prescott, in following this version, makes the emperor so far overstep his usual dignity as to ‘call out’ to the people to disperse. ‘Tambien detuvieron consigo á Itcuauhtzin, gobernador del Tlatilulco,’ says Sahagun, while the leading nobles ‘cuando fue preso Mocthecuzoma le desampararon y se escondieron.’ Hist. Conq., 25.
The seizure has, like the equally prominent episodes of the massacre at Cholula, and the scuttling of the fleet, aroused no little comment in justification or condemnation. ‘Now that I am old,’ says Bernal Diaz, ‘I stop to consider the heroic deeds then performed, and I do say that our achievements were not effected by ourselves, but were all brought about by God; for what men have existed in the world who, less than 450 soldiers in number, dared to enter into so strong a city as Mexico, larger than Venice, and so remote from Castile, to seize so great a lord?’ Hist. Verdad., 76. ‘Never Greek or Roman, nor of other nation, since kings exist, performed a like deed, only Fernando Cortés, to seize Motecçuma, a king most powerful, in his own house, in a place most strong, amid an infinity of people, while possessing but 450 companions.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 124. Commenting on this, Torquemada adds that ‘it was indeed a deed for daring never seen, and must be attributed to God rather than to human heart.’ i. 458. Solis of course fails not to extol the genius and daring of his hero, whose deed ‘appears rather in the light of a fable’ than in consonance with simple history. Hist. Mex., i. 448. ‘A deed which makes one tremble even to conceive, and much more to carry out. But God had so determined it.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 296. ‘History contains nothing parallel to this event, either with respect to the temerity of the attempt, or the success of the execution,’ etc. Robertson’s Hist. Am., ii. 60. ‘An expedient, which none but the most daring spirit, in the most desperate extremity, would have conceived.’ Prescott’s Mex., ii. 159. ‘An unparalleled transaction. There is nothing like it, I believe, in the annals of the world.’ Helps’ Cortés, ii. 351. Clavigero is less carried away by the incident, for he sees therein the hand of God. Nevertheless, he sympathizes with Montezuma. Storia Mess., iii. 95, etc. Pizarro y Orellana finds the deed eclipsed by the similar achievement, with a smaller force, under his namesake Pizarro. Varones Ilvstres, 89-90. And later Mexican writers, like Bustamante, see, naturally enough, nothing but what is detestable in the incident, for according to the native records which form their gospel, Montezuma was guiltless of any base intents. Unfortunately for them, these very records paint him a blood-thirsty despot who punishes the slightest offence against himself, even when merely suspected, with the most atrocious cruelty; one who is continually seeking his aggrandizement at the expense of inoffensive, peace-loving tribes, who oppresses not only conquered peoples, but his own subjects, with extortionate taxes and levies to satisfy his inordinate appetite for pomp and for new conquests. These records also admit that he had repeatedly sent sorcerers, if not armies, to entrap and destroy the Spaniards. He who looked calmly on hecatombs of his own subjects, slaughtered before his very eyes, would not hesitate to condemn strangers for plotting against the throne which was dearer to him than life itself. The Spaniards may have anticipated events considerably, but there is no doubt that numerous personages, from Cuitlahuatzin downward, were bitterly opposed to their enforced guests, and they would sooner or later have realized the rumors which the allies began to circulate. Placed as he was, Cortés’ duty to himself, to the men intrusted to him, to his king, and to the cause of religion, as then regarded, required him to give heed to such rumors, and, after weighing their probability, to take the precautionary measure of seizing the monarch, since retreat not only appeared fraught with disaster and dishonor, but would be regarded as a neglect of opportunity and of duty. With Cortés, naught but the first steps in assuming the conquest, and in usurping certain credit and means, can be regarded as crimes, and the former of these was forced upon him by circumstances of his age and surroundings. Every project, then, conceived by him for the advancement of his great undertaking must redound to his genius as soldier and leader. Of course, among these projects appear many which did not advance the great object, and which must be condemned. But where do we find greatness wholly free from stain?
XVIII. DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS
1519-1520.
HOLLOW HOMAGE TO THE CAPTIVE KING—MONTEZUMA HAS HIS WIVES AND NOBLES—HE RULES HIS KINGDOM THROUGH THE SPANIARDS—THE PLAYFUL PAGE—LIBERALITY OF THE MONARCH—THE SACRED TREASURES—CORTÉS RESENTS THE INSULTS OF THE GUARD—DIVERSIONS—QUAUHPOPOCA, HIS SON AND OFFICERS, BURNED ALIVE—PLANTATIONS FORMED—VILLA RICA AFFAIRS—VESSELS BUILT—PLEASURE EXCURSIONS.
A pompous reception was accorded the imperial prisoner. With no small ceremony was he conducted to apartments adjoining those of Cortés, as selected by himself, and there surrounded by all accustomed comforts and every show of greatness. At hand were his favorite wives, his most devoted servants; he held court daily, received ambassadors, issued orders, and with the aid of his learned jurists administered justice. To outward appearance the monarch was as absolute as ever; yet Montezuma knew that his glory had departed, that the continued forms of greatness were hollow, and that his power was but the power of a puppet. He was wise enough to know that a strong man is not to be trusted who is officiously kind to a weak one.
