Mémoires, etc. An Embassy to the Court of St. James's in 1840 A translation of tom. 5

Chapter I. My Embassy In England

My arrival in England ; General aspect of the Country. — My Establishment at Hertford House, the Hotel of the Embassy. — I present ray letters of credence to Queen Victoria. — Incident at that Audience. — Relative positions of the Aristocracy and Democracy in the English Government. — My first Dinner and first Evening Party at Lord Palmerston's. — Lord Melbourne and Lord Aberdeen. — The Duke of Wellington. — My first Dinner with the Queen at Buckingham Palace. — Levee held by the Queen at Saint James's Palace. — Eall of Marshal Soult, and Accession of M. Thiers. — Disposition of King Louis-Philippe. — Situation of M. Thiers. — Different opinions of my friends on the question of whether I ought to continue Ambassador in London. — Reasons which determine me to remain. — My Letters to my friends. — Commencement of my Correspondence with M. Thiers

Chapter II. Negotiations On The Affairs Of The East

Difficulties of my position in London when resuming the Negotiation on the Affairs of the East. — My Instructions. — Motives and Bases of the Policy of the Cabinet of Marshal Soult. — Preliminary Conversation with Lord Palmerston. — I learn the formation of the Cabinet of M. Thiers. — My first Conversation with Lord Palmerston on the Eastern Question. — Conversation with Lord Melbourne. — Dispositions of several Members of the English Cabinet. — Lord Holland, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord John Russell. — Dispositions of the CONTENTS. IV Page 25 84 Whigs not connected with the Cabinet.— Lord Grey.— Lord Dur ham.—My relations with the Tories.— The Diplomatic body in London.— Baron de Biilow.— Baron de Neumann.— Baron de Brun now.—M. Van de Weyer, General Alava, M. Dedel, Count de Pollon.— I notify several times to the French Cabinet the danger of the situation, and the chances of an Arrangement between the Four Powers without France.— Instructions forwarded to me from M. Thiers.— Opening of an Improvement in our position.— My Conversation on the 1st. of April with Lord Palmerston.— The Turkish Ambassador in Paris, Nouri-Effeudi, arrives in London. — His Note of the 7th of April to the Five Powers.— My Answer.— Overtures made to me successively by Baron de Biilow, aud Baron de Neumann. — Important Concession of Lord Palmerston. — Sus pension of the Negotiations pending the arrival of the new Turkish Ambassador, Chekib-Effendi, who comes from Constantinople.

Chapter III. Various Negotiations

Quarrel between England and the Kingdom of Naples on the Question of the Sicilian Sulphurs. — Its Origin and Causes. — Legitimacy of the demands of the English Cabinet, and violence of its Acts. — Overtures made by me to Lord Palmerston for the Mediation of France. — He accepts them. — Instructions from M. Thiers on this subject. — The Negotiation continues. — Oscilations of the King of Naples, Ferdinand II. — He decides to accept the Mediation of France. — Doubts of Lord Palmerston. — Favourable issue of the Negotiation, and definitive arrangement. — M. Thiers instructs me to ask the Restitution to France of the Remains of the Emperor Napoleon, interred at St. Helena. — My opinion on this subject. — Note addressed by me on the 10th of May to Lord Palmerston. The English Government accedes to the request. — Measures for executing it in Paris and London. — Choice of Commissioners dispatched to St. Helena. — My Intervention in support of the Company entrusted with the construction of the Railroad between Paris and Rouen.— Attempt to Assassinate Queen Victoria. — Step taken by the Diplomatic Body in London.— My Dinner in the City, at the Mansion House.— Annual Dinner of the Royal Academy for the Encouragement of the Fine Arts.— My Speech, and the Reception I met with CONTENTS. V Page 123

Chapter IV. English Society In

1840. How and under what conditions social and political life can assist each other in England. — Social Preponderance of the Whigs in 1840. — My Habitual Connexion with them. — Holland House. — Lord Holland. — Lady Holland. — Lansdowne House and Lord Lansdowne. — Lord Grey. — I meet Daniel O'Connell at dinner at Mrs. Stanley's. — Dr. Arnold. — Mr. Hallam. — Mr., afterwards Lord Macaulay. — My visit with him to Westminster Abbey. — The Rev. Sidney Smith. — Lord Jeffrey. — Miss Berry. — My Acquaintance with the Tories. — Lady Jersey. — Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Ellenborough, and Sir Stafford Canning. — Mr. Croker. — The Radicals in 1840. — Mr. and Mrs. Grote.— The English Church. — False ideas prevalent in France on this subject. — Real state of the English Church. — My visit to St. Paul's. — The Archbishop of Dublin. — The Dissenters. — Mrs. Fry. — Why I do not speak of the English Court. — My Solitude and Leisure. — My walks in London and the neighbourhood. — The Regent's Park. — Sion House. — Chiswick. — Popular School at Norwood. — Eton College. — Actual Character and Moral Progress of English Society.

