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Memoirs of the courts of Berlin and St. Petersburg

Mirabeau, Honoré-Gabriel de Riquetti, comte de · 1910 · Scanned text

120,763 words · about 8 h 27 min to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
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Author
Mirabeau, Honoré-Gabriel de Riquetti, comte de
Language
English
Published
1910
Length
120,763 words · about 8 h 27 min
Sections
66 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public domain · PD-US by publication date

 

Contents (66)
  1. Front matter under 1 min
  2. LETTER XI. Erysipelas and gangrene set in 50 about 5 min
  3. Introduction about 7 min
  4. Letter I about 3 min
  5. LETTER II BRUNSWICK, July i2th, 1786 about 13 min
  6. LETTER IV July i6th, 1786 about 14 min
  7. LETTER V July igth, 1786 about 4 min
  8. LETTER VI July 2ist, 1786 about 2 min
  9. Letter VII about 4 min
  10. LETTER VIII BERLIN, July 26th, 1786 about 1 min
  11. LETTER IX July 3ist, 1786 about 3 min
  12. LETTER X August 2d, 1786 about 1 min
  13. LETTER XI August Sth, 1786 under 1 min
  14. LETTER XII August I2tlt, 1786 under 1 min
  15. Letter XIII about 7 min
  16. LETTER XIV August ijth, 1786 about 6 min
  17. LETTER XV August i8th, 1786 about 4 min
  18. Letter XVI about 6 min
  19. LETTER XVII August 2&tht 1786 about 9 min
  20. LETTER XIX September 2d, 1786 about 3 min
  21. Letter XX To The Dug De about 5 min
  22. LETTER XXI September $th, 1786 about 11 min
  23. LETTER XXII September 8th, 1786 about 9 min
  24. LETTER XXIII September loth, 1786 about 4 min
  25. LETTER XXIV September I2th, 1786 about 2 min
  26. LETTER XXV DRESDEN, September i6th, 1786 about 2 min
  27. LETTER XXVI DRESDEN, September igth, 1786 about 7 min
  28. LETTER XXVII DRESDEN, September 2ist, 1786 about 6 min
  29. LETTER XXVIII DRESDEN, September 24th, 1786 about 3 min
  30. LETTER XXIX DRESDEN, September 26th, 1786 about 3 min
  31. LETTER XXX DRESDEN, September 307/1, 1786 about 13 min
  32. LETTER XXXI DRESDEN, October $d, 1786 about 8 min
  33. LETTER XXXII DRESDEN, October 4th, 1786 about 8 min
  34. LETTER XXXIII MAGDEBURG, October gth, 1786 about 4 min
  35. LETTER XXXIV BRUNSWICK, October itfh, 1786 about 8 min
  36. LETTER XXXV BRUNSWICK, October i6th, 1786 about 10 min
  37. LETTER XXXVI BRUNSWICK, October 27th, 1786 about 10 min
  38. LETTER XXXVII BRUNSWICK, October iSth, 1786 about 11 min
  39. LETTER XXXVIII BERLIN, October 2ist, 1786 about 7 min
  40. LETTER XXXIX October 24th, 1786 about 9 min
  41. LETTER XL October 2&th, 1786 about 7 min
  42. LETTER XLI October soth, 1786 about 11 min
  43. Letter XLIII about 8 min
  44. LETTER XLIV November yth, 1786 about 7 min
  45. LETTER XLV November 2Oth, 1786 about 10 min
  46. Letter XLVI To The Dug De L about 5 min
  47. Letter XLVII about 5 min
  48. LETTER XLVIII November iSth, 1786 about 10 min
  49. LETTER XLIX November 2ist, 1786 about 7 min
  50. Letter L about 10 min
  51. Letter LI about 10 min
  52. LETTER LII December 2d, 1786 about 14 min
  53. LETTER LIII December 5th, 1786 about 9 min
  54. LETTER LIV December 8th, 1786 about 11 min
  55. LETTER LV December 12th, 1786 about 4 min
  56. LETTER LVI December i6th, 1786 about 8 min
  57. LETTER LVII December igth, 1786 about 8 min
  58. LETTER LVIII December 2$d, 1786 about 6 min
  59. Letter LIX about 7 min
  60. LETTER LX December soth, 1786 about 6 min
  61. LETTER LXI January ist, 1787 about 12 min
  62. LETTER LXII January tfh, 1787 about 15 min
  63. LETTER LXIII January Bth, 1787 about 7 min
  64. LETTER LXIV January itfh, 1787 about 12 min
  65. LETTER LXV January i6th, 1/87 about 9 min
  66. Letter LXVI about 55 min