Henceforth the power of the nation, in the hands of these insidious strangers, was to be directed against himself. It was a cunning policy, craftily conceived and deftly executed.
Cortés took care that everything round the prisoner should move smoothly, and that his presence in the Spanish quarters should appear to the natives a voluntary rather than an enforced visit. To his more intimate lords and subjects, however, who knew better his condition, and who sometimes urged him to return to his palace, the poor captive would say, “Ah, no! it is the will of the gods that I remain with these men and be guided by their counsel.” But on no account must the imperial influence be allowed for the present to decline before the people. The deception must be continued, and the dignity of the sovereign upheld by a deferential attention as profound as that which was shown before his imprisonment. Daily, after prayers, the Spanish general came to pay his respects, attended by several of his captains, more frequently Alvarado, Velazquez, and Ordaz, and to receive the imperial commands with respect to his comforts, pleasures, and duties. On these occasions, and indeed whenever he appeared before the emperor, says Bernal Diaz, Cortés set the example to his followers by doffing his hat and bowing low, and never did he presume to sit in the royal presence until requested to do so.
Yet a most unpleasant reminder to the monarch of his circumscribed authority was the ever present guard in and around his apartments.[517] This was under the command of Juan Velazquez de Leon, who enforced the strictest watch, particularly when it became known that Montezuma’s courtiers lost no opportunity to urge escape, and that he lent them a not unwilling ear, despite the professed desire to remain with the Spaniards. Among the several schemes with this object are mentioned bored walls, tunnels beneath the palace, and an attempt by the emperor himself to leap from the summit of the building into a safe receptacle prepared for him.[518]
Espionage was also established on the emperor in his intercourse with courtiers, by placing in the apartment the page Orteguilla, who had acquired a fair knowledge of Aztec. Of prepossessing appearance, agreeable and sprightly in manner, the youth became a favorite with the captive king. Among other things, the little spy gave the monarch an insight into Spanish customs and proceedings at home and abroad, into the power and grandeur of the Castilian king, and into the mysteries of the faith. Being constantly together they grew familiar, Montezuma delighting to play pranks on the boy, throwing aloft his hat, and laughing at his efforts to regain it. These tricks were always followed by a liberal reward.[519]
Montezuma was indeed most liberal with all who came in contact with him, as became the character of a great and rich prince. Not only jewels, robes, and curiosities, but male and female slaves, were freely dispensed, partly no doubt with a view to secure good treatment from the guard. A considerate thoughtfulness and gentle manner added to his popularity, and “whenever he ordered,” says the old soldier, “we flew to obey.” The inconsiderate pride and selfishness of the independent monarch seems to have disappeared in the prisoner, yet like the captive hawk he was submissive only to his masters. Orteguilla kept him informed of the rank and character of the men, and became the recognized medium for his favors. He represented, for instance, that Bernal Diaz longed to be the master of a pretty maiden, and Montezuma, having noticed the exceeding deference of the soldier, called him, saying that he would bestow on him a fine young woman, whom he must treat well, for she was the daughter of a chief. He also gave him three quoits of gold and two loads of robes.[520] The gift came from the emperor’s harem, from which he frequently drew to please those whom he delighted to honor. The vacancies thus created were filled from noble families, who like those of more advanced countries regarded it an honor for a daughter to occupy the position of royal concubine. After his imprisonment Montezuma seems to have disposed of his wives quite rapidly, a number of them falling to leading Spaniards.[521] To Cortés he offered for the second time a daughter, prettier than the one given him on the day of his capture, but in this instance the gift was declined in favor of Olid, who accepted her, together with any number of presents, and was henceforth treated as a relative by her imperial father. Both she and the sister with Cortés were baptized.[522]
The soldiers generally were by no means forgotten in the distribution of women and other gifts, and in course of time the quarter became so crowded with male and female attendants that Cortés found it necessary to issue an order reducing the number to one female servant for each man. Informed of this, Montezuma instructed his mayordomo to provide good accommodation and sustenance for them elsewhere.[523]
Encouraged by this generosity, Cortés approached him one day regarding the secreted treasures, which had been so long respected, but which he desired to have in his possession. He regretted to say that his graceless soldiers had come upon the treasure-chamber, and regardless of his instructions had abstracted a number of jewels. The emperor hastened to reassure him; perhaps he understood the hint. The contents of the chamber belonged to the gods, he said; but the gold and silver might freely be taken so long as the rest was left.[524] He would give more, if required. Cortés did not scruple to avail himself of the permission, by appropriating for himself and his intimate friends a large share. So charged the discontented soldiers, but the main portion appears to have been reserved for the general distribution not long after. Although the most valuable part of this collection had been freely surrendered, the soldiers hesitated not to seize also upon other effects, such as liquid amber and several hundred loads of cotton fabrics. Cortés wished to restore them, but Montezuma declined, saying that he never received anything back.[525] On another occasion the Spaniards discovered the imperial warehouse for cacao beans, the most common currency of the country, and for some time made nightly raids on it with their Indian carriers. Cortés proposed to mete out punishment for this, but finding that Alvarado was a leading culprit, he dropped the matter with a private reprimand.[526]