Chapter V. The Treaty Of The

15lH OF JULY, 1840. Arrival of Chekib Effendi in London. — Note addressed by him on the 31st. of May to the Five Plenipotentiaries. — Dispositions of the English Cabinet and Public. — Instructions of M. Thiers. — Uneasiness of the Austrian, Russian, aud Prussian Plenipotentiaries. — Their desire for a prompt settlement of the Eastern Question. — Disposition of Lord Palmerston to wait and protract. — Question addressed by me to M. Thiers on the Arrangement which would give to Mehemet Ali, Egypt hereditarily, and Syria for life. — His Answer. — My Presentiment of the Treaty of Four. — Fall of Khosrew Pacha at Constantinople.— Joy of Mehemet Ali at that news. — His Measure at Constantinople, and his confidence in a direct Arrangement with the Sultan. — Attitude ofthe French Cabinet in this respect — Effect of the Intelligence in London. — Lord Palmerston presses the Solution of the Affair. — Successive Councils of the English Cabinet.— I report this position and its dangers to M. CONTENTS.

VI Page 177 Thiers. — I also inform the Duke of Broglie aud General Baudrand. — Lord Palmerston calls me to the Foreign Office, and communicates to me the conclusion of the Treaty of the 15th of July between the Four Powers. — Memorandum addressed to France. — My Observations. — The French Cabinet is justly offended at not having been previously informed of this definitive resolution, and asked to express its own. — Causes for this conduct of the English Cabinet. — Answer of the French Cabinet to the English Memorandum. — My interview with Lord Palmerston when communicating it to him. — True motives of the hurried and concealed conclusion of the Treaty of the 15th of July. — Essential characters of the French and English policy at this crisis. — A report is spread in Paris that I had not foreseen it, or apprised the Cabinet. — My refutations of that report. — State of minds in France. — My attitude in London. — The King calls me, with M. Thiers, to the Chateau d'Eu. — I leave Lon don on the sixth of August

Chapter VI

- EXECUTION OF THE TREATY OF THE 15TH OF JULY, 1840. Disembarkation of Prince Louis Napoleon at Boulogne. — My warnings on this subject.— Foresight of the French Cabinet.— My residence at the Chateau d'Eu.— My conversations with King Louis-Philippe and M. Thiers. — State of minds and dispositions of the diplomatic body in London.— Plan of the King of the Belgians for a reconciliation between France and the Four subscribing Powers to the Treaty of the 15th of July.— Instructions I receive on leaving the Chateau d'Eu.— My return to London.— Conversation with Baron de Bulow. —My visit to Windsor Castle.— My conversations with King Leopold and Lord Palmerston.— New Memorandum addressed on the 31st of August by Lord Palmerston to the French Government.— Opinion of M. Thiers thereupon.— I urge the importance of his answer.-Two Incidents: 1.

Conference on the renewal and extension of the Conventions of 1831 and 1833, for the Abolition of the Slave Trade; 2. Resumption of the Negotiations between Paris and London for a Treaty of Commerce.-Complaints of Lord Palmerston on the attitude of the French agents at Constantinople.-Answer of M. Thiers.-The complaints are without foundation. -Events hurry on m the East.-The Porte ratifies the Treaty of the 15th of July and sends Rifat Bey to Alexandria to summon Mehemet Ali to con! CONTENTS.

VII Page 243 form to it. — Attitude of Mehemet Ali. — Admiral Napier before Beyrout. — Our complaints on the execution of the Treaty before the exchange of ratifications. — Reserved protocol of the 15th of July. — Exchange of ratifications and official communication of the Treaty of the 15th of July.— Count Walewski at Alexandria. — M. Thiers announces to me the concessions of Mehemet Ali. — My interview with Lord Palmerston on this subject. — His suspicions of the action exercised by Count Walewski at Alexandria. — M. Thiers commis sions me to deny them formally. — Lord Palmerston acknowledges his error. — Cabinet Councils in London on the propositions of Me hemet Ali. — They lead to no result. — Military execution of the Treaty of the 15th of July. — Bombardment of Beyrout. — The Sultan decrees the forfeiture of Mehemet Ali as Pacha of Egypt. — How Lord Palmerston explains and extenuates this measure. — Dis patches of M. Thiers of the 3rd and 8th of October in reply to the English Memorandum of the 31st of August, and on the forfeiture pronounced against Mehemet Ali. — State of minds in France. — Re solutions and military preparations of the French Cabinet. — Fortifi cations of Paris. — Convocation of the Chambers. — The French squadron is recalled to Toulon. — Motives and effects of this measure. — Situation of the French Cabinet and its causes. .