Continue:

Front matter

THE LIBRARY

OF

LOS ANGELES

LETTER XI. Erysipelas and gangrene set in 50

LETTER XII. His dangerously voracious appetite .... 51 LETTER XIII. Uncertainties as to the policy of the King-tobe; doubtful if he has system, understanding, or character. The old King eats of ten or twelve highly

seasoned dishes at dinner every day 51

LETTER XIV. Death of Frederick the Great; ate a lobster a few hours before the end ; the author's efforts to forestall the French Ambassador in sending the news by

pigeon express 56

1— Memoirs Vol. ft

PAGE

LETTER XV. The new King leans toward the French as

against the English system 6T

LETTER XVI. Prince Henry affirms that the King is entirely French ; the will of Frederick the Great ; his affection for his dogs; the new Ministry 64

LETTER XVII. Character sketch of Prince Henry ; the author

as diplomatist 68

LETTER XVIII. The King reforms his habits, does not look

at Mademoiselle Voss; is somewhat penurious . . 72

LETTER XIX. His favorites; Goltz the Tartar, Boulet the

honest, Goertz the able 75

tETTER XX. Remonstrance with the Due de ; Prince

Henry stranded on the rock of vanity ; a strong plea for friendly approaches to the King by the French government 78

LETTER XXI. The "gallomania" of Prince Henry is prejudicing the cause of France ; the Duke of Brunswick the coming strong man; troubles over Holland; the King ennobles his son by Madame Rietz 81

LETTER XXII. The Duke plays with Prince Henry; a Grand

Duchess Delilah ; maneuvering for Russia's friendship 90

LETTER XXIII. Interment of Frederick the Great; neither in

taste nor splendor equal to state funerals in Paris . 97

LETTER XXIV. Plea for more active and shrewd diplomacy

by France 100

LETTER XXV. A weak ruler and intriguing counselors . . 102

LETTER XXVI. Stuterheim and Gudschmidt, prudent Ministers ; qualifications for successful diplomatists ; sketch of the Elector of Bavaria 104

LETTER XXVII. Dufour, exjourneyman barber, his influence over the Heir Apparent; objections to an Austro- Prussian alliance I09

LETTER XXVIII. Frederick the Great, his long defiance of a

disease which would have killed ten men . . . . 114

PAGE

LETTER XXIX. Russia's project to steal a march on India;

possible alliance between France and England . . .116

LETTER XXX. Social blunder of a clumsy Princess ; cardtable precedence; the gay Madame de Vibraye . .119

LETTER XXXI. Homage to the new King; mischief-making amateur diplomatists; brawls and jealousy from Madame Rietz 129

LETTER XXXII. King Frederick William's violent temper;

plays the violoncello; an out-and-out German . . . 135

LETTER XXXIII. An undesirable representative; Austria

strong but weakly governed 141

LETTER XXXIV. The author's laborious efforts to collect trustworthy information; reported accident to the King; growing power of the Duke 144

LETTER XXXV. Concerning Holland, Austria, and Russia ; the Duke of York, a character sketch; English insolence 150

LETTER XXXVI. The case of the unfortunate Lieut. Col.

Szekely; sentenced and pardoned 158

LETTER XXXVII. The Duke hopes France will act to prevent

war by Holland ; significant conversation with the Duke 166

LETTER XXXVIII. The Duke meditates the building of a

German empire ; the King hastens to Mademoiselle Voss 174

LETTER XXXIX. Secret orgies of the King; does not hate the French, does not love any nation; triumph of the Lady Voss 179

LETTER XL. Downfall of Count Hcrzberg; Launay, finance minister, retires ; possibility of the Duke going over to the Emperor 185

LETTER XLI. On French finance and the commercial treaty

with England 190

LETTER XLII. Quarrels in the royal household; Madame Rietz and Mademoiselle Voss ; the Empress of Russia said to drink too much champagne 195

