Name: The Works of Horace, with English Notes Twentieth Edition
Author: Horace

EPISTLES.--BOOK I

EPISTLE I.

Some time after Horace had published his three books of Odes, and had, as it appears, laid aside that sort of writing, it seems that Mæcenas, and probably his other friends, begged him to return to it. That is the obvious meaning of the remonstrance with which the Epistle opens. He expresses an earnest wish to retire into privacy, to abandon poetry, and to devote himself to the study of philosophy and virtue, which he recommends as the only true wisdom.

1. Prima dicte mihi,] This is an affectionate way of speaking. It has no particular reference to anything Horace had written. It is like Virgil's address to Pollio (Ec. viii. 11): "A te principium, tibi desinet"; or Nestor's to Agamemnon (Il. ix. 96):

Ἀτρείδη κύδιστε, ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν Ἀγάμεμνον, Ἐν σοὶ μὲν λήξω, σέο δ᾽ ἄρξομαι.

2. Spectatum satis et donatum jam rude] When gladiators received their discharge, they were presented by the 'lanista,' or the 'editor spectaculorum,' who owned or hired them, with a 'rudis,' which was a blunt wooden instrument, some say a sword, others a cudgel. The name may have belonged to any weapon used in the 'praelusio,' or sham fight that generally preceded the real battle with sharp swords. The gladiators thus discharged were called 'rudiarii,' and, if they were freemen, 'exauctorati.' 'Spectatum' is a technical term. Tickets, with the letters SP upon them, were given to gladiators who had distinguished themselves. 'Ludus' means the place where the training took place, and the gladiators were kept. (See A. P. 32, n.)

4. Veianius armis Herculis ad postem] Veianius was a 'rudiarius,' and when he was discharged, he hung up his weapons in the temple of Hercules, just as the man is made to hang up the arms of love in the temple of Venus, when they had ceased to profit him, in C. iii. 26. 3; or as the slave hung up his chain to the Lares (see S. i. 5. 65, n.), to whom also boys dedicated their 'bulla' when they assumed the 'toga virilis'; and, generally, those who gave up any trade or calling dedicated the instruments with which they had followed it to the gods, and to that god, in particular, under whose patronage they had placed themselves. Hercules would naturally be chosen by a gladiator, or by a soldier.

6. Ne populum extrema] The gladiatorial shows at this time were exhibited in the Circus. The arena was separated from the seats, which went round the building, by a wall called the 'podium,' near which a gladiator would station himself to appeal to the compassion of the people, at whose request it usually was that they got their freedom and the 'rudis.' We learn from Juvenal, that the persons of highest condition sat by the 'podium,' and to their influence the appeal would be more immediately made. Veianius, Horace says, retired into the country to escape the temptation to engage himself again, and to place himself in the position he had so often occupied, of a suppliant for the people's favor. When they liked a man, they were not easily persuaded to ask for his discharge.

7. Est mihi purgatam] He has a voice within him, he says, the office of which is to whisper in his attentive ear the precept that follows, the idea of which is taken from Ennius, who takes it from the Circus. His words in Cicero de Senect. (c. 5) are:

"Sicut fortis equus spatio qui saepe supremo Vicit Olympia, nunc senio confectu' quiescit."

'Purgatam aurem' means an ear purged from all that could obstruct the entrance of the truth.

9. ilia ducat.] 'Ilia trahere' and 'ducere' are ordinary expressions for panting; they mean to contract the flanks, as is done in the act of recovering the breath. The reverse is 'ilia tendere.' See Virg. Georg. iii. 536, "imaque longo Ilia singultu tendunt." 'Ilia ducere' here means to become broken-winded.

10. et versus et cetera ludicra pono,] He did not keep his word, for he wrote much of the fourth Book of Odes, and the Carmen Saeculare, after this; so that he says of himself (Epp. ii. 1. 111):

"Ipse ego qui nullos me affirmo scribere versus Invenior Parthis mendacior."

'Ludicra' means the follies of light poetry, jokes, amours, &c. See Epp. ii. 2. 55.

13. quo lare tuter,] This is equivalent to 'qua in domo,' respecting which see C. i. 29. 14, n.; and as to 'jurare in verba,' see note on Epod. xv. 4. The metaphor is taken from the oath of the gladiator ('auctoramentum'), by which he bound himself to the 'lanista' to whom he hired himself, which was a very stringent oath indeed.

16. Quo me cunque rapit] Horace says he follows no school and knows no master, but, like a traveller always changing his abode, he follows the breeze that carries him hither and thither, just as his temper happens to be, or his judgment chances to be influenced; "tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine," as St. Paul says, using the same sort of language.

16. Nunc agilis fio] That is, he agrees with the Stoics, whose virtue was essentially a Roman virtue (see C. S. 58, n.), and lay in action. With them, the perfection of virtue was the perfection of happiness, utility, wealth, power (see below, v. 106, n.).

18. Nunc in Aristippi] After holding for a time to the rigid school of virtue and the Stoics, he insensibly went over to the lax doctrines of the Cyrenaics, whose founder was Aristippus of Cyrene, one of the least worthy disciples of Socrates. He held that every man should control circumstances, and not be controlled by them. Hence he did not hesitate to expose himself to the greatest temptations. An instance of his indifference in another way is given above (S. ii. 3. 100). See Epp. 17. 23.

19. Et mihi res] 'I try to bend circumstances to myself, not myself to circumstances.' But Aristippus departed from his own theory, when he departed from the rule of his teacher, and took money from his pupils. He was the first of the Socratics that did so, and Xenophon is supposed to refer to him when he says that some of the disciples of Socrates got for nothing a little of his wisdom, and sold it at a high price to others (Mem. i. 2, § 60). Those that took money from their disciples, Socrates said, sold themselves into slavery, and he must therefore have held this opinion of Aristippus (Ib. § 6). His dialogue with Socrates (in Xen. Mem. ii. 1) throws light upon his opinions as here stated by Horace. The word 'subjungere' is taken from putting the neck of beasts of burden under the yoke.

21. ut piger annus Pupillis] Every boy who had lost his father was under a 'tutor' or guardian in respect of his property, while the care of his person belonged to his mother, or, in the case of her death, to his nearest relation, provided he was not a 'pupillus' himself. This lasted till the age of puberty (fourteen). The boy was a 'pupillus,' not in relation to his mother, but to his tutor. Thus 'tutela' and 'custodia' were different things. 'Tutela' was a technical term, 'custodia' was not.

25. locupletibus aeque,] 'Aeque' is repeated, though not wanted, just as 'inter' is repeated in S. i. 7, and elsewhere (see note). The Greek writers used ὁμοίως in the same way.

27. Restat ut his] Horace says he is impatient, till he shall have reached the perfection of active virtue and wisdom. But as he has not done so, it only remains that he shall regulate and comfort his mind with such elementary knowledge of truth as he possesses, and be content with that; for, if he cannot reach perfection, he may make some steps towards it. 'His' means, that which he has at his command.

28. Non possis oculo] The keen sight of Lynceus, one of the Argonauts, who, as the story goes, could from Lilybæum count the number of vessels in a fleet coming out of the harbor of Carthage, has been proverbial in all ages.

30. invicti membra Glyconis,] This person is said to have been an athlete of prodigious strength.

31. Nodosa--prohibere cheragra.] The gout in the hand is called 'nodosa' from its twisting the joints of the fingers (S. ii. 7. 15). As to the construction of 'prohibere,' see C. i. 27. 4.

32. Est quadam prodire tenus] Horace is probably indulging a little irony at the expense of the philosophers, in the implied comparison of their perceptions and powers with those of Lynceus and Glycon, and in the humble tone he takes towards them. 'Tenus,' as a general rule, takes the ablative of the singular, and is so used in the compound words 'hactenus,' 'eatenus,' &c. The form 'quadamtenus' is used occasionally by Pliny; and the feminine gender appears in all the combinations of 'tenus' with pronouns.

34. Sunt verba et voces] Compare Euripides (Hippol. 478):

εἰσὶν δ᾽ ἐπῳδαὶ καὶ λόγοι θελκτήριοι· φανήσεταί τι τῆσδε φάρμακον νόσου.

Philosophy, Horace says, has remedies for every disease of the mind. The remedies he means are the precepts of the wise, to be derived from books (37). He also calls them 'piacula' (36), which is equivalent to 'medicamenta,' because, disease being attributed to the wrath of the gods, that which should remove their wrath ('piaculum') was the means of removing disease. 'Ter' is used by way of keeping up the religious notion (that number being common in all religious ceremonies, see C. i. 28. 36, n.): 'pure' is used in the same connection. The book must be read with a pure mind, as the body must be washed before sacrifice or libation can be offered. By 'libello' I understand Horace to mean any book that instructs the mind in virtue.

41. Virtus est vitium fugere] If you cannot all at once attain perfection, you may at least begin to learn, and the first step towards virtue is to put away vice. What follows is an illustration of this. 'You see what trouble you take to escape from poverty, which you count the worst of all evils; but if you will only give heed to instruction, you shall learn well to care about it.' This is the sense. As to 'repulsa,' see C. iii. 2. 17. He who would secure an election, must have a command of money.

44. capitisque labore.] 'Caput' is here put for the whole body. We do not use it so, but for the seat of intelligence, which the Romans placed in the heart, not in the brain. On 'per saxa, per ignes,' see C. iv. 14. 24; S. ii. 3. 56.

47. Ne cures ea] 'In order that you may cease to care for those things which you now so foolishly admire and long for, will you not learn and listen, and trust the experience of a better man than yourself?' As to this position of 'ne,' see C. iv. 9. 1.

49. Quis circum pagos] These were boxers, who went about the streets and the country villages, and fought for the amusement of the inhabitants, and for what they could pick up. 'Coronari Olympia' is a Greek way of speaking. Horace says, What boxer who goes about the country towns exhibiting, would despise the Olympic prizes, if he had a hope, still more a promise, that he should be crowned without a struggle? By this he means, men strive after happiness in the shape of riches, &c.; but if they will learn wisdom, that shall give them all they can desire without trouble or pain. The world may judge otherwise, he proceeds to say, and make wealth the standard of worth, but the world is not to be listened to,--it is foolish and inconsistent. 'Sine pulvere' seems to be taken from the Greek ἀκονιτί, and means without a struggle.

54. Janus summus ab imo] See S. ii. 3. 18. 'Perdocet' means it persists in teaching, it enforces. Horace breaks out into the praises of virtue, and says, that, as gold is more precious than silver, virtue is more precious than gold, whereas, from one end of the Forum to the other, the opposite doctrine is insisted upon, and old and young go there to learn it, as boys go to school, and repeat it as schoolboys repeat their tasks dictated to them by the master. Verse 56 is repeated from S. i. 6. 74. As to 'dictata,' see S. i. 10. 75, n.

58. Sed quadringentis sex septem] 'Suppose you lack six or seven thousand out of 400,000 sesterces (which make an equestrian property), whatever your genius, character, eloquence, and uprightness may be, you are put down for one of the common sort, and will not be allowed, under Otho's law, to sit in the front rows.' (See Epod. iv. 15, n.) 'Plebs' is not used in its regular sense, but contemptuously, 'a common fellow.' The equestrian order consisted of all citizens who had the above income and were not senators; for when a man became a senator, he ceased to be an 'eques.'

59. At pueri ludentes, Rex eris, aiunt,] See note on C. i. 36. 8. At Athens, it appears, the boys had a game, at which they who threw or caught the ball best were called kings, while they who were beaten were called asses. Some such game must have been in use among the Roman boys, and their king-making had become a proverb. The world may despise you, he says, because you are poor, but, according to the boys' rule, which makes the best man king, you shall be a king if you do well. As to 'murus aëneus,' see C. iii. 3. 65, n. For the different senses in which Horace uses 'nenia,' see Epod. xvii. 29, n. Here it signifies a sort of song of triumph.

64. Et maribus Curiis et decantata Camillis?] On this plural, see S. i. 7. 8. The persons referred to are M. Curius Dentatus, the conqueror of Pyrrhus, and M. Furius Camillus, the man who saved Rome from the Gauls. The contempt of money displayed by Curius is especially related by Cicero (De Senect. c. 16), in terms which account for Horace's selecting him for an illustration here. The boys' strain was ever in the mouths of these noble soldiers, giving honor to none but the worthy. 'Mares' is used in this sense in A. P. 402. We use 'masculine' in the same way.

67. lacrimosa poëmata Pupi,] Pupius appears to have been a writer of tragedies, which Horace says were pathetic, but he says it with some contempt. We know nothing more of him than this. 'Lacrimosa' is used ironically. As to 'responsare,' see S. ii. 7. 85. 'Praesens' means stands by you and urges you on, and teaches you to meet the insults of fortune with an independent heart and erect bearing. 'Aptat' is explained by "pectus praeceptis format amicis" (Epp. ii. 1. 128), which province belongs, Horace says, to the poet.

71. Non ut porticibus sic judiciis] As to 'porticus,' see S. i. 4. 134. He has said that the world are not fit guides, and he goes on to prove this by the inconsistencies of men, both rich and poor (71-93). He says, if people ask him why he mixes with them in the ordinary way of society, in the promenades, etc., but does not form his judgment of things as they do, he answers them as the fox answered the lion in Æsop's fable; and the meaning of the answer here is, that he found that, of all those who joined the world and made money their chief pursuit, none had survived or recovered their right judgment.

76. Bellua multorum es capitum.] 'The avarice of the world is like the hydra with many heads; if you check it in one form, it springs up in another; whom, then, or what, is one to take for one's guide?' On the use of 'nam' in this verse, see S. ii. 3. 41, n. As to 'conducere,' see C. ii. 18. 17, n. On the subject of will-hunting, see S. ii. 5, and compare with 'quos in vivaria mittant' v. 44 of that Satire: "Plures adnabunt thunni et vivaria crescent." There the 'captator' appears as a catcher of fish; here as a hunter of game. 'Vivaria' are preserves. 'Excipere' is the word used for catching the wild boar in C. iii. 12. 12. 'Occulto fenore' means interest which was greater than the law allowed (see S. i. 2. 14, n.), and therefore privately agreed upon. Of all the classes of money seekers in Rome, Horace fixes as the most prominent upon three, the 'publicani,' those who ingratiate themselves with old people in the hope of becoming their heirs, and extortionate usurers. 'Publica' may refer to public buildings and works.

80. Verum Esto aliis alios] But allow different men their different tastes, yet even this is of no use; for the same men, when they get rich, get capricious, and are always changing their minds.

83. Nullus in orbe sinus] If the rich man has set his heart upon building a house at Baiæ, he does not brook a moment's delay; the waters of the Lacus Lucrinus on one side and the sea on the other, are disturbed with the eager preparations with which he begins to satisfy his desire. The allusion is the same as in C. ii. 18. 19, sqq., and iii. 1. 33, sqq., 24. 3, where see notes. Baiæ was for several generations a favorite resort of the wealthy Romans. Julius Cæsar had a house there, and also Cn. Pompeius.

84. lacus et mare] The Lucrinus lacus was an arm of the sea. Its basin was filled up by the rising of the volcanic hill called Monte Nuovo, in the middle of the sixteenth century.

85. vitiosa libido] This means a corrupt, capricious will, which is said 'facere auspicium,' to stand in the place of birds and other omens usually consulted before new enterprises were undertaken.

86. Cras ferramenta Teanum] Teanum (now Teano) was a town belonging to the Sidicini, an ancient people of Campania. It was situated on the Via Latina, and about thirty miles from Baiæ. The whim for the coast having vanished, and a desire to live inland, in a country town, having seized upon the man of money, he sends off the workmen with their tools to Teanum, at a day's notice.

87. Lectus genialis in aula est,] 'Aula' means the 'atrium,' the entrance-room; and 'lectus genialis,' also called 'adversus,' because it was opposite the door, was the marriage-bed which was dedicated to the genii of the bride and bridegroom. The bed was a symbol of domestic love and peace, and was placed at the entrance of the house for a good omen. Respecting the genii, see below, Epp. i. 7. 94; ii. 2. 187.

90. Protea] See S. ii. 3. 71.

91. coenacula,] All the rooms above the ground floor were called 'coenacula.' While the rich lived in their own houses, poorer persons (and it must be remembered that 'paupertas' is comparative poverty, not want) took single rooms in the upper story of houses which went by the name of 'insulae,' the inhabitants of which were called 'coenacularii,' and they who kept them were said 'coenaculariam exercere.' Horace speaks of persons changing from caprice and aping the ways of the rich.

92. conducto navigio] 'Navigium' expresses the vulgar craft which the poor man hires in imitation of the private yacht, as smartly built and well found as a trireme belonging to the rich man. He hires his boat, which he cannot afford to do, and goes through the horrors of sea sickness, that he may have the honor of serving as a foil to the elegance of his wealthy neighbor.

