VI. THE VOYAGE…

VI. THE VOYAGE

1519.

SOMETHING OF THE CAPTAINS OF CORTÉS—ALVARADO—MONTEJO—ÁVILA—OLID—SANDOVAL—LEON—ORDAZ—MORLA—THE PASSAGE—THE FLEET STRUCK BY A SQUALL—ARRIVAL AT COZUMEL—ALVARADO CENSURED—SEARCH FOR THE CAPTIVE CHRISTIANS—ARRIVAL OF AGUILAR—HIS CHASTE ADVENTURES—THEY COME TO TABASCO RIVER—BATTLES THERE—CONQUEST OF THE NATIVES—PEACE MADE—TWENTY FEMALE SLAVES AMONG THE PRESENTS—THE FLEET PROCEEDS ALONG THE SHORE—PUERTOCARRERO’S WITTICISM—ARRIVAL AT SAN JUAN DE ULUA.

As the everlasting waves that bowl his ships along are discoursing to Cortés of his destiny, let us make the acquaintance of his captains, some of whom are to play parts in the Anáhuac amphitheatre secondary only to his own.

First, there was the fiery and impetuous Pedro de Alvarado, a hero of the Achilles or Sir Lancelot school, strong and symmetrical as a goddess-born; haughty, choleric, sometimes stanch and generous; passionate in his loves and hates, with the usual mixture of license, loyalty, and zeal for the church. He had not eyes to see, from where he stood in the warfare of his day, at once the decline of the fiercer barbarism and the dawn of a truer and gentler heroism. Already we have discovered flashes of temper and tendencies to treachery that display his character by too sulphurous a flame; but we shall find in him much to admire as conquistador and governor.

Alvarado was about the age of Cortés, Bajadoz being his native place. There his father, Diego de Alvarado, comendador de Lobon in the order of Santiago, and his mother, Sara de Contreras, struggled with poverty to maintain the reputation of a good family name. At the age of twenty-five Pedro came over to Santo Domingo, and prompted by vanity paraded himself in an old gown of his fathers, whereon was sewn the red cross of Santiago. At first he wore this garment inside out, giving as a reason his reduced circumstances which made him ashamed to publicly own the rank of knight. On being reproved by the admiral, he boldly affixed the insignia to his other dresses, and thenceforth called and signed himself the Comendador Alvarado.[104] The title was never openly questioned in the Indies, where men had little time for inquiring into the affairs of others, and Alvarado failed not with his plausible tongue and crafty nature to use it for obtaining certain privileges and advancement.

When Grijalva prepared his expedition he was living as an encomendero, near Trinidad, in Cuba, with five brothers.[105] As captain under this chief he gave evidence of an enterprising nature, combined with an impatiency of restraint which ill fitted a subordinate. The want of principle already shown by his conduct at Santo Domingo was here made apparent in the attempt to injure his commander with Velazquez, in order to further his own ends. His now prominent position as a well-to-do gentleman, and the experience gathered under Grijalva, had made him a welcome member of the present expedition. He had also acquired the reputation of a good soldier and horseman, with a bravery bordering on recklessness, and was a great favorite with his men, among whom he also ranked as an able drill master. With an agile frame, he presented a most cheerful and pleasing countenance, fair, some called it, with a tendency to ruddiness. Its attraction centred chiefly in the eyes, and afterward obtained for him among the Indians of Tlascala the appellation of Tonatiuh, the Sun.[106] His first glance thrown upon a combatant was the flash which was to be followed by the thunderbolt. Vanity prompted a careful attention to dress, but with a result approaching the showy rather than the elegant. His manner, no less winning than the face, made him a most agreeable companion, the more so as he was a liberal fellow, particularly with respect to women, and to pleasures generally. Beneath this smiling exterior, however, lay hidden an insatiable longing for power, and a blind worship of gold as the purchaser of pleasure, and under their influence he became at times so insensible to feelings of humanity as to place him outside the category of greatness.[107]

Another of Grijalva’s captains here present was Francisco de Montejo, who came from Spain with Pedrarias Dávila in 1514. After enlisting men in Española, and aiding in the conquest of Cenú, he came to Cuba to wield the sword for Velazquez; but while ranking as a brave officer and a good horseman, he showed greater aptitude for business.

At the present time he was about thirty-five years of age, of medium stature, and with a bright face, which indicated love for pleasure and generous liberality.[108]

Alonso de Ávila, the third of Grijalva’s brave lieutenants, had also a pleasant face and liberal disposition, combined with good reasoning power, but was altogether too loud-spoken and argumentative, and had an overbearing manner that created many enemies. He was about thirty-three years of age. Cristóbal de Olid, a year his junior, was a well formed, strong-limbed man, with wide shoulders and a somewhat fair complexion. Despite the peculiarity of a groove in the lower lip, which gave it the appearance of being split, the face was most attractive, and the powerful voice helped to bear him out as a good talker. While lacking in sincerity and depth of thought, and being little fit for the council, he possessed qualities which, in connection with great bravery and determination, made him an admirable executive officer; but an ambition to command began to assert itself, and directed by evil influence it brought about his fall a few years later. Bernal Diaz calls him a very Hector in combat, and possessing, among other good qualities, that of being liberal; on the whole an excellent man, though unfit to be a leader.[109] The youngest of the captains, the most worshipful and the most lovable, was Gonzalo de Sandoval, an hidalgo of only twenty-two years, from Cortés’ own town, the son of a fortress commandant, but with merely a rudimentary education. Brave, intrepid, and with a good head, he was equally determined in speech and in deportment, yet with a faultless obedience and loyalty that won the confidence and esteem of his chief. With a strict eye to discipline, he possessed also a kind, humane disposition, which gained the love and respect of his men, whose comfort he studied far more than his own. Plain in dress, and modest in manner and aspiration, he was free from the greed which tainted so many around him. A soldier in all qualities of the heart and mind, he was also physically fitted for one. In battle he was as wrathful and as beautiful as Apollo when he slew the Python. The robust frame, with its high chest and broad shoulders, supported a full face adorned with short, curly, nut-brown hair. The powerful voice, inclining at times to a lisp, was exhibited more in the issue of brief command than in conversation; for Don Gonzalo was as energetic to act as he was chary of words. The slightly bow-legged limbs indicated an early training for the saddle. Indeed, equestrian exercises were his delight, and his horse Motilla, a chestnut with a white foot and a star on the forehead, is described by Bernal Diaz as the finest he ever saw. Sandoval stands before us not only as an admirable man, but as an ideal officer, in his combined qualities of juvenile ardor and prudence, valor and humanity, modesty of disposition and purity of heart. Cortés spoke of him after his death with feelings of deepest regret, and represented him to the emperor as one of the finest soldiers in the world, fit to command armies.[110]

In Velazquez de Leon we find another admirable officer, who possesses many traits in common with Sandoval. He is described as about four years older than that chivalrous youth, with a well formed, powerful frame, fine chest and shoulders, full face, set in a somewhat curled and carefully tended beard. He was open with the hand, ready with the sword, and an expert horseman. He bore the reputation of having killed a prominent and rich man in a duel in Española, a deed which had obliged him to seek refuge in Cuba with his relation Velazquez.

The most devoted adherent of Velazquez, although not bound to him by ties of relationship, was his ancient mayordomo mayor, Diego de Ordaz,[111] a powerful man, of large stature, with full face, thin, dark beard, and stuttering speech. As a leader of foot-soldiers, for he did not ride, he gained the reputation of possessing great daring, as well as a good head; and among comrades he ranked as a liberal man and a conversationalist. Of the other captains, Francisco de Salcedo, reputed chief butler to the admiral of Castile, bore the sobriquet of ‘Dandy’ from his spruce manner;[112] and Francisco de Morla is spoken of as a valiant soldier and good horseman.[113]

On the way over the vessels were dispersed by a squall, but were gathered by the flag-ship, some at Catoche, and some at Port San Juan, on the north end of Cozumel Island, where they all finally congregated.[114] Quite early in the adventure Cortés was called on to spread before his unbridled associates the quality of discipline they might expect. It seems that Alvarado arrived at Cozumel Island two days before the fleet, and had begun to carry matters with rather a high hand for a subordinate. He had entered two towns, taken three persons captive, and seized some property of the natives. “Is this the way to win to our purpose barbarous peoples?” exclaimed the indignant Cortés. For failing to bring the vessel to the rendezvous at Cape San Antonio, Alvarado’s pilot was placed in chains. A little later, seven sailors were flogged for theft and perjury. The captives were soothed with presents and liberated, the stolen articles restored, and with the aid of Melchor, the interpreter, the fears of the natives were assuaged.

In answer to his inquiries regarding the captive Christians, Cortés was informed that two days’ journey in the interior of Yucatan bearded men had been seen by Cozumel traders, not long since, whereupon two vessels were despatched to Catoche under Ordaz, who was there to await, one week, the return of three Indian messengers, sent with presents to redeem the captives, and bearing a letter telling them where to find their countrymen.[115]

While waiting events, Cortés landed the horses to explore and forage, and employed the otherwise unoccupied men in military exercise. The islanders were highly entertained, and thought the animals giant deer and the ships water-houses. In return they gave the strangers cause for wonderment not unmixed with wrath; for this was a sacred island, in a heathen sense, and thither, from distant parts, resorted pilgrims with offerings for sanguinary shrines. And when one feast-day the priests of Baal, within their temple, arose before the people and called upon the gods of their fathers, the excited Spaniards could not contain themselves; Cortés stood forth and preached his religion to the indignant savages, but failing in the desired effect, the Spaniards rushed upon the idols, hurled them from their seats, and planted in their place the emblem of their faith.[116]

In due time Ordaz returned without the lost Christians, greatly to the disappointment of Cortés, who desired them particularly for interpreters. The fleet then set sail, but was obliged to return, owing to the leaky condition of Escalante’s vessel. While engaged upon repairs one day, the Spaniards being encamped upon the shore, a canoe was seen approaching the harbor from the mainland. Andrés de Tapia and others hastened to the landing, where presently the boat arrived, and four tawny undressed figures stepped upon the shore. One was bearded, and his form a little bent, and as he advanced before the others there was eager questioning in the piercing glance he threw about him. Presently he cried out in ill-articulated speech, “Señores, sois cristianos?” On being assured that they were, he dropped upon his knees, and with tears falling from uplifted eyes thanked God for his deliverance. Tapia saw it at a glance; this was one of the captives. Hastily stepping forward, he caught the uncouth object in his arms, raised him from the ground with a tender embrace, and conducted him to camp.[117] But for the beard it would have been difficult, from his outward appearance, to believe him a European. Naturally of a dark complexion, he was now bronzed by exposure, and entirely naked except for a breech-cloth and sandals. His crown was shorn, and the remaining hair braided and coiled upon the head.[118] In his hand he carried a net containing, among other things, a greasy prayer-book. On being presented to Cortés he seemed dazed, scarcely knowing whether to call himself savage or civilized. At best he could not all at once throw himself out of the former and into the latter category; for when his Indian companions squatted themselves before the captain-general, and with the right hand, moistened by the lips, touched the ground and then the region of the heart in token of reverence, impelled by habit he found himself doing the same. Cortés was touched. Lifting him up, he threw over the naked Spaniard his own yellow mantle, lined with crimson. He asked his name, and the man said he was Gerónimo de Aguilar, ordained in minor orders, a native of Ecija, and relative of the Licenciado Marcos de Aguilar, known to Cortés in Española. He and Gonzalo Guerrero, a sailor and a native of Palos, were the sole survivors of the expedition which, nearly eight years before, had left Darien for Española, under Valdivia, whose shipwreck and horrible fate I have elsewhere detailed.[119]

If backward at the beginning in the use of his tongue, Aguilar talked well enough when started, giving his thrilling experiences in words which filled his listeners with amazement. On escaping from the lord of Maya, who had eaten Valdivia and the others with the same relish that the Cyclops ate the companions of Ulysses, the survivors threw themselves on the mercy of a neighboring cacique called Ahkin Xooc. He with his successor, Taxmar, enslaved them, and treated them so severely that all died but himself and the sailor, Guerrero. There is a law of relativity which applies to happiness and misery, no less than to mental and physical consciousness. By ways widely different these two men had saved themselves; the former by humility and chastity, the latter by boldness and sensuality. Securing services under Nachan Kan, cacique of Chetumal, the sailor adopted the dress and manners of the people, rapidly rose in favor, became the chief captain of his master, married a woman of rank, and began to rear a dusky race; so that when the messengers of Cortés arrived he declined to be ransomed.[120] Then blushing beneath his tawny skin the sanctified Aguilar went on to tell of his own temptations and triumphs, in which he had been as lonely as was Ethan Brand in hugging the unpardonable sin. So sublime had been his patience and his piety under the drudgery at first put upon him, that he too rose in the estimation of his master, who was led to entrust him with more important matters. For in all things pertaining to flesh and spirit he acted with so much conscientiousness that Taxmar, a stranger to those who loved virtue for its own sake, suspected the motives that inspired his captives. To test his wonderful integrity, for he had noticed that Aguilar never raised his eyes to look upon a woman, Taxmar once sent him for fish to a distant station, giving him as sole companion a beautiful girl, who had been instructed to employ all her arts to cause the Christian to break his vow of continency. Care had been taken that there should be but one hammock between them, and at night she bantered him to occupy it with her; but stopping his ears to the voice of the siren, he threw himself upon the cold, chaste sands, and passed the night in peaceful dreams beneath the songs of heaven.[121]

Cortés smiled somewhat sceptically at this and like recitals, wherein the sentiments expressed would have done honor to Scipio Africanus; nevertheless, he was exceedingly glad to secure this man, even though he had been a little less chaste and brave and cunning than he represented himself to be. He found him not only useful but willing, for this humble holy man was a great fighter, as he had said, and was very ready to lead the Spaniards against his late master, though pledged to peace and friendliness.

Early in March[122] the fleet again sailed, and after taking shelter from a gale behind Punta de las Mujeres for one or two days, passed round Catoche and along the Yucatan coast, hugging the shore to note its features, and sending forth a growl of revenge on passing Potonchan. Boca de Términos was now reached, whither Escobar had been sent in advance to explore, and within the entrance of a little harbor, to which a boat’s crew was guided by blazings, a letter was found, hidden in a tree, from which circumstance the harbor was named Puerto Escondido. The letter reported a good harbor, surrounded by rich lands abounding in game; and soon after the fleet met the exploring vessel, and learned of the important acquisition to the expedition in Grijalva’s lost dog.[123] Off Rio de Tabasco the fleet came to anchor, and the pilots knowing the bar to be low, only the smaller vessels entered the river. Remembering the friendly reception accorded Grijalva, the Spaniards were surprised to find the banks lined with hostile bands, forbidding them to land. Cortés therefore encamped at Punta de los Palmares, on an island about half a league up the river from the mouth, and not far from the capital of the Nonohualcas, a large town of adobe and stone buildings on the opposite mainland, protected by a heavy stockade.[124]

In answer to a demand for water, the natives thereabout pointed to the river; as for food, they would bring some on the morrow. Cortés did not like the appearance of things; and when, during the night, they began to remove their women and children from the town, he saw that his work must begin here. More men and arms were landed on the island, and Ávila was ordered to proceed to the mainland with one hundred men, gain the rear of the town, and attack at a given signal.[125] In the morning a few canoes arrived at the island with scanty provisions, all that could be obtained, the natives said; and further than this, the Spaniards must leave: if they attempted to penetrate the interior, they would be cut off to a man. Cortés answered that his duty to the great king he served required him to examine the country and barter for supplies. Entering the vessels, he ordered them to advance toward the town; and in the presence of the royal notary, Diego de Godoy, he made a final appeal for peace, as required by Spanish law, casting upon the natives the blame for the consequences of their refusal. The reply came in the form of yells, mingled with the noise of conchs, trumpets, and drums, and a shower of arrows. The Spaniards drove their prows forward into the mud. The Indians crowded round in canoes to prevent their landing. A well directed volley at once cleared the way, and notified Ávila to attack. Panic-stricken at the strangeness and suddenness of it all, the natives fell back, but rallied at the call of their leaders, and poured a shower of arrows on the Spaniards as they threw themselves into the water to wade ashore, receiving them at the point of their lances as they reached the bank. Tabasco’s men were powerful and brave. The charge of cowardice had been flung at them by their neighbors for having been friendly with the Spaniards on former occasions, and they were now determined to vindicate their character for courage. Once on solid ground the Spaniards rang their battle-cry of “Sus, Santiago, á ellos!” Up, Santiago, and at them! and drove the enemy within the stockade. A breach was quickly made, and the defenders chased some distance up the streets, where they made a stand, shouting “La, la, calachoni!” Strike at the chief! At this juncture Ávila appeared. The natives saw the day was lost to them, and they turned and fled. The Spaniards did not pursue very far, but halted in an open space, where three stately temples invited to pillage, though little was found worth taking, except some maize and fowl. During the action eighteen Indians were killed and fourteen Spaniards wounded.[126] In the formal taking of possession which followed, it was noticed by those present that mention of the name of Velazquez was significantly omitted.[127]

Next morning Alvarado and Francisco de Lugo, each with one hundred men, were sent by different ways to reconnoitre and forage, with orders to return before dark.[128] Melchor, on being called to accompany one of them, was missing. Presently his clothes were discovered hanging on a tree, indicating that he had gone over to the enemy. Lugo had advanced not more than a league when, near a town called Centla, he encountered a large body of warriors, who attacked him fiercely and drove him back toward the camp. Alvarado had meanwhile been turned by an estuary from his course and in the direction of Lugo. Hearing the noise of battle he hastens to the assistance of Lugo, only to be likewise driven back by the ever increasing hosts, and not until Cortés came to the rescue with two guns did the enemy retire.[129] The result, according to Bernal Diaz, was two of Lugo’s men killed and eleven wounded, while fifteen Indians fell and three were captured.

Nor did the matter rest here. The captives told Cortés that Tabasco, concerned at the arrival of so large a fleet which augured hostile occupation, had aroused the province, the assembled chiefs being also urged by Melchor to manfully expel the invaders, as the people of Potonchan had done. To depart now would leave a stain upon the generalship of Cortés in the eyes of both Spaniards and Indians such as was not to be thought of. There must be a battle fought and won. To this end all the horses, cross-bows, firelocks, and guns were brought on shore. Thirteen of the best horsemen[130] were selected to form a cavalry corps under the leadership of Cortés. The horses were provided with poitrels having bells attached, and the riders were to charge the thick of the enemy and strike at the face. Ordaz was made chief of infantry and artillery, the latter being in special charge of Mesa.[131] In order both to surprise the enemy and secure good ground for the cavalry, Cortés resolved to advance at once on Centla. It was annunciation day, the 25th of March, when the army left camp and stood before Centla, in the midst of broad maize and cocoa fields, intersected by irrigation ditches. The enemy were ready, their dark forms appearing in the distance under an agitated sea of glistening iztli. The cavalry now made a detour to gain their rear, while the infantry marched straight on.[132] Formidable as was in truth the Spanish army, the unsophisticated natives made light of it, and came gayly forward to the combat in five squadrons, of eight thousand warriors each,[133] as Bernal Diaz says, “all in flowing plumes, with faces painted in red, white, and black, sounding drums and trumpets, and flourishing lances and shields, two-handed swords, fire-hardened darts, and slings, and every man protected by an armor of quilted cotton.” They would encircle these impudent interlopers, and did they not fall fainting beneath their brave yells and savage music, they would crush them like flies. And by way of beginning, they sent forth a cloud of arrows, stones, and charred darts, wounding many and killing one, a soldier named Saldaña. The Spaniards answered with their cross-bows and firelocks, and mowed the packed masses with their cannon. The soft soil and ditches were less to the agile Indian than to the heavily accoutred Spaniard.