PAGE

LETTER XLIII. Empress Catherine II. a model of sobriety ;

secret suppers in the King's palace 199

LETTER XLIV. The King rises early; his Court an Augean stable without a Hercules; Prussian power rotten before ripe 205

LETTER XLV. Honors to the son of a cookmaid ; Anhalt threatens to go over to the Emperor; the baboon-like Voss 210

LETTER XLVI. Mirabeau's aspect terrifies the court ; is crippled pecuniarily; hopes for the Anglo-French alliance 217

LETTER XLVII. A scheming woman uses the author to aid her siege of the King; suspects her as the go-between of Mademoiselle Voss ; the shade of Caesar at a supper 221

LETTER XLVIII. The King faithful to his old friends ; soldiers' coats that shrank skin-tight; army aristocrats and morals ; the King withdraws a threatened tax . . 225

LETTER XLIX. Fear of a coalition between Austria and Prussia; the King's debts; the questionable Madame de F 233

LETTER L. Discontent of the army; the tobacco monopoly;

free speech in peril ; the divorced consort of the King 238

LETTER LI. Industry and commerce in Prussia ; urges the natural force of reciprocity between France and England; indolence of the King; a plea for La Grange . . 246

LETTER LII. A mysterious messenger ; Baron Nolde, a friend of France; a left-handed marriage for Mademoiselle Voss ; the King's four sorts of children ; rascally courtiers 254

LETTER LIII. The King and his ministers, meddling and muddling ; the mystics in favor ; manuscripts of Frederick the Great 265

LETTER LIV. Character of the King, deceitful, vain, avaricious ; the leading courtiers libertines, shallow flatterers, and adventurers 272

PACK

LETTER LV. The Queen bribed to consent to the King's marriage with Mademoiselle Voss ; prodigal yet not generous; building at Potsdam 280

LETTER LVI. Sketch of the King's officers ; new taxes imposed, the King orders his subjects to be numbered; the ladies Rietz and Voss and the screen scene . . 284

LETTER LVII. The cup of Circe filled with beer ; the magic of

a yellow riband ; court snarls ; troubles in the silk trade 290

LETTER LVIII. Madame Rietz asks for an estate; Corporal Schlag; Prince Henry discouraged; the kingdom neglected because the King is in love 296

LETTER LIX. The peculiarities of Count Nostitz; Madame Rietz wants a Margraviate; gambling forbidden; the land question 301

LETTER LX. The Queen blind to her husband's amours ; the Prince Royal an echo of Frederick the Great; unfair treatment of Launay ; pays a debt incurred by Frederick the Great when Prince 306

LETTER LXI. Miscellaneous distribution of honors; the questionable marriage deferred; memorial against the capitation tax 311

LETTER LXII. The Dutch envoy makes overtures to Mirabeau ; delicate position of affairs between France, Prussia, and Holland; hopeless confusion around the King 320

LETTER LXIII. Affairs in Russia; more gossip about the suspended marriage; difficulty of suppressing lotto; Launay departs incognito 332

LETTER LXIV. Gambling with Poland; Frederick the Great negotiates a loan by the gift of a smoked salmon ; Voltaire expected a famous diamond and got a keg of wine ; Mirabeau demands adequate recognition of his services 337

LETTER LXV. A Sans Souci house for Mademoiselle Voss ; prospects of her growing power; smuggling the King into heaven tinder the bishop's coat tail 346

PAGE

LETTER LXVI. Mirabeau's final letter; endowing Mademoiselle Voss; new taxes on cards, wines, oysters, etc.; the outlook 354

APPENDIX. Memorial presented to Frederick William II., King of Prussia, on the Day of his Accession to the Throne, by Comte de Mirabeau.

This was published as the author's reply to the accusation of having "presented the reigning King of Prussia with a libel against the immortal Frederick H-" 357-398

Introduction

A TWOFOLD interest centres in this volume of secret history written by the Comte cle Mirabeau, — the interest attaching to its remarkable author no less than to the work itself.

"Mirabeau !" exclaims Victor Hugo. "It is not a man, not a nation, but an event which speaks — an immense event — the fall of the Monarchy of France. Kis entry into public life was a veritable event. It was Revolution which accompanied him on the stage."