94. Si curatus inaequali tonsore] He goes on to tax Mæcenas, good-humoredly, with the prevailing inconsistency (94-105). 'Capillos curare' was a common expression. Domitian wrote a book 'de cura capillorum,' according to Suetonius (c. 18), which he addressed to a friend who was bald, like himself. 'Subucula' was a second tunic worn under the 'intusium,' which was the upper tunic. 'Pexae' signifies a cloth of which the nap was not closely shorn, and was still fresh. The upper tunic, therefore, would be new, while the under one was old and shabby. The 'subucula' had sleeves, which the 'intusium' had not. Any difference in the cloth, therefore, would be very perceptible. Out of doors the toga would conceal both, but in doors the toga was not worn. 'Intusium' is from 'induo.' 'Subucula' is connected with 'duo' (that is, 'do') likewise. 'Disconvenit' is a word only found in Horace. It occurs again, Epp. 14. 18.

100. mutat quadrata rotundis?] Orelli says this looks like a proverbial expression for one who did not know his own mind. It may be so, or it may have reference to alterations Horace was making on his estate, in which case the whole would be only a joke against himself or truth in jest, which Mæcenas would understand. He appears to have begun building as soon as he entered on his new property, if there is any meaning in the scolding he gets from Damasippus (S. ii. 3. 307).

102. nec curatoris egere] See S. ii. 3. 217, n. 'Tutela' was the guardianship of a 'tutor,' the protector of an orphan's property till he came to the age of puberty. 'Curatela' was the office of 'curator,' who had the same relation to the orphan, in a modified form, till he was twenty five (see above, v. 22, n.). It was also that of the protector of insane persons. 'Tutela,' therefore, is not the precise word to keep up the previous notion. Horace means that Mæcenas looks after him anxiously, as if he was his 'tutor,' and he looks up to him as if he was his 'pupillus,' but that his guardian had better look to his greater faults, and correct those, than be put out by trifling defects such as negligence of dress, and so forth. What Horace says, is a repetition in a different form of "O et praesidium et dulce decus meum" (C. i. 1. 2).

105. respicientis] This word is much stronger than our term 'respect,' which is derived from it.

106. Ad summam:] This is an ordinary formula, 'to come to the point,' 'to conclude.' The pursuit of virtue and wisdom is the point from which he started, and, having digressed a little, he returns suddenly, and concludes with a definition of the sage, which is a repetition of S. i. 3. 124, sqq. Here it is added that he is the only freeman, and inferior to Jove alone.

108. Praecipue sanus,] Horace says jocularly, that the Stoic above all his other attributes is of course 'sanus,' except when his digestion is disturbed and the phlegm troublesome, 'sanus' bearing a double application to the body (from the pains of which no exemption was claimed for the Stoic sage, though he did not allow them to affect his will) and to the mind, the sanity of which no one could lay claim to but the sage himself (see S. ii. 3. 44, n.). As to 'pituita,' see S. ii. 2. 73, n.

EPISTLE II.

The person to whom this Epistle and the eighteenth are written, was probably the son of M. Lollius, the consul, addressed in the ninth Ode of the fourth Book. He was young, but had been with Augustus to the wars, as we learn from the other Epistle (v. 55). When this Epistle was written, he was at Rome, continuing his education, and Horace was at Præneste. He had lately been reading Homer, and from the examples of the Iliad and Odyssey he takes occasion to derive some advice for Lollius, whom he urges to the study of philosophy.

1. maxime Lolli,] This is probably no more than a familiar and good-humored way of addressing the young man, 'most noble Lollius.'

2. Dum tu declamas Romae] Horace writes to Lollius as to one familiar with Homer's poems. He says of himself, referring to his early education at Rome (Epp. ii. 2. 41):

"Romae nutriri mihi contigit atque doceri Iratus Graiis quantum nocuisset Achilles."

After the Romans had begun to expand the course of their sons' education, (as mentioned in the note on S. i. 6. 77,) Homer was one of the first authors a boy studied. Boys attended the schools of the rhetorical masters before they put on the 'toga virilis,' and there they learnt to declaim upon subjects given them from history. This practice was not introduced till the later years of the republic. Young men continued studying declamation long after they left school. They had teachers at home, who taught them the higher principles of oratory.

Praeneste relegi;] Præneste (Palestrina) was in Latium, about twenty three miles due east of Rome on the edge of the Apennines. It was a cool retreat, to which Horace appears sometimes to have gone in summer, even when he had a place of his own elsewhere. See C. iii. 4. 21, sqq.

4. Chrysippo et Crantore] As to Chrysippus the Stoic, see S. i. 3. 126, n. Both he and Crantor were born at the Cilician town Soli. Crantor studied philosophy in the Academia, under Xenocrates and with Polemo. (See S. ii. 3. 254, n.) They were both voluminous writers. But Horace says there is more instruction in the poems of Homer than in all they ever wrote, and that it is more clearly conveyed. Horace takes a wrong view of Homer's poems, which are not philosophical, nor meant to be so, but noble specimens of art and poetical conception.

7. Barbariae] That is, Phrygia. (See Epod. ix. 6.) 'Aestus' is a metaphor from the ebbing and flowing of the tide, and represents the passions and variableness of the princes and people.

9. Antenor censet] At a meeting of the Trojan chiefs after the combat of Hector and Ajax, Antenor proposes to restore Helen to the Greeks, which Paris flatly refuses, ἀντικρὺ δ᾽ ἀπόφημι γυναῖκα μὲν οὐκ ἀποδώσω (Il. vii. 362, sqq.).

12. Inter Peliden--inter Atriden;] See S. i. 7. 11, n; Epp. 1. 25, n.

13. Hunc amor,] From its position this seems to belong to 'Atriden.' The allusion is to Nestor's attempt to mediate between Agamemnon and Achilles, when the former angrily consents to restore Chryseis, whom he loved above Clytemnestra his wife (Il. i. 113, sqq.)

19. domitor Trojae] The epithet πτολίπορθος is frequently applied to Ulysses by Homer. The three first verses of the Odyssey are almost translated in these lines.

22. immersabilis] Compare C. iv. 4. 65: "Merses profundo pulchrior evenit."

23. Sirenum voces] How by the directions of Circe Ulysses eluded the charming voice of the Sirens, is related in the twelfth book of the Odyssey, 165, sqq.; and the way in which Circe poisoned his companions and changed them into swine, will be found in the tenth book, 230, sqq. The Sirens were as proverbial with the ancients as with us.

27. Nos numerus sumus] This expression is not uncommon in the Greek dramatists. It means, a mere undistinguished heap, and 'fruges consumere nati' is an adaptation of Homer's οἳ ἀρούρης καρπὸν ἔδουσι (Il. vi. 142). 'Nos' means the common sort of men, among whom Horace places himself, and all but the sage, who is like Ulysses, while the rest are no better than his wife's suitors, gluttons, wine-drinkers, and lazy; or the subjects of Alcinous, king of Phæacia or Scheria (an island of which, if it had any existence, the position is unknown), the host of Ulysses, to whom he relates his adventures (Odyss. lib. ix. sqq.). The king describes his people thus:

αἰεὶ δ᾽ ἡμῖν δαίς τε φίλη, κίθαρίς τε, χοροί τε, εἵματά τ᾽ ἐξημοιβὰ, λοετρά τε θερμὰ, καὶ εὐναί. (Odyss. viii. 248.)

The Phæacians were proverbial in respect to good living. See Epp. i. 15. 24. On 'cute curanda,' see S. ii. 5. 38, n.

31. cessatum ducere curam.] 'Duco,' as a verb of motion, takes the accusative of the verbal substantive to denote the object, just as 'venio' and 'mitto' do. "The accusative of the verbal in 'tu' is often called the supine active, and the ablative of the same the supine passive; but there is nothing passive in the latter, and therefore the distinction is inappropriate." 'Factu' is 'in the doing,' as 'factum' is 'to the doing'; so neither is passive.

32. Ut jugulent homines] From the above examples of virtue, especially Ulysses, Horace urges his friend to the pursuit of it, and asks whether, if the robber can rise before daylight to take away other men's lives, he will not wake up to save his own (32-43).

34. Si noles sanus curres hydropicus;] It appears that active exercise was recommended by the ancient physicians for dropsical patients. Horace means, that, if he will not learn wisdom while he is unharmed by the world, he will have to do so when it has spoilt him.

39. in annum?] So he says below (Epp. 11. 23), "neu dulcia differ in annum." It is the habit of procrastinators to put off the work of to-day till to-morrow, of this week till next week, of this year till next year, and this is Horace's meaning. 'In annum' is till next year. 'Dimidium facti qui coepit habet' is an adaptation of the Greek saying ἀρχὴ δὲ τοι ἥμισυ παντός, attributed variously to Hesiod and Pythagoras.

44. Quaeritur argentum] This is advanced as a reason why men put off the day of reformation, that they are anxious to make themselves comfortable and rich (44-54).

47. Non domus et fundus,] See S. ii. 5. 108, n. 'Deduxit,' in the next line, is used like the aorist.

52. fomenta podagram,] As to 'fomenta' in a derived sense, see Epod. xi. 17, n. Horace means to say, that fomentations go a small way towards curing the gout. Perhaps he means that they aggravate the pain.

55. Sperne voluptates,] This is part of the same subject. The pursuit of sensual pleasure is connected with the pursuit of money, which is wanted for it. The pursuit of money leads on to envy, and envy to wrath, so that all these pithy sayings hang together.

58. Invidia Siculi] Horace probably alludes to the bull of Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum in Sicily. It was made of bronze. Persons were put inside, and the metal was gradually heated till they were roasted to death. But the tyrants of Sicily were proverbial.

60. et mens,] 'Mens' signifies passion, μένος.

61. poenas--festinat] 'hurries after its revenge.' So Horace uses 'properare,' in C. iii. 24. 62, "pecuniam Heredi properet"; and in the next Epistle (v. 28), "Hoc studium parvi properemus et ampli." It is like the Greek σπεύδειν, which takes an accusative.

63. hunc tu compesce] In general precepts, emphasis is sometimes given by the insertion of the pronoun 'tu.' See C. i. 9. 16.

64. Fingit equum] Here he goes back to v. 40, "sapere aude; Incipe." For to be wise, he must learn, and put himself in the hands of those who can teach him.

65. venaticus, ex quo] 'Catulus' is awkwardly placed at the end of the sentence. The practice of training dogs by means of stuffed animals was perhaps common. 'Latro' governs an accusative here and in Epod. v. 58. On 'militat,' see S. ii. 2. 10, n.

69. Quo semel est imbuta recens] 'The testa keeps long the odor it imbibed when new.' So, he means, the good or evil imbibed in youth clings to the mind for many years.

70. Quodsi cessas aut strenuus anteis,] Horace says he cannot wait for the dilatory, or trouble himself to keep up with those who are in a great hurry to get on. He means he shall go his own way in the pursuit of wisdom. At the same time, he hints that young persons are apt to get on a little too fast, and to mistake their own powers and attainments. The conclusion is abrupt, as Horace's conclusions often are.

EPISTLE III.

In B.C. 20 an embassy came from Armenia to Rome, expressing the dissatisfaction of the people with their king, Artaxias, and praying that Augustus would place upon the throne that king's younger brother, Tigranes, who was then living in exile at Rome. Augustus assented, and sent Tiberius with Tigranes to dethrone Artaxias. This Tiberius did, and with his own hand crowned Tigranes. (See Epp. 12. 27, n.)

About his person Tiberius appears to have had a number of young men, such as Titius, Celsus, and Munatius, mentioned in this Epistle, and Julius Florus, to whom it is addressed. What little can be said about the first three will be found in the notes. Florus, it appears from this Epistle (v. 23), was practising to become an orator or a jurisconsultus, and wrote verses of the softer sort; in the second Epistle of the second Book (v. 59) we have the same information.

Quintilian (Inst. Orat. x. 3) tells an anecdote of one Julius Florus, whom he calls the first man in Gaul for eloquence. This may be the person Horace addresses, and if so, he carried out successfully in Gallia the pursuit of which Horace here supposes him to be beginning the practice. Horace had a great regard for him, as appears not only from this, but from the other Epistle, in which he makes his excuses to him for not having sent him any poetry.

Florus was evidently a young man at this time, and all the persons named were young. One of them (Celsus) was secretary to Tiberius. Whether the others had any definite occupation, or were merely travelling to enlarge their experience, and see the world, is not stated. Horace assumes that they are not wasting their time, but pursuing their studies and practising their pens. He inquires after his young friends in a way that shows his interest in them, offers them such advice and encouragement as he thinks they need, and especially begs Florus to be reconciled to Munatius, with whom he had for some reason quarrelled. This was probably Horace's chief design in writing this Epistle.

3. Thracane vos Hebrusque] The first of these is the Latin form of the Greek Θρῄκη. It has been observed before, that Horace generally uses the Latin terminations in the Satires and Epistles, and the Greek in the Odes. The Hebrus he elsewhere calls "hiemis sodalem" (C. i. 25. 19). Tiberius passed through Macedonia and Thrace on his way to Armenia. (See Introduction.)

4. vicinas inter currentia turres,] 'Turris' may mean a castle or fortified place, and one of these that Horace mentions is probably Abydos, on the Asiatic shore of the Hellespont. The other may have been Sestos, on the European side. The strait takes a bend to the northeast between the two towns, and Abydos stood directly south of Sestos, at the distance of thirty stadia. The current runs very strong between them, and this is expressed in the text; notwithstanding which, there is a popular story that Leander, a youth of Abydos, swam across repeatedly by night, to visit Hero, the priestess of Venus, at Sestos. Ovid has two Epistles, supposed to have passed between the lovers (Heroid. 18, 19); and Virgil (Georg. iii. 258, sqq.) refers to the story. The same adventure was accomplished by Lord Byron and a companion, in the year 1810, in the month of May.

6. Quid studiosa cohors operum] As to 'cohors,' see S. i. 7. 23, n. 'Operum' belongs to 'quid,' and signifies 'writings,' either prose or poetry.

7. scribere sumit?] Compare C. i. 12. 2, "sumis celebrare." 'Sumere' is sometimes used in a bad sense, as we use 'assume,' 'presume'; but it is not so here. It is the word Horace generally uses in this connection. See A. P. 38. With 'diffundit in aevum,' compare C. iv. 14, init.

9. Quid Titius Romana] Of Titius the Scholiasts say, that he was a tragic and lyric poet. According to Horace, he was not afraid to imitate Pindar. This young man was more rash than Horace himself (C. iv. 2. 1). There is no one upon record with whom the person in the text can be identified, though some suppose he may be the person Tibullus mentions (i. 4. 73), "Haec mihi quae canerem Titio Deus edidit ore."

venturus in ora?] This expression may have taken its rise from Ennius's "volito vivu' per ora virum," which Virgil has imitated once or twice.

10. expalluit] This is used as in C. iii. 27. 27, "mediasque fraudes Palluit audax."

11. lacus et rivos ausus apertos.] These are opposed to the deep and hidden springs of Pindar's genius.

14. An tragica desaevit et ampullatur] The first of these words refers to the passions represented in tragedy, the other to the pompous words employed by inferior writers to express them. 'Ampulla' signifies a sort of bottle with a big round belly, and corresponds to the Greek λήκυθος, which was used to signify great, swelling words. Horace appears to have been the first to substitute the Latin words 'ampullari' and 'ampulla' (the first of which he probably coined) for ληκυθίζειν and λήκυθος. See A. P. 97.

15. Quid mihi Celsus agit?] 'Quid agis' is the common formula for 'How d' ye do?' See S. i. 9. 4; Epp. i. 8. 3. Celsus is most probably Celsus Albinovanus, to whom the eighth Epistle is addressed. We know nothing of him, except that he was one of the staff of Tiberius, and his secretary ("comiti scribaeque Neronis," 8. 2). The advice Horace here sends him is, to write something original, and not confine himself to the ideas of other authors, either in the way of translation or imitation. It has been mentioned before (C. i. 31, Introduction) that Augustus attached a library to the temple he built for Apollo on the Mons Palatinus. Æsop's fable of the jackdaw, who dressed himself in the peacock's cast-off feathers, is told by Phædrus (i. 3). Αἰσώπιος κολοιός was a proverb.

21. Quae circumvolitas] This similitude of a bee gathering honey from thyme, Horace applies to himself (C. iv. 2. 27, sqq.). As to 'orator' and 'respondere,' see S. i. 1. 9, n., and on 'hederae praemia,' see C. i. 1. 29.