It adds nothing to the honor of Spanish arms to throw in at this juncture a miracle to terrify the already half-paralyzed Indians, who might otherwise prove too strong for their steel-clad assailants; but the records compel me. While in the dire embrace of heathen hordes, midst thrust and slash and crash of steel and stone, the enemy hewn down and driven back only to give place to thrice the number, behold, upon a gray-spotted steed, a heavenly horseman appeared, and from a slight eminence overlooking the bloody field he frowned confusion on the foe. The heathen warriors were stricken powerless, enabling the Spaniards to form anew; but when the horseman vanished, the Indians rallied. Thrice, with the same effect, the awful apparition came and went.[134] Then there were horsemen indeed, more real to the Spaniards, but none the less spectral to the Indians. They had been detained by the marshes intervening; and now, with swords and helmets glittering, they rose in the enemy’s rear, and midst clang of arms and shouts of Santiago y San Pedro, they threw themselves with terrible effect upon him. What could the Indians do? Those that were not trampled or cut to death turned and fled, and the Spaniards possessed the field. “And this was the first preaching of the gospel in New Spain, by Cortés,” remarks the caustic Las Casas.[135]

The Spaniards drew up at a grove to return thanks for this great victory. A large number of the enemy were slain. Sixty of their own number were wounded, and two lay dead; eight horses had been scratched, and their wounds were cauterized and anointed with the fat of dead Indians.[136] On returning to camp two of five captives, leading men, were sent with presents to the cacique to represent the danger of further hostility, and to propose a council of peace. Tabasco was very ready to lay down arms, and he sent a propitiatory offering of fowl, fried fish, and maize bread by messengers with blackened faces and dressed in rags. Cortés answered with a reprimand, “Tell your master, if he desires peace he must sue for it, and not send slaves.” Tabasco hastened to comply, and sent immediately to Cortés an embassy of forty chiefs, richly clad and walking in stately procession, followed by a file of slaves bearing presents. Low bowing before the bearded assembly, and swinging before them the censer in token of reverence, the ambassador implored pardon, and proffered submission. “The blame is all your own,” said Cortés, with severity. The Indians acquiesced, though it puzzled them to know for what they were to blame. Cortés further informed them that the great king, his master, had sent him to scatter blessings, if they were found deserving; if not, to let loose upon them the caged lightning and the thunder which he carried. Whereat the gun charged for the occasion was fired, and as the noise reverberated over the hills and the ball went crashing through the trees, the Indians fell prostrate with fear, and the noble Europeans were proud of their superiority.

Reassured against further punishment, the next trick played upon them was to tie a mare in the bushes in sight of a stallion which they paraded before their visitors; and when he neighed and reared and plunged to get to his mate, the natives were told that the great beast was angry because of the peace that was being made, and only further gifts would pacify him.

On the following morning Tabasco presented himself in person, attended by a large retinue, and bringing presents, among which were some gold ornaments of little value and twenty female slaves. The terms dictated by Cortés were that they should return their women and children to the village within two days, in token of their good faith, and that the treacherous Melchor should be delivered up. But the unfortunate interpreter had already suffered death in return for his bad advice. It was useless to demand gold, for there was little or none here. So they proceeded at once to expound the doctrines of their faith; to lay before them the truths of the gospel which they had come so far to bring. An altar was erected in the chief temple on which was placed a large cross. From this altar Father Olmedo preached to the natives, and here were baptized the first converts to the church in New Spain, consisting of the twenty female slaves, who were afterward distributed among the leaders. Then followed the ceremonial tender of allegiance by the chiefs of Tabasco’s province to the Spanish king, and the formal naming of the large town, which was called Santa María de la Victoria, in commemoration of the victory.[137]

Palm Sunday being at hand, it was resolved to celebrate it in such a manner as to further impress the natives. Attired in their most brightly colored garments, with palms in their hands and banners aloft, the Spaniards marched in solemn procession, to harmonious chants, about the temple; and when these doughty men of war humbled themselves before the symbols of their faith, the wondering heathen thought that great indeed must be the god worshipped by such beings. After commending the sacred emblems to the care of the chiefs, with a promise to send holy men to teach them the true faith, and with assurances of royal protection, the Spaniards bade the Nonohualcas farewell, and were shortly on their way again.

Keeping close to the shore for purposes of observation, the several places observed and named by Grijalva were pointed out to Cortés and commented upon by those who had accompanied the former expedition. Certain of the new captains took umbrage at this assumption of superior knowledge, accompanied by liberal proffers of advice; and one of them, the polished Puertocarrero, broke out in a strain of pleasant sarcasm. “It seems to me, señor,” he said, taking the incidents of a well-known romance for his text, “as if these gentlemen would enlighten you, in the words of the father of Montesinos:

Behold France, Montesinos; Behold Paris, the city; Behold the waters of Douro, Where they fall into the sea!

Now I would humbly suggest that your worship yourself should seek out rich lands and learn to govern them wisely.” Catching the significance of the words, Cortés replied: “Let God only grant success to our arms, as he did to Paladin Roldan, and with such gentlemen as yourself to aid me I shall well know what to do.”

Gliding past islas Blanca and Verde, the fleet anchored behind San Juan de Ulua late on Thursday in passion week.

FOOTNOTES

[104] ‘Qustando ... en la cibdad de Sto Domingo vibiendo con el Almirante.’ Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, pp. xi. 61; Juarros, Guat., i. 252.

[105] ‘Todos hermanos, que fue el Capitan Pedro de Aluarado, y Gonçalo de Aluarado, y Jorge de Aluarado, y Gonçalo [Alonzo] y Gomez, è Juan de Alvarado el viejo, que era bastardo.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14.

[106] See Native Races, iii. 109 and 183. ‘Biondo.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 8. Elaborating this, Brasseur de Bourbourg says, ‘Aux cheveux blonds et coloré de visage, ce qui lui fit donner par les Tlaxcaltèques le surnom de Tonatiuh.’ Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 53. But the authority for calling him blonde is not mentioned. It may rest on mere tradition. A Mexican picture gives him dark beard and a yellow helmet or head-dress, the same colors being given to the beard and head-dress of figures representing the Spanish troops. Ramirez is rather inclined to doubt the authenticity of the portrait so frequently copied from Cortina’s copper-plates, representing him as of dark complexion, with long, meagre, pointed face, very high forehead, stubbed hair, mustache, and imperial. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, pp. xi. xxii. 277-82, with plates. Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. 1844), i. 458; Id. (Gondra ed.), iii. 220; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 340, 686, with signature. A wood-cut in Armin, Alte Mex., 222, presents a much younger man, with a round, handsome face, curled hair, and full, curled beard. This corresponds more to the description given in the text, but the authority is not indicated. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 484, gives a full-length portrait corresponding to this.

[107] Helps, Cortés, ii. 163, compares him to Murat, Cortés being the Napoleon. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 15, 240, 245.

[108] Montejo, Memorial al Emp., 1545, in Cent. Amer., 1545-55, MS. 130. ‘Fué uno de aquellos mílites que passaron á estas partes ... mill é quinientos y catorçe, é aquel mesmo año ... fuésse de la Tierra-Firma ... é passóse á la isla de Cuba.’ Oviedo, iii. 217.

[109] See Hist. Cent. Am., this series, i., 524-32. ‘Era estremado varon, mas no era para mandar, sino para ser mãdado, y era de edad de treinta y seis años, natural de cerca de Baeza ò Linares.... Tenia otras buenas codiciones, de ser franco.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 177. ‘Era vn Hector en el esfuerço, para combatir persona por persona.’ Id., 240. ‘Natural que fue de Vbeda ò de Linares.’ Id., 241. ‘Da Baeza nell’Andaluzia. Era membruto, ombroso, e doppio.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 8. ‘D’une laideur extrême; sa duplicité et sa fourberie le rendaient un homme peu sur,’ says Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 53, with his not unusual hasty elaboration. Portrait in Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. 1844), i. 421; also in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 254.

[110] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 240, 246; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 8; Portrait and signature in _Carbajal Espinosa_, Hist. Mex., ii. 254, 686. Portrait in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 485, and in Armin, _Alte Mex._, 217.

[111] Also written Ordás. ‘Natural de tierra de Campos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 246. Portrait in _Carbajal Espinosa_, Hist. Mex., ii. 192.

[112] ‘Saucedo, natural de Medina de Rioseco; y porque era muy pulído, le llamavamos, el galan.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 240. This captain joins later.

[113] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 240-7, gives a long list of notices of members of the expedition, many of whom will receive attention during the course of the narrative.

[114] San Juan, Ante Portam Latinam. See also Carta del Ayunt. de Vera Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 9. Several authors, following Gomara, it seems, refer to one vessel as missing, but as this is identified with Escobar’s, sent, according to Bernal Diaz, on a special exploring expedition to Laguna de Términos, the view of the latter author is probably more correct. It is not likely that a captain would have sailed so far beyond the rendezvous, and there waited for weeks the chance arrival of the fleet. In Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 557, are references yet more vague to a missing vessel. During the gale Morla’s vessel was struck by a wave, which unshipped her rudder. His signal of distress caused the flag-ship to heave to till daybreak. The rudder was then discovered floating close by, and tying a rope to his body, Morla leaped into the sea to aid in replacing it. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 16; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 458.

[115] The letter, as given in Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 17, and Gomara, Hist. Mex., 19, differs somewhat in tenor, and the former assigns eight days, the latter six, as the time Ordaz was to wait. Gomara writes further that the Indians were at first afraid to venture on such an errand into the interior, but the large reward overcame their fears, and they were carried to the cape in Escalante’s vessel, escorted by Ordaz in two other craft manned by fifty men. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 20, thinks there could be no danger for messengers. ‘Escondieron [the letter] a vno entre los cabellos, que trahian largos y trenzados, rebueltos, a la cabeça: y embiò los dos nauios de menos porte ... con veynte ballesteros, y escopeteros ... y que el menor boluiesse a dar cuenta de lo que auian hecho.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vi.; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi. ‘Envió un bergantin é cuatro bateles ... que esperarian cinco dias, é no mas.’ Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 556. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 459, states that the cacique of Cozumel, eager to communicate freely with Cortés, sent messengers to the lord owning one of the captives, and asked him to sell or lend the man. Cortés at first proposed to rescue the captive with an armed force, but the cacique suggested a ransom as more effective. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 76; Landa, Rel. de Yuc., 24-6.

[116] Two carpenters, Alonso Yañez and Álvaro Lopez, claim the honor of having raised the first cross for the church in New Spain. To this the natives made no great objection, the cross having already with them a religious significance; and surely the sanctified effigy of the benign Mary was a more beautiful object to look upon than their idols. See Native Races, iii. 468-70. In one of the temples ‘auia vna cruz de cal tan alta como diez palmos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 24. Las Casas objects to the compulsory mode of conversion used by Cortés and his holy company, and devotes a long paragraph to depicting the folly and evil thereof. Hist. Ind., iv. 460-2, 470. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 18, describes the idolatrous rite, and Prescott, Mex., i. 269-71, speaks of Cortés as a reformer.

[117] This is the substance of Tapia’s own account. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 556-7. Others differ somewhat in the number of Indians who arrive in the canoe, in the mode of addressing Tapia, and other points. According to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 19, some soldiers out hunting report the approach of the canoe, whereupon Cortés sends Tapia to ascertain its object. Seven Indians of Cozumel land, and, on seeing the Spaniards advance, are about to flee in alarm, but one of them reassures the rest, and calls out, ‘Dios, y Santa María, y Sevilla.’ While he is embraced by Tapia, a soldier rushes to announce the news to Cortés. According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 20, it is meal-time and first Sunday in Lent when the news of a canoe with four Indians is brought. The fleet had been prevented by a storm from sailing on the previous day.

[118] This was a common form of Maya hair-dress. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 19, and some others describe him as shorn like a slave; but this man appears to have risen from that condition. He gives him an extra pair of sandals, hanging at the waist, a dilapidated mantle or cloth—called a net by Herrera—wherein is tied a thumbed prayer-book, and upon the shoulder he places an oar. This oar is brought into camp by almost every writer, regardless of the fact that it did not belong to him and could no longer be of use. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 20, gives him bow and arrows. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 461, remarks that in the prayer-book was kept an account of time, which marked this day as a Wednesday, while it really was Sunday.

[119] See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 350, this series.

[120] Aguilar intimated another reason why Guerrero remained, that he had taken part in the fights against Córdoba and Grijalva at Potonchan, which is very doubtful. Then it is said that his face was tattooed and his lips turned down, and when Aguilar besought him to go the children clung to him, and the wife first begged, and then threatened, to make Aguilar desist. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 23; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 18-19; Torquemada, i. 370.

[121] This is in substance the adventures of Aguilar, as related at length in Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vii.-viii., followed by Torquemada, i. 370-72, and Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 24-9, and prettily, though hastily, elaborated in Irving’s Columbus, iii. 290-301, and other modern writers. On reaching Catoche and finding Ordaz gone, he proceeded to Cozumel, in the hope of finding some of the Spaniards. ‘Era Aguilar estudiante quando passò a las Indias, y hombre discreto, y por esto se puede creer qualquiera cosa del,’ concludes Herrera, as if suspecting that the version may be questioned. Prudence is shown in the care with which he gradually accustomed himself to the change of food and habits on again joining the Spaniards. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi., relates that Aguilar’s mother became insane on hearing that her son had fallen among cannibals—who brought her the news it is hard to guess—and whenever she beheld flesh roasting, loud became the laments for his sad fate. This is repeated in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 22; Martinez, Hist. Nat. Nueva Esp., ii. xxiv. Herrera, who cannot avoid mixing in all the romance possible, makes him search for means to cross the strait. He finds at last a leaky canoe half buried in the sand, and in this frail skiff he and the Indian companion presented by his late master managed to gain the island. Others give him Cortés’ messengers for companions. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 18, very reasonably permits him to hire a canoe with six rowers, for he has beads to pay for it, and canoes would not be wanting, since the island was a resort for pilgrims, particularly at this very time. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 175-76, fails not to recognize, in the compulsory return of the fleet to Cozumel, and in the finding of Aguilar, the hand of God; and Torquemada, i. 370, eagerly elaborates the miraculous features in the appearance of this Aaron, who is to be the mouth-piece of his Moses.

[122] Bernal Diaz says the 4th, which is rather close reckoning, according to his own account, for two days are required to reach Cozumel from Cape San Antonio, nine days are consumed by Ordaz in waiting for the captives, and four days for repairing Escalante’s leaky vessel. This alone brings us from February 18th, the date of leaving Cape San Antonio, to March 5th, without counting a probable day or two for preparing, starting, and returning.

[123] A greyhound bitch, really of great service to the hunters. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20, starts Escobar from Punta de las Mujeres. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., Pt. iii. 112. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 29, while adopting on hearsay the more general supposition that a missing vessel is found here, follows Diaz in the account of the exploring vessel. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 25-6, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi., evidently attributes the name Escondido to the finding of the missing vessel.

[124] ‘Mille quingentorum passuum, ait Alaminus nauclerus, et domorum quinque ac viginti millium ... egregie lapidibus et calce fabrefectæ.’ Peter Martyr, De Insvlis, 14. ‘A poco mas de media legua que subian por el, (river) vieron vn gran pueblo con las casas de adoues y los tejados de paja, el qual estaua cercado de madera, con bien gruessa pared y almenas, y troneras para flechar.’ Halls and temples are also referred to: ‘Mas no tiene veinte y cinco mil casas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 26-37. ‘Punta de los Palmares [where Grijalva also camped], que estava del pueblo de Tabasco otro media legua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20. Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 77, follows Gomara and Martyr, in calling the pueblo Potonchan; so does Helps, Span. Conq., ii. 260-4, who frequently reveals the superficiality of his researches. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls it Centla. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 58. The stockade defences are described in detail in Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 93-4.

[125] ‘Mandò poner en cada vn batel tres tiros.’ Ávila received one hundred soldiers, including ten cross-bowmen, and took a route leading across creeks and marshes to the rear of the pueblo. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20. ‘Señalo Cortés dos capitanes con cada cienticinquenta Españoles. Que fueron Alonso di Auila, y Pedro de Aluarado.’ A ford was found half a league above the camp. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 27; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vii., sends one hundred and fifty men by different routes. The testimony favors the supposition that Ávila forded the river.

[126] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20, estimates that twelve thousand warriors defended the town. He himself received a wound in the thigh. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 29, leaves only four hundred in charge of the place. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vii., allows the horses to share in the battle, and places the warriors at four thousand. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 474, exaggerates, of course, the Spanish excesses, but without giving definite statements.

[127] ‘Intẽtaba hacer lo que despues hizo,’ says Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 112, in reference to the later effected independence of Velazquez. The mode of taking possession is thus described: Advancing with drawn sword and shield to a large ceiba-tree in the court-yard, Cortés struck it three times, and announced that he took possession for the king, and would defend his right against all comers. The soldiers thereupon shouted their approval, declaring that they would sustain their captain in his challenge. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 21. Zamacois compares this form with others used elsewhere. Hist. Méj., x. 988.

[128] The Carta del Ayunt. de Vera Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 15, refers to a certain intercourse held with natives; on the third day the exploring parties start. This intercourse is spoken of by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 30, as the visit of twenty leading men to promise food and presents, but really to spy. The Spaniards were encouraged to enter the interior to barter food. Torquemada, i. 374; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 21. Alvarado, Ávila, and Sandoval are sent, each with eighty Spaniards and some Cuban carriers, to explore by three routes, and to get supplies for payment only. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 31; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi. Three parties sent out. Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 559. Four captains sent, with over two hundred men. Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit.

[129] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 31, states that one of the captains took refuge in a building in Centla town, and was there joined by the other two. All three now retreat to camp, whither two fleet Cubans run for aid. Herrera, Torquemada, and Brasseur de Bourbourg follow him. Before Cortés set out, says Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 32, he had repelled an attack on his own camp.

[130] ‘Señalo treze de a cauallo,’ who are named as Olid, Alvarado, Puertocarrero, Escalante, Montejo, Ávila, Velazquez de Leon, Morla, Láres the good horseman to distinguish him from another Láres, Gonzalo Dominguez, Moron of Bazamo, and Pedro Gonzalez of Trujillo, Cortés being the thirteenth. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 22; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 106, says fifteen horses, but in the Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 16, the number decreases to ten.

[131] Gomara says the force mustered 500 men, 13 horses and 6 guns; Herrera, 400 men and 12 horses. The alférez was Antonio de Villaroel.

[132] This was a favorite movement of Cortés, and as such Tapia and the Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz accept it, while Bernal Diaz and most writers state that the swampy ground required a circuit.

[133] An estimate based probably upon the strength of the regular Aztec Xiquipilli, with which the conquerors were soon to become acquainted. See Native Races, ii. 425. Tapia even raises the number to six squadrons. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 560.

[134] Cortés, on coming up and being told of this, shouted, ‘Onward, companions! God is with us!’ Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 559-60. Gomara, who fervently adopts the story, states that the rider was one of the apostles, in the person of Morla. ‘Todos dixeron, que vieron por tres vezes al del cauallo rucio picado ... y que era Santiago nuestro patron. Fernando Cortés mas queria que fuesse san Pedro, su especial auogado ... aun tambien los Indios lo notaron.... De los prisioneros que se tomarõ se supo esto.’ Hist. Mex., 32-3. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 72-3, gives arguments to show that it could have been none other than Santiago, as the patron of Spaniards. After a struggle with his pious fears, Bernal Diaz ventures to observe that Gomara may be right, but ‘I, unworthy sinner, was not graced to see either of those glorious apostles.’ Testimony was taken about the battle, and had this occurred it would have been spoken of. ‘I say that our victory was by the hand of our Lord Jesus Christ, for in that battle the Indians were so numerous that they could have buried us with handfuls of earth.’ Hist. Verdad., 22-3. Las Casas scouts the story as a fabrication of Cortés, written down by ‘his servant Gomara,’ in ‘his false history.’ Hist. Ind., iv. 477.

[135] The bishop forgets the sermon before the idols cast down at Cozumel.

[136] Two Spaniards fell, and over 800 Indians lay dead, so said their countrymen. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 22-3. Over 70 Spaniards were wounded, and more than 300 Indians were slain in the pursuit alone. Over 100 men fell sick from heat and bad water, but all recovered. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 33. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi., allows no killed among the Spaniards, while over 1000 Indians are laid low. Torquemada, i, 375. Three Spaniards are killed and 60 wounded. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 113. The Ayuntamiento of Vera Cruz, in its letter to the Emperor, 10 July, 1519, for obvious reasons lowers the figures to twenty wounded Spaniards, of whom none died, and to 220 dead Indians, out of 40,000 engaged. Cortés, Cartas, 17. Finally comes Las Casas with the other extreme of 30,000 souls, said to have been cruelly slaughtered in this first great battle of Cortés. Hist. Ind., iv. 477. Quite a list of misdeeds are here raked up, or invented rather, against the Spaniards in the West-Indische Spieghel, Amsterdam, 1624, a curious little quarto, designed for Dutch traders in America, and dedicated to their West India Company. The author is called Athanasium Inga. ‘Peruaen, uyt Cusco gheboren, die dit alles, soo door onder vindinghe als door transpositie en overset tinghe sijnder Voor-Ouderen, hier te Lande ons overghedraghen heeft,’ says Wachter, in the preface. The volume opens with a lengthy description of the Antilles, but the remaining text is wholly devoted to the Spanish colonies on the main, mingled without order, and interspersed with special chapters on navigation and coast routes for the benefit of traders. Beside the usual description of physical and political geography, with particular reference to natural resources and aboriginal customs, several voyages are described, mainly to point out sailing directions and the progress of discovery, while the conquest period is told with some minuteness, but garbled with the idea of exposing the avarice and cruelty of the hated Spaniards. This is also the object of nearly all the neatly engraved copper-plates. The map extends Hudson Bay very close to the Pacific coast, where a faintly outlined strait is visible some distance above California Island. The part relating to Mexico, including some brief references to Central America, occupies about one third of the volume, and treats chiefly of the Conquest. The book is remarkable for its black-letter text, with marginals in the same type, and for its title-page, with the figures of ‘Montenchuma’ and ‘Atabaliba’ surrounded by battle-scenes and Indian industrial operations.

