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Waverley Novels. (Abbotsford edition.)

Walter Scott · 1846 · Scanned text

978,996 words · about 68 h 33 min to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
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About this book

Language
English
Published
1846
Length
978,996 words · about 68 h 33 min
Sections
187 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public Domain Mark 1.0

 

Contents (187)
  1. Front matter about 1 min
  2. Introduction about 55 min
  3. Chapter I about 11 min
  4. Chapter II. The Wanderer about 20 min
  5. Chapter III. The Castle about 11 min
  6. Chapter IV about 32 min
  7. Chapter V. The Man-at-arms about 21 min
  8. Chapter VI. The Bohemians about 28 min
  9. Chapter VII The Enrolment about 21 min
  10. Chapter VIII. The Envoy about 36 min
  11. Chapter IX. The Boab-hdnt about 15 min
  12. Chapter X. The Sentinel about 23 min
  13. Chapter XI. The Hall Of Roland about 19 min
  14. Chapter XII. The Politician about 27 min
  15. Chapter XIII. The Jouknet about 13 min
  16. Chapter XIV. The Journey about 21 min
  17. Chapter XV. The Guide about 17 min
  18. Chapter XVI. The Vagrant about 24 min
  19. Chapter XVII. The about 13 min
  20. Chapter XVIII. Palmistry about 19 min
  21. Chapter XIX. The City about 27 min
  22. Chapter XX. The about 21 min
  23. Chapter XXI. The Sack about 19 min
  24. Chapter XXII. The Revellers about 20 min
  25. Chapter XXIII. The Flight about 26 min
  26. Chapter XXIV about 19 min
  27. Chapter XXV. The Unbidden Guest about 17 min
  28. Chapter XXVI. The Interview about 31 min
  29. Chapter XXVII about 25 min
  30. Chapter XXVIII. Uncertainty about 24 min
  31. Chapter XXIX. Recrimination about 17 min
  32. Chapter XXX. Uncertainty about 33 min
  33. Chapter XXXI. The Interview about 15 min
  34. Chapter XXXII. The Investigation about 23 min
  35. Chapter XXXIII. The Herald about 16 min
  36. Chapter XXXIV. The Execution about 16 min
  37. Chapter XXXV about 8 min
  38. Chapter XXXVI. The Sally about 20 min
  39. Chapter XXXVII. The Sally about 1 h 6 min
  40. Chapter I about 23 min
  41. Chapter II. The Guest about 25 min
  42. Chapter III about 19 min
  43. Chapter IV. The Invitation about 15 min
  44. Chapter V. Epistolary Eloquence about 19 min
  45. Chapter VI. Table-talk about 13 min
  46. Chapter VII. The Tea-table about 28 min
  47. Chapter VIII. After about 25 min
  48. Chapter IX about 16 min
  49. Chapter X about 19 min
  50. Chapter XI about 14 min
  51. Chapter XII. The Challenge about 17 min
  52. Chapter XIII. Disappointment about 21 min
  53. Chapter XIV about 20 min
  54. Chapter XV about 20 min
  55. Chapter XVI about 22 min
  56. Chapter XVII about 18 min
  57. Chapter XVIII about 35 min
  58. Chapter XIX about 9 min
  59. Chapter XX. Theatricals about 27 min
  60. Chapter XXI. Perplexities about 28 min
  61. Chapter XXII. Expostulation about 12 min
  62. Chapter XXIII. The Proposal about 17 min
  63. Chapter XXIV. Private Information about 12 min
  64. Chapter XXV. Explanatory about 20 min
  65. Chapter XXVI. Letter Continueo about 21 min
  66. Chapter XXVII about 14 min
  67. Chapter XXVIII. The about 26 min
  68. Chapter XXIX. Mem about 25 min
  69. Chapter XXX. Intrusion about 17 min
  70. Chapter XXXI. Discussion about 30 min
  71. Chapter XXXII about 27 min
  72. Chapter XXXIII. Disappointment about 18 min
  73. Chapter XXXIV about 13 min
  74. Chapter XXXV. Debate about 20 min
  75. Chapter XXXVI about 29 min
  76. Chapter XXXVII. The about 10 min
  77. Chapter Xxxviii. The Catastrophe about 23 min
  78. Chapter XXXIX about 34 min
  79. Letter I about 9 min
  80. Letter II about 17 min
  81. Letter III. Darsie Latimer To Alan Fairford about 13 min
  82. Letter IV. The Same To The Same about 26 min
  83. Letter V. Alan Fairford To Darsie Latimer about 15 min
  84. Letter VI. Darsie Latimer To Alan Fairford about 23 min
  85. Letter VII. The Same To The Same about 28 min
  86. Letter VIII Alan Fairford To Darsie Latimer about 18 min