Widely famed as author, statesman, orator, letterwriter and roue; in turn the favourite and sport of fortune ; buried by the French nation and mourned by all Paris as one of her illustrious dead, and two years later his body taken from its honoured place in the Pantheon and flung into a common grave, to make room for Marat, — this surely was no common man!

His life is a record more enthralling than fiction. He has inspired playwright and novelist. From birth to death all may read him as an open letter, in which we have preserved the turbulent gamut of passion and ambition through which he ran. He was the product of Revolution, that Revolution which saw Louis Capet and his queen bow their proud heads to the will of a frenzied people.

Honore Gabriel Riqueti. Comte de Mirabeau, was born at Bignon, near Nemours, France, in 1749. His father was a well-known writer on political economy, and the son inherited a natural talent for politics, and io INTRODUCTION

a natural genius for oratory. He was, however, the ugly duckling of the family, being a wild dissipated youth of unpleasing exterior. His father endeavoured to correct the faults of character by severe discipline, and finally caused the young man to be imprisoned. But upon each release Honore plunged into new excesses. He was especially noted for a succession of scandalous amours, despite his ugliness of feature. "Never was there child more ugly in face and feature," says one biographer; "nor more passionate and uncontrollable. Nature seemed to have played a prank on the world in producing him. He defied law, morals, authority; and because of defiance was sent by his father to the dungeons of Castles If, and Joux, and Vincennes, in hopes of his death by sickness, or starvation, or despair, or suicide. Yet from each he managed to get release, and ever through grosser immoralities as would now be said; through intrigue, and friendship, and the collusion of officials, as was said then." With escape came fresh problems — flight into Switzerland, or England, or Holland. And the worst of it was that he was not always alone. Perhaps it was the young wife of an old marquis whom he persuaded to accompany him — the "Sophie" to whom he dedicated a volume of passionate epistles; again it may have been the wife of an army officer, or only some poor misguided girl who followed him despite his ugliness and the poverty which dogged his footsteps. ,

To support himself in this precarious roving life he turned to writing. He issued pamphlets, on the "Order of Cincinnatus," the "Bank of Spain," the "Bank of Discount," the "Water Company of Paris," and many more. Those attacking the rotten system of French finance had the merit of being true and were instrumental in bringing about needed reform,

INTRODUCTION II

but they also caused yet another flight on the part of the author to prevent arrest.

At the age of thirty-one he had sowed most of his wild oats and was done with prison life. He now set himself earnestly in the current of political life, and endeavoured to curry favor with the authorities, in hope of being given some prominent post. He found, however, that he had created a following for himself more powerful than officialdom. His pamphlets on finance had been widely read. During his imprisonment he had restlessly written an essay on "Despotism" and a daring booklet entitled "Lettresde-Cachet." These attacks upon the monarchy were quickly suppressed. But the times were ripe for them and they passed from hand to hand and mouth to mouth. The spirit of Revolution was beginning to assert itself, and the new party was looking upon Mirabeau as one of its chosen leaders.

To escape a clash with the ruling powers he went to England in 1784, where his brilliance in writing and speaking won him friends, and also gave him entrance into literary and political clubs where he gained many ideas. Upon his return to France he made his peace with the Minister, M. de Vergennes, who evidently saw use for Mirabeau's peculiar talents abroad rather than at home, for he was sent in 1786 upon a secret mission to Prussia, with the aim of reporting to the Ministry the effect which would be produced in Prussia by the expected death of Frederick the Great ; and also to sound the inclinations and temper of Frederick's successor.

With his usual "push," Mirabeau made his way into the good graces of the aged king, was present at his death, and at the inauguration of Frederick William II. With characteristic boldness he wrote a memorial to the new ruler giving him some advice

12 INTRODUCTION

upon conduct and reform — a pamphlet of some 84 closely written pages from a past master in the subject! Whether the recipient profited by all this gratuitous advice, history does not say. But Frederick William had no particular love for Mirabeau, who remained at the Court for only a few months (until January, 1787).