[137] ‘Y pusose nombre a aquel pueblo, Santa Maria de la Vitoria, è assi se llama agora la villa de Tabasco.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 24. ‘Potanchanum dicitur ab accolis oppidum.... Victoriam nostri appellarunt.’ Peter Martyr, De Insvlis, 14; copied in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 36. Referring to the battle of Centla, Clavigero writes: ‘e per memoria vi fondarono poi una piccola città, col nome della Madonna della Vittoria, la quale fu per lungo tempo la capitale di quella Provincia.... Si spopolò del tutto verso la metà del secolo passato.’ A later foundation received the name of Villahermosa. Storia Mess., iii. 11. This is based on a statement by Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 22, and to reconcile this with the note above, it must be supposed that the Nonohualca capital was removed to the site of the battle-field when the Spaniards settled. Other authors either confound the points or avoid them by a vague reference. Victoria was founded by Cortés in 1519. Alcedo, Dic., v. 305. It is strange that the chief town is not referred to under its native name, for Potonchan is evidently a mistake by Peter Martyr.

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VII. WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT

HOME OF MEXICAN CIVILIZATION—THE BORDER LAND OF SAVAGISM—CONFIGURATION OF THE COUNTRY—THE NAHUAS AND THE MAYAS—TOLTECS, CHICHIMECS, AND AZTECS—THE VALLEY OF MEXICO—CIVIL POLITY OF THE AZTECS—KING AHUITZOTL—MONTEZUMA MADE EMPEROR—CHARACTER OF THE MAN—HIS CAREER—THE FIRST APPEARING OF THE SPANIARDS NOT UNKNOWN TO MONTEZUMA—THE QUETZALCOATL MYTH—DEPARTURE OF THE FAIR GOD—SIGNS AND OMENS CONCERNING HIS RETURN—THE COMING OF THE SPANIARDS MISTAKEN FOR THE FULFILMENT OF THE PROPHECY—THE DOOR OPENED TO THE INVADER.

Before entering upon the crusade which was so painfully to affect the destinies of this vast interior, let us cast a brief glance upon the country and its inhabitants, and particularly on that idiosyncrasy of the aboriginal mind which opened the door to the invaders. The first two subjects are fully treated in the first, second, and fifth volumes of my Native Races of the Pacific States to which I would refer the reader, being able here to give only an outline of what in detail is an exceedingly interesting phase of indigenous development.

This development awoke to consciousness in the forms of the Nahua and Maya civilizations, the former occupying the northern portion of that tropical table-land which rises to salubrious heights between latitudes 22° and 11°, and the latter the southern portions. Round the opaque lowland edges of this heaven-enlightened interior the mind of man seemed also dark and low, dwarfed by sandy sweeps, or overshadowed by redundant foliage; yet it was not altogether free from the influence of its neighbors, for the people of the tierras calientes bordering this elevation were further removed from savagism than their more northern and southern brethren. The valley of Mexico, the Anáhuac of the Aztecs, was situated between the two principal ranges, the Pacific branch and the Atlantic branch of the Sierra Madre, under which name the great cordillera here presents itself, coming in from the north-west, flattening near the centre, and reuniting before reaching Tehuantepec. Eventually Anáhuac overspreads the whole plateau. Cross the continent on the nineteenth parallel and you will reach the greatest elevation and see the highest mountains in this vicinity. Indeed, from the plain of Puebla, whereabout lay the walled town of Tlascala, you may take in Popocatepetl, Iztaccihuatl, and Orizaba at one view. Within seventy leagues from Vera Cruz inland, through the temperate valley of Orizaba, you may pass from a region of palms to a region of pines. The plains of Tabasco, upon whose border we have already landed and fought our battle, form the north-eastern part of the broad isthmus valley of Tehuantepec. This is bordered on the south by the sierra connecting the elevation of Anáhuac with the table-land of Guatemala, whose western declivity breaks into parallel wooded ridges running due south-west. North of Anáhuac the surface settles into wide plains between short sierras, until monotonous quietude is attained in the prairies of Texas and New Mexico. Crossing the isthmus of Tehuantepec at a diminished altitude the cordillera rises again and stretches out into the broad and lofty ranges of Central America, where the Maya nations made their home.

Earliest among the Nahua nations to stand forth upon the mythic record are the Toltecs, whose first supremacy in Anáhuac is placed in the sixth century. Endowed by tradition with a culture surpassing that of their successors, the halo surrounding their name has been kept bright by monuments, such as the pyramids of Teotihuacan and Cholula. For five centuries this people flourish, sustained by a confederation of kings whose capitals become in turn famous as seats of learning and of imperial splendor. Religious strife, developing gradually into civil war, with attendant famine and pestilence, opens the door to ruder tribes, and the Toltecs pass off the stage. Throwing off the Toltec veil so long shielding them, a number of tribes now rise into distinct political existence, and the stronger, in connection with somewhat ruder yet more energetic incomers, form the new ruling combination, the Chichimec empire. Of the leading power, denominated the Chichimec, nothing is known; but the permanency of Nahua language and civilization leads to the supposition that it is of the same race as its predecessors. In later times the name is also applied to the wild border tribes of the north. For several centuries Anáhuac becomes the scene of intrigues and struggles between the different branches of the combination for the balance of power, during which a number of towns figure as dominating centres, and a number of tribes rise to prominence under the traditional term of conquerors and immigrants. Among these are the Aztecs, the representative nation of the Nahua civilization at the coming of the Spaniards.

Upon opposite sides of the largest of a cluster of lakes which illuminate the oval valley of Mexico have stood, since the beginning of the fourteenth century, three cities, Tezcuco, Mexico, and Tlacopan, capitals of three confederate nations, the Acolhuas, the Aztecs, and the Tepanecs. To the first belonged the eastern portion of the valley, to the second the southern and western, and to the third a small portion of the north-west. Of this confederation, Tezcuco was for a time the most powerful; Tlacopan was least. While keeping to their respective limits within the valley, beyond its classic precincts the three powers made common cause against the barbarians. About the middle of the fifteenth century, under the warlike Montezuma I., Mexico attained the supremacy, and during the next sixty years extended her empire to the shores of either ocean. Within this circuit, however, were several nations which she never conquered; instance the Tlascaltecs, the Tarascos, and the Chiapanecs. Many there were—for example, the people of Tehuantepec, of northern Guatemala, and Soconusco, and the Miztecs and Zapotecs of Oajaca, whose conquest by the Aztecs was temporary—who either paid tribute for a time only, or who threw off the yoke the moment the invader’s back was turned. The Matlaltzincas, west of the lakes, and the Huastecs and Totonacs of Vera Cruz, were subjugated but a few years prior to the appearing of the Spaniards. These coast-dwellers had not yet become reconciled to the rule of the interior lords, but hated them as inveterate foes; and herein lay one of the chief causes of success accompanying the Castilian arms. Indeed, Aztec supremacy was maintained in every quarter only by constant war; rebellion, as soon as checked in one quarter, breaking out in another. Further than this, the Aztecs, by their overbearing spirit, had become obnoxious to their allies; yet their aggressive policy was continued in full force by the predecessor of Montezuma II., Ahuitzotl, with whom war was an absorbing passion.

In the civil polity of the Aztecs were elements which, if given free play, would by elevating the people raise the nation yet higher in the scale of domination. This did not escape the observant neighbors, upon whom the prospect fell with chilling fear, a fear by no means mitigated by the ever increasing tendency of the Mexicans for the immolation of human beings. Nor were the Aztec nobles pleased to see political power slipping from their grasp and falling into the hands of the people, among whom the spirit of republicanism and equality was regarded as having already gained too great ascendancy. The result was a struggle, not unlike that at the same time going on in Europe, between the nobility and the commonalty, the clergy taking sides with the former. And at the death of Ahuitzotl the higher class succeeded in raising to the throne a person of extreme aristocratic and religious tastes, though humble withal, as Coriolanus could not be, to catch the common herd; for when tidings of his election were brought him he was found sweeping the temple.

Montezuma, he was called, and surnamed Xocoyotzin, the younger, to distinguish him from the first Montezuma, known as Huehue, the elder. He was the son of Axayacatl and Xochicueitl, and nephew of the late king; and had reached only his thirty-fourth year when selected for the throne, in preference to an elder brother. The reasons alleged for this distinction were the possession of high qualities as a warrior, whose bravery had been tested on more than one field of battle; as an adviser, whose words, uttered in clear, dignified tones, had been heard in the council with respect; and as high priest, whose gravity and circumspection had won him favor among all classes. Upon occasions he could observe the taciturnity which so often attracts a reputation for wisdom; and, moreover, he possessed a fine figure and a majestic presence, such as admirably suited the monarch. He was proficient in astronomy, picture-writing, and in certain esoteric branches, for which he showed a natural bent; likewise he was well read in the history of his people, and familiar with all their traditions.

This second Montezuma was a born prince, and might have been a pattern for Niccolo Machiavelli, with whom he was contemporary. For, like the Florentine’s ideal, he was talented, learned, crafty, and unscrupulous. Had he studied in his own language that immaculate manual of political ethics, The Prince, he could not have more faithfully followed its precepts. No sooner had he assumed the sceptre than, throwing off the mask by which he had deceived the plebeians, he dismissed every person of that class employed about the palace, and filled all vacancies, civil and military, from the ranks of the nobles. He applied himself with energy to war and diplomacy, in both of which he was eminently successful, and raised himself and his throne to the highest pinnacle of grandeur; whereupon he did not disdain the title of Emperor of the World. Notwithstanding his talents and accomplishments, he was exceedingly superstitious, surpassing in this respect many of his followers, and was dependent on diviners and astrologers, appealing also to the counsels of Nezahualpilli and other prominent personages. Men, whom he knew, he did not fear; but the gods, whom he did not know, he feared exceedingly. And because he practised human sacrifice to propitiate them he has been called cruel, but the actions of a blind devotee of religion must not be measured by a too critical standard. There was nothing cruel in the wish of Caligula, however hateful and vindictive it might be, that the Roman people had but one head, so that he might strike it off at a single blow; but when he tortured men and women for amusement while at his meals, that was the quintessence of cruelty. As for honor, integrity, and all those virtues which go to make a man, we must not expect them in princes or in politicians; yet we may safely say that in all the generous qualities of mind and heart the Aztec monarch was no whit behind contemporary European rulers.

From all which it is safe to say that Montezuma, though most magnificent and lordly among his lords, was not popular with the masses, and his position at this juncture was not of the safest. His extravagance exceeded all bounds; his continuous wars were expensive; and to meet the heavy draughts upon the treasury required excessive taxation. This was made to weigh with special heaviness on the subjugated provinces, on which likewise was laid with peculiar aggravation the horrible burden of furnishing victims for human sacrifices. The successful resistance to his arms of several states enclosed by his conquests, or bordering on his domain, caused him no small unhappiness. There was the little republic of Tlascala, on the very border of the Mexican valley, which often he had tried to conquer, and failed. Then there was the Tarascan kingdom of Michoacan, on the western side, whose people boasted as high a culture as any of the lake region, which stood firm against all efforts of the confederation.

With nations beyond their border little intercourse existed, yet Aztec traders, likewise playing spies, were often as far south as Nicaragua, and along the coasts of Honduras and Yucatan. There is no doubt, therefore, that the presence in those parts of the Spaniards was known to Montezuma from the first. It might have been like a voice from behind the clouds, the reports of Columbus and Pinzon, but the appearing of Córdoba and Grijalva, who talked and drew blood, was something more tangible. The people of Tuito, on the west coast of Mexico, held that before the conquest a vessel was lost there, from which had landed more than forty persons, dressed like Spaniards, and whom the natives received kindly, but finally slew because they insisted on the worship of the cross.[138] A box thrown up by the waves, and containing peculiar clothing, gold rings, and a sword which no one could break, was said to have been in Montezuma’s possession. Vague as were these appearings, there was something painfully portentous in them.

For the chief divinity of the Nahua nations was Quetzalcoatl, the gentle god, ruler of the air, controller of the sun and rain, and source of all prosperity. In the palmy days of the Toltecs he had been their king, the creator of their golden age, giving them metals, improved government, and products of spontaneous growth; after which he was their god, with his chief shrine at Cholula, where surrounding peoples, even those inimical to the city, maintained temples for his worship. From toward the rising sun Quetzalcoatl had come; and he was white, with large eyes, and long black hair, and copious beard. After a final rule of twenty years at Cholula he set out for the country whence he came, and on reaching the seaboard of Goazacoalco he sailed away on a craft of snakes. His last words were that one day bearded white men, brethren of his, perhaps he himself, would come by way of the sea in which the sun rises, and would enter in and rule the land;[139] and from that day, with a fidelity befitting Hebrews waiting the coming of their Messiah, the Mexican people watched for the fulfilment of this prophecy, which promised them a gentle rule, free from bloody sacrifices and oppression; but to their sovereign the thought gave rise to deep apprehension, for then his own reign must terminate.

Thus it was that the tidings of strange sails and bearded white men on their eastern border were received at the gay capital with mingled fear and joy. And marvel-mongers went about the streets talking of the good Quetzalcoatl and his pedigree, of the signs and wonders that had been seen, the prodigies, oracles, and occult divinations, as in ancient Athens the old families of Olympus, with their ape-gods and bull-gods of Memphis, and the dog-headed monster Anubis, were discussed; and as for Rome, Lucan has recorded no omens which the sages of Mexico could not now match. To what extent the Spanish chroniclers have assisted the natives in the manufacture of marvels I leave the reader to judge, simply recommending to his consideration the accompanying lengthy note; neither, however, fell into the madness of Canute, who chose the time the tide was rising, instead of when it was falling, to order the stay of waters.

It was not alone in Mexico, but in distant parts, and on the islands, that man and nature were thus annoyed by the supernatural. There were found predictions centuries old, by priests widely separated, and the poems of wise men, all pointing in the one direction. The destruction of towns was predicted by a philosopher; the famine of 1505 spoke more plainly than words; Popocatepetl, choked by consternation, failed to emit his smoke for twenty days, which, however, was a good omen; an eclipse and an earthquake near together and the drowning of eighteen hundred soldiers were decidedly unfavorable. Most terrible of all, however, were a three-headed comet in open day, a pyramidal light at night, and other portentous scenes, such as the furious uprising of the lake, the awakening of the dead, and visits to the spirit world.[140]

To us the most wonderful part of it is, not the wonders themselves, but that it should so happen, if indeed it did, that these fearful forebodings, running back for generations, should all converge toward the coming of the brethren of Quetzalcoatl at the very time the Spaniards appeared, and that the latter should be in so many respects as the good gods themselves were to have been. The prophecies of Isaiah are dim indeed and unfathomable as compared with these. To what end are signs that cannot be interpreted until after the occurrence, as is generally the case, when their interpretation is not needed, sages do not say. But in this instance the testimony is abundant and explicit that many of these prodigies were at the time received, not only by Montezuma and his people, but by the neighboring nations, as the distinct announcement of the coming of the gods, who did in good truth appear at the proper time in the person of the Spaniards. And what should be their doom, those stupid and profane men of Potonchan and Tabasco, who had raised their hands against these heavenly messengers!

We are further assured that, prior to the arrival of any Spaniard, some of the subjected provinces assumed an air of independence, encouraged by the fear which these occurrences produced on the Aztecs, against whom they were regarded as especially directed. Cuetlachtlan sorcerers having in their divining-pits conjured up visions of Mexicans acting as abject carriers to armed bearded men astride giant deer, this people became in 1511 so insolent as to refuse the customary tribute, and even to murder the Aztec officials sent to collect it. And so involved was Montezuma in divers troubles that he was unable to resent the outrage.

The thought occurred to the Mexican monarch that perhaps the threatened evils might be averted by propitiating the gods with greater sacrifices. For this the several campaigns then waged or concluded promised an abundance of victims; and to make the holocaust still more imposing, it was resolved to consecrate at the same time a new sacrificial stone. After diligent search a suitable stone was found at Tenanitlan, near Coyohuacan. The sculptors having finished their work, and the priests theirs, with loud hosannas it was rolled along toward the imperial city. While crossing the Xolco canal the bridge broke, and the stone sank beneath the water, dragging down the high-priest and his attendants, “who went to hell quicker than the stone,” comments the pious Torquemada. The stone, however, was recovered, and consecrated on the summit of the great temple, in 1512, with the blood of over twelve thousand captives.[141]

And now Montezuma almost wishes the calamities he fears were already upon him, so full of dread and dire oppression is he. Priests, chiefs of wards, and other officials, says Tezozomoc, are commanded to ascertain and impart all dreams and strange occurrences relating to a coming people or to the throne. Wise and politic as he is, he does not seem to know that this is only placing himself and his malady at the mercy of the masses. Who could not conjure up visions under such a summons? Some old men immediately come forward with a dream, wherein Huitzilopochtli’s image is overthrown and his temple burned to the ground, leaving no vestige. Certain hags next appear with a dream of a furious stream, which has swept away the palace and temple, forcing the lords to flee the city.

This will not do. Away with such trumpery! And so the terrified monarch hurls the evil dreamers into prison, and leaves them there to die of starvation, while he orders on new ones in the persons of the priests and men of circumspection. But softly now. These wise ones deem it prudent not to dream at all, which course only adds suspicion to the hot anger of Montezuma. Next he calls on all astrologers, sorcerers, and diviners in the empire to dream, to cause others to dream, and to declare their dreams; to declare the secrets of the starry realms, and all things pertinent on and in this earth. Neither will these ply their avocation during such troublous times. Down with them, then, to the lowest depths! In prison, however, they do understand that the planets and terrestrial phenomena combine to foreshadow extraordinary occurrences, whether for good or evil the emperor will soon enough know. “Force them to tell; burn them else,” are the next instructions. But the messengers find the prison, though guarded, empty. The unhappy monarch sends to their respective towns and demolishes their houses, but these agents of offended heaven are never seen again.[142]

This, and more of yet wilder strain continued in the note, shows at least that prior to the coming of the Spaniards the people of the Mexican valley, and their sovereign in particular, were profoundly moved with fearful forebodings of calamity of some kind. And whether these forebodings pointed to some strange arrival by sea or other marvel, certain it is that they opened the door of this rich realm to the invaders.

Ever intent on means to propitiate the gods, Montezuma in 1517 hit upon the idea of plating the temple of Huitzilopochtli with gold set with precious stones and feathers, and gave the order accordingly to Tzompantzin, the minister of finance. Now Tzompantzin was an old and faithful servant of the government, blunt withal, and nowise afraid to die. He was of the ancient chivalry, not wholly in sympathy with the present régime, and did not hesitate to expostulate with his sovereign, saying that the people would be ruined by the proposed tax. “Beside,” he concluded, “Huitzilopochtli will not long be god, for those even now are coming who will take for themselves all these riches and lord it over us forever.” That very night Tzompantzin and his son were politely escorted across the dark river.[143]

The following year, 1518, the temple of Coatlan was dedicated, with the usual sacrifices, the last recorded holocaust to consecrate a heathen temple. For already the white-winged vessels of Spain were at hand, having on board the messengers of a purer religion, even if it did not at once prove to be the gospel of peace to the poor Indian.

Pinotl, calpixque of Cuetlachtlan, was the first of Montezuma’s captains, according to the native record, to make observations for the emperor of the dreaded visitants. Prompted no less by zeal in his master’s service than by curiosity, Pinotl, with several attendants, armed with provisions and rich mantles for presents, had mingled with the crowd which boarded Grijalva’s vessel, and had prostrated himself at the feet of the commander and his officers as before kings or gods.[144] The beads and other trinkets given in return for their goods they received as priceless marks of favor from supernatural personages. When Pinotl explained as best he was able the majesty and wealth of his sovereign, Grijalva promised to return some day and visit him in his great city. Bearing with them paintings on amatl, or maguey paper, of the vessels with all their belongings, and of the soldiers and sailors with their arms, armor, dress, and attitude, down to their very swagger, and leaving orders that the strangers should be treated with every consideration, the chief men of the province set out by fast relays to report the awful tidings to the emperor.[145]

Entering the imperial presence they prostrated their bodies to the ground, which they kissed, declaring themselves worthy of death for having ventured unbidden before their lord, but their mission permitted no delay. “For oh! most dread sovereign,” they exclaimed, “we have seen gods! All of us here present have seen their water-houses on our shores. We have talked with them, and eaten with them, and have handled them with our hands; we have given them gifts, and have received in return these priceless treasures.” Then they showed the glass beads, a specimen too often approaching the value of the gifts received by the strong from the weak. Montezuma sat mute, scarcely heeding the messages sent him by Grijalva, concerned most of all that vassals should not witness his dismay. Here again was his phantasy before him, like the shade of dead Hector before Æneas, warning him against hopeless resistance to the preordained fall of Troy.