  87. Letter IX. Alexander Fairford about 4 min
  88. Letter X. Darsie Latimer To Alan Fairford about 19 min
  89. Letter XI. The Same To The Same about 39 min
  90. Letter XII. The Same To The Same about 26 min
  91. Letter XIII. Alan Fairford To Daksie Latimer about 20 min
  92. Chapter I. Narrative about 28 min
  93. Chapter II about 12 min
  94. Chapter III about 21 min
  95. Chapter IV. Darsie Latimer's Journal, In Continuation about 20 min
  96. Chapter V. Darsie Latimer's Journal, In Continuation about 11 min
  97. Chapter VII. Latimer's Journal, In Continuation about 15 min
  98. Chapter VIII. Latimer's Journal, In Continuation about 27 min
  99. Chapter IX. Latimer's Journal, In Continuation about 22 min
  100. Chapter X. Latimer's Journal, In Continuation about 13 min
  101. Chapter XI. Narrative Of Alan Fairford about 21 min
  102. Chapter XII. Narrative Of Alan Fairford, Continued about 30 min
  103. Chapter XIII Narrative Of Alan Fairford, Continued about 22 min
  104. Chapter XIV. Narrative Of Alan Fairford, Continued about 26 min
  105. Chapter XV. Narrative Of Alan Fairford, Continued about 23 min
  106. Chapter XVI Narrative Of Alan Fairford, Continued about 20 min
  107. Chapter XVII Narrative Of Alan Fairford, Continued about 30 min
  108. Chapter XVIII. Narrative Of Darsie Latimer about 21 min
  109. Chapter XIX. Narrative Of Darsie Latimer, Continued about 30 min
  110. Chapter XX. Narrative Of Darsie Latimer, Continued about 29 min
  111. Chapter XXI. Narrative Of Darsie Latimer Continued about 15 min
  112. Chapter XXII. Narrative Of Alan Fairford about 22 min
  113. Chapter XXIII. Narrative Continued about 27 min
  114. Chapter XXIV about 1 h 34 min
  115. Chapter I about 10 min
  116. Chapter II about 17 min
  117. Chapter III about 20 min
  118. Chapter IV about 13 min
  119. Chapter V about 18 min
  120. Chapter VI about 17 min
  121. Chapter VII about 10 min
  122. Chapter VIII about 20 min
  123. Chapter IX about 12 min
  124. Chapter X about 19 min
  125. Chapter XI about 16 min
  126. Chapter XII about 7 min
  127. Chapter XIII about 22 min
  128. Chapter XIV about 21 min
  129. Chapter XV about 26 min
  130. Chapter XVI about 16 min
  131. Chapter XVII about 19 min
  132. Chapter XVIII about 20 min
  133. Chapter XIX about 29 min
  134. Chapter XX about 6 min
  135. Chapter XXI about 20 min
  136. Chapter XXII about 10 min
  137. Chapter XXIII about 20 min
  138. Chapter XXIV about 13 min
  139. Chapter XXV about 5 min
  140. Chapter XXVI about 14 min
  141. Chapter XXVII about 28 min
  142. Chapter XXVIII about 12 min
  143. Chapter XXIX about 30 min
  144. Chapter XXX about 15 min
  145. Chapter XXXI about 1 h 14 min
  146. Appendix about 38 min
  147. Chapter I about 22 min
  148. Chapter II about 15 min
  149. Chapter III about 15 min
  150. Chapter IV about 13 min
  151. Chapter V about 27 min
  152. Chapter VI about 16 min
  153. Chapter VII about 10 min
  154. Chapter I about 18 min
  155. Chapter II about 15 min
  156. Chapter III about 3 min
  157. Chapter IV about 22 min
  158. Chapter V about 1 h 47 min
  159. Chapter I about 10 min
  160. Chapter II about 25 min
  161. Chapter III about 36 min
  162. Chapter IV about 26 min
  163. Chapter V about 7 min
  164. Chapter VI about 18 min
  165. Chapter VII about 21 min
  166. Chapter VIII about 19 min
  167. Chapter IX about 25 min
  168. Chapter X about 12 min
  169. Chapter XI about 32 min
  170. Chapter XII about 13 min
  171. Chapter XIII about 16 min
  172. Chapter XIV about 13 min
  173. Chapter XV about 19 min
  174. Chapter XVI about 8 min
  175. Chapter XVII about 15 min
  176. Chapter XVIII about 25 min
  177. Chapter XIX about 22 min
  178. Chapter XX about 24 min
  179. Chapter XXI about 31 min
  180. Chapter XXIII about 19 min
  181. Chapter XXIV about 19 min
  182. Chapter XXV about 14 min
  183. Chapter XXVI about 20 min
  184. Chapter XXVII about 29 min
  185. Chapter XXVIII about 44 min
  186. Chapter I about 1 h 19 min
  187. Chapter II about 1 h 5 min