It was during this time that he wrote to M. de Calonne the remarkable series of letters now known to English readers as "Memoirs of the Courts of Berlin and St. Petersburg." They sum up with much accuracy the personal traits of the dying Frederick the Great, and the character of his successor, Frederick William II. Included in them also are many personal details of the inner life of Catherine II. of Russia, whose career, he intimates, is tarnished with the breath of scandal. The whole series of 66 letters, in fact, is written in a satirical vein and with the outspoken brusqueness and lack of sympathy for which the writer was always noted. Hence it created an uproar when, in 1789, it was published under the title of "Histoire secrete de Cour de Berlin, ou correspondance d'un voyageur frangais depuis le mois Juillet, 1786, jusqu'a 19 Janvier, 1787" ("Secret History of the Court of Berlin, or letters of a French traveller, from July, 1786, to January 19, 1787").

The work, while giving an excellent insight into the methods of foreign courts, useful views, and highly interesting observations, created such a scandal at the time, that parliament was forced to order it burned by the hand of the public executioner. The king's advocate in a speech against the book, February 10, 1789 (still preserved in the Parliamentary Register), said: "Frederick II, whose name alone was sufficient to preserve that balance of power which assured to Europe general peace and happiness, still reigned.

INTRODUCTION 13

But the prince was fast declining. It was at the moment that the self-styled 'Voyageur frangais' endeavoured to ingratiate himself with the greatest personages of the state, in order to gather any stray scraps of conversation, and to endeavour, in the midst of the trouble and commotion caused by the unforeseen changes of a new ruler, to surprise ministerial secrets, to detect the aims and ambitions of the nobles, to expose the intrigues of courtesans, and to fathom the plots of the Court.

"It is not enough to have showered invectives on the uncle of the new king, the king himself, his august family, the princesses of the blood and the ministry; in fact the whole court is treated with such a criminal indecency that we should blush to repeat the infamous expressions of which the author has made use."

This arraignment, as the reader may suspect, was dictated from motives of royal policy. Louis upon his tottering throne could not afford to pass by freespoken criticism of a neighbouring court in silence. Such material was dangerous, and the book was accordingly destroyed. The original manuscript, however, was stolen from the royal archives, sold to Malassis, a printer of Alengon, and published by him as a work by "an unknown traveller who had died a year previous in Germany." Several editions, totalling 20,000 copies, were quickly issued to meet the wide-spread demand; and a few months later it was translated into English. It was not, however, until Mirabeau attained his larger fame as the head of the Revolution, and the offended authorities were no more, that his name was placed upon the work as author.

In respect to the charges of the king's advocate and others, that the work includes scandalous revelations and other confidential material, it must be remembered

I4 INTRODUCTION

that the "Secret History" covers precisely the ground it was intended to cover. Mirabeau was sent upon a secret mission to report all he saw at Court. This he did, conscientiously, in letters addressed to a single individual, and not intended, at the time, for publication. Indeed, it has been asserted that their issue in book form was entirely contrary to the author's wishes. He had busied himself, also, while in Berlin upon a lengthy study of the "Prussian Monarchy," published in 1788, to which he proposed to give his name, and which gave proof of his far-reaching grasp of matters political, financial, and legislative.

It is in these letters, however, that he has preserved for us an interesting epoch in European life. The great Frederick was passing away. The Court of France was crumbling. All was unrest and upheaval, and Mirabeau by tongue and pen was a vital influence. In these historical memoirs he is consistently himself, revealing his own personality quite as much as the court life he describes. He has preserved the reputation of telling the truth, and it was this trait which made him the great popular leader of later years.

After reading the memoirs of his checkered life, written by his contemporaries, Goethe exclaimed : "At last the wonderful Mirabeau becomes natural to us, while at the same time the hero loses nothing of his greatness! .... The French look upon Mirabeau as their Hercules, and they are perfectly right. But they forget that even the Colossus consists of individual parts, and that the Hercules of antiquity is a collective being — a gigantic personification of deeds done by himself and by others."

MEMOIRS OF

THE COURTS OF BERLIN AND ST. PETERSBURG

Letter I

SIR, — I have the honor to write to you by the first post, to inform you that the Berlin mail, for which I waited before I would enter my carriage, has brought me no letter. It is possible, but not probable, that the letter of my correspondent has been sent too late for the post. It is also possible, and very likely, nay, if the Comte de Vergennes has received no intelligence it is almost certain, that the great event either approaches or is past; for I hold it as infallible that, when death becomes inevitable, the couriers will be stopped. This, sir, deeply engages my attention, and I shall hasten with all expedition to Brunswick, where I shall gain certain information; there I shall remain several days if the King is living.