23. seu civica jura Respondere] This is a singular expression for the usual 'jus respondere,' or 'de jure respondere,' which was said of the jurisconsultus. (See S. i. 1. 9.)

26. Frigida curarum fomenta] 'Fomenta' here seems to mean honor, riches, &c., by which care is sought to be alleviated, but which, after all, are but cold remedies, and ineffectual; "fomenta vulnus nil malum levantia," as Horace says (Epod. 11. 17, where see note).

28. parvi properemus et ampli] As to 'properemus,' see Epp. 2. 61, n., and with the sentiment compare Epp. 1. 25, "Aeque pauperibus prodest, locupletibus aeque."

30. si tibi curae] Horace says, "You must write me back word whether you make as much of Munatius as he deserves, or whether your mutual regard, like a wound ill-sewn, refuses to unite, and is torn open again." Munatius has been mentioned before (C. i. 7, Introduction) as the son of Munatius Plancus, the consul of B.C. 42. We know nothing more about him, except that he was consul in A.D. 13, and that he was afterwards sent as one of the commissioners from the senate to the mutinous German legions (Tac. Ann. i. 39). It appears he and Florus had quarrelled; we are not told what it was about; but Horace attributes it to youthful heat and ignorance of the world. He likens them to unbroke horses, and tells them that they ought to make it up, and that when they come home they will find the fatted calf ready for sacrifice. Compare C. i. 36 written on the return of Numida. It is impossible to put the different parts of the sentence together so as to make the construction regular and natural, but the sense is clear enough. Horace frequently uses 'dignus' with the infinitive. See C. iii. 21. 6, n. 'Indignus' he uses in the same way here, and in A. P. 231, but in the usual prose construction with 'qui' and the subjunctive in S. ii. 3. 236. By 'fraternum foedus' Horace only means that they were or had been and ought to be, "paene gemelli Fraternis animis," as he says below, Epp. 10. 3.

EPISTLE IV.

This Epistle is addressed to Albius Tibullus, the poet, to whom also C. i. 33 is written. The letter only professes to be one to inquire after Tibullus; but occasion is taken to commend his fortunes and himself, and to bid him live every day as if it were the last. Horace writes to his friend (probably from Rome) at his place near Pedum, a town of Latium, not far from Præneste. There Tibullus had a good estate, inherited from his father, which before his death, he appears by some means to have diminished. That his losses must have occurred after this Epistle was written, we may perhaps infer from v. 7. He lived chiefly on his estate, in the quiet pursuits Horace here supposes him to be engaged in; though immediately after the battle of Actium he accompanied Messalla into Gaul and was absent about a year, which, as far as we know, comprised all his active life. Horace, among other blessings, assigns him good health; nevertheless he died young. It appears that, while many disparaged Horace's writings, Tibullus judged them kindly, and the affection the two poets bore one another cannot be mistaken. Tibullus was probably ten or twelve years younger than Horace. Tibullus died the same year with Virgil (B.C. 20) or very soon after.

1. sermonum candide judex] See Introduction. The Satires must have been published some time, and some of the Epistles may have been written and made known to Horace's intimate friends. The word 'sermones' therefore applies probably (whether Horace published them with that title or not) to the Epistles as well as the Satires, and whatever Tibullus had seen he approved.

2. regione Pedana?] See Introduction.

3. Cassi Parmensis opuscula] Parma (Parma) was a town belonging to the Boii, at the edge of the Macri Campi, in Cisalpine Gaul, on a river of the same name, which runs into the Po about twelve miles north of the town. The Via Æmilia passed through Parma. Cassius of Parma was one of the murderers of Julius Cæsar, and a 'tribunus militum' in the army of Brutus and Cassius. He was therefore, in all probability, well known to Horace. After following the fortunes of Sextus Pompeius, he joined M. Antonius, on whose side he fought at the battle of Actium. After that battle he retired to Athens, and there he was put to death by order of Augustus. What the 'opuscula' Horace refers to were, we do not know, but it is clear that he thought well of them.

4. silvas inter reptare salubres] 'Repto' (frequentative of 'repo'), which contains the same root as ἕρπω, signifies to saunter, or go about quietly; and Lucretius applies it to flocks of sheep grazing on downs (ii. 317). The woods are called 'salubres,' because their shade protects from the heat of the sun, as Cicero says (Cat. M. c. 16): "Ubi enim potest illa aetas (senectus) aut calescere vel apricatione melius vel igni, aut vicissim umbris aquisve refrigerari salubrius?"

6. Non tu corpus eras sine pectore.] 'Sine pectore' is used twice by Ovid (Met. xiii. 290), "rudis et sine pectore miles." Heroid. xvi. 305:

"Hunccine tu speres hominem sine pectore dotes Posse satis formae, Tyndari, nosse tuae?"

It means 'intellect,' of which the ancients held the heart to be the seat. There is a difficulty in 'eras.' Terence uses 'Tune eras?' for 'Is it you?' The idiom is unlike anything of our own. The imperfect is used irregularly in C. i. 27. 19, and 31. 4.

6. formam,] In an old biography of Tibullus he is called "Eques Romanus insignis forma cultuque corporis observabilis."

7. dederunt] The poets not uncommonly shorten the penult of the third plural of this tense.

10. Gratia,] Tibullus was generally popular, and 'gratia' means popularity.

11. mundus] This is explained by S. ii. 2. 65: "Mundus erit qui non offendat sordibus."

15. Me pinguem et nitidum] This corresponds to Suetonius's description of Horace's person, "Habitu corporis brevis fuit atque obesus." On 'bene curata cute,' see S. ii. 5. 38. Horace indulges his friend with a joke at his own expense. He was getting sleek and in good keeping.

EPISTLE V.

As to Torquatus, the person whom Horace in this Epistle invites to dine with him, see C. iv. 7, Introduction. The occasion was the evening before the birthday of Augustus, which was the 23d of September. The Epistle contains a good-tempered invitation to dinner, nothing more.

1. Si potes Archiacis] These are said to be couches, named after their maker, Archias.

2. olus omne] The fare Horace offers would not be very inviting to a modern diner-out; but he seems to have lived chiefly on the produce of the garden himself, and 'olus omne' may have been a sort of salad, or other dish, compounded of different vegetables. The dinner is fixed at a rather late hour for the time of year, to give Torquatus time to finish his business. (See S. ii. 7. 33, n.) 'Patella' is the diminutive of 'patina,' as 'catillum' of 'catinum' (S. i. 3. 90).

4. Vina bibes iterum Tauro diffusa] T. Statilius Taurus was consul for the second time B.C. 26. The age of the wine was usually noted by the consulship in which it was bottled. See C. iii. 8. 12, n., and as to 'diffusa,' see C. iv. 5. 34, n., and S. ii. 2. 58. As to Minturnae and Sinuessa, see S. i. 5. 40, n. Petrinus was a hill overhanging Sinuessa, or a tract of land in its neighbourhood. The overflowings of the Garigliano (Liris), on which Minturnæ stood, still render the surrounding country damp, and it is very thinly inhabited. The Falernus ager and Mons Massicus, with their celebrated vineyards, were in the neighbourhood of Sinuessa. It does not appear that Horace's wine was of the best, but two vineyards close to each other may produce wines of very different quality.

6. arcesse vel imperium fer.] "Fetch it, or else put yourself under my 'imperium,'" as if he as master had the 'imperium' at his own table. 'Arcesso' is compounded of 'ar' (which is equivalent to 'ad') and 'cesso,' which involves the same root ('ci-') as 'cieo.'

7. Jamdudum splendet focus] See Epod. ii. 43, n. As it was summer, he does not mean that the fire was burning, but that the 'focus,' by which he means that which stood in the Atrium, near the images of the Lares, and which was probably of bronze, had been burnished and made gay for the occasion. 'Supellex' legally included all household furniture but such as was of gold or silver, gilded or plated; that is, it included tables of all sorts, chairs, benches, couches (even when they were ornamented with silver), with their drapery, footstools, napkins, candelabra, lamps, and all sorts of vessels of earthenware, glass, bronze, whether for eating or drinking. Wearing-apparel was not included, nor perhaps ivory ornaments.

9. Et Moschi causam:] If we can trust the Scholiasts, Moschus was a famous rhetorician of Pergamum, who was charged with the crime of poisoning, and his cause was undertaken by Torquatus, and also by Asinius Pollio ("insigne maestis praesidium reis," C. ii. 1. 13).

cras nato Caesare] See Introduction. It happened that the 23d of September, Augustus's birthday, was one of those days in which the early part was 'nefastus', that is, the prætor could not hold his court till a later hour than usual. Hence it is marked in the Calendar N. P. ('Nefastus Prior'). So that it was doubly a holiday for Torquatus, and he could lie in bed without damaging his cause, and therefore might sit up late with his friend.

11. Aestivam] This word does not accurately apply, for the summer ended and the autumn began on the Ides of September. But in that month the nights are particularly oppressive in hot climates.

12. Quo mihi fortunam] This is an elliptical way of speaking, which must be filled up according to the context. 'Quo mihi fortunam dedit Deus' may do here. 'Quo' is 'to what,' that is, 'to what purpose,' as in C. ii. 3. 9, sqq., where there is an ellipse. Ovid has "Quo mihi fortunam quae nunquam fallere curet?" (Am. ii. 19. 7).

14. Assidet insano:] As 'dissidet' is used to signify difference, Horace uses 'assidet' to signify resemblance. It is not so used elsewhere. The guests not uncommonly wore wreaths of flowers on their heads, and carried them in their hands; and we can understand their scattering them about the table and floor, especially when they were merry. But it appears that the slaves scattered flowers about, for the sake of their perfume. Horace says: "Parcentes ego dexteras Odi: sparge rosas" (C. iii. 19. 21). Fresh flowers were probably scattered at intervals during the dinner.

15. patiarque vel inconsultus haberi.] See C. ii. 7. 28; iii. 19. 18.

16. Quid non ebrietas designat?] 'Designat' is to do anything out of the way, as in Terence (Adelph. i. 2. 6):

"quae facta sunt Omitto: modo quid designavit. Mi. Quidnam id est? De. Fores effregit atque in aedes irruit."

Horace says, 'What strange things will not ebriety do?' As to 'operta recludit,' compare C. i. 18. 16; iii. 21. 16; Epod. 11. 14; and the places quoted in the note on S. i. 4. 87.

18. addocet artes.] That is, more particularly, the art of speech mentioned in the next line. 'Addocet' is an uncommon word, and is like the Greek προσδιδάσκει. 'Fecundi calices' are full cups. 'Contracta paupertas' corresponds to 'angustam pauperiem' (C. iii. 2. 1).

21. Haec ego procurare] The 'procurator' was one of the chief slaves, and general steward. But the 'promus' was also called 'procurator peni' (see S. ii. 2. 16), and Horace says he has undertaken or ordered himself to arrange everything for the dinner. 'Haec' refers to what follows. He says he is 'idoneus,' competent to the duty, and 'non invitus,' he likes it. 'Imperor' is nowhere else used as it is here. The proper construction is 'imperatur mihi.' So Horace alone uses 'invideor' (A. P. 56). As to 'toral' and 'mappa,' see S. ii. 4. 81. 84. 'Corruget nares' means to make the guests turn up their noses in disgust.

25. eliminet,] This is an old word for 'to turn out of doors.' Horace applies it to telling tales out of doors. Of the guests nothing at all is known. 'Potior puella' means one who has more attractions than Horace's dinner.

28. locus est et pluribus umbris:] Horace says there is room for several 'umbrae' (S. ii. 8. 22, n.), that is, four; for a full 'triclinium' held nine persons. But, considering the heat of the weather, he thinks it as well not to have the full number. 'Capra,' 'caper,' 'hircus,' are all used to signify the smell from the arm-pits when they perspire.

30. Tu quotus esse velis] He had only to say how many persons he wished to have, and leave the rest to the host. Horace advises his friend not to come out at the front door, 'ostium,' or 'janua atriensis,' for fear he should find a client waiting to catch him, but at the back door, 'posticum ostium,' which the Greeks called ψευδόθυρον, a false door.

EPISTLE VI.

Who Numicius was, nobody can tell, and it is of no importance. Any other name would have done as well. Nothing turns upon the character or circumstances of the person nominally addressed.

As to the design of the Epistle, it is to support virtue, under the aspect of a calm self-content as the chief good. The ordinary standards of happiness are treated with contempt, and there is a strong vein of irony running through the greater part of the Epistle.

1. Nil admirari] It is self control, or the power of keeping the mind in an equable frame, that Horace says is the only means of making a man happy and keeping him so. 'Nil admirari' can only be said to be necessary to this rule when admiration amounts to a stupid wonder, excessive fear, excitement, or other effects by which the judgment is misled and the passions roused injuriously. As to 'prope,' see S. ii. 3. 32, n.

4. sunt qui formidine nulla] 'Formido' is here equivalent to δεισιδαιμονία, a superstitious dread of the influences of the heavenly bodies, which acts upon vulgar minds. As to 'sunt qui spectent,' see C. i. 1. 3, n.

6. Arabas ditantis et Indos,] Comp. C. iii. 24. 1. The treasures of the sea, brought from the East, were chiefly pearls and coral.

7. Ludicra quid, plausus] This refers to the exhibition of gladiatorial and other shows, by which the favour of the people, and such rewards as they could bestow, were sought. As to the singular 'Quiritis,' see C. ii. 7. 3.

9. fere] This is used much as 'prope' is above. Horace says that fear and desire are much on a par, both indicating the want of that equanimity which he commends at starting. 'Miratur' expresses the astonishment of fear, as well as of admiration, and so does 'stupet' frequently, and 'exterret' applies, like ἐκπλήσσειν, to either state of mind. 'Torpet' does the same. (See S. ii. 7. 95.)

15. Insani sapiens] Whether ironically, or carried away by an unusual fit of enthusiasm, Horace maintains that a man may seek virtue itself "ultra quam satis est." What he means, or should mean, is, that excitement is to be avoided in the pursuit of the chief good as well as of subordinate goods. But, by saying that virtue itself may be admired inordinately, he is able to introduce with more contemptuous force the vulgar objects of admiration that follow, respecting which see C. iv. 8. 2; S. i. 4. 28; ii. 3. 118; and other places in the Satires.

17. I nunc,] The general meaning is, 'Now then, if you choose, go and run after fine things and wealth, after what I have said about excitement and excess.'

21. dotalibus emetat agris] This is equivalent to 'metat ex agris dotalibus,' as in S. ii. 2. 105 he says 'emetiris acervo.' 'Emeto' is not used elsewhere. Who is meant by Mutus, if anybody, is not known; probably no one in particular is alluded to. The name, though it occurs in inscriptions, and therefore is a Roman name, is perhaps adopted here by way of opposition to the eloquent man, who by his own exertions was running an unequal race with the other man's luck.

24. Quidquid sub terra est] This is like Sophocles (Aj. 646):

ἅπανθ᾽ ὁ μακρὸς κἀναρίθμητος χρόνος φύει τ᾽ ἄδηλα καὶ φανέντα κρύπτεται.

'In apricum' means 'to the rays of the sun,' 'to the light of day.' Horace means by this reflection, that the man need not be in such a hurry to make himself a name, since time would swallow it up, while it brought forward the obscure.

26. Porticus Agrippae] In B.C. 25, Agrippa built the Pantheon near the Campus Martius, to which a 'porticus' was attached. He also built in the same year, in commemoration of the naval victories of Augustus, a porticus, to which he gave the name Porticus Argonautarum. Which of the two is referred to, it is impossible to say; perhaps the second is more likely to have been called 'Porticus Agrippae.'

As to the Via Appia, see Epod. iv. 14; S. i. 5. Most of the towns on this road as far as Capua had country-houses belonging to wealthy Romans. Their equipages, therefore, would frequently be seen on the Via Appia.

27. Numa quo devenit et Ancus.] This is a proverbial way of speaking, differing little from C. iv. 7. 15, where see note.

28. Si latus aut renes] 'If you are sick, take medicine; if you want to live properly, seek the proper means, virtue if you think virtue is the way, or riches, or honours, or good eating.' This is the connection of the parts that follow, this advice being given ironically, as observed in the Introduction.

30. fortis omissis] 'Be resolute, abandon all self-indulgences, and set about this work,' that is, the pursuit of virtue. On 'fortis,' see C. S. 58, n. 'Hoc age' means 'set about this'; that is, the pursuit of virtue.

31. Virtutem verba putas] Comp. "Aut virtus nomen inane est," etc. (Epp. 17. 41). 'Lucus' is usually a grove dedicated to some divinity, and Horace may mean that the man had no regard for what others held sacred, but counted a consecrated grove no better than any other wood. Or, since 'lucus' was sometimes used indifferently for any wood, Horace may mean, 'if you think virtue consists only of words, as a grove does of trees.'