Chapter VII. Accession Of The Ministry Of The

29tll OCTOBER, 1840. Parliamentary position of the Cabinet of M. Thiers at the opening, and during the course of the Session of 1840. — Debate and vote on the secret supplies in the Chamber of Deputies. — Proposition for Parliamentary Reform by M. de Remilly. — Its result. — Disposition of the King towards the Cabinet. — State of the Cabinet at the close of the Session. — Various effects of the Treaty of the 15th of July, 1840, on the position of the Cabinet. — Prospects of war. — Uneasiness and fermentation they excite. — I write to the Duke of Broglie on the 23rd of September on this subject. — His reply. — Effect of the Bombardment of Beyrout, and of the decree of forfeiture pronounced against Mehemet Ali upon the position of the Cabinet. — Two opposing currents are manifested by the Public. — Revolutionary and pacific spirit. — The Cabinet offers its resignation to the King, who refuses to accept it. — Precarious character of the understanding re-established between the King and the Cabinet.— Warnings CONTENTS.

Page which reach me in London. — My situation and reply. — Opinion of M. Duchatel. — The Session of the Chambers is convoked, and I ask leave of absence to attend it. — What I think of the state of affairs, and what I write on the subject to the Duke of Broglie, on the 13th of October. — The Cabinet proposes to appoint M. Odilon Barrot to the Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies. — My opinion and resolution on this point. — Attempt of Darmes on the King's life. — The Cabinet proposes to the King the draught of a Speech for the opening of the Session. — The King rejects it. — Dismissal of the Cabinet. — The King recalls me to Paris. — Formation of the Cabinet of the 29th of October AN EMBASSY TO THE COURT OF ST. JAMES'S.

Chapter I. My Embassy In England

MY ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND ; GENERAL ASPECT OF THE COUNTRY. — MY ESTABLISHMENT AT HERTFORn HOUSE, THE HOTEL OF THE EMBASSY. — I PRESENT MY LETTERS OF CREDENCE TO QUEEN VICTORIA. — INCIDENT AT THAT AUDIENCE. — RELATIVE POSITIONS OF THE ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY IN THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT. — MY FIRST DINNER AND FIRST EVENING PARTY AT LORD PALMERSTON'S. — LORD MELBOURNE AND LORD ABERDEEN. — THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. — MY FIRST DINNER WITH THE QUEEN AT BUCKINGHAM PALACE. — LEVEE HELD BY THE QUEEN AT SAINT JAMES'S PALACE. — FALL OF MARSHAL SOULT, AND AC- CESSION OF M. THIERS. — DISPOSITIONS OF KING LOUIS-PHILIPPE. — SITUATION OE M. THIERS. — DIFFERENT OPINIONS OF MY FRIENDS ON THE QUESTION OF WHETHER, I OUGHT TO CONTINUE AMBASSADOR IN LONDON. — REASONS WHICH DETERMINE ME TO REMAIN. — MY LETTERS TO MY FRIENDS. — COMMENCEMENT OF MY CORRESPONDENCE WITH M. THIERS.

I had closely studied the history of England and of English society. I had often taken part, in our Chambers, in questions of foreign policy ; but I had never been in England, and had never acted as a diplomatist. We know not how much we are ignorant of, or the extent B ■2 MY EMBASSY IN ENGLAND. of what we require to learn, when we have not seen with our own eyes the country, or practised the profession of which we speak. JMy first impression on landing at Dover, the 27th of February, 1840, was one of contrast. At Calais there was less population than space, little stir of business, a few idle loungers in the square or on the quay, a group here and there talking carelessly, children running and playing noisily about. At Dover, a bustling, silent crowd, seeking neither conversation nor amusement, but all intent on their affairs.