Continue:

Front matter

&.®[BI53V ©ft BILL, -iOOKUBMKtSH,, MDCCCSXVIl THE NOVELS <PF SIR WALTER SCOTT, Bart WITH ALL HIS INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES. VOL. IV. THE TALISMAN. QUENTIN DURWARD. ST RONAN'S WELL. REDGAUNTLET. THE TWO DROVERS. MY AUNT MARGARET'S MIRROR THE TAPESTRIED CHAMBER. DEATH OP THE LAIRD'S JOCK. THE BETROTHED. THE HIGHLAND WIDOW. ROBERT CADELL, EDINBURGH. m.dccc.xxvi. CONTENTS OF VOLUME FOUI. SIR WALTER SCOTT'S NOVEI >_•_•,_ Page L". i - I lsrxot>rcnos ro QcEtn.v Dcsward, 1831, 1 Ismoorcnox to the Ftssr Editios, ..... 5 DURWARD. 15 Notes to QrEfiTS Durw art*. . . . . . . 17'- IxnoMiciMn to Si Rg_sa_\'^ Wzii, 1S30, . . .177 ST RONAN S VSU 179 Haass to St Eosav's Wi ...... 332 fmiiimii nut to RE__>GAr__m_ET, 1R3-. . REDGAUNTLI- 340 Notes to Redgao . . . . . . OS IzsmtatxxKa no the Betrothed, 1 Si!!, ..... 499 Totmipccpos to the First Edition, ..... 503 THE BETROTHED, r '7 - to the BrruoT ... ...... 617 falMIIWII MOS TO CH-BEncX-ES ■: I NGAXE.

ISl". . 619 ApTKSDrX TQ Iv -atrical Fcxn Di.wer,) . CHR ;e : a WIDOW, . _ ISTBOSCCnOX TO TEE TaUSJLl .... SS7 the .._.-... .n Notes to the Talissas, ...... S04 CHRONICLES OF THE d . . : THE TWO I _ 807 : j the Two Drovers, . . - - .MS iNT-eoDocnos to Ht .. - sl" MY AUNT MARGAT.L S18 IS, ... .... QUENTIN DURWARD BY SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART. WITH ALL HIS ILLUSTRATIONS AND NOTES. La guerre est ma patrie, Mon harnois ma maison. Et en toute saison Combattre c'est ma vie. EDINBURGH: ROBERT CADELL, ST. ANDREW SQUARE. MDCCCXLV. Uttentitt £!luvUmv&* La guerre est ma patrie, Mon harnoia ma maison, Et en toute saison Combattre c* est ma vie.

Introduction

— (1831.) the Evil Principle something which elevates and dignifies his wickedness; a sustained and uncon querable resistance against Omnipotence itself — a lofty scorn of suffering compared with submission, and all those points of attraction iu the Author of Evil, which have induced Burns and others to con sider him as the Hero of the Paradise Lost. The great German poet has, on the contrary, rendered his seducing spirit a being who, otherwise totally uninipassioned, seems only to have existed for the purpose of increasing, by his persuasions and temptations, the mass of moral evil, and who calls forth by his seductions those slumbering passions which otherwise might have allowed the human being who was the object of the Evil Spirit's operations to pass the tenor of his life in tranquillity.

For this purpose Mephistophiles is, like Louis XL, en dowed with au acute and depreciating spirit of caustic wit, which is employed incessantly in under valuing and vilifying all actions, the consequences of which do not lead certainly and directly to self gratification. The scene of this romance is laid in the fifteenth century, when the feudal system, which had been the sinews and nerves of national defence, and the spirit of chivalry, by which, as by a vivifying soul, that system was animated, began to be innovated upon and abandoned by those grosser characters, who centred their sum of happiness in procuring the personal objects on which they had fixed their own exclusive attachment. The same egotism had indeed displayed itself even in more primitive ages; but it was now for the first time openly avowed as a professed principle of action.