32. cave ne portus occupet alter,] As to 'occupo,' see C. ii. 12. 27, n. Horace says, "If you think lightly of virtue as the means of happiness, be active and make money: see no one gets into harbour before you, to carry off the business before you arrive." He supposes him a 'negociator,' the business of which class was chiefly that of banking and money-lending, but they also engaged in mercantile transactions, the difference between them and 'mercatores' being, that the latter travelled with their own wares, while the 'negociatores' did business in a general way.

33. Ne Cibyratica,] 'Cibyra Major' was situated on a branch of the Indus, on the northwest borders of Lycia. It was called 'major,' to distinguish it from a smaller town on the coast of Pamphylia. Twenty-five towns belonged to the conventus of Cibyra, and its commercial transactions were probably large. As to 'Bithyna negotia,' see C. iii. 7. 3, n. 'Negotia' is commonly used for the business transactions of a 'negociator,' as Cicero, in his letter introducing Manlius Sosis to Acilius, proconsul of Sicily (Ad Fam. xiii. 20), says, "habet negotia vetera in Sicilia sua." He had debts to get in, and accounts of old standing to settle.

34. Mille talenta rotundentur] On 'talenta,' see S. ii. 7. 89, n. 'Rotundo' is not used in this sense elsewhere. The meaning is the same as ours when we talk of a round number: it is a complete number, leaving out fractions. 'Porro' means 'farther.' 'Quadrat acervum,' 'makes the fourth side of the square,' as it were. In the next verse 'fidem' signifies 'credit.'

37. regina Pecunia] 'Pecunia' is here personified and made a loyal lady, and Juvenal apostrophises her thus:

"Funesta Pecunia, templo Nondum habitas, nullas nummorum ereximus aras." (i. 113.)

Horace here repeats in effect what he said in S. ii. 3. 94:

"Omnis enim res, Virtus, fama, decus, divina humanaque pulchris Divitiis parent."

38. Suadela Venusque.] 'Suadela' is another form of Suada, who represented the Greek divinity Πειθώ, Persuasion. The name, Cicero tells us, was Latinized by Ennius (Brut. 15). Πειθώ was usually associated with Ἀφροδίτη, and their statues stood together at Athens, where it is pretty certain Horace must have seen them. I cannot find that Suada had any temple or separate worship at Rome. She was supposed to assist Venus in presiding at marriages, and she, the Graces, and Mercury were the acknowledged companions of that goddess. Therefore Horace associates them here. Cicero tells us (Cat. Maj. xiv. 50) that Ennius called the eloquent M. Cethegus "Suadae medullam," 'the marrow of persuasion.' (See Epp. ii. 2. 117, n.)

39. Mancipiis locuples] See S. ii. 7. 3, n. Cappadocia was governed by its own kings from a very early period. The last was Archelaus, who was appointed by M. Antonius, B.C. 36; Ariarathes VII., who represented the lineal kings of Cappadocia, having been deposed and put to death. Archelaus was king at the time this Epistle was written, and he reigned fifty years. At his death (A.D. 17) Cappadocia was reduced to the form of a Roman province, in the third year of Tiberius (Tacitus, Ann. ii. 42). He had lands and slaves on them, and property of that sort, but wanted the precious metal. Ariobarzanes, who was king of Cappadocia when Cicero was governor of Cilicia, is described by him as "rex perpauper" (Ad Att. vi. 3). "Nullum aerarium, nullum vectigal habet. Nihil illo regno spoliatius, nihil rege egentius" (vi. 1). M. Brutus had advanced him large sums of money at exorbitant interest, which he was unable to pay, and Cicero, though he got 100 talents from him, was unable to extract all the debt. Cn. Pompeius too was his creditor, and all he could get was a promissory bond for 200 talents, payable in six months (vi. 3). Horace advises his man not to let himself be as poor as this king. 'Hic' is an adverb, like ἐνταῦθα: it means 'in this position.' (See Epp. 15. 42.)

40. Chlamydes Lucullus, ut aiunt,] L. Licinius Lucullus, being proconsul in Cilicia, conducted the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, king of Armenia, as related by Plutarch in his life, but being superseded in his command by Cn. Pompeius, he returned to Rome with great wealth accumulated by himself in Asia, which he devoted to every sort of costly self-indulgence. Plutarch relates this anecdote of Horace's, with a little variation. A prætor who wished to get up a public spectacle on an ambitious scale (φιλοτιμουμένου περὶ θέας) applied to Lucullus to lend him some purple cloaks for a chorus. Lucullus said he would inquire, and if he had any he would let him have them. The next day he asked him how many he wanted, and when the prætor said a hundred, Lucullus bade him take twice that number.

The 'chlamys' was an upper garment worn by the Greeks, a light sort of shawl thrown loosely over the person in a variety of ways. The Romans did not wear it till the time of the empire, and it was never more than an occasional garment at Rome. Lucullus, it seems, had brought with him a large number of a costly kind from Asia, where they were worn in the Greek cities. What the representation may have been for which the praetor wanted these 'chlamydes' is not certain, but Greek characters must have been introduced.

45. Exilis domus est] This is said ironically.

50. Mercemur servum] There was a class of slaves called 'nomenclatores' or 'fartores' (crammers), ὀνοματολόγοι, whose office it was to accompany their master when walking, or attend him at home at the hour of 'salutatio' (when, if he was a person of consequence, people of all sorts came to pay him their respects), and to remind him of the names and circumstances of his visitors, and anything else that it might be necessary for the master to remember. If he was aiming at any office, he had to be particularly polite to the citizens of all classes, and his 'nomenclator,' if he were clever, would be of good service to him in this matter. Horace's advice to the man who thinks happiness depends on such things as show and popularity ('species et gratia') is, that he should hire a clever 'nomenclator,' if he had not one of his own, to go with him through the streets and nudge him whenever he came to any one of influence, and remind him to shake hands and say something civil to him, calling him affectionately 'my brother,' 'my father,' according to his age. 'Nomenclatores' were also employed to explain to the guests the names and qualities of the dishes, and parasites sometimes took this office upon themselves, as we have seen in S. ii. 8.

laevum Qui fodicet latus] As to 'laevum latus,' see S. ii. 5. 17, n.

51. cogat trans pondera dextram Porrigere.] 'Cogat' merely expresses the energy of the nomenclator. 'Pondera' means obstructions of various kinds, which were common in the narrow streets of Rome, as Horace describes, Epp. ii. 2. 72, sqq., and Juvenal (iii. 245). He was to stretch out his hand to shake hands with the voters. Cicero (Pro Planc.) speaks of P. Scipio Nasica, when a candidate for the ædileship, shaking hands with some rough voter, and asking him good humoredly "if he walked on his hands," they were so hard.

52. Hic multum in Fabia valet,] Servius Tullius divided the Plebes into thirty tribes, of which four were of the city and twenty-six were of the country. Of these twenty-six, ten appear to have been swallowed up by the conquests of Porsenna (see Epod. 16. 4), and of the remaining sixteen the Fabia was one. The number was gradually increased from sixteen to thirty-one; but it was not till B.C. 243, towards the end of the first Punic War, that the Quirina and Velina were added, being composed of persons belonging to Cures and Velinus in the Sabine territory. (Liv. Epit. xxx.) These were the last tribes that were formed.

53. his fasces dabit] On the 'fasces' and curule chair, see S. i. 6. 97. 'Importunus' means 'obstinate' or 'ill-natured'; 'facetus,' 'polite.'

56. lucet, eamus Quo ducit gula;] 'The day has dawned, let us be off and lay in our supplies; let us hunt and fish, as Gargilius hunted when he bought a boar, and pretended he had caught it himself'; that is to say, let us go to market. Who is meant by Gargilius, we have no means of knowing. The name is Roman. It occurs in inscriptions. He wanted to establish his reputation as a huntsman: got up before daybreak and returned to the city before the morning was over, and passed through the Forum while it was full of people, with nets, spears, and men, and a mule carrying a boar, which he had not caught, but purchased.

58. plagas, venabula,] As to 'plagae,' see C. i. 1. 28, n. They were too large to be carried by men, and were laden on mules. (See Epp. 18. 46.) They were sometimes of enormous extent, as stated in Epod. ii. 32. The 'venabulum' was a long hunting-spear, with a barbed point. Virgil (Aen. iv. 131), describing the hunting-party of Æneas and Dido, says:

"Retia rara, plagae, lato venabula ferro, Massylique ruunt equites et odora canum vis."

They were used, not for throwing, but thrusting.

61. Crudi tumidique lavemur,] It would seem that some gluttons, with the idea of renewing their appetite, went to bathe immediately after dinner, as well as (which was the general practice) immediately before. Sudden death was sometimes the effect of this folly. See Juvenal i. 142.

62. Caerite cera Digni,] Cære (Cervetri) was a very ancient town of Etruria, about twenty-seven miles north of Rome. About B.C. 354, the people of Tarquinii having taken up arms against the Romans, the Cærites were accused of aiding them, and were threatened with punishment; but having asked pardon, they obtained it at the expense of half their territory. They were also granted the Roman franchise, without the 'suffragium' or right of voting for magistrates. 'Caeritum cerae,' or 'tabulae,' would mean properly a register of the inhabitants of Cære, who would be registered when they came into the above relation to Rome. But it seems probable that, at this time, the name applied to the registers of all those who were in the position of 'aerarii,' that is, of the citizens of such towns as had not the perfect franchise, and of those citizens who had for any cause been degraded from their tribes. Thus Horace means, that they who took such a low view of life were not worthy of being Roman citizens, being more on an equality with the crew of Ulysses, whom Circe turned to swine (Epp. 2. 23, n.), and who slew and ate the kine sacred to the Sun, though they swore they would not, and their return home depended on their oath being kept. See Odyss. xi. 105, sqq.; xii. 303, sq.; 340, sqq. 'Remigium' is used for the rowers, as 'mancipium,' 'servitium,' are used for a slave, and many other words are used in the same way.

65. Si, Mimnermus uti censet,] Horace was familiar, we may be sure, with the writings of Mimnermus, the elegiac poet of Smyrna. He preferred him to Callimachus, as appears from Epp. ii. 2. 99, sqq. His poetry is of a melancholy cast, as far as we can judge from the few fragments that have come down to us: though love was their principal theme and the only remedy he recognizes for the ills of life, it does not seem as if he was very happy in his experience of it. One fragment that has been preserved bears out what Horace says. He may have had many such passages in his mind. It begins:

τίς δὲ βίος, τί δὲ τερπνὸν ἄτερ χρυσέης Ἀφροδίτης; τεθναίην ὅτε μοι μηκέτι ταῦτα μέλοι, κ. τ. λ.

Horace adds 'jocisque,' as elsewhere he makes Jocus the companion of Venus (C. i. 2. 34).

68. his utere mecum.] There is no difficulty in understanding that 'his' refers to the rule laid down at the beginning, and taken up in v. 30:

"Si virtus hoc una potest dare fortis omissis Hoc age deliciis";

for all that follows is only recommended ironically, and in such a way as to hold up to contempt every rule of life but that of virtue.

EPISTLE VII.

On some occasion Horace, having gone into the country for change of air on account of his health, at the beginning of August, was tempted to stay away the whole month; and as he had promised Mæcenas to return in a few days, he had perhaps received a letter from his friend, reminding him of that promise, and begging him to come back. Mæcenas was a valetudinarian, and had probably some of the querulous selfishness that usually attends on that condition. We may infer as much from that Ode (ii. 17) which begins, "Cur me querelis exanimas tuis?" and he very likely felt the want of Horace's society at this time. We can only gather the tone of his letter or message from the character of Horace's reply. He says he has no mind to risk a return of his sickness by going back during the autumn to Rome; indeed, that he meant to be absent at some warm place on the coast through the winter; that he was no longer as young and cheerful as he had been; that he was sure Mæcenas's liberality was bestowed upon him in a generous spirit, and that he did not mean to compromise his independence; for if he could suppose that was in danger, he would give up everything he had ever received rather than forfeit his liberty. He illustrates his position by two stories,--one that of the fox who got into a vessel of corn and grew so fat there that he could not get out again (which Horace was determined to prove was not his case), and the other a splenetic trick played by L. Philippus upon a worthy man, whom he seduced into leaving his home and vocation and settling on a farm in the country, the result of which unnatural change was the total destruction of his peace and independence. To this, too, Horace means to say he will never let himself be brought.

1. Quinque dies] This is a conventional phrase to express any short time. It occurs in S. i. 3. 16, "quinque diebus Nil erat in loculis."

2. Sextilem] In B.C. 8 this month first received the name of Augustus.

5. dum ficus prima calorque] See S. ii. 6. 18, n. The 'designator' was the man who arranged the procession at the funeral of any important person, and the 'lictores' were his attendants who kept order. (See S. i. 6. 43.)

8. Officiosaque sedulitas] That is, attending upon great people, and so forth. It does not seem as if the diminutive form 'opella' had any particular force. Horace uses diminutives when it suits the measure.

10. Quodsi bruma nives Albanis] 'Si' is used with reference to a future event, even if it be not hypothetical, when any action depends upon that event, as (S. ii. 3. 9),

"multa et praeclara minantis Si vacuum tepido cepisset villula tecto,"

and elsewhere; so that it becomes nearly equivalent to 'cum.' He says, as soon as the snow begins to be on the Alban hills, he shall go down to the sea, whether to Tarentum or anywhere else, where it was milder than at his own place or at Rome. 'Contractus' expresses the attitude of a man sitting head and knees together, wrapped up by the fire to keep himself warm. The west wind set in about the second week in February.

14. Calaber jubet hospes,] The man is made a Calabrian only to give the story more point.

16. Benigne.] This is a polite way of declining the offer. "You are very good," the refusal being expressed in action. (See below, v. 62.) It might mean acceptance, just as the French say 'merci,' meaning 'yes' or 'no,' according to circumstances.

22. dignis ait esse paratus,] 'Dignis' is masculine: he is ready to serve those who are worthy, but he is no simpleton; he knows the difference between true money and counterfeit. 'Lupini' were a kind of bean used for counters or sham-money on the stage; "comicum aurum" as it is called in Plautus (Poen. iii. 2. 20).

24. Dignum praestabo me] Horace means to say that he will endeavor to show himself worthy (referring to 'dignis' above) in proportion to the excellence of him (Mæcenas) who has laid him under such obligations. He says, in effect, that Mæcenas does not bestow his liberality stupidly, as one who gave his friends what he was just as ready to throw to the pigs, or the fool who does not know the value of his gifts. He only gave to the worthy, and such Horace would try to prove himself.

26. angusta fronte] See C. i. 33. 5, n.

27. Reddes dulce loqui,] A similar instance, illustrating the nature of the infinitive as a neuter substantive, occurs above (S. ii. 7. 43), "Aufer Me vultu terrere." "In the Greek language this is so completely the case, that the article may be prefixed to it in all its cases. The English also treat their infinitive as a substantive, when they place before it the preposition 'to.'"

28. Cinarae] See C. iv. 1. 4, n.

29. vulpecula] A fox eating corn is a little absurd, but this animal's cunning brings him frequently into stories of this sort. In this instance he over-reaches himself. In respect to 'cumera,' see S. i. 1. 53, n.

34. Hac ego si compellor] As to 'compellor,' see S. ii. 3. 297. Horace says, if he is taunted with this illustration, he is willing to resign everything; by which he means, if he is compared to the fox who had got into a store and had become so fat he could not get out again; in other words, if it was supposed that he had become lazy and self-indulgent, and that he could not assert his own liberty till he should cast off the bounties of his patron, he was willing to give them up; for he loved the peace that waits upon poverty, not as those do who commend it at rich tables spread with dainties, but as one who would not exchange his ease and liberty for the wealth of Arabia (respecting which, compare C. i. 21. 1; iii. 24. 1; Epp. i. 6. 6). 'Altilia' were fattened poultry and other birds, for which service there were particular persons employed ('fartores,' σιτευταί).

37. rexque paterque Audisti coram,] 'Rex,' which is generally used in a bad sense (C. i. 4. 14, n.), is here used in a good. As to 'audisti,' see S. ii. 6. 20, n. 'Verecundum' means 'reverential.' It expresses that feeling which Cicero says is the greatest ornament of friendship, "Nam maximum ornamentum amicitiae tollit qui ex ea tollit verecundiam" (Lael. xxii. 82). Horace means to say that Mæcenas had always found him full of affectionate respect and gratitude, and what he was in his presence, he was no less in his absence; but he must not think so ill of him as to suppose he only behaved so because he wanted to keep his bounties; or, if he thought so, let him see how willingly he could resign them all, even as readily as Telemachus declined the horses of Menelaus (Odyss. iv. 601, sq.).