On one coast, animated leisure ; on the other, activity entirely engaged in its object. On my arrival at Dover, as on my departure from Calais, inquisitive persons approached me ; the latter with idle curiosity, the former with attentive observation. While posting from Dover to London, my first conviction remained the same. Traversing the fields, or passing through the towns, in the aspect of the country and the people, it was no longer Erance that I beheld ; after a journey of two hours, this impression faded away. I felt myself as in Erance, in the midst of a well-regulated society, and an intelligent, active, and peaceful population. Under different physiognomies there was the same general civilization. In England, we pass incessantly from one to the other of these im pressions ; the differences and resemblances of the two countries alternately appear.

I reached London to wards the close of the morning. I had travelled under a clear cold sun which entered, like myself, into the vast fog of the city, and suddenly became extinguished there. It was still day, but day without light. As I passed through London, nothing particularly attracted my attention ; public buildings, houses, and shops, all appeared to me little, monotonous, and meanly orna mented ; every where columns, large and small, pilasters, statuettes, and embellishments of all kinds ; but the whole strikes by its extent. London conveys the idea of unlimited space, filled with men incessantly and silently displaying their activity and their power. And in the midst of this general greatness, the external neatness of the houses, the wide footpaths, the effect of the large panes of glass, of the iron balustrades, and of the knockers on the doors, impart to the city an air of careful attention and an attractive appearance, which almost counterbalance the absence of good taste.

The first face I recognised in the streets was that of Lady Palmerston whose carriage crossed mine. At length I reached the mansion at that time occupied by the Erench embassy, Hertford House in Manchester Square, a large building between a little gravelled court and a small damp garden, with a handsome ground floor, well arranged for official and ceremonious pur poses, but bare and inconvenient, in the first story, for domestic life. I was alone, with the staff of the em bassy, having left my mother and children in Paris ; my installation therefore was easy. Altogether, the appearance of the house and neighbourhood suited me. A few days afterwards, I wrote thus : " I experience here, during the morning, a strong impression of tran quillity. Nobody visits or speaks to me, I hear no noise, it is the repose Of night without its darkness.

I b am surrounded by a hive of bees who work without humming." I saw Lord Palmerston the day following my arrival, but without touching on public business. The ministerial crisis at that moment culminating in Paris called upon me to pause, and he readily admitted this, while at the same time expressing his anxiety to resume the negotiations on Eastern affairs. The son of Count Nesselrode had arrived on the preceding evening from St. Petersburgh, bearing instructions to the Baron de Briin now, in which the Emperor Nicholas authorized him to give to the English cabinet, " a very great latitude/' in the arrangements which were to lead to a conclusion. I requested Lord Palmerston to receive without delay the Queen's orders for my audience of reception. Touching this there was a question to be previously settled.

In presenting his credentials to King William IV, on the 6th of October 1S30, M. de Talleyrand had addressed him in a short political harangue. When in February, 1835, General Sebastiani replaced M. de Talleyrand at St. James's, he abstained from saying anything. How was I to act ? King Louis-Phillipe had conveyed to me his desire that I should take the first opportunity of recalling to Queen Victoria the intimacy he had maintained with her father, the Duke of Kent. In a receptional interview this reminiscence might naturally be introduced. I begged Lord Palmerston to tell me, what, in his opinion, would be most agreeable to the Queen. He replied that my reception would be a purely official formality, and gave me to understand that the Queen would much prefer not having to reply to any speech.

I resolved therefore to abstain from making one. The day after, February the 29th, at ten minutes past one I received a note from Lord Palmer ston, telling me that the Queen would receive me that same day at one o'clock. I immediately sent to him to explain the delay and my own innocence. I dressed with all speed, and reached Buckingham Palace a little before two. Lord Palmerston arrived at the same moment. The Queen's orders, he told me, had been forwarded to him late ; they had not been dispatched on the instant. Fortunately the Queen had other audiences to give which occupied her while expecting us. But at the moment of entry, there was no master of the ceremonies to introduce me ; Sir Robert Chester, apprised as tardily as myself, had not been so quick. Lord Palmerston therefore performed his office.

The Queen received me with a gracious manner at once youthful and serious ; the dignity of her deportment added to her stature. " I trust, Madam," said I, on entering, " that Your Majesty is aware of my excuse, for of myself I should be inexcusable." She smiled as if little surprised at the want of punctuality. My audience was short; the King, the Queen, the Royal Family, the intimacy of the King with the Duke of Kent, with surprise that I had never before visited England, formed the topics of conversation. As I was retiring, Lord Palmerston, who had remained a moment with the Queen, rejoined me hastily : " There is something more," he said ; " I am going to introduce you to Prince Albert and the Duchess of Kent; you could not otherwise be presented to them, but at the next levee, on the 6th of March, and it is necessary, on the contrary, that on that day you should be already old friends."