The spirit of chivalry had in it this point of excellence, that however overstrained and fantastic many of its doctrines may appear to us, they were all founded on generosity and self-denial, of which if the earth were deprived, it would be difficult to conceive the existence of virtue among the human race. Among those who were the first to ridicule and abandon the self-denying principles in which the young knight was instructed, and to which he was so carefully trained up, Louis the Xlth of France was the chief. That Sovereign was of a character so purely selfish — so guiltless of entertaining any purpose unconnected with his ambition, covetousness, and desire of selfish enjoyment, that he almost seems an incarnation of the devil himself, permitted to do his utmost to corrupt our ideas of honour in its very source.

Nor is it to be forgotten that Louis possessed to a great extent that caustic wit which can turn into ridicule all that a man does for any other person's advantage but his own, and was, therefore, peculiarly qualified to play the part of a cold-hearted and sneering friend. In this point of view, Goethe's conception of the character and reasoning of Mephistophiles, tlie tempting spirit in the singular play of Faust, appears to me more happy than that which has been formed by- Byron, and even than the Satan of Milton. These last great authors have given to Even an author of works of mere amusement may be permitted to be serious for a moment, in order to reprobate all policy, whether of a public or private character, which rests its basis upon the principles of Machiavel, or the practice of Louis XI.

The cruelties, the perjuries, the suspicions of this prince, were rendered more detestable, rather than amended, by the gross and debasing super stition which he constantly practised. The devotion to the heavenly saints, of which he made such a parade, was upon the miserable principle of some deputy in office, who endeavours to hide or atone for the malversations of which he is conscious, by liberal gifts to those whose duty it is to observe his conduct, and endeavours to support a system of fraud, by an attempt to corrupt the incorruptible. In no other light can we regard his creating the Virgin Mary a countess and colonel of his guards, or the cunning that admitted to one or two peculiar forms of oath the force of a binding obUgation, Vol. IV. 1 A No. ready mercenary soldier, and persuaded his sub jects, among whom the mercantile class began to make a figure, that it was better to leave to mer cenaries the risks and labours of war, and to supply the Crown with the means of paying them, than to peril themselves in defence of their own substance.

The merchants were easily persuaded by this reasoning. The hour did not arrive, in the days of Louis XL, when the landed gentry and nobles could be in like manner excluded from the ranks of war ; but the wily monarch commenced that system, which, acted upon by his successors, at length threw the whole military defence of the state into the hands of the Crown. which he denied to all other, strictly preserving the secret, which mode of swearing he really accounted obligatory, as one of the most valuable of state mysteries. To a total want of scruple, or, it would appear, of any sense whatever of moral obligation, Louis XI. added great natural firmness and sagacity of character, with a system of policy so highly re fined, considering the times he lived in, that he sometimes overreached himself by giving way to its dictates.

Probably there is no portrait so dark as to be without its softer shades. He understood the interests of France, and faithfully pursued them so long as he could identify them with his own. He carried the country safe through the dangerous crisis of the war termed " for the public good ;" in thus disuniting and dispersing this grand and dangerous alliance of the great crown vassals of France against the Sovereign, a King of a less cautious and temporizing character, and of a more bold and less crafty disposition than Louis XL, would, in all probability, have failed. Louis had also some personal accomplishments not inconsistent with his public character. He was cheerful and witty in society ; caressed his victim like the cat, which can fawn when about to deal the most bitter wound ; and none was better able to sustain and extol the superiority of the coarse and selfish reasons by which he endeavoured to supply those nobler motives for exertion, which his predecessors had derived from the high spirit of chivalry.

He was equally forward in altering the principles which were wont to regulate the intercourse of the sexes. The doctrines of chivalry had established, in theory at least, a system in which Beauty was the governing and remunerating divinity — Valour her slave, who caught his courage from her eye, and gave his life for her slightest service. It is true, the system here, as in other branches, was stretched to fantastic extravagance, and cases of scandal not unfrequently arose. Still they were generally such as those mentioned by Burke, where frailty was deprived of half its guilt, by being puri fied from all its grossness. In Louis Xlth's practice, it was far otherwise. He was a low voluptuary, seeking pleasure without sentiment, and despising the sex from whom he desired to obtain it ; his mistresses were of inferior rank, as little to be com pared with the elevated though faulty character of Agnes Sore], as Louis was to his heroic father, who freed France from the threatened yoke of England.