45. vacuum Tibur] 'Vacuum' means 'idle.' Whether Horace had a house of his own at Tibur, or not, has been a subject of much discussion; it is more probable that he had not.

46. Philippus] This was L. Marcius Philippus, who was tribunus plebis B.C. 104, consul B.C. 81, and censor B.C. 76. He was a very distinguished man, an energetic supporter of the popular cause, a friend of Cn. Pompeius, and a powerful orator.

47. octavam circiter horam] The following is Martial's description of the distribution of a Roman's day:--The first and second hours were given to the 'salutatio,' or reception of clients and visitors. At the third hour the courts opened and business went on for three hours. The sixth hour was given up to rest (and the 'prandium'), the seventh to winding up business, the eighth to exercise, and with the ninth began dinner. (Mart. iv. 8.) In the main this appears to have been the division of the day in Horace's time likewise.

48. Foro nimium distare Carinas] The Carinæ was a collection of buildings on the north side of the Via Sacra under Mons Esquilinus. It comprised the houses of many persons of distinction, among whom was Philippus. The farthest part of the Carinæ could not have been above three quarters of a mile from the Forum Romanum; but Philippus was old. Horace means to show that he was inclined to be peevish, being tired with his work in the Forum; and in this splenetic humor, which, if this story be true, had become habitual with him, he fell in with the man Mena, whose easy enjoyment of life made a strong impression upon him. It made him jealous, and he resolved to spoil his independence if he could.

50. Adrasum quendam] He had just been shaved, and was paring and cleaning his nails leisurely for himself ('proprios purgautem ungues'); he did not employ the barber for this operation, as people were in the habit of doing. The shop was empty, because those who would come for business came early, and those who came to lounge came later (S. i. 7. 3). 'Umbra,' which here means a shop, is used for different kinds of buildings by the poets, as a 'porticus' and a school. See Juvenal (vii. 173): "Ad pugnam qui rhetorica descendit ab umbra." The shops were open, probably, as they are in Italy now.

54. unde domo,] This phrase, which is equivalent to 'a qua domo,' occurs in Virgil. (Aen. viii. 114): "Qui genus? unde domo?" Philippus sends to know who the man is, where he comes from, whether he is rich or poor; if 'ingenuus,' who is his father; if a freedman, who is his 'patronus.'

55. Volteium nomine Menam,] This person is represented as a freedman of some person of the Volteia gens, of which one or two are mentioned in the Roman writers. A freedman took the Gentile name of his master on his manumission. The name Menas is akin to Menodorus, as Demas to Demetrius, Lucas to Lucanus, Silas to Sylvanus, Artemas to Artemius, etc.

56. sine crimine, notum Et] The description Menas gives of himself is, that he is a crier of small means, of unblemished character, well known as a person who could be active or quiet as the occasion required, and who enjoyed what he got; one who made himself happy in the company of humble people, in the possession of a house of his own, at the theatres and Circus, and with the amusements of the Campus Martius. 'Et quaerere et uti,' 'to get and to enjoy,' expresses the reverse of him who is 'nescius uti Compositis' (S. ii. 3. 109). 'Lare certo' is opposed to a lodging, 'coenaculum' (Epp. i. 1. 91, n.). It appears (v. 65) that he transacted business as a seller; probably he had some second hand things of his own to dispose of. But the 'praeco' was not usually the person who managed an 'auctio,' which was presided over by an 'argentarius,' and he employed a 'praeco.' See S. i. 6. 86, n. 'Certo lare' is a common phrase, as Bentley himself has shown, as in Virgil (Georg. iv. 155), "Et patriam solae et certos novere penates"; and (Aen. vi. 673), "Nulli certa domus; lucis habitamus opacis." Compare Epp. i. 15. 28: "Scurra vagus non qui certum praesepe teneret."

61. Non sane credere Mena,] 'Sane' is not commonly used in negative sentences. It is an adverb of emphasis. As to 'benigne,' see above, v. 16, and on the subjunctive 'neget,' compare S. ii. 6. 31. "What, he deny me?"

65. tunicato scruta popello] To be without the toga in the streets was not considered respectable. It was confined to the lowest sort of people, which is expressed by the diminutive 'popello.' This word is used only here and by Persius (iv. 15). 'Scruta' signifies small wares, being derived from the Greek γρύτη. As to 'occupat,' see C. ii. 12. 28, n.

67. mercenaria vincla,] The bonds (that is, the occupations) of buying and selling. Mena offers these as his excuse for not having waited upon Philippus in the morning, at his 'salutatio,' as, after his attention of the previous day, he would have felt bound to do if he had had time.

71. Post nonam venies;] See above, v. 47, n., and C. i. 1. 20, n.

72. dicenda tacenda locutus] This is a familiar adaptation of the Greek ῥητὸν ἄῤῥητόν τ᾽ ἔπος (Soph. Oed. Col. 1001), which was a conventional phrase. It means all manner of things. Persius (iv. 5) has "dicenda tacendaque calles." Virgil (Aen. ix. 595), "digna atque indigna relatu Vociferans." Horace means that Volteius was placed at his ease by his host, and being a simple man, talked of what came uppermost without waiting to see if it was out of season or not. 'Dimittere' was a word of politeness used among equals, as above, v. 18.

73. Hic ubi saepe] After he had broken the ice, Volteius was easily persuaded to repeat his visits, till at last he became an established guest and a daily attendant at the rich man's morning receptions, till, on one occasion, he was invited to accompany Philippus to his country-seat in the Sabine country, during the 'feriae Latinae.' This festival was of the highest antiquity. Its proper name was Latiar. The holidays lasted six days, during which all manner of festivities went on, and business was suspended. They were 'feriae conceptivae,' that is, they were annual, but not held always at the same season, which is what Horace means by calling them 'indictae.' The magistrates appointed the time of their celebration.

79. dum requiem, dum risus] Philippus, tired with his work, refreshed himself by getting amusement at other people's expense. He gave the man a sum equivalent to about £60 of English money, and offered to lend him as much more.

84. vineta crepat mera:] So Cicero says (Ad Att. ix. 12), "Mera scelara loquuntur." (Ib. 13.) "Dolabella suis literis merum bellum loquitur." (iv. 7) "Chaerippus mera monstra nuntiaret."

87. Spem mentita seges,] See C. iii. 1. 30, n.

91. Durus--attentusque] Philippus means that he appears to be too hard-working and anxious about his affairs. Compare S. ii. 6. 82, "Asper et attentus quaesitis"; and Epp. i. 16. 70, "sine pascat duras aretque."

92. Pol me miserum,] Gellius (xi. 6) says, respecting oaths of this sort, that women never swore by Hercules, nor men by Castor, but both men and women would swear by the temple of Pollux, 'Aedepol,' and this, he says on the authority of Varro, was only adopted by men in later times, whereas it had always been used by women, who got it from the Eleusinian mysteries.

94. Quod te per Genium] See Epp. ii. 1. 144. This use of the relative 'quod' in entreaties is common, as in Virgil (Aen. vi. 363), and Terence (Andr. i. 5. 54). It was customary for slaves to pray to their masters by their genius. The Romans believed that every man had a genius, though their notions on the subject were very confused apparently. According to the name (which involves the same element as γέν-εσις, γί-νομαι), it should be the attendant on a man's birth, as it was believed to be the inseparable companion of his life. It represented his spiritual identity, and the character of the genius was the character of the man. Hence we understand why the marriage bed was sacred to the genius (Epp. i. 1. 87, n.). Hence Horace speaks of "genium memorem brevis aevi" (Epp. ii. 1. 143), and offerings of wine and flowers, and such like, were said to be presented to the genius when a man was indulging in that way himself (A. P. 209). This explains the expressions "genio indulgere" (Persius v. 151), "genium suum defraudare" (Terence, Phorm. i. 1. 10), "genium curare" (C. iii. 17. 14). Women had their genii, but they were named Junones.

98. verum est,] See S. ii. 3. 312.

EPISTLE VIII.

Respecting the person to whom this Epistle was written, and the occasion, see Ep. 3 of this Book, Introduction, and note on v. 15. Horace, it appears, was not in very good humor with himself when he wrote it. He describes himself as suffering less from bodily than mental weakness, irritability, sluggishness, perverseness, and caprice. He may use rather stronger language than was necessary, but there can be no doubt he felt a good deal of what he says he felt. It shows that a man may give good advice to his friends which he cannot steadily apply to himself, and it helps us to understand the character of Horace, and his philosophical aspirations, described, probably about this time, in his Epistle to Mæcenas (i. 1).

2. comiti scribaeque Neronis] See S. i. 7. 23, n. The following words in this Epistle have been referred to in former notes: 'quid agam' (Epp. 3. 15), 'minantem' (S. ii. 3. 9), 'momorderit' (S. ii. 6. 45), 'cur' (C. i. 33. 3), 'cohorti' (S. i. 7. 23). 'Suaviter' occurs in the same connection in S. i. 9. 5. 'Multa et pulchra minantem' refers to his philosophical aspirations and professions. See Introduction.

6. longinquis armentum aegrotet in agris;] The pastures of Apulia, Calabria, and Lucania, and those of the basin of the Po, have been referred to before (C. iii. 16. 35; Epod. i. 27).

10. properent arcere veterno;] As to the construction, see C. i. 27. 4, n. 'Veternus' is a lethargy, here applied to the mind, and his faithful physicians are the friends who would cheer and rouse him, though we may take the word 'medicis' literally, and suppose he was under medical treatment. His feelings probably arose out of the state of his health.

14. Ut placeat juveni] Tiberius was now in his twenty-third year. But on 'juvenis,' see C. i. 2. 41.

EPISTLE IX.

As to Septimius, on whose behalf this letter of introduction is addressed to Tiberius, see C. ii. 6, Introduction. The occasion was that journey into Armenia which has been referred to twice before (Epp. 3 and 7). It is a well-considered and careful production. Horace would have written more warmly for such an intimate friend, if he could have ventured to do so; but the character of Tiberius did not admit of warmth, and he would not have responded to any very earnest eulogy. Horace therefore satisfies himself with merely naming his friend, and excusing his own boldness in doing so.

1. nimirum] 'Of course,' it would be strange if it were otherwise. Horace sometimes uses the word seriously, sometimes ironically, as in S. ii. 2. 106; 3. 120. He says, 'Of course Septimius knows my influence with you better than anybody else does ('unus,' see S. ii. 6. 57, n.), and better than I do myself, and thinks that I stand to you in the relation of an intimate friend, or he would not press me for an introduction.' There is about the same amount of ironical meaning in 'scilicet' (v. 3) as in 'nimirum.' 'Tradere' is the usual word for introductions. (S. i. 9. 47.)

4. Dignum mente domoque] Tacitus says of Tiberius, that his genuine character did not come out fully till after the fall of Sejanus. At this time he was about twenty-two years of age, but even now was reserved and unpleasant in his manners, so much so that even Augustus could hardly be cheerful in his company. Horace speaks well of him, not only here, when he is writing to himself, but in Epp. ii. 2. 1, written probably at a later time, to his friend Julius Florus. The fourteenth Ode of the fourth Book was written in honor of his successes, but there no great amount of warmth is shown in his favor. 'Domo' means his family. Tiberius was the son of T. Claudius Nero, and the Nerones belonged to the patrician gens Claudia, which numbered many consuls and other high magistrates, from the first establishment of the family in B.C. 504. They were of Sabine origin.

5. Munere cum fungi] This phrase is like 'officium facio' below (Epp. 17. 21). It means to discharge the duties of friendship, but generally expresses the relation of an inferior to one above him in rank, and sometimes is used in a bad sense, to signify servility.

6. valdius] This comparative occurs again, in A. P. 321: "valdius oblectat populum."

11. Frontis ad urbanae descendi praemia.] 'Urbanae frontis' seems to mean an 'impudent front,' such as one who had been bred in cities might show. 'Praemia' seems to be opposed to 'opprobria' and 'descendere' is commonly used in connection with the arena. Horace may mean (taking his metaphor from this source), that, to avoid the discredit of a greater fault, he has resolved to win the crown or prize of impudence, or something of that sort.

13. Scribe tui gregis] This construction with the genitive is more common in Greek. It occurs in C. iii. 13. 13: "Fies nobilium tu quoque fontium." As to 'fortem bonumque,' see C. iv. 4. 29, n.

EPISTLE X.

This Epistle is addressed to Fuscus Aristius, whose name appears in C. i. 22; S. i. 9. 61; 10. 83. For such particulars as can be stated about him, see the Introduction to the above Ode. It appears that his habits inclined him to a town life. He was making money in some way, and he was associated with all Horace's literary and other friends. Horace praises the freedom, the natural beauties, and the healthiness of the country, and shows that they are natural to men's tastes, from the attempts they make to get trees in their town houses, and a prospect over the fields. He follows this up with a few miscellaneous remarks on the pursuit of wealth, how it blinds the eyes to the distinction between truth and falsehood, and how prosperity only makes adversity more hard to bear, and disappointment more bitter, and subjects the mind to a galling slavery.

8. Quid quaeris?] 'Why need you ask?' This is only a formula equivalent to 'in short.'

9. fertis rumore secundo:] 'Rumore secundo' is a phrase which occurs in various combinations. Virgil (Aen. viii. 90) has "Ergo iter inceptum celerant rumore secundo," where Wagner applies it to the song of the rowers. Tacitus, speaking of the honors conferred on Nero, says, "ut haec secundo rumore ita adversis animis acceptum, quod filio Claudii socer Sejanus destinaretur" (Ann. iii. 29). He uses 'adverso rumore' in the opposite sense (xiv. 11). Here it means with an unanimous assent, or loud assent.

10. fugitivus liba recuso;] He likens himself to the slave who ran away from the priest, his master, because he fed him too much on the sweet cakes offered in sacrifice. He got tired of them, and wanted plainer food. These cakes, 'liba,' which the Greeks called πέλανοι, were made of flour sweetened generally with honey, and sometimes made in the shape of animals as a substitute for more costly sacrifices. Horace appears to have had some story in his mind.

12. Vivere naturae] See S. i. 1. 49, n.: "quid referat intra Naturae fines viventi." Horace considers the artificial state of society and mode of life in large towns, as all must, to be a wider departure from the natural condition of man than a country life.

13. Ponendaeque domo] There are three forms of this dative, 'domui,' 'domo,' 'domi'. 'Area' is an open space, here for building on. The technical meaning of it is given on C. i. 9. 18.

15. plus tepeant hiemes,] See S. ii. 3. 10, n.

16. rabiem Canis et momenta Leonis,] See C. iii. 13. 8, n.; 29. 18, n. 'Momenta' here seems to mean the violence of the heat that accompanies this constellation.

19. Deterius Libycis olet] Horace asks whether the field, covered with flowers, smells less sweet and looks less beautiful than marble floors, laid with mosaic pictures and strewed with flowers, or other perfumes. Respecting the Libyan and other marbles, see C. ii. 18. 3, n. By 'lapillis' Horace means the small pieces of different marbles with which the floors were laid, 'tessellae' or 'crustulae,' as they were called. Such pavements, which are now so costly as only to be found in the richest houses, were formerly very common in Italy. They were wrought in colored marbles, or the more ordinary ones in white and black.

20. aqua tendit rumpere plumbum] 'Plumbum' means leaden pipes, which were called 'fistulae.' Cisterns were called 'castella,' and there were three sorts: 'publica,' which received the water intended for public purposes; 'privata,' which were the common property of several persons who clubbed together to build it, and laid on pipes to conduct the water to their 'castella domestica,' the cisterns they had in their own houses. These pipes therefore intersected the whole city. As mentioned before (S. i. 4. 37, n.), those who could not afford to have water laid on at their houses, resorted to the 'lacus' or public tanks erected for their convenience, mostly by the liberality of individuals, in several parts of the town.

21. trepidat cum murmure] Compare C. ii. 3. 11: "obliquo laborat Lympha fugax trepidare rivo."

22. nutritur silva columnas,] See note on C. iii. 10. 5.

24. Naturam expellas furca] This was a common expression 'to toss out with a pitchfork,' that is, forcibly and with contempt.

25. mala--fastidia] 'Weary vices,' such as occupy the dwellers in great towns.

26. Non qui Sidonio] On the position of 'non,' see S. i. 6. 1. 'Not he who knows not skilfully to compare with Sidonian purple the wool that drinks the dye of Aquinum, shall suffer harm more certain or more deep than he who cannot tell truth from falsehood.' There is strong irony in these words, and they follow naturally on what goes before, as representing the paltry objects with which the mind is employed in what is called fashionable life, to the destruction of the moral sense.