Montezuma’s good nature was imposed upon in more ways than one, and with all his kindness he could not command consideration from the rougher soldiers and sailors. One of the guard, after being requested, with a gift, to discontinue certain unseemly acts, repeated the offence in the hope of receiving another bribe; but Montezuma now reported him to his captain, and he was removed. Cortés, who was determined to enforce respect for the captive, inflicted severe punishment on offenders in this respect. Tired of patrol duty, Pedro Lopez said one day in the hearing of Montezuma, “Confusion on this dog! By guarding him constantly, I am sick at stomach unto death!” Told of this, the general had the man lashed in the soldiers’ hall, and this regardless of his standing as a good soldier and an archer of great skill. Another who showed insolence to the emperor was ordered hanged, but escaped with a lashing at the intercession of the captains and of Montezuma.[527] This strictness insured respect not only for the emperor, but for Cortés, so that the quarter became most exemplary for its good order.[528]
The Spaniards united heartily with the native courtiers to entertain the captive and to remove so far as possible whatever might remind him of his lost liberty. He found great delight in their military exercises, which recalled the faded prowess of his youth and exhibited the tactics which contributed so powerfully to Spanish supremacy over native arms. He also enjoyed sports, and among games the totoloque was his favorite. This consisted in throwing small golden balls at pieces of the same metal set up as targets at a certain distance. Five points won the stakes. Cortés often played it with him, and Alvarado, who kept count for the general, usually marked more points than he was entitled to. Montezuma playfully protested against such marking, although what Cortés won he gave to the Mexican attendants, while Montezuma presented his gains to the Spanish guard.[529]
Montezuma was at times allowed to visit his palaces, and to enjoy the hunting-field, but these trips were of rare occurrence, owing to the danger of popular demonstrations.[530] On such occasions, says Cortés, the escort of prominent Mexicans numbered at least three thousand. The first time Montezuma requested this privilege it was for the purpose of offering prayer and sacrifice at the great temple, as required by his gods, he said; and although Cortés did not like the arrangement, his prisoner convinced him that this public demonstration was necessary, in order to show the people that he was not kept in compulsory confinement, but remained with the strangers at the order of the deity he was about to consult. Four captains were appointed to escort him with a guard of one hundred and fifty soldiers, and he was warned that any attack upon them, or any attempt at rescue, would result in his own death. He was carried in a rich litter, attended by a brilliant procession of nobles, and preceded, according to custom, by a dignitary bearing the triple wand which indicated that the emperor was approaching and demanded loyal veneration.
On reaching the temple the imperial worshipper stepped forth, leaning on the arms of his relatives, and was assisted to the summit. Human sacrifices had been forbidden, and Father Olmedo came to watch over the observance of the order; but it appears that four captives had been offered during the night, and despite the remonstrances of the friar the attendant rites went on.[531] The captains thought it prudent not to exceed a protest, and congratulated themselves when the ceremony was ended and the emperor safely back in their quarters.
* * * * *
A fortnight after the seizure of Montezuma, Quauhpopoca arrived in the capital, accompanied by his son and fifteen of his staff. He made his entry with the pomp befitting a powerful governor and a relative of the sovereign, and hastened to the palace. As was customary with subjects who were about to appear in the imperial presence, the rich robes were covered with a coarse cloak, in token of humiliation. His master received him with a stern countenance, and signified his displeasure at the proceedings which under pretext of his authority had caused loss of Spanish life. No attention was paid to explanations, and he was surrendered with his followers to the Spaniards, to be dealt with as they thought fit.[532] Cortés held a trial: he was a shrewd inquisitor, and his sentence was sure to accord with his own interests. “Are you a vassal of Montezuma?” he asked of Quauhpopoca. “What else could I be?” was the reply. “Did you attack Spaniards by his order?” The prisoner was in a most serious dilemma. At first he refused to implicate the emperor, but finding that his fate was sealed he confessed having acted under his orders.[533] This could not avail him, however, for in obeying his master he had injured the subjects and outraged the laws and majesty of the Spanish king, who was sovereign of all, and this demanded punishment.
The fact was that Spanish prestige, on which so much depended, had suffered through the machinations of the governor, and it was considered necessary to restore it. Therefore it was decreed that Quauhpopoca, with his son and officers, should be burned alive in the plaza, before the palace. Cortés availed himself of the opportunity to seize all the arms in the arsenals,[534] and therewith build a pyre worthy such noted offenders.