I have at present only to add, I shall think no labor, time, or trouble too great if I can but serve you, monsieur, and the cause of the public.

I shall not repeat any of our conversations, but shall take the liberty to offer you my advice, solely founded on my personal attachment; of which you cannot doubt, since, independent of that amiable seduction which you exercise with power so irresistible, our interests are the same. The torrent of your affairs, the activity of cabals, the efforts of every kind which you so prodigally are obliged to make, render it impossible that you should yourself class and arrange the grand projects which your genius has brought to maturity, and which are ready to bud and bloom. You have testified some regret that I, for the present, declined performing this office for you. Permit me therefore, monsieur, to name a person who is, in every respect, worthy of this mark of your confidence.

The Abbe de Perigord, to consummate and practical abilities, joins profound circumspection and inviolable secrecy. You never can select a man more to be depended upon ; or one who will with more fervent piety bow before the shrine of gratitude and friendship; who will be more anxiously active in good, less covetous of others' fame, or one with superior conviction that fame is justly due to him, only, who has the power to conceive and the fortitude to execute.

He possesses another advantage. His ascendency over Panchaud represses the defects of the latter, which have been so described to you as to inspire fears, and sets all his great qualities and uncommon talents, which daily become more necessary to you, in action. There is no man who can guide and rule M. Panchaud like the Abbe de Perigord, who will momentarily become more valuable to you the better to effect a grand money measure, without which no other measures can be effected. You may confide that delicate business to the Abbe de Perigord, which, especially in the present moment, ought not to be trusted to clerks. The noble, the enlightened, the civic project of drawing inferences from the numerous false statements that infest the accounts of Ministers (and which, being compared to the true statements, caused, or rather obliged, the King to determine that decisive measures should give France a national credit, and consequently a legal constitution) cannot be better realized than by the joint labors of these two persons. One of them has long been devoted to you; and the other will be, whenever any single act of benevolence shall excite his emulation. Condescend to believe, monsieur, that you cannot act more to your own interest.

I was desirous of writing thus to-night, because it would neither be delicate nor decent for the person interested to read what I have written ; and this letter is the last you will receive that must not pass through the hands of a third person. My attachment, monsieur, to you, and your fame, induces me to hope you will place some confidence in this counsel, if I may so venture to call it ; and that it will not be ranked among the least of the proofs of the most devoted respect with which I am, etc.

LETTER II BRUNSWICK, July i2th, 1786

THAT the King is very ill is very certain; but he is not at the point of death. Zimmermann, the famous Hanoverian physician, whom he sent for, has declared that, if he would be careful, he might still live; but he is incorrigible on the article of abstinence. He still mounts his horse, and he even trotted fifty paces some days since, with a man on each side of him; but it is nevertheless true that he has the dropsy ; and in reality, he has not been any better since my departure.

I shall not see the reigning Duke of Brunswick before this evening; he is in the country. He has powerfully supported the election which the Chapters of Hildesheim and Paderborn have lately made of a coadjutor. M. Furstemberg has been elected. Vienna caballed exceedingly in favor of the Archduke Maximilian. It appears that the Duke wishes to promote peace, since he endeavors, by every means, to strengthen the Germanic confederation, which certainly has that only for its end, though the means may give room for reflection. I have my reasons for being of that opinion, which I shall explain on some other occasion. To-day I am at the mercy of the courier.

Parties are very busy at Berlin; especially that of Prince Henry, who is eternally eager, without well knowing what he wishes. But all is silence in the King's presence; he still is King, and so will remain to the last moment.

As the immediate death of the King is not expected, I shall continue at Brunswick some days, in order to prepare him for my return (much more premature than I had announced) and that I may more nearly study the Duke.

The coinage continues to be an object of contention, and exaggerated discredit. I think it would be of use to publish apologetic reasons concerning the gold coin, confessing its too high rate (for wherefore deny that which is demonstrated?); and justificatory proofs, relative to the silver, the crowns of sixty-nine, and those since 1784, still remaining prohibited.