The foreign purples (enumerated on C. ii. 16. 36) were most esteemed, and these were imitated by the Italians (see Epp. ii. 1. 207). The 'fucus' was a marine plant of some kind, which yielded a red juice used for coloring. It was commonly used in imitation of the real dye. Hence it came to be used for deception in general. Aquinum (Aquino), the birth-place of Juvenal, was a large town of Latium on the Via Latina, between Fregellae and Venafrum.

31. Si quid mirabere] This maxim is consistent with the advice to Numicius, Epp. 6. 1.

34. Cervus equum pugna melior] Stesichorus is said to have spoken this fable to the citizens of Himera, when they were preparing to confer absolute power on Phalaris, and give him a body-guard. The fable is told by Phædrus (iv. 4), with the substitution of a boar for the stag.

37. Sed postquam victor violens] 'Violens' expresses the struggle with which the horse won his victory and his servitude.

39. potiore metallis] The 'vectigalia' from mines ('metalla') were very considerable at this time. The principal mines were the gold of Aquileia and Ictimuli in the Alps, and the silver of Spain.

42. ut calceus olim,] See S. i. 3. 31, n. 'Olim' is used quite indefinitely, as in S. i. 1. 25, "ut pueris olim dant crustula blandi Doctores." See C. ii. 10. 17, n.

48. Tortum digna sequi] The metaphor is taken from a prisoner, led with a rope round his neck by his captor.

49. Haec tibi dictabam] The imperfect tense is generally used in letters, instead of the present, because the action is past to the person receiving the letter. As to 'dictabam,' see S. i. 10. 92, n. The Fanum Vacunae was about three miles from the confluence of the Digentia and the Anio, close to the modern town Rocca Giovane. Vacuna was originally a Sabine goddess, and seems to have been identical with Victoria.

EPISTLE XI.

This Epistle is addressed to one Bullatius, of whom we know nothing at all. He was travelling in the Ægean and in Asia Minor, and was absent longer than Horace wished, or thought good for him; and the object of this letter is to induce him to return.

1. Quid tibi visa Chios,] The island of Chios was rugged and mountainous, but had, as it still has, an excellent climate and choice wines; its women also were very handsome: in all of which particulars ancient and modern accounts agree. Its principal town, Chios, was a noble city, richly adorned with buildings and works of art. Not a trace of anything remains.

notaque Lesbos,] From the Trojan war to the times of the Roman Empire, when Tacitus calls it "insula nobilis et amoena" (Ann. vi. 3), the fortunes of Lesbos, its revolutions and conquests, its connection with Athens, its tradition of Orpheus, its poets and musicians and statesmen, its cities and works of art, its fields and vineyards and climate, all contributed to make it the most conspicuous island in the Ægean.

2. concinna Samos,] Samos (the island) is rough, but the town is meant, and it is called 'concinna' from its buildings, of which a temple of Juno was one of the most conspicuous. Outside and inside, this temple was adorned with the finest works of art. There was also a celebrated mole at Samos, made to protect the harbor, which would be an object of interest to a traveller.

2. Croesi regia Sardes,] The town of Sardes (αἱ Σάρδεις), or the greater part of it, which was burnt to the ground in the revolt of the Ionians, B.C. 499, was originally built of slight materials, though it was the seat of enormous wealth during the reigns of the Lydian kings, and especially that of Crœsus, whose palace became the residence of the Persian Satraps and was beautified by them, especially by Cyrus the younger, whose gardens are celebrated (Cic. de Senect. c. 17).

3. Smyrna quid et Colophon?] Alexander the Great found Smyrna in ruins, and conceived the design of rebuilding it, being prompted by Nemesis in a dream. He did not live to do so, but Antigonus began and Lysimachus finished a new town on a magnificent scale. Strabo speaks of it as one of the most beautiful cities of Ionia. Among other objects of interest was a temple erected to Homer, and called Homerium. The inhabitants claimed him as their countryman, and showed a cave in which it was said he wrote his poems.

Colophon, also in Ionia, on the Hales, was destroyed by Lysimachus, with Lebedus (v. 6). Its chief attraction was its neighborhood to the shrine of the Clarian Apollo. At present, only a few huts stand on the site of this town.

Majora minorave fama,] 'Be they greater or less than report makes them out to be (I care not which), are they not all tame compared with the Campus Martius and the Tiber?' 'Ve' is probably formed from 'vel,' and had much the same meaning, being chiefly used in poetry. When 'vel' is used, an indifference in the speaker's mind is implied as to which of the two cases or objects be taken. 'Ne,' being attached to 'cuncta,' shows that the emphasis lies on that word.

5. Attalicis ex urbibus] One of the towns of the kingdom of Pergamum, bequeathed by Attalus III. to the Roman people, and constituted a Roman province on the defeat of Aristonicus, B.C. 129. The kingdom of Pergamum, when it was handed over to the Romans, included Mysia, Lydia, Ionia, and part of Caria, the principal cities of which (μητροπόλεις) were Ephesus, Pergamum, Sardes, Smyrna, Lampsacus, Cyzicus. Other large towns were Tralles, Adramyttium, Thyatira, &c., nearly all of which are shown, by the ruins that remain, to have been built and ornamented on a magnificent scale.

6. An Lebedum laudas] Lysimachus, after the battle of Ipsus (B.C. 301), when he became master of the western part of Asia Minor, destroyed the towns of Lebedus and Colophon in Ionia, and transferred their inhabitants to Ephesus. Lebedus never seems to have been rebuilt so as to recover any of its former importance, and the ruins of the old town probably helped to cause the desolate appearance described by Horace. He writes as if he knew Lebedus, but did not know the other places he refers to before. He must have seen this place, if at all, in his campaigning with Brutus.

7. Gabiis desertior] Gabii was an ancient town of Latium, an Alban colony, 100 stadia from Rome. Juvenal mentions it as a place of resort for people in humble circumstances, and calls it "Simplicibus Gabiis?" (iii. 190). In Horace's time, while cold bathing was the fashion under the advice of Antonius Musa, it appears Gabii was resorted to. Horace may have been there himself. See Epp. 15. 9.

8. Fidenis] Fidenæ was about five miles from Rome, in the Sabine territory, and remains of it are still in existence near Castel Giubileo. In B.C. 425 the town was destroyed by Æmilius Mamercus (Liv. iv. 9), and it seems never to have risen to any great importance again.

Gabii and Fidenæ were proverbially joined together (see Juv. S. x. 99). Virgil mentions them together as colonies of Alba (Aen. vi. 773):--

"Hi tibi Nomentum, et Gabios urbemque Fidenam, Hi Collatinas imponent montibus arces";

where, it may be observed, Virgil shortens the first syllable, whereas Horace and Juvenal and Silius (xv. 91) make it long.

tamen illic vivere vellem,] Horace seems to mean that, though Lebedus was a place deserted, he could enjoy living there, though it cut him off from all his friends, for the sake of the fine prospect it gave of the sea, which would be an exaggerated way of speaking. He had probably in mind some occasion when he had admired the sea from Lebedus, and the recollection came upon him strongly as he wrote; or Bullatius may have said something in a letter about the fine prospect, and Horace means that he agrees with him. 'But,' he goes on to say, 'there is a time for all things. The traveller, when he gets splashed, may be glad of a tavern to retire to and clean himself, but he would not wish to stay there all his life; and the man who has got chilled may be glad of a fire or hot bath, but he does not reckon fires and hot baths the chief good of life; and though you may have been glad to get on shore in a foreign land, to escape from a storm, you will surely not think it necessary to stay there for ever. If a man is in health, Rhodes and Mytilene are not the places for him; so come back again while you may and if you must praise those distant parts, praise them at home.' (vv. 11-21.) It appears as if Bullatius had been a good while absent, and meant to remain much longer.

11. qui Capua Romam] The road Appius made (B.C. 312) extended only as far as Capua. It was afterwards extended to Beneventum, and then on by two different branches to Brundisium (see S. i. 5. 79, n.).

12. nec qui Frigus collegit] 'Colligere' is not used in this sense elsewhere. The meaning is, he who has got chilled. 'Furnos' may be bakers' ovens, or any furnaces to which a man might go to warm himself.

17. Incolumi] See S. ii. 3. 137, n.

18. Paenula solstitio, campestre] The 'paenula' was a thick outer mantle worn in bad weather over the toga. The 'campestre' was a linen cloth worn round the loins, in games or exercises in which the body was otherwise stripped, as also in swimming.

19. caminus.] See Epod. ii. 43, n.

23. in annum,] See Epp. i. 2. 38.

26. effusi late maris arbiter] That is, a place which commands (as we say) a wide prospect over the sea, such as Lebedus was described to be above. The south wind is called 'arbiter Hadriae' in a different sense in C. i. 3. 15.

28. Strenua nos exercet inertia:] This is a very happy expression, and has become proverbial for a do-nothing activity, such exertions as tend to no point and produce no fruits. 'Navibus atque quadrigis' means 'running about by sea and land.' 'Quadriga' is any carriage drawn by four horses (abreast, two under the yoke attached to the pole, and two outside, 'funales,' fastened by traces), though the word is more generally used for a triumphal or racing chariot than for a travelling carriage, of which there were various kinds. 'Rheda' was the most general name for such a carriage on four wheels (see S. ii. 6. 42, n.). 'Petorritum' was another name, and a third was 'carruca,' a later name, not known in Horace's time. There were others, each differing more or less from the rest: 'cisium,' 'essedum,' 'carpentum,' 'pilentum,' 'covinus.'

30. Est Ulubris,] All that we know of Ulubræ is that it was a small town of Latium, not far from Velitræ, and that it was a place of no importance.

EPISTLE XII.

Iccius, to whom this Epistle is addressed, has been mentioned, with all that is known of him, in the Introduction to C. i. 29, and Pompeius Grosphus in C. ii. 16. It is a letter of introduction for Grosphus to Iccius, who was employed in managing Agrippa's estates in Sicily. The Epistle begins with some general remarks on the position and circumstances of Iccius, exhorting him to contentment, and commending his pursuit of philosophy in the midst of common employments. It then passes on to the recommendation of Grosphus, and finishes with one or two items of public news.

1. Fructibus Agrippae] From what sources Agrippa derived his immense wealth we do not know. From this Epistle we learn that he had estates in Sicily, probably given him after his successes against Sextus Pompeius. Horace means to say to Iccius, that he has got a good post, and may be very comfortable if he is careful. He probably got a percentage on what he collected. He collected Agrippa's rents, 'fructus'.

4. cui rerum suppetit usus] 'Rerum usus' here seems to mean the supply of things needful. 'Suppeto,' meaning 'to be sufficient,' occurs in Epod. xvii. 64. 'Pauper' is here used more in the sense of privation than Horace generally uses it.

7. positorum] 'Ponere' is the usual word for putting dishes on the table, as observed on S. ii. 2. 23. Here fine dishes are meant, as we can tell by the context. The nettle, 'urtica,' forms an ingredient in the broth of poor people in this country, and still more in Scotland. 'Protinus' means 'right on,' and is applied in various ways. Here it means 'in an uninterrupted course,' that is, 'always'. 'Ut' means 'even supposing,' as in Epod. i. 21. 'Confestim,' 'straightway,' has the same root as 'festino.' 'Fortunae rivus' seems, as Orelli says, to have been a proverbial expression.

10. naturam mutare] Horace says the same in a different application elsewhere (Epod. iv. 5):

"Licet superbus ambules pecunia, Fortuna non mutat genus."

12. Miramur si Democriti] "I am surprised that Democritus should have allowed his sheep to eat the corn off his fields, while his mind was wandering in swift flight far away, leaving his body; and yet you, in the midst of such sordid work and the infection of money, are bent on wisdom, and that of no mean sort, and continue to study things sublime." Democritus of Abdera had a considerable patrimony, which he neglected for travel and study. It seems his name had passed into a proverb.

20. Empedocles an Stertinium] Empedocles was born about B.C. 520, and was a man of wealth and station at Agrigentum in Sicily. He was a philosopher, but his opinions are hard to trace. He pretended to a divine nature. (See A. P. 463, sqq.) His poems, of which fragments are extant, were much read and admired by the Romans. Horace refers perhaps to a dogma imputed to Empedocles, to which Cicero alludes (De Amic. vii.) when he says "Agrigentinum quidem doctum quendam virum carminibus Graecis vaticinatum ferunt, quae in rerum natura totoque mundo constarent quaeque moverentur, ea contrahere amicitiam, dissipare discordiam."

Stertinius, of whom all that is known has been told in the Introduction to S. ii. 3, is put again as the representative of the Stoics. 'Stertinium' is an adjective formed like 'Sulpiciis' in C. iv. 12. 18. 'Stertinium acumen' is an expression like 'sententia Catonis' and others (see ii. 1. 72, n.). 'Deliret' is used, perhaps, by way of jocular allusion to the Stoic theory noticed in S. ii. 3.

21. Verum seu pisces] This is only a way of changing the subject, and passing from Iccius and his habits to that which was the chief purpose of the Epistle, the introduction of Grosphus. Murdering leeks and onions is a humorous way of alluding to the notion of Pythagoras mentioned in S. ii. 6. 63, and the same is extended to fishes perhaps, because Empedocles, who believed in the metempsychosis and held that to take life was against the universal law, declared that he himself had once been a fish, among other things.

23. verum] See Epp. 7. 98.

24. Vilis amicorum est annona] Horace means to say, that good friends are cheaply bought, because they do not ask more than is right; they are reasonable and modest in their demands, as Grosphus would be.

26. Cantaber Agrippae] See C. ii. 6. 2, n.

27. Armenius cecidit;] This is an exaggerated way of stating the case. He refers to the completion of the mission of Tiberius, mentioned in the Introduction to Ep. 3. At their own request, Augustus sent Tigranes to the Armenians, he having been for some time living in exile at Rome. They put the reigning king, Artaxias, to death and received Tigranes, because they had chosen to have him for their king. Nevertheless, a coin was struck for the occasion with the inscription Armenia capta.

--jus imperiumque Phraates] What Horace says is, that Phraates, king of the Parthians, accepted or put himself under the law and 'imperium' of Augustus, prostrating himself at his knees ('genibus minor'),--a ridiculous exaggeration. (See Int. to C. iii. 5.) Ovid is nearly as strong (Trist. ii. 227):

"Nunc petit Armenius pacem; nunc porrigit arcus Parthus eques timida captaque signa manu."

29. Copia cornu.] See C. S. 60, n., and compare the expressions in C. iv. 5. 17, sqq., and 15. 4, sq.

EPISTLE XIII.

This letter professes to be written by Horace to one Vinius Asella, the bearer of certain volumes of his to Augustus at Rome, Horace being probably at his own estate. He writes as if he had given his friend particular and anxious instructions when he started, as to how he was to behave, and as if this was to be sent after him, to overtake him on the road in order to impress those instructions upon his memory. It is probable that some such jokes may have passed between Horace and his messenger when he started, and that he amused himself afterwards by putting them into the form of this Epistle. The person is assumed to be ignorant of the world, and therefore liable to make mistakes in the execution of his mission, to intrude at an unseasonable time; in the eagerness of his affection for Horace to be too officious, to carry the books awkwardly, so as to draw attention or to stop in the streets in order to tell his curious friends what important business he was upon. The person addressed is called Vinius, and the allusion in v. 8 leads to the inference that his cognomen was Asellus, or Asina, or Asella, which belonged to different Roman families.

What the volumes were that Horace was sending to Augustus, it is impossible to say for certain.

2. signata volumina,] The number of volumes would depend upon the number of books into which the work was divided, as each book, if it was not very long, would be rolled on one stick. (See Epod. 14. 8, n.) Round each would be wrapped a piece of parchment, and to this Horace's seal would be affixed.

3. Si validus,] Augustus had very uncertain health.

6. chartae,] See S. ii. 3. 2, n.

9. fabula fias.] Compare Epod. xi. 8: "fabula quanta fui."

10. lamas;] This is a rare word, signifying bogs. Horace writes as if the man was going some arduous journey over hills and rivers and bogs, whereas he had but thirty miles, or thereabouts, to go, along a good road, the Via Valeria, which passed very near the valley of the Digentia.

14. glomus furtivae Pyrrhia lanae,] Pyrrhia is said to be the name of a slave in a play of Titinius, who stole some wool, and carried it away so clumsily that she was detected. Titinius was a writer of comedies who lived before Terence. Pyrrhia is formed from Pyrrha, the name of a town in Lesbos, like Lesbia, Delia, &c. 'Glomus' is the singular number and neuter gender. It means a clew or ball of wool.