Bidding the men retire and keep secret what they had seen, Montezuma hastily summoned his privy council,[146] King Cacama of Tezcuco, his brother Cuitlahuatzin, lord of Itzapalapan, and laid before them the mystery. After sage consultations, attended by divinings and comparisons of signs, prophecies, and traditions, not unlike the means by which we of to-day likewise ascertain the unknowable, it was concluded that this commander was none other than the fair-hued god himself, who had returned to resume the throne, as he had said. Therefore resistance would be in vain; and the only proper course was to tender worthy reception and conciliate with gifts. The chiefs were sent back with orders for the governors of the coast districts[147] to report any arrival or strange occurrence. Following them was an embassy of five persons bearing rich presents, with instructions to bid the god welcome in the name of the emperor and of his court; yet they were to watch him closely. But the embassy was too late. Grijalva had gone.[148]

FOOTNOTES

[138] When Francisco Cortés entered the town, shortly after the fall of Mexico, he was met by a body of Indians with their hair tonsured like priests, and with crosses in their hands, headed by the chief in flowing white gown and scapulary. This, they explained, had been the practice of the shipwrecked crew, who had held up the cross as a recourse from all danger. Frejes, Hist. Conq., 63-4. This authority places implicit reliance in the story, and regards the strangers as a missionary party driven from the East Indies or China. Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 30-2.

[139] See Native Races, iii. and v., 25-6, for the myths relating to Quetzalcoatl, and to their interpretation, in which occur the characters of the Messiah and the apostle Saint Thomas, with whom some pious chroniclers have identified him. The Saint Thomas idea is advocated in Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. de Jesus, 234.

[140] The natives of Española are said to have received an oracle shortly before Columbus’ arrival, announcing the coming of bearded men, with sharp, bright swords. Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 33. The Yucatec records abound in predictions to the same effect, more or less clear. The most widely quoted is that of Chilam Balam, high-priest of Mani, and reputed a great prophet, who foretold that, ere many years, there would come from the direction of the rising sun a bearded white people, bearing aloft the cross which he displayed to his listeners. Their gods would flee before the new-comers, and leave them to rule the land; but no harm would fall on the peaceful who admitted the only true God. The priest had a cotton mantle woven, to be deposited in the temple at Mani, as a specimen of the tribute required by the new rulers, and he it was who erected the stone crosses found by the Spaniards, declaring them to be the true tree of the world. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 99-101, gives the prophecy at length, which is not quite so clear as the version which he afterward quotes from Herrera. The latter calls the priest Chilam Cambal, and says: ‘Esta fue la causa que preguntauan a Francisco Hernandez de Cordoua, y a los suyos, si yuan de donde nacia el Sol.’ Dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i. Alaman enters into a profound argument on the above, and interprets Chilam Cambal to be the Chinese for Saint Thomas. In seeking to give a date he mistakes the meaning of a Yucatec age and places the prophecy back at the beginning of the Christian era. The opening lines of the prophecy read, ‘at the end of the thirteenth age,’ which should be interpreted ‘at the end of two hundred and sixty years.’ The name is also given as Chilam Balan and Chilan Balam, the latter part savoring of the Canaanite divinity. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 245-6; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 203-4. A priest of Itzalan, named Patzin Yaxun Chan, is recorded as having urged his people to worship the true god, whose word would soon come to them; and the high-priest of the same place, Na Hau Pech, prophesied that within four ages—a Yucatec age equals twenty of our years—news would be brought of the supreme God, by men who must be received as guests and masters. Ah Ku Kil Chel, also a priest, spoke with sorrow of ills to come upon the people from the north and from the east. In the age following the date of his prediction no priest would be found to explain the will of their idols. Another temple guardian announced that in the last age idolatry would cease, and the world would be purified by fire. Happy he who repented! Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 97-101. Several prophecies therein quoted literally are reproduced in Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 34-5, which also refers to Itzan predictions.

Among the Mexicans, says Mendieta, predictions were current some four generations before the conquest of the coming of bearded men dressed in raiments of different color, and with caskets on their heads. Then the idols would perish, leaving but one supreme God; war would cease, roads would be opened, intercourse established, and the husband would cherish but one wife. Hist. Ecles., 180; Torquemada, i. 235-6. This smacks of an elaboration of the Quetzalcoatl promise. Nezahualcoyotl, the wise Tezcucan monarch, who died in 1472, left poems in which chroniclers have discovered vague allusions to a coming race. The reader may, perhaps, be equally fortunate if he examine the specimens of his poems given in Native Races, ii. 494-7. His son Nezahualpilli, equally celebrated as a just king and a philosopher, versed in the occult arts, revealed to Montezuma that, according to his astrologic investigations, their towns would within a few years be destroyed and their vassals decimated. This, he added, would soon be verified by celestial signs and other phenomena. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 254-7. The precursor of these harbingers of evil appears to have been the famine of 1505, which compelled many a parent to sell his children for the means to obtain food, while others lined the road-side with their famished bodies. The cessation of smoke from the volcano Popocatepetl, for twenty days, was a feature seized upon by the diviners as a sign of relief; and true enough, in the following year, the suffering people were cheered with an abundant harvest. Soon again their fears were roused by an eclipse and an earthquake, in the very inaugural year of the new cycle, 1507, and by the drowning of 1800 soldiers during the Miztec campaign. Almost every succeeding year confirmed their apprehensions by one or more signs or occurrences of an ominous nature. One of the most alarming was the appearance, in broad day, of a comet with three heads, which darted across the sky, eastward, with such speed that the tails seemed to scatter sparks. ‘Salieron cometas del cielo de tres en tres ... parecian ... echando de sí brasas de fuego ... y llevaban grandes y largas colas.’ Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 179. ‘Cayó una cometa, parecian tres estrellas.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 4; Native Races, v. 466. After this, in 1507 or 1510, a pyramidal light, which scattered sparks on all sides, rose at midnight from the eastern horizon till its apex reached the zenith, where it faded at dawn. This continued for forty days, or for a year, according to some accounts. ‘Diez años antes que viniesen los españoles ... duró por espacio de un año cada noche.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 3. ‘Ocho años antes de la venida de los españoles, ... y esto se vió cuatro años.’ Id., Hist. Gen., ii. 271. It occurred in 1509, and lasted over forty days. Codex Tell. Rem., in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., v. 154; vi. 144. The interpreter of the Codex enters into a lengthy argument to prove it a volcanic eruption, one of his points being that the original picture-writing places the light as appearing behind, or from, the mountains east of the city. In 1510, Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 278, or year five, toxtli. Codex Chimalpopoca, MS.; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 139. Torquemada, who had no other authority for the preceding comet than Herrera, considered that by the comet was meant this light, i. 234. Humboldt suggests that the fiery pyramid may have been a zodiacal light. Astrologers announced that it portended wars, famine, pestilence, mortality among the lords, every imaginable ill, in fact, and causing one general cry of fear and lament. Montezuma himself was so troubled that he applied for advice to Nezahualpilli, although they had not been on speaking terms for some time. This royal astrologer showed his apprehensions by ordering all campaigns then upon his hands to be suspended, and announced to his confrère that the disasters in store would be brought upon the empire by a strange race. Montezuma expressed his disbelief, and proposed a game of tlachtli to decide the interpretation. As if resigned to the fate predicted for himself, and desirous of showing how little he appreciated wealth and power, Nezahualpilli is said to have staked on the result his kingdom against three turkey-cocks. The wager was not so hazardous, however, as it seemed, for the king of Tezcuco was a good player. After allowing Montezuma to win the first two points, and raising high his hopes, he stopped his exultation by scoring the rest for himself. Still doubtful, Montezuma called on an astrologer famous for his many true announcements, only to receive confirmation of Nezahualpilli’s utterance, whereupon the irate monarch caused the house to be pulled down over the diviner, who perished in the ruins. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 278-9; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 345-7. Clavigero, who connects the game with a comet, is quite earnest in asserting his belief in traditions and presages of the coming of Spaniards, as attested by native paintings and by witnesses of high standing. ‘Se il Demonio pronosticava le future calamità per ingannar que’ miserabili Popoli, il pietosissimo Dio le annunziava per disporre i loro spiriti al Vangelo.’ Storia Mess., i. 288-9. According to Duran, the summoning of Nezahualpilli was due to a comet with an enormous tail, which burst upon the view of a temple-watcher as it rose in the east and settled above the city. Montezuma, who had been roused to witness the phenomenon, called on his sorcerers for an explanation, and on finding that they had seen nothing, had them punished for their sloth. The wise Tezcucan then came and presaged dire calamities, which would also afflict himself. He was resigned, and would retire to await death. This was to be the last interview between the two kings. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 274-85. Torquemada compares the comet to that which, according to Josephus, lib. vii. cap. xii., presaged the entry of Titus into Judea. When Nezahualpilli returned to his palace, a hare ran into the halls, pursued by eager domestics, but he bade them to leave it, saying that even so would a strange people enter into Anáhuac without resistance. Torquemada, i. 211-12, 214. Bernal Diaz speaks of a round sign in the eastern sky, of a reddish green, to which was attached a streak extending eastward. The consequent predictions of war and pestilence he finds fulfilled in the campaign of Cortés, and in the smallpox epidemic introduced by Narvaez. Hist. Verdad. (Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460-1. Among the accounts of celestial signs which may be based on the preceding is one by Camargo, describing a brightness observed in the east by the Tlascaltecs, three hours before dawn, accompanied by a whirlwind of dust from the summit of Mount Matlalcueje. Remesal refers probably to the same whirlwind under the guise of a white cloud, like a pillar, which often appeared in the east before sunrise, and afterward descended upon the cross erected in Tlascala by the Spaniards. The natives accepted this as an intimation that the new-comers were heaven’s chosen people, and received the cross. Hist. Chyapa, 304; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 140. Gomara appears to connect this eastern light with a thick smoke and with the fiery pyramid, which were followed by a battle in the sky between bodies of armed men, attended with great slaughter. Some of the courtiers surrounding Montezuma while he observed this phenomenon, pointed out that the arms and dress of the victorious faction resembled those in the chest which had been washed up on the coast. He declared his conviction, however, that they must be relics of his divine ancestors, not of mortal beings who fell on a battle-field, as these forms appeared to do. He proposed, as a test, that they should break the divine sword. This they tried, but in vain, and remained mute with wonder at its flexibility and strength. Hist. Mex., 214; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. Mendieta places this sign in 1511. Hist. Ecles., 179. The last celestial sign, as described by Mendieta, is a large, brilliant comet, which appeared the very year of the Spaniards’ arrival, and remained immovable in the air for several days. Hist. Ecles., 180. Before Nezahualpilli returned to his capital, after interpreting the fiery signs, he was feasted by Montezuma, and the two monarchs thereupon retired to the diviners’ chamber to search into the legends of their forefathers for further light upon the omens. From this circumstance grew the story that the twain had made a journey to the ancient home of their race. Nezahualpilli, being a conjurer, took Montezuma through the air to the Seven Caves, where they conversed with the brethren of their ancestors. On learning that the first named was a descendant of the great Chichimecatl Xolotl, he was offered the government of this region, but declined, promising, however, to return at a later date. Torquemada, i. 212-13. Duran applies to the reign of Montezuma I. a similar story, which is more appropriate to the present subject. Eager to acquaint his ancestors with the glorious achievements of their progeny, and to learn something of the old home, this monarch sent a force of sixty sorcerers on a mission to Chicomoztoc, with numerous presents for Coatlicue, the mother of the divine Huitzilopochtli. Transforming themselves into animals, they reached the sacred region occupied by some Aztecs whom the god had left behind when he set out on his career of conquest. These venerable settlers were not a little surprised to behold in the effeminate and ephemeral specimens before them the descendants of that doughty leader and of his companions. On reaching the abode of the divine mother, the sorcerers found an old woman sorrowing over her lost son. The news of his glorious fate roused her interest, and she was induced to reveal several prophecies by her son, among them one concerning the coming of a strange people to wrest the land from the Mexicans. The messengers were dismissed with presents of food and clothing, and returned to their master with twenty of their number missing. Hist. Ind., MS., i. 467-86. Additional facts may be found in Native Races, v. 422-4, etc. Another visit to the spirit world is attributed to Papantzin, sister of Montezuma II., who, shortly after his accession, had married the lord of Tlatelulco. He soon died, and after ruling for a few years she, in 1509, followed him to the grave. She was buried with great pomp in her garden, in a vault closed by a flag-stone. The next morning she was discovered sitting on the steps of the bath adjoining the vault. Her niece, a child of five or six years, was the first to notice her. Too young to understand what would frighten older heads, she fearlessly approached the resurrected woman, and was told to call Papantzin’s mayordoma. This old dame, on receiving the summons, thought it a child’s prank, and would not stir, but at last she yielded, and on seeing the form of her late mistress, swooned with fear. Others proved more courageous, and carried her into the house. Papantzin now enjoined silence, and wished to call Montezuma, but no one daring to appear before the cruel and superstitious monarch, Nezahualpilli was summoned, and he brought the brother with him to her dwelling, together with several attendants. To them she related that, on being released from her earthly bonds, she had entered a boundless plain, upon a road which soon divided into several branches. On one side was a fiercely running stream, which she attempted to cross, but was motioned back by a youth of fine stature, dressed in a loose robe of dazzling whiteness. His face, bright as a star, was of fair complexion, the eyes grey, and the forehead marked with a cross. Taking her by the hand, he led her up the valley past heaps of dead men’s bones, from many of which rose the sound of lament. She also observed a number of black persons, with horns and deer legs, building a house. As the sun rose, large vessels could be seen ascending the river, bearing white and bearded men in strange attire, with shining head-gear, and standard borne aloft. They were children of the sun. The youth, in pointing them out, said that God did not yet wish her to pass the river, which could never be recrossed, but to wait and bear testimony to the faith coming with these men, who were destined to wage great wars with her people and become their masters. The lamenting bones were her forefathers—‘who had not received the faith,’ is the uncharitable term used by Torquemada—suffering for their evil deeds, and the house building was to hold the bones of those slain in battle by the fair-faced crews. She must return to earth, await these men, and guide her people to baptism. On being restored to her senses from the death or trance, whatever her listeners chose to term it, she removed the stone from the vault and returned to her chamber. Many of those present sneered at the story as originating in the brain of a sick woman, but Montezuma was more deeply moved than he cared to show. He never again saw his sister, who lived a retired life till the arrival of the Spaniards. She then came forward, the first woman in Tlatelulco to receive baptism, and under the name of María Papantzin rendered good aid in the missionary cause. This account, says Torquemada, has been taken from old native paintings, translated and sent to Spain, and was regarded as strictly true among the natives, Papantzin being well known in the town. ‘Esta Señora era del numero de los Predestinados,’ i. 238-9. Ixtlilxochitl, strangely enough, does not refer to the resurrection. According to him, the mother of Ixtlilxochitl, king of Tezcuco, was the first woman baptized, and this under compulsion from her husband. She received the name of María. After her came Papantzin, now wife of this king, who was named Beatriz. Cortés stood godfather to both. Sahagun refers briefly to the resurrection of a woman of Tenochtitlan, who issued, four days after her death, from the garden vault where she had been deposited. Appearing before Montezuma, she announced that with him would cease the Mexican empire, for other people were coming to rule and settle. This woman lived twenty-one years after this, and bore another child. Hist. Gen., ii. 270-1. At this rate she must have been alive when Sahagun arrived in the country; yet he fails to speak of her as a princess. Boturini applies the story to a sister of King Caltzontzin, of Michoacan, who died at the time the Spaniards were besieging Mexico, and rose within four days to warn her brother not to listen to the Mexican overtures for an alliance against the white invaders. The new-comers, she said, were destined by heaven to rule the land, and a testimony hereof would appear on the principal feast-day in the form of a youth, who, rising in the eastern sky, with a light in one hand and a sword in the other, would glide over the city and disappear in the west. This sign appearing, the king did as she bade him, rejected the Mexican advances, and received the Spaniards in peace. Catálogo, 27-8. Clavigero censures Boturini’s work, in this connection, as full of fables, and this after solemnly observing that the Papantzin incident ‘fu pubblico, e strepitoso, acaduto in presenza di due Re, e della Nobiltà Messicana. Trovossi altresi rappresentato in alcune dipinture di quelle Nazioni, e se ne mandò alla Corte di Spagna un attestato giuridico.’ Storia Mess., i. 289-92. He places the baptism of Papantzin in 1524. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 348-52; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 125-6. Torquemada gives the story of what occurred in the spirit land in her own words; so does Clavigero, though he differs slightly. See also his English translation by Cullen. As if in confirmation of her story, ominous signs became more numerous than ever. The big lake of Mexico began to boil and foam without apparent cause, the water rising high within the city and creating great damage. The date generally accepted for this occurrence is 1509, but Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 178, says 1499. The lake, like the sky, was connected with more than one mysterious occurrence. A troop of Huatuscan conjurers arrived shortly after this in the imperial city to exhibit tricks, in one of which they cut off their hands and feet, disclosing bleeding stumps, and then replaced the members. In order to test whether this was an illusion or not, the emperor ordered the severed members to be thrown into boiling water before they were returned to the performers. This unwarranted curiosity stirred the magicians to the very core, and before retiring they predicted that the lake would be tinged with blood, and that their avengers would soon appear in a strange people, the conquerors of the empire. Not long after, Montezuma noticed streaks of blood in the lake, mingled with a number of human heads and limbs. He called others to witness the sight, but none save himself could see it. Sending to the injured conjurers for an explanation, they replied that the vision denoted great and bloody battles to be waged in the city by the strange people. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. About the same time some fishermen caught a grey bird, like a crane, with a round comb or diadem, resembling a mirror. On being brought before Montezuma, he was startled by seeing reflected in this mirror the heavenly bodies, although none appeared in the sky, for it was yet daylight. The next moment the stars had vanished, and in their place were seen beings, half man and half deer, who moved about in battle array. Diviners were called to give their explanation, but when they came the bird had disappeared. Torquemada appears to date this as early as 1505, i. 235. Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 139-40. Another great bird is referred to, with a human head, which soared above the lake uttering the prediction that speedily would come the new rulers of the empire. Other monsters were found in the shape of double-bodied and double-headed men, which dissolved in the air shortly after being brought to the sorcerers’, or black hall, of Montezuma. A horrible animal was caught near Tecualoia. Torquemada, i. 214. During all the years of these signs could be heard, at frequent intervals, a female voice lamenting, ‘Oh, my children, all is lost to us! My children, whither will you be taken?’ Id., 214, 233. A similar voice was heard before the fall of Jerusalem. Josephus, lib. vii. cap. xii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 180; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 358; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., i. 5. In 1510 the imperial city was startled, one clear, quiet night, by a fire, which, bursting from the heart of the timbers in the temple of Huitzilopochtli, burned all the fiercer under the efforts made to quench it. A precursor of this had been the fall of a stone column close to the temple, coming no one knew whence. ‘El chapitel de un Cú de Vitzilopuchtli, que se llamaba Tlacoteca, se encendió.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 3-4. Shortly after, the temple of the fire god Xiuhtecutli, at Zocomolco, was stricken by lightning and burned. This occurred without the usual accompaniment of thunder, and with but a sprinkle of rain; many regarded it as done by a sunbeam, and consequently as particularly ominous. ‘Los Indios decian ... el Sol ha quemado este Templo; porque ni hemos visto Relampago, ni hemos oido Trueno.’ Torquemada, i. 214, 234. Believing, or pretending to believe, the city attacked by enemies, the Tlatelulcans rushed to arms, for which excess of zeal they were punished by a suspension of all their townsmen who held positions at court. Native Races, v. 461-67.

[141] Torquemada assumes that the 12,210 victims comprised also those offered at the consecration of two new temples, Tlamatzinco and Quauhxicalli. See Native Races, v. 471. Tezozomoc relates that the laborers, after striving in vain to move the stone from its original site, heard it utter, in a muffled voice, ‘Your efforts are in vain; I enter not into Mexico.’ The incident finds a parallel in the vain effort of Tarquin to remove certain statues of the gods, to make room for Jupiter’s temple, and in the firm adherence of Apollo’s head to the ground, shortly before the death of the Roman ruler. But recovering from their alarm, they tried again, and now the stone moved almost of its own accord. Another halt is made, a second oracle delivered, and finally the stone reaches the bridge, where it disappears into the water. Amid the invocation of priests, divers descend in search, only to come back with the report that no vestige of it is to be found; but there is a fathomless pit extending toward Chalco. While diviners are cudgelling their brains for clues, in comes a messenger to announce that the stone, like the Penates of Æneas, had returned to its original site, arrayed in all the sacrificial ornaments. Observing in this occurrence the divine will, Montezuma let the stone remain, and recognizing at the same time a menace to himself, perhaps of speedy death, he ordered his statue to be at once sculptured by the side of his predecessors, on the rocky face of Chapultepec Hill. Tezozomoc describes the statue. Hist. Mex., ii. 204-7. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 313-27. Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 292-3. Among the troubles which after this fell upon the doomed people are mentioned: An earthquake in 1513. Codex Tell. Rem., in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., v. 154. A locust plague. ‘Vieronse gran cantidad de mariposas, y langostas, que passauan de buelo hàzia el Occidente.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. A deluge in Tuzapan, and a fall of snow which overwhelmed the army en route for Amatlan. While crossing the mountains, rocks and trees came tumbling down upon them, killing a large number, while others froze to death. Ixtlilxochitl places this in 1514. Others say 1510. During the Soconusco campaign, see Native Races, v. 472, the ground opened near Mexico, and threw up water and fish. The Indians interpreted this to signify a victory, but the lord of Culhuacan intimated, with a shake of the head, that one force expelled another, whereat Montezuma’s delight somewhat abated. ‘Quando prendio Cortes a entrambos, se accordò (Montezuma) muy bien de aquellas palabras.’ Herrera, ubi sup.