When all was ready Cortés presented himself before the emperor, and announced with a severe tone that the evidence of the condemned showed their acts to have been authorized by him, and as a life called for a life, according to Spanish laws, he deserved death. Cortés, however, loved him—for himself, his generosity, and services he loved him too dearly to let justice have its course, and would take on himself to appease its demands by a nominal punishment.[535] He then turned on his heel, while one of the soldiers clasped a pair of shackles round the prisoner’s ankles, and the mighty emperor of the Aztecs was ironed. For a moment Montezuma stood rooted to the floor. Then he groaned with anguish at this the greatest indignity ever offered his sacred person. He trembled with apprehension at what might yet follow. His courtiers were no less afflicted, and with tears in their eyes they knelt to lessen the weight at least of the shameful bonds, and with bandages to relieve the imperial limbs.[536]
Meanwhile the troops formed an imposing cordon in front of the palace to prevent a rescue of the condemned as they were led out and tied to the stake. Writhing with pain, yet mute as became brave warriors, with the ascending smoke from Aztec shields and darts they rendered up their anguished souls. It was rare strategy thus with the offenders to destroy the means of offence. Supposing that the execution was by imperial sanction, the populace tacitly assented, gazing on the horrid spectacle with pallid faces and bated breath. Though accustomed to scenes like this in connection with their religious festivals, it appeared terrible when perpetrated by foreigners, to the dreary sound of muffled drums.[537]
All being over, Cortés reëntered the apartments of Montezuma with his captains, and kneeling down he himself took off the fetters, declaring that he felt deeply grieved at the infliction, for he loved him as a brother. The monarch became almost hysteric with joy at this deliverance, and with falling tears he expressed himself in abject terms of gratitude, like the dog licking the hand which has chastised it. Every fresh incident reveals some new trait in the character of this unhappy man which calls for pity or contempt. “Yet further,” continued Cortés, “to show my deep regard and confidence, you are now at full liberty to return to your own house.” But Montezuma understood well enough that these were but words, an empty offer; indeed he had been informed by the well prompted page that, although the general might wish to release him, the Spanish captains would never permit it.[538] He accordingly expressed his thanks, and said that he preferred to remain with him, giving as a reason that, were he free, the importunities of his relatives and nobles to attack the Spaniards might prevail over his friendship for them and their king, and this would entail not only loss of life on both sides, but the ruin of the city. Thereupon Cortés embraced him with every appearance of deep devotion, and said, “Next to my king you shall be king; vast as are your possessions, I will make you ruler of more and greater provinces.”[539]
We can imagine the words by which the Spaniards might justify to themselves the death of Quauhpopoca, but we cannot understand the object in degrading the emperor in the eyes of his subjects—an act which they had hitherto been so careful to avoid—unless it was to lift themselves in their own esteem and that of the natives, far above the highest American princes and powers, and to impress the sacredness of their persons on the minds of the Indians. Further than this, they seemed to think some punishment of the emperor necessary, either because he had authorized the Nautla outrage, or because he had countenanced it by neglecting to reprimand the perpetrators. At all events, the effect was salutary, so much so that Spaniards were to be seen wandering singly about the country without fear of molestation.[540]
This effect, which extended also to adjoining independent provinces, enabled Cortés to carry out the long-cherished project of gathering information on the condition of the country, particularly its political feeling and its mineral resources. Montezuma readily gave the aid requested by providing maps and officials to guide the exploring parties. The first investigations were directed to the upper parts of Rio Zacatula and to Miztecapan, some eighty leagues south of the capital, and to the northern branches of the Papaloapan, whence most of the gold was said to come.[541] The Zacatula party was headed by Pilot Gonzalo de Umbría, in compensation perhaps for the loss of his feet at Villa Rica. He returned before the other parties, within the forty days allowed for the trip, and brought about three hundred pesos’ worth of gold dust, washed out in dishes from three rivers, by order of the cacique. Two chiefs accompanied him, bearing gold presents of nearly the same value as the dust, and offering allegiance to the Spaniards in the name of their caciques.[542] Small as was the treasure, it afforded a substantial proof of the glowing report of Umbría. He had passed through three beautiful and fertile provinces, filled with towns containing buildings equal to any in Spain. He described a fortress finer in appearance and stronger than the castle of Búrgos, and the people of Tamazulapan as most superior in dress and intelligence.[543]
Another party, under one Pizarro,[544] proceeded south-eastward, through Tochtepec and Malinaltepec, both of which yielded them gold dust to the value of about three hundred pesos. Descending along the northern fork of Papaloapan, they reached the country of the Chinantecs, hostile to the Aztecs who had taken some of the border towns. Their independence had not otherwise been affected, owing to their mountain fastnesses, their warlike spirit, and their formidable weapons, which were pikes about twenty feet in length. They invited the Spaniards to enter, but would not allow the Mexican escort to cross the boundary. The guides warned Pizarro not to trust himself to what they termed a treacherous people, but after a brief hesitation he advanced and received a hearty reception. Aid was given to search for gold, of which seven hundred pesos’ worth was obtained from several rivers, most of it in rough grains.[545] On his return he brought two chiefs, who bore presents of gold from their chief cacique Cohuatlicamac, and tendered his allegiance on condition that the Aztecs should not be allowed to enter the country. Finding the inhabitants so friendly and the province rich in resources, Pizarro left four of his small party behind to establish cacao and maize plantations and to search for more gold.[546]
The project appears to have found favor with Cortés, who besought Montezuma to form plantations for the king also in his adjoining province of Malinaltepec. This was at once attended to, and within two months four substantial houses and a vast reservoir had been constructed, and a large tract of land brought under cultivation, the improvements being valued at twenty thousand pesos de oro.[547]
Another important object was to find a better harbor than Villa Rica, and the emperor being consulted, he at once ordered a map to be made, which showed very accurately not only the rivers and inlets already known to the Spaniards, between Pánuco and Tabasco, but the yet unknown Rio Goazacoalco, beyond the Mexican border. This being said to have a large and deep entrance, Cortés availed himself of Ordaz’ offer to examine it. Ten men, chiefly sailors and pilots, and some guides, accompanied him, and authority was given to take escorts from the frontier garrisons. He proceeded to Chalchiuhcuecan or San Juan de Ulua, and thence followed the coast examining the inlets.