15. Ut cum pileolo soleas] The notion here is of a person of humble station invited to the table of a great man of his own tribe, who perhaps wanted his vote and influence. Having no slave to carry them for him, as was usual, he comes with his cap and slippers under his arm in an awkward manner, not being accustomed to the ways of fine houses. 'Pileus' was a skull-cap, made of felt, and worn at night or in bad weather. The man would bring it with him, to wear on his way home from the dinner-party. The 'solea' was the slipper, worn in the house, as 'calceus' was the walking shoe. (See S. i. 3. 127, n.)

16. Ne vulgo narres] "Don't tell it to all the town, that you are the bearer of poems from Horace to Augustus; and though they should stop you, and entreat you to tell them your business, press on." Horace, by way of keeping up the joke, supposes his messenger to arrive, hot from his journey, and to be besieged by inquisitive people, wanting to know what brings him to Rome.

19. cave ne titubes] This is perhaps another jocular allusion to his name, and, as an ass stumbling might chance to break what he was carrying, he adds, 'mandataque frangas.' In plain prose it means, 'Take care you make no mistake, nor neglect to deliver your charge.'

EPISTLE XIV.

Horace appears to have had a discontented 'villicus,' or steward of his property, whom he had promoted to that post from having been originally one of the lower sort of slaves in the town establishment. While in that position, he sighed for what he thought must be the superior freedom of the country; but as soon as he had reached the highest place he could be trusted with on the farm, he began to regret the former days when he could get access to the tavern and cook-shop, forgetting, as is common, the vexations that had made him long for deliverance before. This man's discontent suggested to Horace this Epistle. It is such only in form, for we are not to suppose it was ever sent to the villicus. Horace means to describe his own feelings in respect to the country, and the change in his habits and character, and at the same time to draw a moral from his slave's conduct as to the temper of those who never know what they want, who are envious, discontented, and lazy.

1. Villice silvarum] The 'villicus' was one of the principal slaves in the 'familia rustica,' who had the superintendence of a man's farm and 'villa rustica.' He collected his rents, looked after his slaves, and had charge of everything but the cattle, of which there was a separate superintendent. Horace says his woods and fields restored him to himself; that is, they gave him liberty and enjoyment of life.

2. habitatum quinque focis] 'Focis' is put for 'families.' Horace says there lived on his estate five families, the heads of which were good men, who went up from time to time to the neighbouring town of Varia. Some suppose they were 'coloni' (C. ii. 14. 11, n.), lessees who farmed different parts of the estate. Varia was thirty miles from Rome, and ten from Tibur, on the Via Valeria. It was four miles from Horace's farm. Its modern name is Vico Varo.

5. an res.] His land. 'Praedia' were 'res mancipi.'

6. Lamiae] See Introd. to C. iii. 17. 'Insolabiliter' occurs nowhere else.

9. rumpere claustra.] At the end of the Circus were stalls ('carceres'), in which the chariots remained till the race was ready to begin. They were then brought out, and ranged side by side behind a rope called 'alba linea' or 'calx,' which was stretched across the course, and formed a barrier, beyond which the chariots could not advance till the signal was given and the rope withdrawn. It is from this obstruction, or from the 'carceres,' that the metaphor in the text is taken.

13. se non effugit unquam.] Compare C. ii. 16. 19.

14. Tu mediastinus] He had been one of the lowest slaves, used for all manner of work in the 'familia urbana,' and by his pitiful countenance (for he was afraid perhaps to speak) had shown how much he wished to be delivered from that condition, and to be sent to work on the farm, though that was generally considered to be the greatest punishment (see S. ii. 7. 118, n.). When there, he had risen, it may be supposed, to be villicus. 'Mediastinus' was the name for the lowest sort of slave, both in the town and country establishment. It is derived from 'medius,' from his standing in the midst, and being at every one's call.

tacita prece] See Epp. i. 16. 59, n.

18. eo disconvenit] 'To this comes the difference between me and you.'

19. tesca] 'Tesca' means any rough wilderness. It is a rare word.

21. uncta popina] As to 'popina' (which Horace calls 'uncta,' because of the greasy viands cooked there), see S. ii. 4. 62, n.

23. Angulus iste feret] Horace writes as if he were repeating the contemptuous language of the villicus. 'That little nook of yours would produce pepper and frankincense (which of course was impossible) sooner than grapes.' The grapes grown on the farm he did not think worthy of the name. That Horace made his own wine and that it was not too bad to put before Mæcenas, we know from C. i. 20. Pepper the ancients must have obtained, through some channel, from India. 'Thus' or 'tus olibanum,' which is a gum resin, extracted from a tree called now the Boswellia Thurifera, was brought chiefly from Arabia. See Virgil (Georg. i. 57): "India mittit ebur, molles sua tura Sabaei."

25. meretrix tibicina,] The 'tibia' was played by women as well as men, and chiefly by women at meals.

26. et tamen urges] This is said with a sort of mock compassion: 'And yet, poor man! (though you have none of these comforts to help you on your way,) you have to go on turning up the rough soil, feeding the oxen, looking out for floods, and all that.' 'Jampridem non tacta' implies that Horace's property had been neglected before it came into his possession. Mæcenas had probably never resided there, and perhaps he had not been long owner of it when he gave it to Horace. One of the duties the 'villicus' had to attend to, was looking to the banks of the river (Digentia), which it was apt to burst or overflow when the rains came down heavily. Horace has 'docere' again in this connection (A. P. 67).

31. quid nostrum concentum dividat] 'What disturbs our harmony,' or prevents us from agreeing in opinion; which is, that whereas I can look back upon my past enjoyments with pleasure, and am glad to quit them, now that my time of life requires it, to retire to the country, where I am free from jealousies and vexations, you are longing to get back to your former life and give up the country, which many a poor slave in the town envies you. So the ox envies the horse, and the horse envies the ox, but my judgment is, that each should do the work he is best fitted for (31-fin.).

32. tenues decuere togae] The toga was generally made of a thick woollen cloth, but there were lighter and finer sorts for summer. These were called 'rasae,' because the nap was clipped close. 'Nitidi capilli' refers to the anointing of the head at meals. See C. ii. 7. 23, n.

33. immunem Cinarae] Though Cinara loved money, and he had none to give, yet she was fond of him. As to this woman, see C. iv. 1. 3, n.

34. media de luce] 'Soon after noon' (see S. ii. 8. 3, n.). It need not be taken too literally. Then drinking was not uncommonly carried on from three or four o'clock till past midnight, but with idle people, or on particular occasions, it began earlier. 'Bibulum' depends upon 'scis.' As to Falerni, see C. i. 20. 10, n.

36. sed non incidere ludum.] 'I am not ashamed to amuse myself sometimes, but I am ashamed never to break off or interrupt my amusements.' He liked relaxation, but thought it shame to be always idle.

40. urbana diaria] See S. i. 5. 69.

42. calo argutus] The word 'calo' was applied to the menial slaves in general, though it is not a generic title for such, like 'mediastinus' (v. 14). See S. i. 6. 103, n. The meaning of 'argutus' here is doubtful. It may mean 'sharp,' or it may mean 'noisy.'

43. ephippia] 'Ephippium' was a saddle, which the Romans appear to have used, having copied it from the Greeks. It did not differ materially from ours, except that it had no stirrups. A saddle cloth was worn under it, sometimes highly ornamented.

EPISTLE XV.

Nothing is known of the person to whom this Epistle was written. He is called, in the MSS. inscriptions, C. Numonius Vala. It appears that he was acquainted with the southern coast of Italy, and Horace, who had been recommended by his physician no longer to go (as he had been wont) to Baiæ, had a mind to try one of the southern ports; and he writes to Vala for information about them. It is an unconnected sort of Epistle, with a long digression upon the lament of Baiæ at the loss of her invalids, and another upon wines, and a third, which occupies half the Epistle, upon the profligacy of one Mænius, who squandered all his money on good living, and then turned to living at the expense of others. When he had nothing better, he ate tripe, and abused all spendthrifts; and as soon as he had got any money, he spent it in the same way again. Such am I, says Horace; when I am short of money, I commend the serenity of a humble life; when a windfall drops in, I am ready to be as extravagant as you please.

All this has not much connection with the professed object of the letter.

1. Quae sit hiems Veliae,] Velia or Elea, famous as the residence of Xenophanes, the founder of the Eleatic school of philosophy, and the birthplace of Parmenides and Zeno, was a town of Lucania, near the mouth of the river Heles or Elees (Alento). Salernum in Campania was situated at the head of the bay of Pæstum, now the gulf of Salerno, on the heights above the modern town, which is close to the sea. These places were not very much frequented, it would seem, at this time, but a new doctor was bringing them into fashion.

2. qualis via,] Salernum was situated on a very good road, the Via Aquilia, of which there was a branch from Picenum as far as Pæstum. Thence to Velia, about twenty miles, there was no Roman road.

Baias] The atmosphere of Baiæ appears to have been clear, and the place attractive. (Horace calls it 'liquidae,' C. iii. 4. 24, and 'amoenae,' Epp. i. 1. 83.) This made it the most favourite resort of wealthy Romans. To invalids there was the additional attraction of hot sulphurous springs. Horace had been in the habit of going to Baiæ, as we may infer from his connecting it with the Sabine hills, Præneste, and Tibur, in C. iii. 4; but it appears he was now advised to try a different treatment, and seek some other climate. 'Supervacuus' means 'useless'; the place would do him no good. As to the form of the word, see C. ii. 20. 24.

3. Musa--Antonius] This physician was a freedman of Augustus, and came into notice chiefly through curing him of a bad illness he contracted in the Cantabrian expedition. Having found cold bathing successful with the emperor, Musa appears to have made that his general principle of treatment. At any rate, he recommended it to Horace, and he followed his advice, not without reluctance, as it would seem from this Epistle. The death of Marcellus may have contributed to making Baiæ unpopular for a time, but it soon recovered its character (see above, Epp. 1. 83). There are some fragments of medical works by Musa still extant, and he is frequently referred to as an authority by Galen. The order of the names is inverted, as in C. ii. 2. 3; 11. 2.

et tamen illis Me facit invisum,] The sentence is this: "Antonius Musa makes out that Baiæ is useless for me, and yet he makes Baiæ hate me, because I am drenching myself with cold water in the middle of winter." Horace goes on to say that the town is angry with all the patients for deserting it.

5. Sane murteta relinqui] 'Murteta' means groves in which houses were erected over sulphur springs for vapour baths.

8. Qui caput et stomachum] A douche bath on the head or stomach would now be thought a strong remedy even by hydropathists; but it is one of those which ancient physicians recommended.

9. Clusinis Gabiosque] Clusium (Chiusi) was one of the chief towns of Etruria, the capital of Porsenna, and the place where the Gauls received that insult which led to their siege of Rome (Liv. v. 33). It was situated on the Via Cassia, about one hundred miles north of Rome. Strabo (v. 3) mentions several cold streams at this place, called τὰ Ἄλβουλα, which were useful in many complaints both for bathing and drinking.

10. deversoria] See S. i. 5. 2, n. There was a branch of the Via Appia at Sinuessa, leading to Cumæ, called the Via Domitiana; but that, as the name shows, was not constructed at this time, and probably the traveller would have to continue along the Via Appia till he came to Capua, from whence the Via Campana went to Cumæ to the right, and the Via Aquilia went straight on to Salernum, and the Appia branched off through Caudium to Beneventum. (See S. i. 5. 50. 71.) This explains 'laeva habena.' The horse would turn to the right as usual to go to Cumæ (whence the road was continued to the Lucrine Lake and to Bauli and Baiæ, about four or five miles from Cumæ).

16. vina nihil moror illius orae;] The nearest place to Salernum spoken of as growing wines is Surrentum (Sorrento), at the end of the promontory that bears its name, and forms the southern boundary of the bay of Naples. This wine is mentioned in S. ii. 4. 55. Horace had no high opinion of it. He did not think it worth while to ask about the wine, which he knew was bad.

17. perferre patique,] This pleonasm occurs again in the next Satire, v. 74. It serves to make up a verse.

21. Lucanae] This supposes he was going to Velia.

24. Phaeaxque reverti,] See Epp. i. 2. 28.

26. Maenius,] See S. i. 1. 101, n. 'Fortiter' is used ironically. 'Urbanus' means 'witty.' 'Scurra vagus' means a parasite who was ready to dine anywhere, paying for his dinner with his jokes.

31. Pernicies et tempestas barathrumque] All these words belong to 'macelli,' as to which see S. ii. 3. 229, n. He was a plague that wasted, a tempest that swept, a gulf that swallowed up, the whole contents of the market.

37. corrector Bestius.] The meaning is, that Mænius, whenever he could not get a good dinner from one of those who patronized or were afraid of him, would dine prodigiously off tripe and coarse mutton, and then declare all good livers ought to be branded on the belly: a censor as strict as Bestius, who was, no doubt, some person well known at the time, perhaps as a spare liver or reprover of profligate living, though nothing is known of him now. 'Corrector' is here used for a reformer of morals, as in Epp. ii. 1. 129 it is applied to poets.

39. Verterat in fumum et cinerem,] This was evidently an ordinary way of speaking. He got rid of all the plunder he made from fools who patronized him.

41. Nil melius turdo, nil vulva] As to 'turdus,' see S. ii. 5. 10, n. The womb and breast ('sumen') of a sow, especially after her first litter, were considered great delicacies.

42. Nimirum hic ego sum;] Compare Epp. 6. 40: "ne fueris hic tu." ἐνταῦθ᾽ εἰμί is a common expression with the Tragedians. 'Nimirum,' 'of course, as is natural: how could anything better be expected of me?' (See Epp. 9. 1.) He means to say, that of course, like his neighbours, he professes love for poverty while he is poor, but as soon as he gets any money he is ready for any extravagance.

46. nitidis fundata pecunia villis.] 'Villa' was a country house, as opposed to 'aedes,' a town house. There were 'villae rusticae,' farm-houses, and 'villae urbanae,' houses in the neighbourhood of towns (to which sense we limit the word in our use of it) or in the country, but built in many respects after the fashion of town houses. The 'urbanae villae' were often built at great expense, with much marble about them, which is referred to in 'nitidis.' 'Fundata' means 'invested.' It is not so used elsewhere.

EPISTLE XVI.

Quintius, to whom this Epistle is addressed, cannot be identified with any known person. The same name is connected with the eleventh Ode of the second Book; but there is no reason to suppose them to belong to one person. There is no more reason in the Epistle than in the Ode why a name should appear at all; for the subject is general, being the liability of men to be deceived in respect to their own goodness and that of others by the judgment of the multitude. This discourse is appended, rather abruptly, to a short description of Horace's residence, in anticipation of the inquiries he supposes Quintius might make on that subject.

1. fundus] See S. ii. 5. 108, n.

2. Arvo pascat herum] Horace had some of his land under his own cultivation; but it was no great quantity, as we may infer from the number of slaves employed upon it (S. ii. 7. 118). The rest he seems to have let (Epp. 14. 2, n.). Part of his land was arable, and part of it meadow (Epp. 15. 26-30, and C. iii. 16. 30, "segetis certa fides meae"). He had a garden (Epp. 14. 42). He must also have had vines (23, n.). In short, it was an ordinary farm on a small scale. In the second and third verses Horace recounts the different productions of his farm, while he supposes Quintius to ask about them.

2. opulentet] This is a rare word, and does not occur in any earlier writer.

3. an amicta vitibus ulmo,] See C. ii. 15. 5: "platanusque caelebs Evincet ulmos."

5. Continui montes] The valley of the Licenza is the only valley which cuts the range of mountains extending from the Campagna above Tibur to Carseoli, about forty-five miles from Rome. Without this valley this immense body would be a continuous mass. It lies nearly north and south, which corresponds with the description of the text. See C. i. 17. 1, n.

8. Temperiem laudes.] The position of the valley keeps it cool in summer and warm in winter, the latter by the exclusion of the north wind (Tramontana). The Scirocco ('plumbeus Auster') is modified in its strength and character as it penetrates the mountains.

Quid, si rubicunda] 'Why, if I tell you that my thorns bear abundantly the red cornel and the plum, that my oaks and my ilexes delight my pigs with plenty of acorns, and their master with plenty of shade, you may say it is the woods of Tarentum, brought nearer to Rome.' 'Fruge' is nowhere else used for acorns, the common food for pigs.

12. Fons etiam] There are two small streams which feed the Licenza in this valley, which that river nearly bisects. Either of these rivulets may be the one Horace alludes to.

14. fluit utilis,] See note on v. 8 of the last Epistle.

15. dulces, etiam si credis amoenae,] A place may be 'dulcis' from association or other causes: it can only be 'amoenus' from its climate, its beauties, and so forth. As to 'Septembribus horis,' see S. ii. 6. 18, n., and for 'audis' see note on v. 20 of the same Satire.