[142] Meanwhile it came to pass that an eagle swooped down upon a peasant at work in a field not far from Mexico, and seizing him by the hair in full view of his neighbors, bore him out of sight. Landed high upon a mountain, the man found himself led by invisible hands through a dark cave into a hall of dazzling splendor, where Montezuma lay as if asleep. Less favored than Ganymede, he was permitted to see no other form, but voices around explained to him that this was a representation of the emperor intoxicated with pride and blinded by vanity. Tezozomoc writes that the eagle assumed the form of a lord and spoke; but a superior being can hardly be supposed to have assumed the office of carrying a low peasant. A lighted pipe with a rose was placed in his hand, with orders to burn a mark upon the monarch’s leg, and then proceed to court and relate to him what had occurred, pointing out the blister in testimony. The gods were annoyed at his conduct and rule, which had evoked the ills soon to overthrow him. Let him amend and use well the short term still allotted to him. The next moment the peasant found himself borne through the air by the eagle, which enjoined upon him to obey the command received. The man did so, and Montezuma, recalling a dream to the same effect, looked and found a wound, which now began to burn painfully. Throwing the man into prison as an evil sorcerer, he sought his doctors for relief. ‘Lo que vio el labrador, pudo ser que aconteciesse en vision imaginatiua porque ... no es increyble que Dios por medio de vn Angel bueno ordenasse ... que aquel auiso se diesse.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. Montezuma now resolved to seek a refuge where none of the threatened evils might reach him. The place selected was Cicalco, ‘house of the rabbit,’ painted by the myths as an abode of delight, abounding in every product, sown with flowers, and flowing with crystal waters, a place where death never entered. As a preliminary step four human victims were flayed and their spirits sent to Huemac, the ruler of that region, to prepare the way for the living messengers. These consisted of sorcerers, accompanied by dwarfs and hunchbacks to carry the flayed skins as presents. Two hunchbacks were sent with the skins of ten flayed men, says Duran. Entering the cave leading to Cicalco, they were guided by its guardian into the bowels of the earth, and presented themselves before the Aztec Pluto. With humble reverence they proffered the skins with the prayer of Montezuma for admission into that abode of delight and into his service. Unwilling to make an exception to the rule for admission through death’s portals, Huemac sent the messengers back with presents, giving the evasive reply that their master should confide to him his sorrows and await relief. On receiving this report Montezuma angrily ordered the men to be cast into prison, and sent other messengers with fresh skins, repeating his request for admission, yet conforming in so far as to ask for an explanation of the many signs abroad. Huemac, again avoiding a direct answer, told them that Cicalco was quite a different place from what they supposed it to be. He and his comrades stayed not of their own accord, but were kept there by a superior power, steeped in abject toil and misery. This unsatisfactory report entailed upon the messengers the same punishment as before. Two Acolhuan chiefs were now entrusted with fresh skins and the request that Huemac should at least explain the signs which threatened the emperor, if he still refused him admission. Among these signs is mentioned a white cloud rising at midnight toward the sky. Propitiated by the higher rank or qualities of these messengers, or by the earnest perseverance of their master, Huemac explained that the sufferings and menaces were the result of his pride and cruelty. Let him amend, and as a preliminary task begin a fast of eighty days. This accomplished, Huemac would meet him at Tlachtonco, on the summit of Chapultepec. Montezuma was so delighted with this answer that he rewarded the chiefs most liberally, and made the necessary arrangements for the government of the empire during his seclusion. Going at the appointed time to Tlachtonco, a brilliant stone ordered him to make certain preparations and return in four days, when he would be conducted to Cicalco. This he did, after enjoining secrecy upon all who had assisted in the matter. Arrayed in a human skin adorned with precious stones, gold, and feathers, he seated himself upon a feathered throne, surrounded by his richly dressed dwarf and hunchback pages, and in this guise awaited Huemac. Soon a light in the distance, brilliant as the sun, announced the approach of the mysterious being, and hope leaped high in Montezuma’s breast. It stopped, however, and the emperor was devoured by anxiety. Suddenly a human voice recalled him from his absorption. It was that of the guardian of Tzoncoztli temple, who related that Huemac, interdicted by supreme command from approaching the emperor, had commissioned him to recall his master to duty. His presence is needed in Mexico to direct public affairs and to infuse respect among the hostile nations, who would rise the moment his disappearance became known. What will his subjects think? He must obey the divine command, and remember that he is emperor of the world. Montezuma yielded reluctantly and reëntered his palace, taking to his side the faithful Tzoncoztli guardian, and charging all to keep the secret. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 213-27; and in Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., v. 469, et seq.; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 328-45.

[143] Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 35-6.

[144] ‘Besaron todos las proas de las naos en señal de adoracion, pensaron que era el Dios Quetzalcoatl que volvia.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 5.

[145] According to Tezozomoc, an Indian, with ears, thumbs, and big toes cut off, arrived from Mictlancuauhtla with the report that he had seen a round mountain on the sea moving to and fro without approaching the shore. The informant was placed under guard, and a chief with an attendant sent to Pinotl to verify the statement, and to chide him for neglect to report. They soon returned to say that from a tree they had seen two such mountains or towers, from one of which a canoe had set out on a fishing trip. The men on board had white faces and hands, long, thick beard, long hair, raiments of varied and brilliant colors, and round head-covering. The mutilated Indian being now called to answer further questions, his prison cell was found vacant. Hist. Mex., ii. 232-4; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 359-77.

[146] Torquemada, i. 379, names ten members, while Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 378, says there were twelve.

[147] Particularly at Nauhtla, Toztla, Mictla, and Quauhtla. Torquemada, i. 379; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 6, calls the districts Cuextecatl, Naulitlantoztlan, and Mictlanquactla. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 49, writes more correctly Nauthtlan, Tochtlan, and Mictlan-Quauhtla.

[148] Torquemada, i. 379-80, expresses his disapproval of Gomara and Herrera for following only Spanish versions, and ignoring the Indian records acquired by himself and others, including Sahagun. The latter assumes that Montezuma has been apprised of Grijalva’s departure before the embassy leaves, and this body is therefore not sent till Cortés arrives. Hist. Conq., i. 7. This is not unlikely, for council had to be first held and the future course determined, and messengers were always on the way between the subject provinces and the capital, ready to convey news. But most writers, followed by the Native Races, take the view presented in the text. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. ix., who is very brief on Grijalva’s visit, says, when it was learned that the Spaniards wanted gold, the governors on the coast were ordered to barter with it, and to find out what further object they had in coming. Ixtlilxochitl states that merchants from the coast fair brought the first news of Grijalva to Mexico. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 377-8, is brief on the subject. Tezozomoc describes the necklace, bracelet, and other jewelry prepared as presents by four of the leading goldsmiths and lapidaries. With these the chief who had been to the coast to observe the floating towers is ordered to seek the white men. Pinotl must prepare food for them, and if they eat, they are surely Quetzalcoatl and his suite. ‘But if they prefer human flesh,’ says Duran, in his version, ‘and wish to eat you, let them do so; I promise to look to the future of your children and relatives.’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 366-7. ‘If you are convinced that it is Quetzalcoatl,’ continued Montezuma, ‘adorn his person with these jewels made for the purpose, and say that I beg him humbly to come and take possession of the throne which I hold for him.’ Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 236-9. This author confounds Grijalva and Cortés, but allows the jewels and message to reach the latter. According to Duran, Montezuma tells the chief to ask the god for permission to finish his rule; after his death he is welcome to the throne. ‘Que me dege morir, y que despues de yo muerto venga muy de norabuena, y tome su Reyno pues es suyo y lo dejó en guarda á mis antepasados,’ ut supra. Acosta, Hist. Ind., 508-14 refers briefly to this subject, and to the various omens and visions, some of which he regards as dreams imparted by angels. Meanwhile fresh messengers arrive to report that the white captain had spread the wings of his floating mountains and faded away in the east. They bring later drawings and gifts, including beads, shirts, a hat, some biscuits and wine. The monarch crunches the biscuits and admits them to be good, but the wine, with its penetrating sweetness, lulling the senses and calling up happy visions, this delights him, and specimens of both are deposited upon the altar of Quetzalcoatl at Tula. Finally, on seeing the glass necklace, he declares the giver to be indeed the Acatl Ynacuitl, the travelling god of the reed; and deeming himself unworthy of so brilliant an adornment, he consecrates it to the gods. The best painters are called to give a superior representation of the strange visitors from the rude drawings brought by the messengers, and from their description, while the old and wise men are asked for recollections and ideas which may throw light upon the subject. After much search a tradition is raked up, wherein a race is to come from the east mounted on serpents or masted mountains, and with them a white, bearded people, astride of big deers and eagles, who will land at Tzonapan, and obtain possession of all the land. They are also described as a one-legged people, with the face in the middle of the body, of white complexion and with long beard. In confirmation thereof is produced an old painting, which agrees with those depicting the late arrivals. Convinced of the identity, Montezuma orders the governors of the coast provinces to maintain a close watch for the return of the strangers, so that he may receive speedy notice. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 241-50; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 359-92.

This chapter presents but a faint picture of the state of affairs within the Mexican empire at the time of the arrival of Cortés. As I said at the outset, all this I have given in my Native Races, and can not of course repeat it here. Further authorities on omens and on the state of the Aztec empire, most of them, however, of no value, are Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 5-12; Beltrami, Mexique, ii. 137-9 and 142-3; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iii. 130-2; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 124-6; Bos, Leben der See-Helden, 4-5; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 505-8; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., iii. 127-34; Viagero Univ., xxvi. 192-237; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., 73-5; Lafond, Voy., i. 105-7; Eggleston’s Montezuma, 11-17; Sammlung aller Reisebesch., xiii. 289-91; Russell’s Hist. Am., i. 76-9; Laharpe, Abrégé, ix. 268-73; Du Perrier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 332-6; Burke’s Europ. Set., i. 71; Smollett’s Voy., i. 214-19; Chevalier, Mexique, 7-22; Mexique Études, 9-10; Robertson’s Hist. Am., ii. 17-18; Bussierre, L’Emp. Mex., 119-30; Manzi, Conq. di Mess. 14-19; Roure, Conquête du Mex., 211-20.

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VIII. THE COMBATANTS SALUTE

APRIL-MAY, 1519.

THE EMBASSY FROM THE SHORE—THE NEW INTERPRETER—MARINA—HER APPEARANCE AND QUALITY—HER ROMANTIC HISTORY—SHE CLEAVES TO THE SPANIARDS AND TO CORTÉS—AND BECOMES ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT CHARACTERS OF THE CONQUEST—THE SPANIARDS LAND AND FORM AN ENCAMPMENT—THE GOVERNOR COMES WITH PRESENTS—THE SPANIARDS ASTONISH THE NATIVES—WHO REPORT ALL TO MONTEZUMA—CORTÉS SENDS THE MONARCH PRESENTS—COUNCIL CALLED IN MEXICO—MONTEZUMA DETERMINES NOT TO RECEIVE THE STRANGERS—RECIPROCATES IN PRESENTS A HUNDREDFOLD—CORTÉS PERSISTS—MONTEZUMA DECLINES MORE FIRMLY—OLMEDO ATTEMPTS CONVERSION—TEUHTLILE, OFFENDED, WITHDRAWS HIS PEOPLE FROM THE CAMP OF THE SPANIARDS.

Under San Juan de Ulua the fleet of Cortés rests at anchor, lying lazily there, its fiery purpose clothed in peaceful white, like a snow-capped volcano basking in the sunlight. The ships had been watched from afar by expectant eyes; and now from the wondering multitude that lines the Chalchiuhcuecan[149] shore come two large canoes, whose occupants step to the deck of the flag-ship and reverentially ask for the Tlatoani. Their language is new to Aguilar; none of the company can understand it. What is to be done? Modestly speaks one of the female slaves, “These are Mexicans, sent by Cuitlalpitoc,[150] cacique of the nearest town, to welcome the white chief and offer their devotion. They would likewise know whence he comes, and why.”

Instantly all eyes are on the speaker, who under their continued gaze draws back, abashed at her own temerity, while the warm blood mantles beneath its clear olive confine, and the breath comes inconstant between parted lips. Cortés regards her as she stands there unconscious of the important service she has rendered him; for possessed she the power of Thetis, to assume any form she pleased, the fair interpreter could not at this juncture have appeared before the chief in any other aspect half so fascinating. Who is she? The one baptized Marina, at Tabasco; and who, being the greatest lady there, was given to Puertocarrero, the greatest gentleman present. Why had she been given to Puertocarrero? Why had not the chief chamberer himself taken her? Cortés had weightier matters on his mind. He was playing for empire, and would not now stop to divide the petty winnings with his men. By and by right royally will he reward the unsanctified within him for its abstinence. As for this girl, he seems now for the first time to see her.[151] Had Marina, the slave, been born in other lands, under different auspices, to what exalted sphere might not her personal loveliness and beauty of character have entitled her!

They say she was fair for an Indian; very beautiful she certainly is, and of that order of loveliness that captivates the understanding no less than the passions. The old as well as the young are ravished with her beauty, even as with Helen were the elders of Troy. She is about eighteen, and in form and features perfect; her long hair falling over smooth, round shoulders, and from large lustrous eyes radiating a tender melancholy that overspreads the face and tones to harmony whatever falls beneath its influence. Sweet and frank in her disposition, she is nevertheless resolute enough upon occasion; yet in her ordinary mood there is a rare grace and femininity, in which she is as liquid and pellucid as a passage in Herodotus. There is no shame in her blush, nothing bordering on conscious inferiority in her bearing; nothing that these or any other beings may do unto her can lessen her self-respect. She scarcely knows she is a slave, the plaything of passion; she finds the world made so, men the stronger and wickeder, and she has but to acquiesce.[152]

Cortés is deeply interested. As if from heaven some bright being had been sent to his assistance, so comes to him Marina now. What is her history? Strangely romantic. She is the daughter of a cacique, born at Painala, eight leagues from Goazacoalco. While yet a child her father died; and upon a son, the fruit of a second marriage, the mother centred all her affections. To secure to him the succession and inheritance which rightly belonged to the daughter, Marina was given as a slave to some travelling merchants of Xicalanco, while a slave girl who had just died was passed off for Marina and buried with the usual stately ceremonies.[153] Arrived at Tabasco, Marina was sold to the cacique, and by him transferred to the Spaniards. With a mind elastic and quick to learn, to her native Mexican tongue she added at Tabasco a knowledge of the Maya, becoming afterward proficient in Spanish. And now no longer slave, save to the passion love, she is to queen it for a while as consort of the conqueror, becoming in the conquest second only in power and importance to Cortés himself, whom with her whole soul she loves, and to whom alone she clings after the departure presently of Puertocarrero for Spain. Accompanying the invaders as interpreter and adviser, she shares their hardships and rejoices in their successes. For is not the daring commander lord of her heart and person? Moreover, what claim upon her has a nation which drives her into solitude beyond its border, and for no crime? Therefore, if her newly found friends sicken, she nurses them; if they despair, she comforts them. Nevertheless she cannot forget her people, but freely exerts her influence in their behalf, saving many a life and many a town from destruction. Toward the end both races vie in showing her their admiration, gratitude, and respect; and although to the Indian the invaders become more and more objects of execration, yet he never mentions with aught but loving reverence the name Malintzin, or Malinche, as in his tongue is called Marina.[154]

To the embassy of Cuitlalpitoc Cortés makes friendly answer. He will explain his purposes to the cacique in person. Meanwhile the messengers are regaled with food; presents are given them, and gold is shown as something Spaniards delight in. Then they return to the shore, which appears not very inviting, with its broad reach of sand and sandy hillocks whirled up by the northers. Likewise vegetation hereabout is stunted, larger trees appearing only in the distance. The place had been recommended by Grijalva, however, as possessing good anchorage, and the people as being rich and hospitable.[155]

Early on Good Friday Cortés landed, planted guns upon the hillock, and began the construction of a fortified camp, consisting of houses, huts, and sheds, high in the centre of which was placed a large cross. Informed of this, the cacique sent men to carry timber, plaster the walls, and put up awnings. Food was also provided, and feather-work and gold were presented Cortés, with the information that the governor would visit him presently. Meanwhile the natives flocked in to trade, so that on Saturday the place presented the appearance of a fair, rather than the encampment of an invading army.

On Easter Sunday, while preparations were made for mass, Cuitlalpitoc arrived with his chief, Teuhtlile, governor of the province, whose residence was at Cuetlachtlan, eight leagues away.[156] Attending them was a large retinue of nobles, and slaves[157] bearing presents. Cortés, with an escort, advanced to receive them, and after interchange of courtesies led the way to the altar, draped in native cotton fabrics, where Father Olmedo celebrated mass,[158] aided by Father Juan Diaz, Aguilar, and a trained choir. The service over, Cortés invited the chiefs to dinner, and there informed them that he was a captain of the greatest monarch the sun smiled on, Charles V. of Spain, who, hearing of Montezuma’s fame, had sent him presents and a message, which must be delivered in person immediately.[159] How easy the way to him who knows it! Had Cortés but spoken the simple word, “I am Quetzalcoatl, come to resume my rule,” he might possibly at one time have ridden midst hosannas to the capital, and seated himself without resistance on Montezuma’s throne.

But the minion of an earthly monarch is quite a different being from the fair god in the eyes of the Aztec officers, who answer somewhat haughtily, “Be it known to you that our master is the inferior of none; and for the present let these gifts suffice.” Saying which the signal is given; the slaves advance and deliver their burdens, consisting in part of food, cotton fabrics more than ten bales, brilliant feather-work, and a cacaxtli, or basket, filled with wrought gold set with rare stones and pearls. Cortés expressed thanks, and gave for Montezuma in return a carved and inlaid arm-chair, some engraved marcasite laid in musk-scented cotton, a bright red cap, a gold medal stamped with the figures of St George and the dragon, twisted strings of beads, and other articles; and would the emperor deign to wear the cap and occupy the chair when it became his pleasure to receive him? To the chiefs were also given some trifles. Teuhtlile promised to deliver to Montezuma the gifts and the message. Then pointing to the gilt helmet of a soldier, which resembled in form the head-dress of the idol Quetzalcoatl, he expressed a desire to show it to Montezuma. “Take it,” said Cortés, “and bring it back filled with gold-dust, that we may show our emperor what kind of metal you have.”[160]

Observing the native painters transcribing to amatl-paper the several novelties, and wishing to impress them further, Cortés mounted a horse, and ordered the troops to fall into line and the cannons to be charged. The infantry first passed in review to the sound of music with arms and banners displayed. Then came the cavalry with the best riders, led by Alvarado, dashing past in varied and swift evolutions. The graceful movements of the great animals, their rearing and prancing, and above all their speed; the flashing swords, the glittering armor, all seemed to these simple people like a scene from the supernatural. Their admiration was changed to terror, however, when the guns belched flames and smoke, and sent midst many thunderings the stone balls scudding along the beach or crashing among the trees. All, even their own fears, were faithfully depicted by the painters. On leaving, Teuhtlile gave orders to supply the Spaniards with every necessary, for which purpose two thousand of his people were detailed to attend them, particularly to bring wood, water, and food. For their accommodation another cluster of huts was erected, so that within these few days two towns arose on the sands of Chalchiuhcuecan. Cuitlalpitoc, who remained for a time to superintend the service, received from his guests the name of Ovandillo.[161]

Montezuma was quickly in possession of all these facts; and when he saw the gifts, and read the picture writings, and learned how a woman, beautiful as the sun, talked to his people in their own language; more particularly when he compared the helmet with that worn by Huitzilopochtli, and was told that the terrible strangers insisted on an interview, apprehension filled his soul.[162] Cuitlahuatzin, his brother, and Cacama of Tezcuco, were summoned to aid in telling him what to do. The council was divided. There was the popular belief regarding Quetzalcoatl with its attendant prognostics; on the other hand these strangers did not behave like gods. They had human appetites, overthrew the idols, claimed allegiance to another power, and had proved themselves vulnerable at Potonchan. Yet could beings wholly terrestrial so live without women, mount gigantic deer, and tame the lightning? Cacama thought they should have a hearing. The national honor demanded it; beside, refusal implied fear. Cuitlahuatzin saw in the visitation only evil to the commonwealth, and urged expulsion. The gods should decide; and very foolish gods they would have been to vote admission to their destroyers. And now behold the fatal folly of Montezuma! Instead of vigorous action toward the end determined on, he adopted a middle course. He would decline the interview, yet not rudely drive the strangers hence, lest, peradventure, they might be gods and successfully oppose him. He would send them liberal gifts, and beseech them to depart, thus exposing at once his weakness and his wealth.[163]

A diplomate of the first nobility was accordingly despatched to the sea-shore. With him went Teuhtlile, returning after only a week’s absence.[164] Numerous natives were in attendance, among them over a hundred slaves. Bowing low before Cortés, who had on this occasion put on greater pomp than usual, the envoy touched the earth with his hand, carrying it to his lips, and then he swung the copal censer.[165] Together with Teuhtlile he thereupon seated himself beside Cortés; and it was remarked how much alike they looked, the Spanish commander and the Aztec envoy, who, perhaps, had been selected for this reason, with the aid of the portraits made by the native painters, and as a mark of honor to the white captain. The soldiers not inappropriately called him the Mexican Cortés.[166]

The slaves were then directed to lay down the presents; among which were thirty bales of cotton fabrics, from gauzy curtains to heavy robes, white, colored, plain, and figured,[167] interwoven with feathers or embroidered with gold and silver thread; feathers and plumes of all colors, embroidered sandals, and marcasite mirrors. All these, however, were trifles beside the gold, the beautiful glittering gold which was now disclosed, and likewise the silver. First there was a disk of the yellow metal, representing the sun with its rays, as large as a carriage wheel, ten spans in diameter, ornamented in demi-relief and valued at thirty-eight hundred pesos de oro.[168] A companion disk of solid silver, of the same size, and equally ornamented, represented the moon.[169] Then there were thirty golden ducks, well fashioned; a number of other pieces in form of dogs, lions, monkeys, and other animals; ten collars, a necklace with over one hundred pendent stones called emeralds and rubies by the Spaniards; twelve arrows, a bow with cord stretched, two staves each five palms in length; fans, bracelets, and other pieces, all of fine gold, beside a number of silver. What could have delighted the Spaniards more? One thing only, and that was not wanting—the gilt helmet returned full of virgin gold, fine dust and coarse, with a plentiful mixture of nuggets of various sizes and shapes, all fresh from the placers. The value of this was three thousand pesos, and appreciation was attracted not so much by the amount as by the significance of the gift, as Bernal Diaz remarks, for it afforded a sure indication of the existence of rich mines in the country. “It was this gift which cost Montezuma his head,”[170] says Torquemada.