In like manner, by selecting his favourites and ministers from among the dregs of the people, Louis shewed the slight regard which he paid to eminent station and high birth ; and although this might be not only excusable but meritorious, where the monarch's fiat promoted obscure talent, or called forth modest worth, it was very different when the King made his favourite associates of such men as Tristan 1' Hermite, the Chief of his Marshalsea, or police ; and it was evident that such a prince could no longer be, as his descendant Francis ele gantly,<tesigned himself, "the first gentleman in his dominions." In fact, that system was now becoming ancient, and had, even while in its perfection, something so overstrained and fantastic in its principles, as ren dered it peculiarly the object of ridicule, whenever, like other old fashions, it began to fall out of re pute, and the weapons of raillery could be employed agaiust it, without exciting the disgust and horror with which they would have been rejected at an early period, as a species of blasphemy.

In the fourteenth century a tribe of scoffers had arisen, who pretended to supply what was naturally useful in chivalry by other resources, and threw ridicule upon the extravagant and exclusive principles of honour and virtue, whicli were openly treated as absurd, because, in fact, they were cast in a mould of perfection too lofty for the practice of fallibW1 beings. If an ingenuous and high-spirited youth proposed to frame himself on his father's principles of honour, he was vulgarly derided as if he had brought to the field the good old knight's Du rindarte or two-handed sword, ridiculous from its antique make and fashion, although its blade might be the Ebro's temper, and its ornaments of pure gold. Nor were Louis's sayings and actions in private or public, of a kind which could redeem such gross offences against the character of a man of honour.

His word, generaUy accounted the most sacred test of a man's character, and the least impeachment of which is a capital offence by the code of honour, was forfeited without scruple on the slightest occa sion, and often accompanied by the perpetration of the most enormous crimes. If he broke his own personal and plighted faith, he did not treat that of the public with more ceremony. His sending an inferior person disguised as a herald to Edward IV., was in those days, when heralds were esteemed the sacred depositaries of pubUc and national faith, a In Uke manner, the principles of chivalry were cast aside, and their aid supplied by baser stimu lants. Instead of the high spirit which pressed every man forward in the defence of his country, Louis XI. substituted the exertions of the' ever o

INTRODUCTION.

TO QUENTIN DURWARD. daring imposition, of which few save this unscru pulous prince would have been guilty.1 desire of life, he sent to Italy for supposed relics, and the yet more extraordinary importation of an ignorant crack-brained peasant, who, from laziness probably, had shut himself up in a cave, and re nounced flesh, fish, eggs, or the produce of the dairy. This man, who did not possess the slightest tincture of letters, Louis reverenced as if he had been the Pope himself, and to gain his good-will founded two cloisters. In short, the manners, sentiments, and actions of Louis XI. were such as were inconsistent with the principles of chivalry, and his caustic wit was sufficiently disposed to ridicule a system adopted on what he considered as the most absurd of all bases, since it was founded on the principle of devoting toil, talents, and time, to the accomplishment of objects, from which no personal advantage could, in the nature of things, be obtained.

It was not the least singular circumstance of this course of superstition, that bodily health and terrestrial felicity seemed to be his only object. Making any mention of his sins when talking on the state of his health, was strictly prohibited ; and when at his command a priest recited a prayer to Saint Eutropius, in which he recommended the King's welfare both in body and soul, Louis caused the two last words to be omitted, saying it was not prudent to importune the blessed saint by too many requests at once. Perhaps he thought by being silent on his crimes, he might suffer them to pass out of the recollection of the celestial patrons, whose aid he invoked for his body. It is more than probable that, in thus renouncing almost openly the ties of religion, honour, and mo rality, by which mankind at large feel themselves influenced, Louis sought to obtain great advantages in his negotiations with parties who might esteem themselves bound, while he himself enjoyed liberty.