On reaching the frontier complaints became numerous against the native garrisons by reason of raids and outrages, and supported by the chiefs who attended him he reprimanded the commanders, threatening them with the fate of Quauhpopoca unless they restrained the troops. They used to extend their raids into the Goazacoalco province, but were at present somewhat guarded, owing to a repulse wherein a number of comrades had perished.[548]
Ordaz’ proceedings served him well, for Tuchintlec, the cacique of this province, sent a deputation of leading men to extend a welcome, and furnished canoes and men to aid in sounding the river. The bar was found to be at least two fathoms and a half deep at low water, and above this, for twelve leagues, the soundings showed fully five fathoms, with a prospect of an equal depth for some distance, whereupon the pilots expressed the opinion that the channel might be a strait leading to the southern sea.[549] Ordaz received not only presents of gold and pretty women for himself, but brought with him messengers bearing jewels, tiger-skins, feathers, and precious stones for Cortés, together with an offer of allegiance and tribute similar to those already tendered by the neighbors of Tabasco. His report, which extolled the agricultural resources as well as the port, induced the general to send with the returning messengers another party to examine these features more thoroughly and to test the disposition of the inhabitants. They again sounded the river, selected a town site, and reported in favor of a settlement. The cacique also expressed himself eager to receive settlers, and offered to begin at once the construction of houses. This decided Cortés to establish a colony on the river, and in April Juan Velazquez and Rodrigo Rangel set out with one hundred and fifty men to carry out the project. This, however, was not destined to be so speedily accomplished.[550]
* * * * *
Meanwhile Villa Rica had been a source of no small anxiety to Cortés. He had appointed Alonso de Grado to fill the vacant place of Escalante, as commander of the fortress, and as his lieutenant in the district. Grado was a man of agreeable presence and conversation, and with some fame among his comrades as a writer and musician, but more of a braggart than a soldier, with decided sympathies in favor of Velazquez. Indeed, Bernal Diaz charges him with having been the ringleader of the mutinous demonstration at Tlascala. Cortés was well acquainted with the character of the man; but his glib tongue had evidently overcome the prudence of the general, or else he preferred a less bold spirit than Escalante’s at this post. “Now, Señor Grado,” said he in handing him his commission, “here is the fulfilment of your long felt desire of going to Villa Rica. Take care of the fort, treat the Indians well, and do not undertake any expeditions like that of Escalante, or you may meet his fate.” “In saying this,” adds Bernal Diaz, “he gave us soldiers a wink, which we readily enjoyed, knowing well enough that Grado would not venture to do so, even under penalty of disgrace.” The office of alguacil mayor, held by the former commander, was not included in the present commission, but was given to Sandoval, and when Grado remonstrated he was promised compensation in due time.
On reaching Villa Rica the evil nature of the man came to the front. He assumed pompous demeanor, and expected the settlers to serve him as a great lord, while the Totonacs were pressed for gold and female slaves. The fort and the duties connected with it were neglected, and the commander spent his time in gormandizing and gambling, not to mention the secret efforts to undermine his general’s influence and to gain adherents for Velazquez. This soon reached the ears of Cortés, who felt not a little annoyed at having trusted such a fellow. He recognized the necessity of intrusting this district to one thoroughly devoted to himself, since a fleet from Cuba might at any moment arrive and create mischief. Therefore he sent Sandoval, who was brave and prudent, as well as loyal, and with him Pedro de Ircio, a former equerry, of insinuating manners and gossiping tongue, whom Sandoval elevated to a commanding position.[551]
Grado was immediately sent up to Mexico under a native guard, and when he arrived, with hands tied and a noose round his neck, the soldiers derided him, while Cortés felt half inclined to hang the fellow. After a few days’ exposure in the stocks he was released, and soon his smooth persuasion paved once more a way to the favor of his general, with whom he became so reconciled as to obtain the office of contador not long afterward.
* * * * *
Among the instructions to Sandoval was one to send to Mexico two shipwrights with ship-building implements, also chains, iron, sails, rope, compass, and everything needful to fit out four vessels which had been placed on the stocks shortly after the seizure of the emperor.[552] The object was to afford a means for the ready movement of troops and for escape in case of an uprising, when the bridges would doubtless be raised. In asking Montezuma for aid to fell and prepare timber, it was pretended that it was for pleasure-boats wherewith to entertain him. Under the able direction of Martin Lopez aided by Alonso Nuñez, the master carpenters, they were completed within a few weeks, and provided with four guns and tiers of oars, affording transport for three hundred men.