The words which followed fell on closed ears. These so greatly admired gifts are but a slight token of the high regard of the emperor, who would be pleased to form a friendship with his king; but he could not think of troubling Cortés to come to him through a hostile country; besides, he was ailing. Everything the visitors might wish to aid their departure would be instantly supplied. This and more. Poor, foolish monarch! As well might he ask the ravenous wolf to depart after giving it to lick a little blood from his scratched hand. For the gifts, a thousand thanks; but after so long a voyage, undertaken solely for the purpose, the Spanish captain dared not face his master without having seen the great Montezuma. As for the road, its difficulties or dangers were nothing. Would the chiefs present their monarch these further articles, and bring speedy answer?[171]

Meanwhile discussion was in order among the Spaniards, and speculation as to what should be done. Some advised immediate advance on Montezuma’s capital; some, fearful of the nation’s strength, as manifested by its arts and refinements, favored return to Cuba for reinforcements. Cortés let them talk, but said little. Traffic at first was freely permitted among the men,[172] and as the result was meagre Cortés did not think it worth while to require of them a division. To this irregularity certain of the Velazquez leaders objected, demanding at least that the royal fifth should be deducted; the commander therefore ordered gold to be received only by Gonzalo Mejía, as treasurer.[173]

Ten days elapsed before Teuhtlile returned, without the envoy,[174] but followed by a file of slaves bearing, among other things, as a present to the Spanish king, ten loads of rich feathers and robes, some gold figures valued at three thousand pesos, and four chalchiuite stones, each declared to be worth a load of gold, but of no value to Europeans.

Teuhtlile then stated that further messages to the emperor were useless, since the desired interview could not be granted. He hoped the Spaniards would content themselves with the promised supplies and depart in peace.

Turning to his companions, Cortés said: “Truly this must be a great lord, and rich; and, God willing, some day we will visit him.” Just then the bell struck for Ave María, and instantly, with uncovered heads, the soldiers were kneeling round the cross. The priests, ever ready to preach their faith where an opportunity presented, were soon at work. His words, however, made a bad impression on the governor, as had also the evasive answer of Cortés to his message. He bade a cold farewell, and the next morning the Spaniards awoke to find the native encampment deserted, and even the supplies carried away. Precautions were now taken against probable attack, by sending on board the provisions and all cumbrous articles, leaving embarkation easy at any moment.[175]

FOOTNOTES

[149] See Native Races, iv. 434. Duran’s native records call this the ‘port’ of Chalchuihqueyacan. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 389. The spelling by different authorities differs greatly. Clavigero, and Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 377, give April 21 as the date of arrival, while Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1845), 135, makes it the 22d. Year Ce Acatl. Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 411. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7., says 13 conejos.

[150] Torquemada, i. 387. Bernal Diaz writes Pitalpitoque, named by the Spaniards Ovandillo. Hist. Verdad., 25. Herrera, Pitalpitoc. Solis, followed by Robertson, Pilpatoe. Bernal Diaz and Gomara name Teuhtlile, the chief governor of the province, who lived farther in the interior, as the sender.

[151] According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 40, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv., this new interpreter is not discovered until four days later.

[152] ‘Entremetida, é desembuelta,’ slabbers that lecherous old soldier Bernal Diaz. To call women loose comes well from men who spend their lives in making them so. If, as has been stated, the women of her native district have borne a reputation not altogether enviable, whose fault is it? Not theirs, truly. That this girl was the mistress of men, under the circumstances, detracts not one iota from her good name in the minds of right-thinking persons; nay, it detracts nothing from her purity of mind, her honesty, or her innate morality. ‘Reprehensible medio de asegurarla en su fidelidad,’ says Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., i. 119, otherwise so ready to cover up the defects of his hero.

[153] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 24-5. According to Gomara she was born in Viluta, in the direction of Jalisco, the daughter of rich parents, related to the cacique. From them she was stolen by traders and sold in Xicalanco. Hist. Mex., 40. The town and district may be a corruption of Huilotlan, in Xalatzinco, which Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287, gives as her native place, and this may be identical with the present Oluta or Holuta, near Acayucan, on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Painala is no longer known. Fossey, who travelled through the region, states that tradition makes Xaltipan or Altipan her birthplace, and in support of this belief a mountain is pointed out, close to the town, bearing the name of Malinche. Mexique, 26-7; Gomara, Hist. Mex. (Bustamante ed.), i. 41; Berendt, in Salazar, Méx. en 1554, 178; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi.; Sahagun, Hist. Conq. i. 15, mentions Teticpac, and Oviedo names Mexico as Marina’s native place, iii. 259, while Saavedra undertakes to reconcile the different statements by supposing that her family came originally from Jalisco, west of Anáhuac, to Mexico city, and thence to Goazacoalco. Her high intelligence indicates that she was educated in the capital. Dic. Univ., ix. 774.

[154] Mexicans being unable to pronounce the ‘r,’ Marina became Malina, to which the tzin was added in respect, equivalent to doña or lady. Malinche was a Spanish corruption, which was at times applied by the Indians to Cortés, as the lord and companion of Marina, and Juan Perez de Arteaga had also the appellation added to his name, from being so often with her. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52. Another conjecture is that her original name was Malina, or Malinalli, signifying ‘twisted thing,’ the term for one of the Mexican days, applied in accordance with a native custom of giving children the name of their birthday. The name indeed is not uncommon, the lord of Tlachquiauhco, for instance, being called Malinal or Malinaltzin. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 31, 40. On finding her own name so similar to Marina, the Spanish priest gave her this at the font. The Indians usually acquired a surname after they grew up, and Tenepal is that found for Marina. Sigüenza y Góngora, Paraiso Occid., 38; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 217; Arróniz, Orizaba, 171, 182. To Cortés she bore a son, who was recognized by his father and raised to the rank of a knight of Santiago. While on the way with Cortés to Honduras, in 1524, she was legally married to Captain Juan Jaramillo. This took place at Ostoticpac, near Orizaba, and excited no little comment. Some believe that the arrival of Cortés’ wife was the cause of the marriage; but although this may have led to his separation from Marina, it could not have affected the marriage, since the wife was already dead. Cortés no doubt found her an incumbrance, and sought to be rid of it in a manner honorable to her at least. Gomara accuses him of having made Jaramillo drunk for the purpose. Hist. Mex., 251; but this Bernal Diaz corrects. He knew one of the witnesses at the ceremony. Hist. Verdad., 25. Jaramillo had achieved a certain prominence as commander of one of the brigantines which aided in the siege of Mexico, and in other affairs, and is said to have been an hidalgo. Ixtlilxochitl marries her to Aguilar, probably because this seemed a fit union. Hist. Chich., 287. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 143. Shortly after her marriage the army halted at Goazacoalco, whither all the chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to tender submission and to receive instruction in the faith. Among them was a young cacique with his mother, whose resemblance to Marina at once called the attention of all acquainted with the story, and led to her recognition as the heartless parent. The old dame feared for her life, but Marina reassured her with tender caresses, excusing her conduct as controlled by the deceased stepfather, and cheered her with a number of presents. She presented her husband, and referred with fond pride to the son she had given to Cortés. Both mother and half-brother accepted baptism, he receiving the name of Lázaro, and she that of Marta, an appropriate name for one who perhaps lived long enough to lament the ruin of her people and country, an indirect result of her unnatural treatment of Marina. Bernal Diaz, who witnessed all this, and became further acquainted with the family, declares Gomara wrong, and says: ‘Conoci á su madre, y á su hermano,’ concluding ‘todo esto que digo, se lo oî muy certificadamente, y se lo jurò, amen.’ Hist. Verdad., 25; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 12-14; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 38. Returning to Mexico, she received lands there and in her native province, but took up her residence in the capital, where her husband held a prominent position through his wealth and offices, such as regidor and as the first alférez of the city. ‘Recibieron pʳ Alferes de esta Ciudad a Juan Xaramillo.’ ‘Primer Alferes.’ Libro de Cabildo, MS., 216. Reference is made to lots and other grants made to him and his wife Doña Marina, on March 14, 1528, and other dates. Id. Both held repartimientos, one of which lay in Xilotepec. Marina appears to have been still living in Mexico city in 1550, impressing her memory upon the hearts of the grateful people, over whose welfare she even now watches. Invoked by them, her spirit is frequently encountered in its twilight flights on errands of mercy and consolation, issuing from the ancient groves of Chapultepec, where centres the recollection of Aztec glories. Ballads still perpetuate her virtues, and many a nature’s monument bears proudly the beloved name of Malintzin. Tradition also transforms her into a naiad who daily rises from the pool of Chapultepec, singing divinely. Rodriguez, Anáhuac, 461. She appears to have had several children by Cortés. Peralta mentions five besides Martin, of whom two died while young. The three remaining were daughters, of whom two became nuns, and the third, Leonor, the wife of Martin de Tolosa. Nat. Hist., 75. This is not wholly correct, however, for in the Libro de Gobierno del Virey Mendoza is a document, dated April, 1550, wherein the viceroy grants a petition from her in favor of her grandson, Don Alonso de Estrada, son of Luis de Saavedra, deceased, and encomendero of Tilantongo town. Alaman’s notes, in Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. 1844), ii. 268-9. In Cortés, Residencia, i. 123, ii. 70, 101, witnesses refer also to a daughter of the interpreter Marina, with whom Cortés is accused of having tampered, as he did with the mother. If so, this can hardly be Saavedra’s wife, but a Tabascan child; yet Marina’s master would not have presented a woman incumbered with a child when he sought to do honor to the Spaniards. Saavedra allows Marina to proceed to Spain with her husband, who procured for her a high position at court. Here she died, leaving several children, from whom descended some of the first families in Spain. Dic. Univ., ix. 778. But this authority is too full of blunders to be relied upon. Ideal portraits are given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 65, and Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 350.

[155] I have said, as the native record interpreted by Tezozomoc and Duran relates, that the fleet is sighted and reported long before it reaches San Juan de Ulua—from Tabasco, says Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 114. Montezuma, who had already begun to hope that the strangers would never return, becomes sad with apprehension; yet he orders special relays to be stationed on the route to the coast, in order to bring speedy news, commands his lieutenant to furnish the strangers with all they need, and sends Tlillancalqui, the messenger who met Grijalva, to ascertain their object. He is instructed to declare that Montezuma holds the throne as mere deputy at the disposal of the white god, for he supposes that it is Quetzalcoatl, as before. If the god intends to proceed to Mexico the roads will be cleaned, and the towns and stations prepared for his accommodation. Tlillancalqui delivers his message, together with a necklace of gold set with precious stones, and in his eagerness to please the strange beings he offers fowl and tortilla to horses as well as men. Cortés signifies his wish to go to Mexico, and asks that chiefs be sent to guide him. Tlillancalqui hurries back with the message, leaving orders to supply the Spaniards with all they desire. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 389-96; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 250-3. According to the version by Sahagun and Torquemada, Montezuma sends the same messengers whom he despatched the year before to seek Grijalva, but who arrived too late. Their names are Yohualychan, the leader, Tepuztecatl, Tizahua, Huehuetecatl, and Hueycamecatleca. With them are sent the presents already prepared for Grijalva, and the sacerdotal vestments of Quetzalcoatl. On reaching the flag-ship they inquire for their king and god Quetzalcoatl. At first surprised, Cortés the next moment catches the clue. Seating himself on an improvised throne, surrounded by a large suite, he orders the messengers to appear. Being told that he is the personage whom they seek, they prostrate themselves, kissing the deck. The leader thereupon addresses him: ‘Welcome, god and master; long have we, your servants and vassals, waited for you. Montezuma, your vassal and lieutenant, sends us to salute you, and begs the acceptance of this small present and these precious ornaments, once used by you as our king and god.’ They now array him in the vestments of Quetzalcoatl, adding also many ornaments pertaining to the gods Tezcatlipoca and Tlalocatecuhtli, as if to proclaim him the greatest of the gods. The most attractive pieces are a bejewelled and plume head-dress, and a necklace of precious stones. ‘Is this all the gift of welcome that you bring?’ asks Cortés. ‘Lord and king, it is all that was given us for your Majesty,’ was the reply. They are given food and accommodation for the night. In order to impress upon them the full extent of Spanish power, they are tied hands and feet while the horses are exhibited, the arms displayed, and the guns fired. They are then told that the white men have heard the fame of Mexican warriors, as able to overcome ten or even twenty times superior numbers, and desire a proof thereof by fighting them in equal force. Swords and shields are given them, but they decline, pleading their character as mere envoys. They are thereupon insulted as cowards, and told that the white men will descend upon their country, kill all who resist, take possession of the government, and secure better presents than those sent them. The messengers now hurry back to Mexico without informing any one on the way of what has occurred. Torquemada, i. 381-4; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7-11; Sigüenza y Góngora, El Fenix, MS., 273-8.

[156] Teudilli, or Quitaluor, from Cotosta, is Gomara’s corrupt form. Hist. Mex., 39. Herrera calls Teuthlille the chief governor, and Pitalpitoe a chief. dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv. Teutile, captain-general, and Pilpatoe, governor. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 119. Teotlili arrives on Monday. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 286. ‘Tendile, y Pitalpitoque eran Gouernadores de vnas Prouincias que se dizen, Cotastlan, Tustepeque, Guazpaltepeque, Tlatalteteclo, y de otros pueblos que nueuamẽte teniã sojuzgados.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. He means, however, that Tendile is the chief governor. Pinotl had evidently left. Cuetlachtlan province appears to have extended from Rio Papaloapan, or Alvarado, to Rio de la Antigua.

[157] Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara place the number attending at over 4,000.

[158] Here Solis takes Bernal Diaz to task for asserting that mass had been already said on Friday. Hist. Mex., i. 121. But the scholar is too severe upon the soldier, whose head is true enough, however may be his tongue.

[159] ‘All Gomara’s fictions,’ sneers Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 484, who ignores Marina’s ability to interpret, and thinks the interview was limited to the simplest expressions conveyed by signs.

[160] Carta del Ayunt., ubi sup., 19. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 39-41, while he does not refer to a helmet, states that Cortés asked for gold, as a remedy for heart disease, from which he and his men were suffering.

[161] ‘Dexo alli dos hombres principales, como capitanes, con hasta dos mil personas entre mugeres y hombres de servicio, y fuese a Cotosta.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 41. He left over 1000 to wait upon the Spaniards, and over 1000 to carry supplies. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 482; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26, supposes that Teuhtlile went in person to Mexico, but not so Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl.

[162] ‘Y desque viò el casco, y el que tenia su Huichilobos, tuuo por cierto, que eramos del linage de los que les auian dicho sus antepassados, que vendrian á señorear aquesta tierra.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. This statement is followed by a cut at Gomara for giving unreliable information. Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 141. The native version of Sahagun and Torquemada describes how the messengers are sprinkled with fresh human blood, as customary with important bearers of news, before presenting themselves before Montezuma. They arouse his admiration by speaking of the wonders beheld, of the penetrating swords, the sulphurous smell of the thunder smoke, and of the intoxicating food; but when they relate how outrageously they have been treated and how the strangers threatened to conquer the country, then the emperor wept, and with him all the city. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 12-13; Torquemada, i. 385-6; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 515-18. Brasseur de Bourbourg incorporates all this native version in his narrative, and allows Teuhtlile to reach Mexico with his report a few days after these messengers, thus confirming their account. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 75-6. Duran writes that on hearing of Cortés’ eagerness to obtain guides for Mexico, Montezuma began to grieve deeply over the prospect of having to resign and die. The envoy consoled him by representing the benignity of the white gods, but he nevertheless set about to arrange for the safety of his children. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 396-7; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 253.

[163] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287-8; Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 141-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix. Torquemada refers to the similar mistake of King Hezekiah of Judea, in exhibiting to the Assyrian envoys his wealth, and thus attracting invaders, i. 391, 404.

[164] This seems an incredibly short time in a country without horses, for Mexico lies over 200 miles by road from this part of the coast; but with numerous relays of runners and litter-bearers the distance would not take long to cover. ‘Estas mensajerias fuerõ en vn dia, y vna noche del real de Cortés a Mexico, que ay setenta leguas y mas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 41.

[165] Torquemada. 389, assumes this to have been in token of divine adoration, but the ceremony was a quite common mark of respect for distinguished persons. See Native Races, ii. 284. ‘Nos llamaron Teules ... ó dioses.’ ‘Hence when I say Teules, or Gods, it may be understood to mean us,’ says Bernal Diaz with conscientious pride. Hist. Verdad., 32. But the teu or teo prefix to names must be accepted in the same light as the incense burning, and in this case equivalent to ‘hero.’ See also Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 19. ‘Demonios’ is Oviedo’s translation of teules, iii. 500.

[166] Some writers doubt the ability of native painters to have given a sufficiently accurate portrait; but with the aid of explanatory signs there was little difficulty.

[167] Some of them were checkered, which to Peter Martyr is a sufficient proof that the Mexicans played chess, dec. v. cap. x.

[168] Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 29. ‘Pessaba la de oro quatro mill y ochoçientos pessos ... tenia nueve palmos y medio de anchura é treynta de çircunferençia,’ says Oviedo, who inspected the presents at Seville, evidently with mathematical precision, iii. 259. ‘Pesaua cien marcos, hecha como Sol, y con muchos follajes, y animales de relieue.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 42. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., describes the central figure as a king enthroned, surrounded with foliated ornaments. In the above Carta del Ayunt. a peso de oro and a castellano are shown to be equivalent, and a marco contains fifty castellanos. Writers differ widely in their calculations to reduce these coins to modern values, Prescott estimating the castellanos at $11.67 in United States money, and Ramirez, in a critical note thereupon, at $2.93. Prescott’s Mex., i. 321; also edition Mex. 1845, app. ii. 79-92. See note on coins in Hist. Cent. Am., this series, i. 192-3. Clemencin, in Mem. Real Acad. de Hist., vi. illust. 20, 525-45, enters fully into the subject.

[169] Weighing 48 marcos. Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit. ‘De cincuenta y tantos marcos, ternia de gordor como un toston de á 4 reales,’ says Las Casas, who examined the gifts in Spain. Hist. Ind., iv. 485-6. ‘Otra mayor rueda de plata.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 16, 449, misunderstanding Diaz, places the value of this disk at 20,000 pesos or £5000.