He started from the goal, he might suppose, like the racer who has got rid of the weights with which his competitors are still encumbered, and expects to succeed of course. But Providence seems always to unite the existence of peculiar danger, with some circumstance whicli may put those exposed to the peril upon their guard. The constant suspicion attached to any public person who becomes badly eminent for breach of faith, is to him what the rattle is to the poisonous serpent ; and men come at last to calculate, not so much on what their antagonist says, as upon that which he is Ukely to do ; a degree of mistrust which tends to counteract the intrigues of such a faithless charac ter, more than his freedom from the scruples of conscientious men can afford him advantage. The example of Louis XI. raised disgust and suspicion rather than a desire of imitation among other na tions in Europe, and the circumstance of his out witting more than one of his contemporaries, operated to put others on their guard.

Even the system ot chivalry, though much less generally extended than heretofore, survived this profligate monarch's reign, who did so much to sully its lustre, and long after the death of Louis XL it inspired the Knight without Fear and Reproach, and the gallant Francis I. So great were the well-merited tortures of this tyrant's deathbed, that Philip des Comines enters into a regular comparison between them and the numerous cruelties inflicted on others by his order ; and considering both, comes to express an opinion, that the worldly pangs and agony suffered by Louis were such as might compensate the crimes he had committed, and that, after a reasonable quarantine in purgatory, he might in mercy be found duly qualified for the superior regions. Fencton also has left his testimony against this prince, whose mode of living and governing he has described in the following remarkable passage : — " Pygmalion, tourmente" par une soif insatiable des richesses, se rend de plus en plus miserable et odieux ii ses sujets.

C'est un crime a Tyr que d' avoir de grands biens ; 1' avarice le rend de'fiant, soupconneux, cruel ; il persecute les riches, et il craint les pauvres. " C'est un crime encore plus grand a Tyr d' avoir de la vertu ; car Pygmalion suppose que les bons ne peuvent souffrir ses injustices et ses infamies ; la vertu le condamne, il s'aigrit et s'irrite contre elle. Tout l'agite, 1' inquiete, le ronge ; il a peur de son ombre ; il ne dort ni nuit ni jour ; les Dieux, pour le confondre, l'accablent de tr^sors dont il n'ose jouir. Ce qu'il cherche pour etre heureux est pre'cise"ment ce qui 1' empeche de 1' etre. II regrette tout ce qu' il donne, et craint toujours de perdre ; il se tourmente pom' gagner. Indeed, although the reign of Louis had been as successful in a political point of view as he himself could have desired, the spectacle of his deathbed might of itself be a warning-piece against the seduc tion of his example.

Jealous of every one, but chiefly of his own son, he immured himself in his Castle of Plessis, intrusting his person exclusively to the doubtful faith of his Scottish mercenaries. He never stirred from his chamber ; he admitted no one into it, and wearied Heaven and every saint with prayers, not for the forgiveness of his sins, but for the prolongation of his life. With a poverty of spirit totally inconsistent with his shrewd worldly sagacity, he importuned his physicians, until they insulted as well as plundered him. In his extreme " On ne le voit presque jamais ; il est seul, triste, abattu, au fond de son palais ; ses amis memes n' osent 1' aborder, de peur de lui devenir suspects. Une garde terrible tient toujours des ep£es nues et des piques levees autour de sa maison. Trente chambres qui communiquent les unes aux autres, et dont chacune a une porte de for avec six gros verroux, sont le lieu ou il se renferme ; on ne sait 1 See Note X. Disguised Herald. the more woodland districts of Flanders, the Duke of Gueldres, and WUliam de la Marck, called from his ferocity the Wild Boar of Ardennes, were throwing off the habits of knights and gentlemen, to practise the violences and brutaUties of common bandits.

A hundred secret combinations existed in the different provinces of France and Flanders ; numerous private emissaries of the restless Louis, Bo hemians, pilgrims, beggars, or agents disguised as such, were every where spreading the discontent which it was his poUcy to maintain in the dominions of Burgundy. jamais dans laquelle de ces chambres il couche ; et on assure qu' il ne couche jamais deux nuits de suite dans la nieme, de peur d' y etre egorge'. II ne connoit ni les doux plaisirs, ni 1' amitie encore plus douce. Si on lui parle de chercher la joie, il sent qu' elle suit loin de lui, et qu' elle refuse d' entrer dans son cœur. Ses yeux creux sont pleins d' un feu apre et farouche ; ils sont sans cesse errans de tous cote's ; il prete 1' oreille au moindre bruit, et se sent tout e'mu ; il est pale, ddfait, et les noirs soucis sont peints sur son visage toujours ride'. 11 se tait, U soupire, il tire de son cœur de profonds ge'missemens, il ne peut cacher les remords qui dechirent ses entraiUes.