A hunting-trip to one of the imperial reserves across the lake was at once arranged.[553] The largest vessel had been provided with awnings and other comforts for the reception of Montezuma, his suite, and a strong guard, while other notables were accommodated in the other craft. A volley from the guns announced their arrival, and did more probably to inspire respect than even the presence of majesty. The vessels were accompanied by a fleet of canoes, some holding forty or more courtiers, hunters, or attendants. All were curious to see how the winged water-houses would behave, for their immense size was supposed to render them slow and clumsy. A fair breeze was blowing, however, and as the large sails unfurled, the vessels bounded forward with a speed that in a few moments left the occupants of the canoes far behind. Montezuma was delighted, and the trip was repeated. Hunting parties were likewise formed; for the royal captive enjoyed the chase and used the blow-pipe with great skill.[554]
FOOTNOTES
[517] ‘Le dió en guarda á un capitan, é de noche é de dia siempre estaban españoles en su presencia.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580. This captain appears to have been Juan Velazquez, whose place was taken by Olid, when required. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77, 86.
[518] ‘Se quiso echar de vna açutea de diez estados en alto, para que los suyos le recibiessen, sino le detuuiera vn Castellano.... Denoche y de dia procurauan de sacarle, oradando a cada passo las paredes, y echando fuego por las azuteas.’
The result was an increase of the guard, Álvarez Chico being placed with 60 men to watch the rear of the quarters, and Andrés de Monjarraz the front, with the same number, each watch consisting of twenty men. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iii. Bernal Diaz intimates that the guarding of Montezuma proved a severe strain on the soldiers; but, situated as they were, vigilance was ever required, and still greater must have been the danger had he not been in their power.
[519] Herrera calls him Peña, which may have been one of his names, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v. Bernal Diaz assumes that Montezuma asked Cortés to give him the page, after the execution of Quauhpopoca. Hist. Verdad., 75.
[520] The bride was named Francisca. Hist. Verdad., 77. As an instance of Montezuma’s eagerness to gratify the Spaniards, and at the same time to exhibit his own power, it is related that one day a hawk pursued a pigeon to the very cot in the palace, amid the plaudits of the soldiers. Among them was Francisco the dandy, former maestresala to the admiral of Castile, who loudly expressed the wish to obtain possession of the hawk and to tame him for falconry. Montezuma heard him, and gave his hunters orders to catch it, which they did. Id.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.
[521] Duran states that the soldiers discovered a house filled with women, supposed to be wives of Montezuma, and hidden to be out of the reach of the white men. He assumes that gratitude would have made the Spaniards respect them; or, if the women were nuns, that respect for virtue must have obtained.
[522] Cortés’ protégée being named Ana. Quite a number of the general’s followers declare in their testimony against him, in 1528, that he assumed the intimate protectorship of two or even three of Montezuma’s daughters, the second being called Inés, or by others Isabel, the wife of Grado, and afterward of Gallego. ‘Tres fijas de Montezuma e que las dos dellas an parido del e la otra murio preñada del quando se perdio esta cibdad.’ Tirado, in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 39, 241, 244; i. 63, 99, 221, 263. Intrigues are mentioned with other Indian princesses. Vetancurt assumes that two noble maidens were given, one of whom Olid received. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 133; Torquemada, i. 462. Bernal Diaz supposes that this is the first daughter offered by Montezuma, and he believes evidently that Cortés accepts her, to judge by a later reference. Hist. Verdad., 85, 102.
[523] Herrera states that Cortés’ order was prompted by a consideration for the heavy expense to Montezuma. The latter remonstrated at this economical fit, and commanded that double rations should be provided for the exiled. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.
[524] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580. ‘Purchè non tocchino disse il Re, le immagini degli Dei, nè ciò che è destinato al loro culto, prendano quanto vogliono,’ is Clavigero’s free interpretation of Ojeda’s version. Storia Mess., iii. 97; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.
[525] ‘Lo q̄ vna vez daua no lo auia de tornar a recibir.’ ‘Las caxas donde la ropa estaua, eran tan grandes que llegauan a las vigas de los aposentos, y tan anchas, q̄ despues de vacias, se alojauã en cada vna dos Castellanos. Sacaron al patio mas de mil cargas de ropa.’ Herrera, ii. viii. iv.
[526] ‘Casa de Cacao, de Motecuhçuma, adonde avia mas de quarenta mil Cargas, que era Gran Riqueça, porque solia valer cada Carga quarenta Castellanos.’ Alvarado alone emptied six jars of 600 loads. Torquemada, i. 472.
[527] The man had insisted that Montezuma should have a search made for two of his missing female attendants. The emperor did not wish Spaniards punished for pilfering, as he told Cortés, only for offering insult and violence. In such cases he would have his own courtiers lashed. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.
[528] ‘Tinie el marques tan recogida su gente, que ninguno salie un tiro de arcabuz del aposento sin licencia, é asimismo la gente tan en paz, que se averiguó nunca reñir uno con otro.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586.