[170] Monarq. Ind., i. 390. ‘Valdria el oro y la plata que allí habia 20 ó 25,000 castellanos, pero la hermosura dellas y la hechura, mucho más.’ Las Casas, ubi sup. ‘Podia valer este presente veynte mil ducados, o pocos mas. El qual present tenian para dar a Grijalua.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 42. ‘Q’lo reparta cõ los Teules que cõsigo trae,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27, intimating that another present was coming for the white emperor; but it was applied to the expedition treasury like nearly everything obtained by trade or seizure. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. v; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 115. Brasseur de Bourbourg estimates the gold disk alone at 357,380 francs. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 85. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., gives a detailed description of several of the presents.

[171] This time the presents for the chiefs were some embroidered shirts, silk sashes and other things, while to the emperor he sent a Florentine goblet, gilt and enamelled with figures, three Holland shirts, and some bead articles, not a very costly return for what he had received. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., enumerate the presents given to them. ‘Teudilli ... le rogo mucho, q pues estaua mal aposentado en el cãpo y arenales, se fuesse con el a vnos lugares seys o siete leguas de alli.’ But Cortés declined to leave the camp. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 43.

[172] ‘Y aquel oro que rescatauamos dauamos â los hombres que traiamos de la mar, que iban â pescar, â trueco de su pescado.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27. If so it was probably after the Indians deserted.

[173] Gomara refers to an order to stop all barter for gold, with a view to let it appear that the Spaniards cared not for the metal, and thus to induce the Indians to make no secret of the manner in which it was obtained. Hist. Mex., 39. As if the natives had not already learned what we wanted, sneers Bernal Diaz.

[174] ‘Que se dezia Quintalbor, no bolvió mas, porque auia adolecido en el camino.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27.

[175] According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 45, Cortés told the governor that he would not leave without seeing Montezuma. Solis elaborates this as usual into a long speech, to which Teuhtlile replies with threats, and turning his back stalks out of the camp. Conq. Mex., i. 153-5; Herrera, dec. i. lib. v. cap. vi.

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IX. THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED

MAY, 1519.

SERIOUS DILEMMA OF CORTÉS—AUTHORITY WITHOUT LAW—MONTEJO SENT NORTHWARD—RECOMMENDS ANOTHER ANCHORAGE—DISSENSIONS AT VERA CRUZ—PROMPT AND SHREWD ACTION OF CORTÉS—A MUNICIPALITY ORGANIZED—CORTÉS RESIGNS—AND IS CHOSEN LEADER BY THE MUNICIPALITY—VELAZQUEZ’ CAPTAINS INTIMATE REBELLION—CORTÉS PROMPTLY ARRESTS SEVERAL OF THEM—THEN HE CONCILIATES THEM ALL—IMPORTANT EMBASSY FROM CEMPOALA—THE VEIL LIFTED—THE MARCH TO CEMPOALA—WHAT WAS DONE THERE—QUIAHUIZTLAN—THE COMING OF THE TRIBUTE GATHERERS—HOW THEY WERE TREATED—GRAND ALLIANCE.

At this point in his career Hernan Cortés found himself less master of the situation than suited him. The color of his command was not sufficiently pronounced. He had no authority to settle; he had no authority to conquer; he might only discover and trade. He did not care for Velazquez; anything that pertained to Velazquez he was prepared to take. But Velazquez had no legal power to authorize him further. Cortés cared little for the authorities at Española; the king was his chief dependence; the king to whose favor his right arm and mother wit should pave the way. Some signal service, in the eyes of the monarch, might atone for slight irregularities; if he failed, the severest punishments were already come. But where was the service? Had Montezuma granted him an interview, he might make report of that, and find listeners. As it was, he could land and slay a few thousand natives, but his men would waste away and no benefits accrue. Nevertheless, if he could plant himself somewhat more firmly on this soil than his commission seemed to justify, chance might offer opportunity, and the signal service find achievement. Such were the thoughts that just now filled his sagacious brain, but the way was by no means clear before him.

* * * * *

While the events narrated in the preceding chapter were in progress, Montejo, with two vessels, had been sent northward to seek a harbor less unwholesome than the present, where many of those wounded at Tabasco had died.[176] As second in command went Rodrigo Álvarez Chico, and as pilots, Alaminos, and Álvarez el Manquillo. On reaching the extreme point attained by Grijalva, the strong current prevented further advance, as in the former attempt.[177] They were obliged by a gale to throw overboard part of their cargo. Water failed, and in the attempt to land an artilleryman perished. Prayer was now their only recourse, and this not only changed the wind, but brought rain. After a fortnight of misadventures[178] they returned to San Juan de Ulua, and hastened bareheaded to the cross to offer thanks. More wholesome airs were not difficult to find, but good harbors were not abundant thereabout. The only favorable spot found by Montejo lay some ten leagues north of the camp, close to the native fortress of Quiahuiztlan.[179] A high rock affording shelter from north winds gave the place some resemblance to the Spanish harbor of Bernal, which name was accordingly applied to it. Extending inland were green fields fringed with fine timber, and supplied with creeks of good water.[180]

The fifty men comprising the expedition of Montejo had been picked from the adherents of Velazquez, in order that by weakening this faction Cortés might be allowed to develop his plans. For the army was slowly but surely drifting into division, as we have so often found in adventures of this kind, and the Velazquez party comprised all who desired immediately to return. In this clique were many wealthy and influential men who cared no more for Velazquez than for Cortés, but who had possessions in Cuba, and were becoming impatient to return to them. Nor was there much difficulty in giving form to discontent. There were grave suspicions afloat as to the loyalty of the commander; but these, which assuredly were more conspicuous in Cuba than here, were of little moment when they harmonized with the wishes of the men. What stupidity in forming camp amidst such malaria, and in so early making enemies of the people. It was evident, so they argued, that the commander intended to sacrifice the company to his ambition.

The action of Cortés here as elsewhere marks the great man, the man of genius, the born master of men, and rightfully places him beside the Cæsars and the Napoleons of the world. The commander wished to remain. All his fortune, all the fortunes of his friends were staked on this adventure, and he would rather die than return unsuccessful. Little hope there would be of his obtaining command again; he would not return, neither would he just at present die. In desperate cases spirited counsels and spirited actions are usually safest.

Calling to him his most trusty followers, Puertocarrero, Alvarado and his brothers, Ávila, Olid, Escalante, and Francisco Lugo, he laid the situation fairly before them. Shortly after these captains were out among the men, holding forth to them privately on the wealth of the country, the ease and glory of conquest, and the prospect of repartimientos. Where was the benefit of returning to Cuba? Surely they might as well hold the country for themselves as to abandon it and let others step into their places. It would be much easier to increase the present force by adding to it than to raise a new army better appointed or larger than this. Nor did they forget the argument of religion, which, however hollow in practice, was weighty enough in theory. “Elect therefore to remain,” they said in conclusion; “and choose the able and generous Cortés for your general and justicia mayor till the emperor decides in the matter.”[181]

The opposition was by no means ignorant of these manœuvres, and Ordaz was commissioned to remonstrate with Cortés. He dwelt on the danger of present colonization, denounced any attempt to ignore Velazquez, and insisted on instant return. Suppressing the anger naturally arising from these insinuations, true as they were, Cortés disavowed any intention of exceeding the instructions of his commission. For himself he preferred to remain, as, among other reasons, the only means of reimbursing himself for his heavy expenditures. If, however, it was the will of the army to return, he would yield. A few hours later appeared an order to embark the following day for Cuba. This, as was intended, brought public feeling to a crisis. All saw their golden hopes suddenly dashed to the ground, their visions of honors and repartimientos dispelled; even the men so lately clamorous to return were not prepared to find their request so readily granted. Would it not be well to think further of the matter, and perhaps devise a plan to cover the emergency? After noisy discussion the soldiers appeared in force before the captain-general and demanded the revocation of the order. They had left Cuba with the declared understanding that a colony was to be planted, and now they were informed that Velazquez had given no authority to settle. And if he had not, were not the interests of God and the king paramount to the order of any governor? And did not this same Velazquez defame Grijalva for not disobeying instructions in this very regard? With no small satisfaction Cortés saw that he was safe; then urging calm deliberation he graciously promised delay,[182] which was employed first of all in impressing on their minds how indispensable he was to their success.

Finally before the assembled army the captain-general appeared and said: That he had invested his whole fortune in the fleet, and controlled it; yet he was willing to subordinate his individual interest to that of the whole. He had given the order to return because he understood such to be the will of the majority. As this was not the case, he would gladly remain; for God who had ever been with them was now disclosing such a field of wealth and glory as had never before been offered to Spaniard. Yet, if any wished to return, let them freely speak, and a vessel would be at their disposal. What magic power ruled, that, when the disaffected majority were thus given their way, every mouth was dumb, and the commander remained more potent than ever?

A colony being thus decided on, the founding ceremony was performed by the quasi laying out of a town, the planting a pillory in the plaza, and a gallows at some distance outside,[183] though strictly speaking, the town was not properly located or laid out till afterward. Referring to the treasures here obtained, and to the day of landing, the new town was called Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz.[184] Cortés, as commander, appointed the municipal officers,[185] naming for alcaldes Puertocarrero and Montejo, a judicious selection, both for his own interests and as likely to meet general approval. And here again is displayed the subtle policy of Cortés, who to this important position nominates but one from among his own faction, Montejo being for Velazquez. Thus of an opponent he made an adherent, conciliating at the same time the entire Velazquez party.[186] The regidores were Alonso de Ávila, Pedro and Alonso de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval; procurador general, Francisco Álvarez Chico; alguacil mayor, Juan de Escalante; escribano, Diego de Godoy. Beside these were appointed, in the interests of the military department, as capitan de entradas Pedro de Alvarado; maestre de campo, Cristóbal de Olid; alférez, Corral; alguaciles de real, Ochoa and Romero; tesorero, Gonzalo Mejía; contador, Alonso de Ávila.[187] Nearly all these men were devoted to Cortés, and were therefore a powerful point d’appui for his project.

Thus far all was well. The men of Velazquez and the men of Cortés, Spaniards all, for the same God and the same king, had of their own volition determined here to plant a Spanish settlement, and had so planted it. By virtue of his office, and in the absence of any higher authority, the captain-general had chosen temporary officers for the new commonwealth. This was all. These men had elected to transform the army into a civil society, for temporary or permanent purposes as the case might be; and they had done so. But about their leader? What position did he occupy? A general without an army, de facto at the head of affairs, but by no legal right. Let him cut his own knot.

* * * * *

Hat in hand, before the new municipality, Cortés appeared and surrendered his commission. Authority, chief and absolute, was now vested alone in the ayuntamiento. Then with the modesty of Cincinnatus he retired.

It was then in order, on the part of the municipality, to choose a chief ruler and representative of royal authority. This could be done by the council alone, though in this instance, for obvious reasons, it would be better to secure the appointment by popular vote. Cortés felt safe enough either way. A glowing eulogy delivered by a fluent speaker was followed by such noisy demonstrations that the opposition found no opportunity to express their opinion.[188] The following day a committee was sent to apprise Cortés of his election,[189] in the name of their Catholic Highnesses, to the offices of captain-general, and of justicia mayor of the town. On appearing before the council to take the oath, the alcalde addressed Cortés, giving as reason for the appointment his loyalty, his worth, and his talents. The commission which was then given granted him one fifth of all treasure acquired by trade or conquest, after deducting the royal fifth. This was in consideration chiefly for his services as leader.[190] Exitus acta probat. Las Casas insists that, since Cortés had no authority to form a settlement, his appointment of an ayuntamiento was illegal, and consequently their election of him. No one supposed for a moment, least of all Cortés, that these proceedings were regular. They were but make-believe legal. But in following Gomara’s version Las Casas failed to understand that the appointment was conferred by the popular majority in the name of the king, which though not strictly legal threw over all the color of law. Beside, with consummate skill Cortés made it appear that the expedition obliged him to act as he did; and if these manœuvres did not legalize the transaction, they were the means of weaving a strong bond between the men and their leader, such as King Charles and all his ordinance-makers never could have created. Cortés was no longer the chief of Velazquez’ expedition, but the leader of the Vera Cruz militia, as the army might now be termed, and removable only by the power that placed him there, or by the emperor.[191]

Although opposition was now in vain, the adherents of Velazquez loudly denounced the whole affair, called it a conspiracy and a cheat, and refused to acknowledge Cortés as their leader. So abusive did they become that open rupture was imminent. The leaders of this faction were Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Escobar, Pedro Escudero, Morla, and the priest Juan Diaz. Seeing the necessity of prompt action, Cortés seized the first two, with a few others, and sent them on shipboard in irons, while Alvarado went a-foraging with a hundred men, chiefly adherents of the disaffected leaders.[192] They found a fertile country, and several small towns. The inhabitants fled at their approach, leaving signs of recent human sacrifices in the temple. In one building, with pyramidal foundation several feet in height, were found a number of fine rooms, some filled with grain, beans, honey, and other provisions; others with cotton fabrics and feathers, adorned in instances with gold and silver. In obedience to strict orders nothing was touched save food. The report brought back of the beauty of the country, together with the ample supplies obtained, tended toward harmony; and while the soldiers were thus easily reconciled to the new order of things, Cortés with his usual tact won over nearly all his adversaries. Some he bribed, some he flattered; others were allured with hopes of preferment. Most remarkable was it that with such fire in his veins, he could so control it; for however treacherous Cortés knew them to be, seldom a sign escaped him that he suspected them. Even the imprisoned officers yielded to his persuasive power, aided as it was by irons, and soon were ranked among his devoted sustainers.[193]

And now came to pass an event such as the gods not unfrequently fling their favorites, which was materially to brighten the prospects of the Spaniards. While preparing their removal to a new harbor, and shortly after the Mexican withdrawal from intercourse, Bernal Diaz brought in from his outpost five Indians, different in dress and features from any hitherto seen. Among other peculiarities were large gold rings, set with stones, in their perforated ears, nose, and lower lip. Two of them, who spoke Mexican, explained the purport of their visit. The deeds of the Spaniards having reached the ears of their master, the lord of Cempoala, in the Totonac country, they had been sent to see these valiant beings, and invite them to their city a few leagues distant.[194] Questionings revealed that the Totonacs were a subjected nation, languishing like others under the oppressive yoke of the Aztecs, and only too ready to welcome deliverance.

It must be remembered that Cortés and his companions were wholly in the dark as to the power and positions of the interior nations. Now for the first time a little light was shed on the subject. It appeared that the mighty monarch, with whom took place the late interchange of courtesies, had enemies who, if not as powerful as himself, were still strong, and in spirit, at least, unsubdued. Might not this adverse influence be utilized and joined to other adverse influences for the humbling of the great interior power? Possibly Montezuma might grant Cortés audience under circumstances yet to be. Thus the plan of the conquest was conceived. The messengers were dismissed with presents and the assurance of a speedy visit.[195]

According to Ixtlilxochitl, the first revelation of Aztec weakness was made by his ancestor and namesake, the king of northern Acolhuacan.[196] Fearing the power and treachery of Montezuma and his allies, and hating the Aztecs with a perfect hatred, this prince had hailed with joy the arrival of the Spaniards, and had gloated over the terror with which their presence would inspire the emperor. The prospect of gaining an ally who might aid his own ambitious plans for supremacy, and for Mexican humiliation, impelled him to send an embassy to Cortés with rich presents, and with instructions to explain to the strangers the prevailing disaffection, the ease with which the Aztecs might be overthrown, and the rare spoils that would accrue to the conquerors. The interview with Cortés is placed at about the same time as the Totonac visit, and Ixtlilxochitl is said to have received the most friendly assurances from Cortés.[197] Be that as it may, here was an incident which should crush all cavillings.

* * * * *

As well to examine the country as to inure the troops to whatever experience should be theirs on this strange shore, Cortés with about four hundred men and two light guns proceeded by land to Cempoala, while the fleet with the heavy camp material and the remainder of the expedition coasted farther northward to Quiahuiztlan.

Burning overhead was the sun; burning underfoot were the sands; while on the one side was the tantalizing sea, and on the other the tantalizing wood, both inviting by their cool refreshing airs. Behind the dark-fringed forests rose old Orizaba,[198] laughing at their distress beneath its cap of snow, and wondering why mortals so superior should choose the deadly tierra caliente country for their promenade, when gentle, genial Anáhuac lay so near. But presently the senses quickened to the aroma of vegetation; soft swards and cultivated fields spread before them their living green, and the moist, murmuring wood anon threw over them its grateful shade. If beside grave thoughts on the stupendous matters then under consideration, might find place such trifles of God’s creation as birds of brilliant plumage and of sweet song, they were there in myriads to charm the eye and ear; game to fill the stomach, though not so satisfying as gold, always commanded attention, and was also plentiful.[199] Through all, dispensing life and beauty on every side, flowed the Rio de la Antigua, where a few years later rose old Vera Cruz.[200]

Crossing this stream with the aid of rafts and shaky canoes, the army quartered on the opposite bank, in one of the towns there, which was destitute alike of food and people, but which displayed the usual ghastly indications of recent human sacrifice. The next morning they followed the river westward, and soon after met a party of twelve Totonacs, who had been sent by the Cempoalan ruler with presents of food. By them the Spaniards were guided northward to a hamlet where a bountiful supper was provided.[201] While marching the next day, with scouts deployed as usual to guard against ambuscades, they emerged from a dense tropical forest into the midst of gardens and orchards, and by a sudden turn in the road the bright buildings of Cempoala stood forth to view.

Just then twenty nobles appeared and offered welcome. They were followed by slaves, and instantly the travel-worn army was revelling in fruits and flowers. What more beautiful reception could have been given? yet the Spaniards would have preferred a shower of gold. To Cortés were given bouquets; a garland, chiefly of roses, was flung around his neck, and a wreath placed upon his helmet. Species of pineapples and cherries, juicy zapotes, and aromatic anones were distributed to the men without stint. Almost the entire populace of the city, some twenty-five thousand,[202] staring their wonderment with open eyes and mouth, thronged either side of the way along which marched the army in battle array, headed by the cavalry. Never before had the Spaniards seen so beautiful an American city. Cortés called it Seville, a name which Spaniards frequently applied to any place that pleased them, as we have seen, while the soldiers, charmed with its floral wealth and beauty, termed it Villaviciosa, and declared it a terrestrial paradise. One of the cavalry scouts, on first beholding the freshly stuccoed walls gleaming in the sun, came galloping back with the intelligence that the houses were silver-plated. It was indeed an important place, holding a large daily market. A central plaza was inclosed by imposing temples and palaces, resting on pyramidal foundations, lined with apartments and surmounted by towers, and around clustered neat dwellings with whitened adobe walls embowered in foliage. Statelier edifices of masonry, some having several court-yards, rose here and there, while in every direction spread an extensive suburb of mud huts with the never failing palm-leaf roof. Yet even the humblest abodes were smothered in flowers.[203] The people also, as we might expect by their surroundings, were of a superior order, well formed, of intelligent aspect, clothed in neat white and colored cotton robes and mantles, the nobles being adorned with golden necklaces, bracelets, and nose and lip rings, set with pearls and precious stones.

When the troops reached the plaza, Chicomacatl,[204] lord of the province, stepped from the palace to receive his guests. He was supported by two nobles, and though enormously stout,[205] his features denoted high intelligence, and his manner refinement. He was more of a gentleman than many of the Spaniards, whose merriment over his corpulence Cortés was obliged to repress. After saluting and wafting incense before the commander of the strange company, Chicomacatl embraced Cortés and led him to his quarters in the spacious halls adjoining the temple, after which he retired for a time. There the men rested and refreshed themselves, guards being carefully posted, for Cortés would not trust his fate to strangers, and strict orders were given that no one should leave the building.[206]

It was not long before Chicomacatl returned in a litter with a richly attired suite, bringing presents of fine robes, and jewels worth about two thousand ducats. During the conversation that ensued, Cortés as usual extolled the greatness and power of his king, and spoke warmly of his mission to replace their bloody religion with a knowledge of the true God. Were there wrongs to redress, that is to say, when opportunity offered for the perpetration of a greater wrong by himself, no knight of La Mancha or Amadis of Gaul could be more valiant than he. In return the chief of Cempoala unbosomed himself, for the manner of Cortés was winning, and his speech inspired confidence whenever he chose to make it so. Then his fame, already wide-spread over the land, and the dim uncertainty as to his nature, whether more celestial or terrestrial, added weight to his words. So Chicomacatl poured forth from an overflowing heart a torrent of complaints against the tyranny of Montezuma. He drew for the Spaniards a historic outline of the Aztecs—how a people the youngest in the land had, at first by cunning and treachery, and finally by forced allies and preponderance of arms, built their power upon the ruin of older states. The Totonacs, whose records as an independent nation in this region extended over seven centuries, had succumbed only some twenty-five years before this.[207] And now Montezuma’s collectors overran the provinces, gathering heavy tributes, seizing the beautiful maidens, and conveying the men into slavery or to the sacrificial stone. Neither life, liberty, nor property could be enjoyed with any degree of safety.