The double presentation took place. I was struck with the political intelligence, which, though with much reserve intermingled itself in the conversation of Prince Albert. While I was passing through the hall of the palace, to return to my carriage, the master of the ceremonies, Sir Robert Chester entered, alighting from his own, and anxious to apologize to me, with temper somewhat ruffled, for his involuntary uselessness. The same day I dined with Lord Palmerston, and he employed the evening in making me acquainted with a portion of that English aristocracy, which is usually regarded, although much beyond the truth, as the go vernment of the country. For three quarters of a century, two powerful words, liberty and equality, constitute the ferment which ex cites and causes our French society to boil over; I might say the whole social system of Europe.

By a concurrence of causes, the inquiry into which would here be unseasonable, England has had this peculiar fortune, that in the labour of her civilization, her efforts and progress have pre-eminently tended towards liberty. The struggle has been carried on, not between different classes, to raise the one while debasing the other, but between the sovereign power and a people jealous in defending their rights, and resolved to participate in their own government. The spirit of equality has had, in this contest, its place and portion ; the ascending movement of democracy powerfully contributed to the great Revolution which, from 1640 to 1688, agitated and * MY EMBASSY IN ENGLAND. 7 transformed England. For a moment even, the demo cratic classes had possession of the scene, changed the form of government, and verged towards direct dominion.

But this was merely a superficial and passing crisis. The spirit of liberty was the true moving spring of the country ; the battle was fought between absolute royalty and free government. A great section of the aristocracy maintained the cause of public freedom, and the people grouped heartily round it as round a necessary ally and natural leader. The English Revolution was, from 1640 to 1660, much more aristocratic, and in 1688 much more democratic than is commonly believed ; democracy appeared to be dominant in 1640 and aristocracy in 1688; but at both epochs, it was a combination of the English aristocracy and democracy, animated by the same spirit and closely united, which produced to gether for the defence and advancement of their common liberties, these two equally important events. Their union in the interest, and under the flag of liberalism, has led to two admirable results.

Aris tocracy has neither been sovereign nor annihilated, democracy has neither been impotent nor absolute. English society has not been overthrown root and branch. Power has not descended from the regions in winch it ought naturally to dwell, neither has it remained there isolated, and without communication with the soil which contains its roots. The higher classes have con tinued to direct the government of the country, but on two conditions : one, that of ruling in the general interest, and under the preponderating influence of the country itself; the other, that of holding their ranks constantly open, and of recruiting and renewing them selves incessantly by accepting the chosen aspirants engendered and raised up by the ascending movement of democracy. This is not the aristocratic government of antiquity, or of the middle ages ; it is the free aud combined government of the different social forces and natural influences which co-exist in the bosom of a great nation.

The part of democracy in this alliance has in our days greatly expanded, but without breaking the alliance, or dispossessing aristocracy of its due share ; power gene rally still remains in the hands of the latter; it directs the affairs of the country, but it regulates them more and more according to the impulse, and under the con trol of the country in its extended sense. While pre serving its social rank, it is to-day servant but not master ; it is the habitual but responsible minister of public sentiment and interest. Aristocracy governs, democracy dominates ; — and dominates as a master ex tremely dreaded, and sometimes obeyed writh too much docility. From my first acquaintance with English society, I was struck by this state of minds and institutions in England. The guests I met at Lord Palmerston's table on the 29th of February, belonged nearly all to the high aristocracy; the Duke of Sussex, sixth son of King George the Third, and uncle to the Queen, the Dukes of Norfolk and Devonshire, Lord Carlisle, Lord Albe marle, Lord Minto.

I saw pass before me during the evening many leading men of the different parties- Whigs in a great majority, but also Tories and Radicals, from Lord Aberdeen to Mr. Grote. I entered with several into short conversations ; but amongst men mutually inquisitive as to each other, few words suffice to reveal the general tendency of dispositions and ideas. I found all my interlocutors, although in unequal de grees, extremely modest — I might even say timid — with regard to popular opinions and sentiments, and much more intent on thoroughly recognizing to follow, than on aspiring to direct them. Evidently, aristocratic preten sions and independence scarcely retain any place in the thought and conduct of public men. Amongst those with whom I became acquainted on that day, two in particular, Lord Melbourne, and Lord Aberdeen, attracted, the one my curiosity, the other my sympathy.