[529] Bernal Diaz, Hist Verdad., 77. ‘Un giuoco, che gli Spagnuoli chiamavano il bodoque.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 97. Bodoque signifies balls in this connection. When Alvarado lost, he with great show of liberality paid in chalchiuites, stones which were highly treasured by the natives, but worth nothing to the Spaniards. Montezuma paid in quoits, worth at least 50 ducats. One day he lost 40 or 50 quoits, and with pleasure, since it gave him the opportunity to be generous. B. V. de Tapia testifies that Alvarado used to cheat in playing cards with him and others. Cortés, Residencia, i. 51-2. Another way of gratifying this bent was to accept trifles from the Spaniards and liberally compensate them. Alonso de Ojeda, for instance, had a silk-embroidered satchel with many pockets, for which Montezuma gave him two pretty slaves, beside a number of robes and jewels. Ojeda wrote a memoir on the conquest, of which Herrera makes good use. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.
[530] ‘Fué muchas veces á holgar con cinco ó seis españoles á una y dos leguas fuera de la ciudad.’ Cortés, Cartas, 92. Both the times and the number of the Spaniards are doubtful, however. ‘Quando salia a caçar.... Lleuaua ocho o diez Españoles en guarda de la persona, y tres mil Mexicanos entre señores, caualleros, criados, y caçadores.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 124; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 297.
[531] Bernal Diaz intimates that more sacrifices were made in their presence. ‘Y no podiamos en aquella sazon hazer otra cosa sino dissimular con èl.’ Hist. Verdad., 78.
[532] Bernal Diaz admits that he knows not what occurred between governor and monarch, but Herrera claims to be better informed. Barefooted, and with eyes upon the floor, Quauhpopoca approached the throne and said: ‘Most great and most powerful lord, thy slave Quauhpopoca has come at thy bidding, and awaits thy orders.’ He had done wrong, was the reply, to kill the Spaniards, and then declare that he had orders so to do. For this he should suffer as a traitor to his sovereign and to the strangers. He was not allowed to make any explanations, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. It is not unlikely that Montezuma commanded him not to reveal anything that might implicate his master, hoping that Cortés would out of regard for his generous host inflict a comparatively light punishment.
[533] ‘Examinaron los segunda vez, con mas rigor, y amenazas de tormento, y sin discrepar todos confessaron,’ says Herrera, loc. cit.
[534] ‘En vna de las casas reales dicha Tlacochalco.’ Herrera, loc. cit. ‘É serien mas que quinientas carretadas.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 584.
[535] ‘Me has negado no auer mãdado a Couatlpopocà q̄ matasse a mis compañeros, no lo has hecho como tan gran señor que eres, ... porque no quedes sin algun castigo, y tu y los tuyos sepays quanto vale el tratar verdad, te mãdare echar prisiones.’ Herrera implies with this that Cortés laid more weight on the disregard for truth than on the authorization of the outrage. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. ‘Que ya que aquella culpa tuuiesse, que antes la pagaria el Cortès por su persona, que versela passar al Monteçuma.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.
[536] ‘Esto hizo por ocuparle el pensamiento en sus duelos, y dexasse los ajenos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 129. ‘Todo à fin de espantarle mas.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 298.
[537] Solis seems to say that the bodies were burned after execution, Hist. Mex., i. 461-2, but Cortés and others are frank enough about the actual burning, which was not regarded in that cruel age with the same aversion as by us. Instances are to be found in the Native Races, ii.-iii., where this ordeal was undergone by criminals as well as temple victims among the Aztecs. Bernal Diaz gives the names of two of Quauhpopoca’s companions in misfortune, Quiabuitle and Coatl. Hist. Verdad., 75. Prescott, Mex., ii. 173, states that the execution took place in the court-yard; but this is probably a misprint, to judge by his own text.
[538] ‘Á lo que entendimos, ê lo mas cierto, Cortés auia dicho á Aguilar la lengua, que le dixesse de secreto, que aunque Malinche le mandasse salir de la prision, que los Capitanes nuestros, è soldados no querriamos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.
[539] ‘Fué tanto el buen tratamiento que yo le hice, y el contentamiento que de mí tenia, que algunas veces y muchas le acometi con su libertad, rogándole que fuese á su casa, y me dijo todas las veces que se lo decia, que él estaba bien allí,’ etc. Cortés, Cartas, 91. ‘No osaua, de miedo que los suyos no le matassen ... por auerse dexado prender,’ is one of the suppositions of Gomara, who calls him a man of little heart. Hist. Mex., 129-30. Peter Martyr appears to be moved rather by pity for him. dec. v. cap. iii. ‘Non gli conveniva ritornare al suo palagio, mentre fossero nella Corte gli Spagnuoli.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 102.