Les mets les plus exquis le d^goutent. Ses enfans, loin d'etre son espe"rance, sont le sujet de sa terreur : il en a fait ses plus dangereux ennemis. II n'a eu toute sa vie aucun moment d' assure : il ne se conserve qu'a force de re'pandre le sang de tous ceux qu'il craint. In sense, qui ne voit pas que sa cruaute', a laqueUe il se confie, le sera p^rir ! Quelqu'un de ses domes tiques, aussi de'fiant que lui, se hatera de de'livrer le monde de ce monstre." Amidst so great an abundance of materials, it was difficult to select such as should be most intelligible and interesting to the reader ; and the author had to regret, that though he made Uberal use of the power of departing from the reaUty of history, he felt by no means confident of having brought his story into a pleasing, compact, and sufficiently in teUigible form.

The main-spring of the plot is that whicli aU who know the least of the feudal system can easily understand, though the facts are absolutely fictitious. The right of a feudal superior was in nothing more universaUy acknowledged than in his power to interfere in the marriage ofa female vassal. This may appear to exist as a contradiction both of the civil and canon law, whieh declare that marriage sliaU be free, while the feudal or municipal jurisprudence, in case of a fief passing to a female, acknowledges an interest in the superior of the fief to dictate the choice of her companion in marriage. This is accounted for on the principle that the superior was, by his bounty, the original granter of the fief, and is still interested that the marriage of the vassal shall place no one there who may be inimical to his Uege lord.

On the other hand, it might be reasonably pleaded that this right of dictating to the vassal to a certain extent in the choice of a husband, is only competent to the superior, from whom the fief is originally derived. There is therefore no violent improbability in a vassal of Burgundy flying to the protection of the King of France, to whom the Duke of Burgundy himself was vassal ; nor is it a great stretch of probability to affirm, that Louis, unscrupulous as he was, should have formed the design of betraying the fugitive into some aUiance which might prove inconvenient, if not dangerous, to his formidable kinsman and vassal of Burgundy. The instructive, but appalling scene of this ty rant's sufferings, was at length closed by death, 30th August, H85. The selection of this remarkable person as the principal character in the romance — for it will be easily comprehended, that the little love intrigue of Quentin is only employed as the means of bringing out the story — afforded considerable facilities to the author.

The whole of Europe was, during the fifteenth century, convulsed with dissentions from such various causes, that it would have required almost a dissertation to have brought the English reader with a mind perfectly alive and prepared to admit the possibUity of the strange scenes to which he was introduced. In Louis Xlth's time, extraordinary commotions existed throughout all Europe. England's civU wars were ended rather in appearance than reality, by the short-lived ascendency of the House of York. Switzerland was asserting that freedom which was afterwards so bravely defended. In the Empire, and in France, the great vassals of the crown were endeavouring to emancipate themselves from its control, while Charles of Burgundy by main force, and Louis more artfully by indirec tmeans, laboured to subject them to subservience to their respective sovereignties.

Louis, while with one hand he cir cumvented and subdued his own rebellious vassals, laboured secretly with the other to aid and encourage the large trading towns of Flanders to rebel against the Duke of Burgundy, to which their wealth and irritability naturally'disposed them. In I may add, that the romance of Quentin Dur ward, which acquired a popularity at home more extensive than some of its predecessors, found also unusual success on the continent, where tlie his torical allusions awakened more familiar ideas. Abuotsford, 1st December, 1831.

INTRODUCTION.

.* And one wlio hath had losseB — go to. Much Ado About Nothing. When honest Dogberry sums up and recites all the claims which he had to respectability, and which, as he opined, ought to have exempted him from the injurious appellation conferred on him by Master Gentleman Conrade, it is remarkable that he lays not more emphasis even upon his double gown, (a matter of some importance in a certain ci-devant capital which I wot of,) or upon his being " a pretty piece of flesh as any in Messina," or even upon the conclusive argument of his being "a rich fellow enough," than upon his being one that hath had losses. of his funds ; and my kind and intelligent physician assures me, that it is a rare thing with those afflicted with a good rousing fever, or any such active disorder, which With mortal crisis doth portend His life to appropinque an end, to make their agonies the subject of amusing con versation.