Whereat Cortés of course was indignant. It was his special business to do all the tyrannizing in that region himself; his sword would give ample protection to his new allies, and bring abundant honor to his king and himself. Let but the people prove loyal to him, he concluded, and he surely would deliver them from the hated yoke; yet he did not mention the more fatal bondage into which he would place them. Chicomacatl eagerly assured Cortés of support from the Totonacs, numbering fifty thousand warriors, with numerous towns and fortresses.[208] Furthermore, there were many other states ready to join an insurrection which should prove strong enough to brave the terrible Montezuma.

Their visit over,[209] the Spaniards continued their march northward to join the fleet. Four hundred tlamamas, or carriers, attended, in courtesy to honored guests, to relieve the soldiers of their burdens. The following day they reached Quiahuiztlan, a fortified town about a league from the sea. This town was picturesquely placed on a rocky promontory bordering one of the many wild ravines thereabout, and of difficult access, commanding the plain and harbor at its base.[210] The army advanced cautiously, in battle array,[211] but the place was deserted. On reaching the plaza, however, some fifteen chiefs came forward with swinging censers, and apologized, saying that the people had fled, not knowing what the strange arrival portended, but reassured by the Cempoalans, they were already returning to serve them. The soldiers then took possession of a large building, where food was brought them. Presently the chief appeared; and close at his heels in hot haste came the lord of Cempoala, who announced that the Aztec collectors had entered his city.[212] While conferring with Cortés and the chiefs assembled, Chicomacatl was informed that the collectors, five[213] in number, had followed him to Quiahuiztlan, and were even then at the door. All the chiefs present turned pale, and hastened out to humble themselves before the officers, who responded with disdainful condescension. The officers were clad in embroidered robes, with a profusion of jewelry, and wore the hair gathered upon the crown. In the right hand they carried their insignia of office, a hooked carved stick, and in the left a bunch of roses, the ever welcome offering of the obsequious Totonac nobles who swelled their train. A suite of servitors followed, some with fans and dusters, for the comfort of their masters. Passing the Spanish quarter without deigning to salute the strangers, the emissaries of the mighty Montezuma entered another large building, and after refreshing themselves summoned the tributary chiefs, reprimanded them for having received the Spaniards without permission from Montezuma, and demanded twenty young persons for an atoning sacrifice. Well might the demoniacal order cause to tremble every youth throughout the land; for whose turn should be next none could tell. Even the faces of the chiefs were blanched as they told Cortés, informing him also that it was already determined in Aztec circles to make slaves of the Spaniards, and after being used awhile for purposes of procreation, they were to be sacrificed.[214] Cortés laughed, and ordered the Totonacs to seize the insolent officials. What! lay violent hands on Montezuma’s messengers? The very thought to them was appalling. Nevertheless they did it, for there was something in the tone of Cortés that made them obey, though they could not distinguish the meaning of his words. They laid hold on those tax-men of Montezuma, put collars on their necks, and tied their hands and feet to poles.[215] Their timidity thus broken, they became audacious, and demanded the sacrifice of the prisoners.[216] “By no means,” Cortés said, and he himself assumed their custody.

Howsoever the cards fall to him, a skilful gamester plays each severally, nothing cavilling, at its worth. So Cortés now played these messengers, the method assuming form in his mind immediately he saw them. With him this whole Mexican business was one great game, a life game, though it should last but a day; and as the agencies and influences of it fell into his fingers, with the subtlety of the serpent he dealt them out, placing one here and another there, playing with equal readiness enemy against enemy, and multiplying friends by friends.

These so lately pride-puffed tribute-men, now low laid in the depths of despondency—how shall they be played? Well, let them be like him who fell amongst thieves, while the Spanish commander acts the good Samaritan. In pursuance of which plan, when all had retired for the night, he went stealthily to them, asked who they were, and why they were in that sad plight, pretending ignorance. And when they told him, this rare redresser was angry, hot with indignation that the noble representatives of so noble a monarch should be so treated. Whereupon he instantly released two of them, comforting the others with the assurance that their deliverance should quickly follow; for the emperor Montezuma he esteemed above all emperors, and he desired to serve him, as commanded by his king. Then he sent the twain down the coast in a boat, beyond the Totonac boundary.

Next morning, when told that two of the Aztec captives had broken their bonds and escaped, the Totonacs were more urgent than ever for the immolation of the others. But Cortés again said no, and arranged that they should be sent in chains on board one of his vessels, determined afterward to release them, for they were worth far more to his purpose alive than dead.

* * * * *

It is refreshing at this juncture to hear pious people censure Cortés for his duplicity, and to hear other pious people defend him on the ground of necessity, or otherwise. Such men might with equal reason wrangle over the method by which it was right and honorable for the tiger to spring and seize the hind. The one great wrong is lost sight of in the discussion of numerous lesser wrongs. The murderer of an empire should not be too severely criticised for crushing a gnat while on the way about the business.[217]

* * * * *

At the suggestion of Cortés, messengers were sent to all the towns of the province, with orders to stop the payment of tribute and to seize the collectors, but to spare their lives. Information was likewise to be given to the neighboring nations, that all might prepare to resist the force which Montezuma would probably send against them. The Totonacs became wild with joy, and declared that the little band who dare so brave Montezuma must be more than men.[218] To Quiahuitzlan flocked chiefs and nobles from all parts, eager to behold these beings, and to ascertain their own future course of action. There were those among them still timid, who urged an embassy to the king of kings, to beseech pardon before his army should be upon them, slaying, enslaving, and laying waste; but Cortés had already influence, was already strong enough to allay their fears, and bring them all into allegiance to the Spanish sovereign, exacting their oath before the notary Godoy to support him with all their forces. Thus, by virtue of this man’s mind, many battles were fought and won without the striking of a blow. Already every Spaniard there was a sovereign, and the meanest soldier among them a ruler of men.

FOOTNOTES

[176] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., and others refer to a similar number as being on the sick-list. Yellow fever, or vómito negro, now the scourge of this and adjoining regions, appears to have developed with the growth of European settlements, and Clavigero states that it was not known there before 1725. Storia Mess., i. 117.

[177] ‘Hasta el parage del rio grande de Pánuco,’ Herrera, loc. cit. ‘Llegaron al parage del rio grande, que es cerca de Panuco, adonde otra vez llegamos quãdo lo del Capitá Juan de Grijalua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27.

[178] ‘Doze dias que gastaron en este peligroso viage.’ Herrera, ubi sup. ‘Boluiose al cabo de tres semanas ... le salian los de la costa, y se sacauã sangre, y se la ofreciã en pajuelos por amistad a deidad.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 45.

[179] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. Quiauitl, rain or shower. Molina, Vocabulario. Hence rainy place. Herrera calls it Chianhuitzlan, and this has been adopted by Clavigero and most other writers. Prescott, Mex., i. 348, in a note holds up Clavigero as a standard for the spelling of Mexican names, but he forgets that the Italian form, as in the above case, would be misleading to English people.

[180] ‘Le llamarõ Vernal, por ser, como es, vn Cerro alto.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 115. This may have been the origin of the name for the Spanish port, after which Bernal Diaz says it was called. Hist. Verdad., 27. He applies the name to a neighboring fort, spelling it in different ways, of which Solis, and consequently Robertson, have selected the most unlikely. Gomara applies Aquiahuiztlan to the harbor. Hist. Mex., 49.

[181] Bernal Diaz relates with great satisfaction how earnestly the speaker pleaded for his vote, addressing him repeatedly as ‘your worship.’ One reason for their earnestness, he implies, was the superiority in number of the Velazquez party. ‘Los deudos, y amigos del Diego Velazquez, que eran muchos mas que nosotros.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28-9. He forms this estimate most likely on the proportion of leaders who from jealousy of Cortés, and for other reasons, were addicted to Velazquez; but their men were probably more in favor of the general than of the captains, to judge from the result. The sailors for obvious reasons may have added to the Velazquez number, if not to their strength.

[182] ‘Se hazia mucho de rogar: y como dize el refran: Tu me lo ruegas, è yo me lo quiero.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.

[183] ‘Se puso vna picota en la plaça, y fuera de la Uilla vna horca.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 116. This signifies that justice was installed, its officers being next appointed.

[184] See note 23, chap. ii., this volume.

[185] ‘Nombrónos ... por alcaldes y regidores,’ say distinctly the appointed officers themselves, in their letter to the emperor. Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 20. Bernal Diaz also indicates that Cortés made the appointments, although he at first says, ‘hizimos Alcalde, y Regidores.’ Yet it is probable that the authorities were confirmed formally as they were tacitly by the members of the expedition; for Cortés, as he acknowledges, had no real authority to form a settlement.

[186] Testimonio de Montejo, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 489. ‘Â este Montejo porque no estaua muy bien con Cortés, por metelle en los primeros, y principal, le mandò nombrar por Alcalde.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.

[187] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii; Torquemada, i. 587. Bernal Diaz skips the regidores. He thinks Villareal was not reappointed alférez because of a difficulty with Cortés about a Cuban female. Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 116. Promotion and other causes gave speedy rise to changes among the officials; Ávila, for instance, becoming alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Pedro de Alvarado alcalde of the town.

[188] ‘Los q̄ para esto estauã auisados, sin dar lugar a que nadie tomasse la mano. A vozes respõdierõ Cortes, Cortes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz merely intimates that a ‘packed’ meeting was held, by stating that the men of Velazquez were furious on finding Cortés and the municipality elected, declaring, ‘q̄ no era bien hecho sin ser sabidores dello todos los Capitanes, y soldados.’ Hist. Verdad., 29. This indicates also that many of the opponents must have been sent away from camp for the occasion, perhaps on board the vessels. Montejo had besides a number with him.

[189] ‘El qual como si nada supiera del caso, preguntò que era lo que mandauã.’ Having signified his acceptance, ‘Quisierõ besarle las manos por ello, como cosa al bien de todos.’ Herrera, ubi sup.

[190] Gomara says frankly, ‘Cortés acepto el cargo de capitan general y justicia mayor, a pocos ruegos, porq̄ no desseaua otra cosa mas por entonces.’ Hist. Mex., 48. ‘Y no tuvo vergüenza Gomara,’ is Las Casas’ comment on the admission. Hist. Ind., iv. 496. Bernal Diaz states that Cortés had made it a condition, when the army pleaded to remain in the country, that he should receive these offices: ‘Y lo peor de todo que le otorgamos que le dariamos el quinto del oro.’ Hist. Verdad., 29. The letter of the ayuntamiento to the emperor sets forth that they had represented to Cortés the injustice of trading gold for the sole benefit of Velazquez and himself, and the necessity of securing the country and its wealth for the king by founding a colony, which would also benefit them all in the distribution of grants. They had accordingly urged him to stop barter as hitherto carried on, and to found a town. It is then related how he yielded his own interest in favor of king and community, and appointed them alcaldes and regidores. His authority having in consequence become null, they appointed him in the king’s name justicia, alcalde mayor, and captain, as the ablest and most loyal man, and in consideration of his expenses and services so far. Carta 10 Jul., 1519, in Cortés, Cartas, 19-21. Both Puertocarrero and Montejo confirm, in their testimony before the authorities in Spain, that Cortés yielded to the general desire in doing what he did. Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 489, 493-4. According to Gomara, Cortés makes a trip into the neighboring country, and, finding how rich it is, he proposes to settle, and to send the vessels to Cuba for more men wherewith to undertake the conquest. This was approved: Cortés accordingly appointed the municipality, and resigning the authority conferred by the Jeronimite Fathers and by Velazquez, as now useless, these officers in turn elected him as their captain-general and justicia mayor. The council proposed that, since the only provisions remaining belonged to Cortés, he should take from the vessels what he needed for himself and servants, and distribute the rest among the men at a just price, their joint credit being pledged for payment. The fleets and outfit were to be accepted by the company in the same way, the vessels to be used to carry provisions from the islands. Scorning the idea of trading his possessions, Cortés surrendered the fleet and effects for free distribution among his companions. Although liberal at all times with them, this act was prompted by a desire to gain good-will. Hist. Mex., 46-8; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii.; Torquemada, i. 395, 587. Las Casas terms the whole transaction, as related by Gomara and the ayuntamiento, a plot to defraud Velazquez of his property and honors. Comparing the conduct of Cortés with that of Velazquez against Colon, he finds the latter trifling and pardonable, while the former was a barefaced robbery, resulting to Velazquez in loss of fortune, honors, and life. The captains were accomplices. Hist. Ind., iv. 453, 494-6. Peter Martyr gives the facts in brief without venturing an opinion, dec. v. cap. i.; Zumárraga, in Ramirez, Doc., MS., 271-2. Cortés still held out the offer to furnish a vessel for those who preferred to return to Cuba. As for Velazquez’ goods, they remained safely in charge of the authorized agent, who also recovered the advances made to members. See note 5, cap. v.

[191] As for the ayuntamiento, the passive recognition accorded to it, confirmed as it was by the popularly elected general, may be regarded as sufficient. Spanish municipal bodies possessed an extensive power conferred upon them during successive reigns, chiefly with a view to afford the sovereign a support against the assuming arrogance of the nobles. Their deliberations were respected; they could appoint members, regulate their expenses, and even raise troops under their own standard. As an instance of the consideration enjoyed by these troops, it is related that Isabella the Catholic, when reviewing the army besieging Moclin, gave a special salute of respect to the banner of Seville. Alaman, Disert., i. 612; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 401-2.

[192] According to Gomara, Cortés enters the country with 400 men and all the horses, before the election had been mooted. He describes the towns visited. Hist. Mex., 46-8. Bernal Diaz pronounces the number of men and the time of entry false. He also states that Montejo was bought over for 2000 pesos and more. Hist. Verdad., 30.

[193] According to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 30, gold played an important role in effecting this change of allegiance, termed by Velazquez, in his Memorials to Spain, a witchery. Solis sees nothing but the dignified yet clever traits of his hero in all this.

[194] The soldiers called them Lopelucios, because their first inquiry was Lopelucio, ‘chief,’ whom they wished to see. They had not ventured to approach while the Mexicans were at the camp. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28.

[195] According to Gomara, followed by Herrera, the Totonacs were about twenty in number, and came while Teuhtlile was absent on his second mission to Mexico, without bringing a direct invitation to the Spaniards. Hist. Mex., 43-4.

[196] See Native Races, v. 475-7.

[197] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 288. This author is not very careful, however, and his desire to court the Spaniards has no doubt led him to antedate the event. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts his story in full. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 87-8. A similar revelation is claimed to have been made by two Aztec chiefs, Vamapantzin and Atonaltzin, who came to the camp in the retinue of the first messengers from Mexico. Descendants of the early Aztec kings, and discontented with the present ruler, they promised Cortés to deliver certain native paintings foretelling the coming of white men, to reveal the whereabouts of the imperial treasures, and to plot an uprising among native states in aid of Spaniards. For these services they received extensive grants after the conquest, including that of Ajapusco town. The document recording this is a fragment which Zerecero parades in the opening part of his Mem. Rev. Méx., 8-14, as a discovery by him in the Archivo General. It pretends to be a title to Ajapusco lands, and contains on the first pages a letter signed by Cortés at San Juan de Ulua, ‘20 March,’ 1519, as ‘Captain-general and governor of these New Spains.’ Both the date and titles stamp the letter at least as more than suspicious.

[198] The natives called it Citlaltepetl, starry mountain, with reference probably to the sparks issuing from it. For height, etc., see Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 273. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives it the unlikely name of Ahuilizapan. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 99. The ending ‘pan’ implies a district or town, not a mountain. The description in Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 22-3, expresses doubt whether the whiteness of the summit is due to snow or to clouds.

[199] Alvarado chased a deer, and succeeded in wounding it, but the next moment the dense underbrush saved it from pursuit. The Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit., gives a list of birds and quadrupeds; and a descriptive account, founded greatly on fancy, however, is to be found in the curious Erasmi Francisci Guineischer und Americanischer Blumen-Pusch, Nürnberg, 1669, wherein the compiler presents under the title of a nosegay the ‘perfume of the wonders of strange animals, of peculiar customs, and of the doings of the kings of Peru and Mexico.’ The first of its two parts is devoted to the animal kingdom, with particular attention to the marvellous, wherein credulity finds free play, as may be seen also in the flying dragon of one of the crude engravings. In the second part, the aborigines, their history, condition, and customs, are treated of, chiefly under Peru and Mexico, chapter v. relating specially to the latter country. The narrative is quite superficial and fragmentary; the ‘nosegay’ being not only common but faded, even the style and type appearing antiquated for the date. Appended is Hemmersam, Guineische und West-Indianische Reissbeschreibung, with addition by Dietherr, relating to Africa and Brazil.

[200] ‘A tres leguas andadas llego al rio que parte termino con tierras de Montecçuma.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 49; Torquemada, i. 395.

[201] Gomara, who ignores the previous night’s camp, states that the detour up the river was made to avoid marshes. They saw only isolated huts, and fields, and also about twenty natives, who were chased and caught. By them they were guided to the hamlet. Hist. Mex., 49. They met one hundred men bringing them food. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. Prescott allows the Spaniards to cross only a tributary of la Antigua, and yet gain Cempoala. Mex., i. 339-40.

[202] Las Casas says 20,000 to 30,000. Hist. Ind., iv. 492. Torquemada varies in different places from 25,000 to 150,000. The inhabitants were moved by Conde de Monterey to a village in Jalapa district, and in Torquemada’s time less than half a dozen remained. i. 397. ‘Dista de Vera-Cruz quatro leguas, y las ruínas dan á entender la grandeza de la Ciudad; pero es distinto de otro Zempoal ... que dista de este doze leguas.’ Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, 39. ‘Assentada en vn llano entre dos rios.’ A league and a half from the sea. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. viii.

[203] ‘Cempoal, que yo intitulé Sevilla.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52. See Native Races, ii. 553-90; iv. 425-63, on Nahua architecture.

[204] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg, by a misconstruction of his authorities, calls him Tlacochcalcatl. Codex Chimalpopoca, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 93. See Sahagun, _Hist. Conq._, 16.

[205] ‘Una gordura monstruosa.... Fue necesario que Cortés detuviesse la risa de los soldados.’ Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 175.

[206] ‘Se hizo el alojamento en el patio del Templo mayor.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. viii.

[207] For the reigns of their kings, see Torquemada, i. 278-80. Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 31, wrongly assumes the Totonacs to be a fierce people, different from Cempoalans.

[208] ‘Toda aquella provincia de Cempoal y toda la sierra comarcana á la dicha villa, que serán hasta cinquenta mil hombres de guerra y cincuenta villas y fortalezas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 53. ‘Cien mil hõbres entre toda la liga.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 57. ‘En aquellas tierras de la lengua de Totonaque, que eran mas de trienta pueblos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The province appears to have extended from Rio de la Antigua to Huaxtecapan, in the north of Vera Cruz, and from the sea to Zacatlan, in Puebla. Patiño assumes Mixquhuacan to have been the capital, but this must be a mistake.

[209] Gomara relates that the army remained at Cempoala fifteen days, during which frequent visits were made by the lord, Cortés paying the first return visit on the third day, attended by fifty soldiers. He describes briefly the palace, and how Cortés, seated by the side of the lord, on icpalli stools, now won his confidence and adhesion. Hist. Mex., 51-3; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 561; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. x. Bernal Diaz declares Gomara wrong, and insists that they proceeded on their way the following day. Hist. Verdad., 31; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 26-7.

[210] For illustrated description of barranca ruins, see Native Races, iv. 439 et seq.

[211] Ávila, who had command, was so strict as to lance Hernando Alonso de Villanueva for not keeping in line. Lamed in the arm, he received the nickname of el Manquillo. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The riders were obliged to retain their seats, lest the Indians should suppose that the horses could be deterred by any obstacles. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 53.

[212] Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 117. Others suppose that he came merely to persuade the cacique to join Cortés. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 27.

[213] Four men. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. ‘Twenty men,’ says Gomara, Hist. Mex., 54, who does not refer to the arrival of Cempoala’s lord.

[214] ‘Monteçuma tenia pensamiẽnto, ... de nos auer todos á las manos, para que hiziessemos generacion, y tambien para tener que sacrificar.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28.

[215] ‘Carcerati nelle loro gabbie,’ is the way Clavigero puts it. Storia Mess., iii. 28. One was even whipped for resisting.

[216] ‘Porque no se les fuesse alguno dellos á dar mandado á Mexico,’ is Bernal Diaz’ reason for it. Hist. Verdad., 32.

[217] ‘Condotta artifiziosa, e doppia,’ etc., says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 28, while Solis lauds it as ‘Grande artífice de medir lo que disponia, con lo que rezelaba: y prudente Capitan.’ Hist. Mex., i. 186.

[218] ‘Desde alli adelante nos llamaron Teules,’ says Bernal Diaz, with great satisfaction. Hist Verdad., 32. ‘A los Españoles llamaron teteuh, que quiere decir dioses, y los Españoles corrompiendo el vocablo decian teules, el cual nombre les duró mas de tres años,’ till we stopped it, declaring that there was but one God. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., i. 142-3. See note 16.

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