[540] ‘Como este castigo se supo en todas las Prouincias de la Nueua-España, temieron, y los pueblos de la costa, adonde mataron nuestros soldados, bolvieron á servir.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75-6, comments upon the daring of the Spaniards in carrying out these and similar high-handed acts. For a short time after this, says Herrera, the soldiers were ordered to sleep on their arms, in case of any demonstration. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. Clavigero regards the burning as unjustifiable, since the emperor was regarded as having authorized it. If he was not guilty, the Spaniards were ungrateful to treat him as they did. Storia Mess., iii. 101. Robertson finds some excuse for Quauhpopoca’s punishment, but calls the humiliation of Montezuma a wanton display of power. Hist. Am., ii. 63, 453-4. Prescott, on the other hand, regards the humiliation as politic, on the ground that by rendering the monarch contemptible in the eyes of his subjects, he was obliged to rely more on the Spaniards. Mex., ii. 177. But this would hardly have been necessary since he was in their power, and considering that the object of keeping him so was to control the country, it would have been better not to degrade him.
[541] ‘Donde mas oro se solia traer, que era de vna Provincia que se dize, Zacatula ... de otra Provincia, que se dize Gustepeque, cerca de donde desembarcamos ... é que cerca de aquella Provincia ay otras buenas minas, en parte que no son sujetos, que se dizen, los Chinatecas, y Capotecas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81. Montezuma detailed two persons for each of four provinces where gold was to be had, and Cortés gave two Spaniards for each couple. The provinces named were Cuzula, Tamazulapa, Malinaltepeque, Tenis. Cortés, Cartas, 92-3. Of the eight Indians, four were miners or goldsmiths, and the others guides. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 130. Chimalpain names the provinces: Tamazólan, in upper Miztecapan, Malinaltepec and Tenich, both on the same river, and Tututepec, twelve leagues farther, in the Xicayan country. Hist. Conq., i. 254-5.
[542] ‘Con tal, que los de Culùa no entrassen en su tierra.’ They were reassured and dismissed with presents. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i.
[543] ‘Cortés se holgô tanto con el oro como si fueran treinta mil pesos, en saber cierto que avia buenas minas.’ Bernal Diaz intimates beside that Umbría and his two companions had provided themselves with plenty of gold. Hist. Verdad., 81-2.
[544] A young man of 25 years, whom Cortés treated as a relative. With him went four Spaniards who understood mining, and four chiefs. Id.
[545] ‘En granos crespillos, porque dixeron los mineros, que aquello era de mas duraderas minas como de nacimiento.’ Id., 82.
[546] Bernal Diaz names them, ‘Barriẽtos, y Heredia el viejo, y Escalona el moço, y Cervantes el chocarrero,’ and says that Cortés, displeased at soldiers being left to raise fowl and cacao, sent Alonso Luis to recall them. Hist. Verdad., 82; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. He is evidently mistaken, as shown by his own later text, for Cortés himself states that he sought to form plantations in that direction. The recall was made later and for a different reason.
[547] ‘Estaban sembradas sesenta hanegas de maíz y diez de frijoles, y dos mil piés de cacap [cacao] ... hicieron un estanque de agua, y en él pusieron quinientos patos ... y pusieron hasta mil y quinientas gallinas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 94; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii. Oviedo writes that farms were established for the king in two or three provinces, one in Chimanta [Chimantla]. The two Spaniards left in the latter were saved, but elsewhere, subject to the Aztecs, they were killed during the uprising originated by Alvarado. iii. 376. Tapia refers to an expedition at this time against a revolted province, 80 leagues off. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 584.
[548] ‘Por aquella causa llaman oy en dia, donde aquella guerra passò, Cuilonemiqui.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 82.
[549] Herrera, loc. cit. ‘Creyan lo que desseauan,’ remarks Gomara, Hist. Mex., 131.
[550] Cortés, Cartas, 95, 116; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 131-2. Bernal Diaz throws doubt on the expedition of Velazquez, but is evidently forgetful. Hist. Verdad., 81-2. ‘El señor de la provinçia ... luego hiço seys [casas] en el assiento é parte que para el pueblo se señaló.’ Oviedo, iii. 293. Peter Martyr calls these buildings ‘Tributaries’ houses.’ dec. v. cap. iii.; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 6, 49.
[551] He had served as equerry in the noble houses of the Conde de Ureña and Pedro Giron, of whose affairs he was always prating. His propensity for tale-telling lost him many friends, but he managed to keep intimate with Sandoval, whose favors he afterward repaid with ingratitude. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 76, 246. Gomara insists on naming him as the comandante, but this dignity he attained only after Sandoval and Rangel had held it. Cortés, Residencia, i. 256; Torquemada, i. 456.
[552] ‘Luego que entré en la dicha ciudad di mucha priesa á facer cuatro bergantines ... tales que podian echar trecientos hombres en la tierra y llevar los caballos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 103; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iv. ‘Quatro fustas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 146. ‘Dos vergantines.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 76. The cedars of Tacuba, numerous enough at this period, yielded much of the timber, and the slopes of Iztaccihuatl and Telapon the harder portion for masts, keels, etc. Mora, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ix. 301.
[553] ‘En la laguna á vn peñol, que estaua acotado, q̄ no ossauan entrar en èl á montear, por muy principales que fuessen, so pena de muerte.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 78.
[554] Native Races, ii. 411. ‘Qãdo yua a caça de monteria, le lleuauan en ombros, con las guardas de Castellanos, y tres mil Indios Tlascaltecas.... Acompañauanle los señores sus vassallos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.