Having deeply considered all these things, I am no longer able to disguise from my readers, that I am neither so unpopular nor so low in fortune, as not to have my share in the distresses which at pre sent afflict the moneyed and landed interests of these realms. Your authors who live upon a mutton-chop may rejoice that it has fallen to threepence per pound, and, if they have children, gratulate them selves that the peck-loaf may be had for sixpence; but we who belong to the tribe which is ruined by peace and plenty — we who have lands and beeves, and sell what these poor gleaners must buy — we are driven to despair by the very events wliich would make all Grub Street illuminate its attics, if Grub Street could spare candle-ends for the purpose. I therefore put in my proud claim to share in the distresses whicli only affect the wealthy ; and write myself down, with Dogberry, " a rich fellow enough," but still "one who hath had losses."

Indeed, I have always observed your children of prosperity, whether by way of hiding their full glow of splendour from those whom fortune has treated more harshly, or whether that to have risen in spite of calamity is as honourable to their fortune as it is to a fortress to have undergone a siege, — however this be, I have observed that such persons never fail to entertain you with an account of the damage they sustain by the hardness of the times. You seldom dine at a well-supplied table, but the intervals between the champagne, the burgundy, and the hock, are filled, if your entertainer be a moneyed man, with the fall of interest and the difficulty of finding investments for cash, which is therefore lying idle on his hands ; or, if he be a landed proprietor, with a woful detail of arrears and diminished rents.

This hath its effects. The guests sigh and shake their heads in cadence with their landlord, look on the sideboard loaded with plate, sip once more the rich wines which flow around them in quick circulation, and think of the genuine benevolence, which, thus stinted of its means, still lavishes all that it yet possesses on hospitality ; and, what is yet more flattering, on the wealth, which, undiminished by these losses, still continues, Uke the inexhaustible hoard of the generous Aboulcasem, to sustain, without impoverishment, such copious drains. With the same generous spirit of emulation, I have had lately recourse to the universal remedy for the brief impecuniosity of which I complain — a brief residence in a southern climate, by wliich I have not only saved many cart-loads of coals, but have also had the pleasure to excite general sympathy for my decayed circumstances among those, who, if my revenue had continued to be spent among them, would have cared Uttle if I had been hanged.

Thus, while I drink my vin ordinaire, my brewer finds the sale of his smaU-beer diminished — while I discuss my flask of cinq francs, my mo dicum of port hangs on my wine-merchant's hands — while my cotelette a-la-Maintenon is smoking on my plate, the mighty sirloin hangs on its peg in the shop of my blue-aproned friend in the village. Whatever, in short, I spend here, is missed at home ; and the few sous gained by the garcon perrit quier, nay, the very crust I give to his little bare- This querulous humour, however, hath its limits, Uke to the conning of grievances, which all vale tudinarians know is a most fascinating pastime, so long as there is nothing to complain of but chronic complaints. But I never heard a man whose credit was actually verging to decay talk of the diminution * It is scarcely necessary to say, that ail that follows ia imaginary.

WAVERLEY NOVEL?. Bonaparte continued to live and to triumph. For the matter of Christy, I must own her head had been so fairly turned at Edinburgh with five routs a-night, that, though I somewhat distrusted the means and medium of her conversion, I was at the same time glad to see that she took a serious thought of any kind ; — besides, there was little loss in the matter, for the Convent took her off my hands for a very reasonable pension. But aunt Dorothy's marriage on earth was a very different matter from Christian's celestial espousals. In the first place, there were two thousand three-per-cents as much lost to my family as if the sponge had been drawn over the national slate — for who the deuce could have thought aunt Dorothy would have married ? Above all, who would have thought a woman of fifty years' experience would have married a French anatomy, his lower branch of limbs cor responding with the upper branch, as if one pair of half-extended compasses had been placed perpen dicularly upon the top of another, while the space on which the hinges revolved, quite sufficed to represent the body ?

All the rest was mustache, pelisse, and calico trowser. She might have com manded a Polk of real Cossacks in 1815, for half the wealth which she surrendered to this military scarecrow. However, there is no more to be said upon the matter, especially as she had come the length of quoting Rousseau for sentiment — and so let that pass. bottomed, red-eyed poodle, are autant de perdu to my old friend the barber, and honest Trusty, the mastiff dog in the yard. So that I have the happiness of knowing at every turn, that my absence is both missed and moaned by those, who would care Uttle were I in my coffin, were they sure of the custom of my executors. From this charge of self-seeking and indifference, however, I solemnly except Trusty, the yard-dog, whose courtesies to wards me, I have reason to think, were of a more disinterested character than those of any other per son who assisted me to consume the bounty of the Public.

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