You no doubt know that the Duke, Louis of Brunswick, has quitted Aix-la-Chapelle, and is retired to Eisenach. The troubles of that petty republic may perhaps explain his retreat: but these do not seem to me sufficient motives for his new abode, and for this single reason, that the Duchess of Weymar is his niece.

BERLIN AND ST. PETERSBURG 19 LETTER III

I DINED and supped yesterday with the Duke. When we rose from table, after dinner, he took me aside to the window, where we conversed for about two hours, with much reserve at first, on his part, afterward with more openness, and at last with an evident desire to be thought sincere.

An expression of esteem for the Comte de Vergennes, and fear for his approaching retreat, gave occasion to this private conversation. The expression alluded to was immediately followed by the question (which was asked in a tone of affected indifference, and betrayed a very strong degree of curiosity), " No doubt M. de Breteuil will be his successor?" The Duchess was of our party. I answered, lowering my voice, but articulating with great firmness, " I hope and believe not." It was after I had said this that he led me to the window, at the far end of the apartment. He presently began to converse, with all the energy which his slowness and native dignity admit, of the inquietude which the Germanic body could not avoid feeling, should M. de Breteuil, who was at the head of the Austrian party, and who has long been a servant and friend of the Cabinet of Vienna, succeed to the place of first Minister.

I replied (speaking of the Comte de Vergennes with every respect, and of the generous and pacific intentions of the King with great confidence) that, should the Comte de Vergennes retire, it would probably be of his own free will ; and that no one would have greater influence than himself in the choice of his successor ; that consequently, whether he remained in office or went out, the first Minister would not be of the Austrian party; and, though most assuredly the probity of the King, and the morale of his politics, would continue to render the connections between the Courts of Vienna and Versailles respected, as they would all others, yet, that the interest of Europe, and of France in particular, was so intimately united to the continuance of peace, that these connections, far from inciting war, could but contribute to render peace durable; that France was sufficiently puissant, from innate strength and from the state of her affairs, honorably to own that she dreaded war, which she would take every care to shun; that I did not think sudden war probable, especially when, studying the administration of the Duke of Brunswick, I perceived that he had performed his duties, of Prince and father, with so much assiduity and success ; that, however natural it might be for man to seek that career, in which he was indubitably the first, I could not believe he (the Duke) would sacrifice to the desire of military renown, so much of which he had already acquired, his favorite work, his real enjoyments, and the inheritance of his children; that all circumstances called him to supreme influence over the affairs of Prussia after the death of the great King, and that, Prussia being at this time the pivot on which continental war or peace were balanced, he (the Duke of Brunswick) would almost singly decide which was to ensue; that he had formerly sufficiently shone the hero of war, and that I was convinced he would hereafter remain the angel of peace.

He then forcibly denied ever having been fond of war; even at the time when he had been most fortunate. He showed, independent of his principles, how ardently his family and personal interest would induce him to beware of war. " And if it were necessary," added he, "in an affair so important, to consult nothing further than the despicable gratification of selflove, do I not know how much war is the sport of chance? I have formerly not been unfortunate. I might hereafter be a better general, and yet might not have the same success. No prudent man, especially one who is advanced in life, will risk his reputation in so hazardous a pursuit, if it may be avoided."

This part of his discourse, which was long, animated, energetic, and evidently sincere, was preceded by a phrase of etiquette and remonstrance, in which he assured me that he never should possess, and was far from desiring to possess, any influence in Prussia. To this phrase I reverted; and, by a rapid sketch, proving to him that I was well acquainted with Berlin, the principal actors there, and the present state of men and things, I demonstrated (which he most certainly knows better than I do) that his interest, the interest of his house, of Germany, and of Europe, made it a duty in him to take the helm of State in Prussia ; to preserve that kingdom from the hurricane most fatal to States, the strength of which principally depends upon opinion. I mean from petty intrigues, petty passions, and want of stability and consistency of system. " Your personal dignity," added I, "which is truly immense, and a thousand times more elevated than your rank, however eminent that may be, no doubt forbids you to tender your services; but it is your duty, I will not say not to refuse, no, I repeat, it is your duty to take measures, and employ all your abilities, all your powers, to gain an ascendency over the successor, and to seize the direction of affairs."

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