Lord Melbourne, the least radical of the Whigs, wras impartial from clear sense and indifference ; a judicious epicurean, an agreeable egotist, gay without warmth, and mingling a natural air of authority with a carelessness which he took delight in proclaiming. " It is all the same to me," was his habitual expression. He pleased the young queen, while he inspired her with confidence, amusing her as he advised, and adopting in his demeanour an affectionate freedom which resembled the paternal sentiment. Lord Aberdeen, the most liberal of the Tories, was serious and mild in temperament, upright and refined, dignified and modest, penetrating and reserved, imperturbably just, with a heart profoundly saddened, for he had been stricken by repeated blows in his warmest affections, while he still remained tender and full of delightful companionship, under a frigid ex terior and a sombre aspect.

I was far from anticipating, when first introduced to him, the ties of business and friendship which were destined shortly to unite us, but I felt, and I may say, we reciprocated a prompt and natural attraction. During this early tide of introductions and visits, I chanced not to meet the foremost of the leading men of England— the Duke of Wellington. He was absent from London. When I first saw him, his aspect sur prised me ; I found him aged, thin, shrunken and bent, much beyond what his years demanded. He looked with those dimmed and vacant eyes in which the soul, ready to depart, seems no longer to take the trouble of showing itself; he spoke with the short and wavering utterance, the feebleness of which resembles the emotion of a last adieu. But once entering into conversation, all his firm and accurate intellect still manifested itself, though with labour, and sustained by the energy of his will.

He apologized for not having yet called upon me, according to custom. " I was in the country," he said ; " I require the country." The physical decline was striking when associated with the moral vigour and public importance still unimpaired. On Thursday, the 5th of March, I dined for the first time with the Queen. Neither during the dinner nor in the drawing-room afterwards, was the conversation animated or interesting. Political subjects were en tirely avoided ; we sat round a circular table, before the Queen, who was on a sofa ; two or three of her ladies were endeavouring to work ; Prince Albert played at chess ; Lady Palmerston and I, with some effort, carried on a flagging dialogue. I observed over the three doors of the apartment, three portraits, Fe'ne'lon, the Czar Peter the Great, and Anne Hyde, daughter of Lord Clarendon, the first wife of James the Second.

I felt surprise at this association of three persons so in congruous. No one had remarked it, and no one could explain the reason. I thought of one; the por traits were selected for their size — they fitted well in their respective places. On the day after, the 6th of March, the Queen held a Levee at Saint James's Palace. A long and mono tonous ceremony, which, nevertheless, inspired me with real interest. I regarded with excited esteem the pro found respect of that vast assembly, courtiers, citizens, lawyers, churchmen, officers, military and naval, passing before the Queen, the greater portion bending the knee to kiss her hand, all perfectly solemn, sincere, and awk ward. The sincerity and seriousness were both wanting to prevent those antiquated habits, wigs, and purses, those costumes which no one even in England now wears, except on such occasions, from appearing some what ridiculous.

But I am little sensible to the outward appearance of absurdity, when the substance partakes not of that character. While I was thus beginning to establish myself in London, I had to decide the question whether I should remain, or ought to wish to remain there. The cabinet which had appointed me to that embassy, fell. Mar shal Soult, M. Duchatel, M. Passy, and M. Dufaure, tendered their resignations. The rejection by the Cham ber of Deputies of the dotation they had proposed for the Duke of Nemours, a rejection pronounced without debate, and by an indirect vote much resembling a sur prise, had equally offended and shaken them. The King vainly endeavoured to retain them in office. They had a clear perception of the difficulties of the position, and of the weak points of the majority that had failed them, through their own incaution rather than by design.

" Though I should retire alone, I would still retire," replied M. Duchatel. The cabinet of the 12th of May, 1839, had courageously formed itself to stem a revolt ; it retired on the 29th of February, 1840, before a par liamentary check which a debate boldly faced might perhaps have evaded altogether. It was certainly not without dissatisfaction that the King then sent for M. Thiers, and commissioned him to form a cabinet. It was irksome to him to take for first minister one of the chiefs of the coalition. The refusal of the dotation to the Duke of Nemours, opened the door of power to M. Thiers. The King apprehended from him, in foreign affairs, a disposition somewhat too warlike and adventurous. Those who construe these personal sentiments of King Louis-Philippe into an attack on the constitution, are poor moralists and very shallow politicians.