17. Tu recte vivis] He goes on to compliment and advise his friend: 'Your life is what it should be, if you are careful to be what you are accounted. For all Rome has long spoken of you as a happy man. But I am afraid lest you should trust the judgment of others about you, rather than your own.'

24. pudor malus] See S. ii. 3. 39, n. He says it is a false shame that would induce a patient to conceal his sores from the physician; and so it is for a man to hide his defects, rather than bring them to the wise to cure.

25. Si quis bella tibi] 'Tibi' depends on 'pugnata,' which is joined with 'bella' in C. iii. 19. 4. See note on C. ii. 6. 11. Quintius had no doubt seen service; but, says Horace, if any one were to speak of your campaigning in such language as this (then he quotes two lines, said to be taken from the panegyric of Varius on Augustus, referred to on C. i. 6. 11), you would recognize it as meant, not for you, but for Cæsar. But if you allow yourself to be called wise and correct, does your life correspond to that name any more than your military exploits to the above encomium? Literally, 'Do you answer in your own name,' or 'on your own account?' 'Vacuas aures' are ears which, being unoccupied, are ready to receive what is spoken.

27. Tene magis--populum] 'Whether thy people care for thy safety more, or thou for theirs, may Jove ever doubtful keep, he who watches over both thee and Rome.' The meaning of this is, 'May thy country ever care for thee, and thou for thy country, with an equal affection.'

30. Cum pateris sapiens] See C. i. 2. 43, n.

31. Nempe Vir bonus] Quintius is supposed to answer, 'Yes, surely, I like to be called good and wise, and so do you.' 'Nay,' replies Horace, 'such praise as this is given one day, and may be withdrawn the next; and you are obliged to resign your claim, because you know you do not deserve it. But if a man attacks me with charges I know I am innocent of, is that to affect me and make me blush?'

40. Vir bonus est quis?] The answer is to this effect: "In the eyes of the people the good man is he who never transgresses the laws; who is seen acting as 'judex' in important causes, and has never been known to be corrupt; whom men choose as their sponsor, and whose testimony carries weight in court; but all the while the man's own neighborhood and family may know him to be foul within, though fair enough without."

41. Qui consulta patrum,] Of the component parts of the Roman civil law Horace mentions three. 'Jura' signifies legal rights and rules of law. It has the latter meaning here. 'Leges,' properly so called, were laws passed in the 'comitia centuriata.' They were first approved by the senate, and then proposed to the comitia by a magistratus of senatorial rank. 'Plebiscita,' laws passed by the plebs in their comitia tributa, were made binding on the whole people by the 'lex Hortensia,' passed B.C. 288, and thenceforward they had the force of leges. 'Senatus consulta' ('consulta patrum') appear, in some instances, to have had the force of law during the republic; under the empire, they superseded the legislation of the comitia. Horace might have added other parts of law, and more particularly 'mores,' which were all those laws that sprang from immemorial usage.

42. secantur] See S. i. 10. 15, n. 'Tenere,' in the sense of gaining a cause, is not common. It is used by Cicero (Pro Caecina, c. 24): "Scaevola causam apud centumviros non tenuit."

43. Quo res sponsore] See S. ii. 6. 23, n. Horace means a man whose credit is good as a sponsor and a witness.

46. Nec furtum feci] There are some who think themselves very good, who would be bad if they dared. To such a one Horace answers as he answered his slave, when he boasted of his goodness. Vv. 46-56 are a dialogue between the slave and his master; the application, being easily made, is not expressed. Not to be very wicked does not make a man good; nor is it sufficient to abstain from crime through fear of punishment; our motive should be the love of virtue for her own sake. 'Sabellus' may mean the 'villicus,' or it may be taken for any plain-judging man. Many suppose Horace means himself. Orelli does so. 'Frugi' is explained on S. ii. 5. 77.

57. Vir bonus, omne forum] He whom the people believe to be good, whom everybody turns to look at as he walks through the Forum, and looks up to when he speaks in the courts. "Gaude quod spectant oculi te mille loquentem." (Epp. 6. 19.) There were three principal 'fora' in Rome, in which judicial and other public (as well as mercantile) business was carried on. The Forum Romanum was simply called Forum, because it was the largest; and till the time of Julius Cæsar it was the only one. The dictator began the erection of another, adjoining the Forum Romanum, and it was called after him. It was finished by Augustus. Afterwards Augustus built a small forum in the same neighborhood, wherein none but judicial business was transacted. It was partially destroyed by fire, and restored by Hadrian. Other 'fora' were afterwards erected by different emperors (Nerva, Trajan, Vespasian). In every 'forum' there was a 'basilica' (or more than one), a building devoted to the joint purposes of judicial and commercial business. At the end of the building was a part called 'tribunal,' devoted to law.

58. vel porco vel bove] The animals most commonly sacrificed by the Romans were sheep, pigs, and oxen. On public occasions these three were sacrificed together, and the sacrifice was called 'suovetaurilia,' being a combination of the three names. Private persons would only sacrifice the three on great occasions, and on some there would be several of each or any of them, offered together. Ordinarily they sacrificed but one, according to their means or their zeal.

59. Jane pater!] See S. ii. 6. 20, n. Silent devotion was not practised or understood by the ancients, any more than it is by the heathen or Mahometans now. μετὰ φωνῆς εὔχεσθαι δεῖ is reported to have been a saying of Pythagoras. Silent prayers were supposed to be a veil either for improper petitions, or magical incantations, or something wrong. To speak with men as if the gods were listening, and with the gods so as men might overhear, is a rule found in more than one writer.

60. Pulchra Laverna,] Laverna was a goddess associated with Mercurius, as the god who presided over thieving. The derivation of the word is uncertain.

64. In triviis fixum] Persius, speaking of a man who was above sordid ways, says (v. 110), "Inque luto fixum possis transcendere nummum," where there is a Scholium which says that boys used to fasten an as to the pavement, and amuse themselves with watching people stop to pick it up. Whether this is referred to by Horace, or whether any such practice existed, is doubtful. It is very likely Horace means no more than a man stooping to pick up an as from the mud.

65. qui cupiet metuet quoque;] Horace joins fear and desire in Epp. i. 2. 51, and ii. 2. 155.

67. Perdidit arma,] The man who is ever hurrying after money, and swallowed up in love of it, has cast away his arms and run away from the ranks of virtue. If you catch him, do not put him to death, but sell him for a slave, which is all he is fit for. He may do good service in keeping cattle, or ploughing, or going with his master, the mercator, to sea, replenishing the market, and so forth.

69. Vendere cum possis] One of the principal sources from which the Romans got their slaves, in earlier times, was the prisoners of war. Dealers always accompanied the camp for the purpose of purchasing them. They were sold on the spot by auction, 'sub corona,' that is, with a chaplet on their head to mark them for sale. See Cæsar (B. G. iii. 16). Captives reserved to follow the triumph of the commander were put to death when the procession was over (see Epod. 7. 8, n.). The law-writers derive 'servus' from 'servare,' as prisoners kept for slavery were not put to death. 'Annona' properly signifies the year's supply of provisions from the harvest. 'Penus' signifies provisions of all sorts; here it means all sorts of imported provisions, preserves, etc. 'Penus' is of two declensions, the second and third.

73. Vir bonus et sapiens] 'The virtuous and wise man can speak to Fortune as Dionysus did to Pentheus.' The scene alluded to is that in the Bacchæ of Euripides (489, sqq.). Vv. 495, 496 are almost literally translated in vv. 77, 78. Pentheus, king of Thebes, hearing that a young stranger has come to his country, giving himself out to be Dionysus, and has tempted all the women to go out and do honor to him, sends his servants to apprehend him. The god allows himself to be taken, and, when brought before the king, describes himself as the servant of Dionysus. Then follows a dialogue, of which the verses above referred to form part. The application is obvious. The good man can bid defiance to the reverses of Fortune, since at any time he wishes he can call death to his assistance,--a bad doctrine for good men. Cicero did not approve of it. He says, "vetat Pythagoras injussu imperatoris, id est Dei, de praesidio et statione vitae decedere" (Cat. Maj. c. 20). The ancients had very loose notions on suicide.

79. mors ultima linea rerum est] This refers to the 'alba linea' mentioned on Epp. 14. 9, which was the goal as well as starting-point in the chariot-races.

EPISTLE XVII.

Who Scæva was there are no means of determining, and it is quite immaterial. He bears no part in the Epistle, which might have been addressed to anybody of his age. Its professed purpose is to instruct a young man how to rise in the world by paying court to great people, which is declared to be an art of no small merit. The chief secret of this art is said to be a well-affected modesty, and a tact in letting your wants be rather felt than heard by your patron, and this is the only advice that is offered. The Epistle ends abruptly, and is a mere fragment.

3. docendus adhuc,] He was young, and had yet much to learn. 'Amiculus' is a diminutive expressing endearment.

4. Caecus iter monstrare velit;] Erasmus quotes as a proverb μήτε τυφλὸν ὁδηγόν, μήτε ἐκνόητον σύμβουλον. Our Lord twice used it in instructing his disciples (Matt. xv. 14, Luke vi. 39).

8. Ferentinum] This was a municipium on the Via Latina, about forty-six miles from Rome, in the country of the Hernici. It still retains its name Ferentino. It appears not to have been much frequented, and Horace recommends his friend to go there, if the object of his wishes is to avoid the noise of the town, and to lead a quiet life, which he says is not without its recommendations.

10. moriensque fefellit.] Horace uses 'fallere' as the Greeks used λανθάνειν (see C. iii. 16. 32, n.). But it is only used absolutely here and in the next Epistle (v. 103). Horace takes his expression from the Greek proverb λάθε βιώσας, which appears to have been used by the Epicureans and Cyrenaics.

11. Si prodesse tuis] Horace's argument for servility is, that it is necessary, if a man wants to be of use to his friends, and to make himself comfortable.

12. siccus ad unctum.] As a poor man to the rich. 'Siccus' means poor, as one who cannot command a dinner, or can only command a dry one; and 'unctus' means a rich man who fares sumptuously. The Cynics were called ξηρόφαγοι from their abstinence, and ξηροφαγία among the early Christians was a fast.

13. Si pranderet olus patienter] There is a story of Aristippus, that he was one day passing Diogenes, the Cynic, while he was washing some vegetables for his dinner, and he was accosted thus: "If you had learnt to put up with this, you would not have been a slave in the palace of kings," alluding to his having been the guest of Dionysius of Syracuse. The answer of Aristippus was: "And if you knew how to associate with your fellows, you would not now be washing herbs."

15. qui me notat.] 'Notare' is used in a bad sense (see S. i. 6. 20, n.).

18. Mordacem Cynicum] The Cynics received their name from the place where Antisthenes taught, the Cynosarges, a gymnasium at Athens. The popular notion of a Cynic (expressed by 'mordacem,' 'biting') is derived rather from the conduct of the followers (of whom Diogenes was one) than of the founder of the school.

19. Scurror ego ipse mihi,] This verb does not occur elsewhere. The participle is used in the next Epistle (v. 2). Aristippus is supposed to parry the blow ('eludere,' a metaphor taken from the gladiators) of Diogenes by admitting, for the sake of argument, that he acted parasite to a king; yet it was for his own advantage; whereas the Cynic acted parasite to the populace for their amusement; he begged their dirty provisions, and gave them snarling jests in return; and by accepting their alms, he acknowledged himself their inferior, and this though he professed to want nothing of them or any one else. 'Hoc' refers to the remoter object, as in S. ii. 2, where see note on v. 30.

20. Equus me portet, alat rex,] The Greeks had a proverb, ἵππος με φέρει, βασιλεύς με τρέφει, which words are said to have been first uttered by a soldier of Philip of Macedon to his mother, who entreated him to ask exemption from service.

21. Officium facio:] 'Officium' is commonly applied to attendance on great people; and the most servile are wont to say they are only 'doing their duty' by their betters. As to 'vilia rerum,' see C. iv. 12. 19, n.; S. ii. 8. 83.

23. Omnis Aristippum decuit color] See Epp. i. 1. 18, n. 'Color' is 'color vitae' (S. ii. 1. 60), and corresponds to 'vitae via' below (v. 26). We use 'complexion' in the same double sense. Horace means that, while Aristippus paid court to the rich, he could do without them, if necessary. 'On the other hand,' he says, 'he who, on the principle of endurance, puts on his double cloak, I should be surprised if a change of life would suit him'; that is, he is more the creature of habit than the man he condemns.

25. duplici panno] The asceticism of Diogenes was his way of carrying out the principle of endurance, which was a chief feature in his teacher's system. A coarse 'abolla,' a garment thrown loosely over the person, served him for his dress, without tunic. He is said to have been the first to wear it double and to have slept in it, and those who followed him, adopting the same practice, were called διπλοείματοι and ἀχίτωνες. Juvenal says the Stoics differed from the Cynics only in the use of the tunic (S. xiii. 121).

28. celeberrima per loca] See C. ii. 12. 20, n.

30. Alter Mileti textam] The purple and wool of Miletus were held in great esteem by the Greeks. As to 'chlamys,' see Epp. i. 6. 40, n. It appears that there were several stories current among the ancients about the indifference of Aristippus to dress. 'Cane pejus et angui' is a proverbial way of speaking. 'Pejus' occurs in the same connection, C. iv. 9. 50, "Pejusque leto flagitium timet."

33. Res gerere et captos] He says triumphs are fine things (they reach the throne of Jove and affect the skies), but there is no small merit in pleasing the great, and it is not everybody who can do it.

36. Non cuivis homini] Οὐ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς εἰς Κόρινθον ἔσθ᾽ ὁ πλοῦς. There are various explanations given of this proverb, but none can safely be relied upon. 'To go to Corinth' involved a difficulty in some sense or other, and so the proverb applies to anything that is difficult and requires unusual clearness.

37. Sedit qui timuit] The perfect is used as the aorist. 'He sits idle who is afraid he shall not succeed. Esto! Be it so (let him pass): but what of him who succeeds? Has he not done manfully?'

41. Aut virtus nomen inane est,] 'Either virtue is an empty name, or the active man does well to look for his crown and his reward.'

42. experiens vir.] This means an active man, who tries every means of success.

45. caput hoc erat,] He means that modesty and the absence of importunity is the best way of succeeding with the great; not to be eager to ask, but to be modest, and take what is offered (see Int.). 'Erat' seems to mean 'this is the point I was coming to.' But see C. i. 37. 4, n.; Epp. i. 4. 6, n.

47. nec vendibilis nec pascere firmus,] 'Not salable (because worth nothing) nor sufficient for our support.' 'Firmus' with the infinitive mood is the construction found so frequently in the Odes. See C. i. 1. 18, n.

48. clamat,] He does as good as cry, 'Give me food!' and the consequence is another chimes in with, 'The boon must be divided, and a part cut off for me.'

49. dividuo findetur munere quadra.] 'Dividuus' is used in the sense of 'divisus': 'quadra,' a fourth part, is put for any fragment. See Forcell. for several examples.

50. Sed tacitus pasci] If the greedy fellow could only have been quiet, he might have kept it all to himself. A crow cawing over the morsel luck or thieving has thrown in his way, and thereby attracting the attention and envy of his brethren, applies to many a knave who loses his ill gotten gains through his own folly in parading them.

52. Brundisium comes aut Surrentum] To Brundisium a man might go on business; to Surrentum (Sorrento) for the climate and scenery, which are still very healthy and beautiful. Surrentum was made a Roman colony about this time. We do not hear much of it as a place of resort, though from this passage we may infer that it was one of the pleasant spots on the Campanian coast to which the wealthy Romans went for change of air. Its wines were celebrated (see Epp. 15. 16, n.). In mentioning Brundisium, Horace may have been thinking of his journey with Mæcenas. He says, if a man, going into the country with his great friend, talks of the roughness of the roads, the bitterness of the cold, the loss of his purse, and so on, in order to get money from his patron, he is like the woman who is always crying for the pretended loss of a trinket, in hopes her lover will give her more, till at last she is no longer believed; or the man who pretended he had broken his leg in order to get a ride, but when he broke his leg in earnest, no one would listen to him.

54. viatica] See Epp. ii. 2. 26, n.

55. catellam,] This is a diminutive form of 'catena,' and is used for a bracelet or necklace: 'periscelis' appears to be an anklet, such as women, and young children of both sexes, in the East, wear universally. 'Nota acumina' means 'the hackneyed tricks.'

59. Fracto crure planum,] The Romans adopted the Greek word πλάνος for a vagabond and impostor. As to 'plurima,' see C. i. 7. 8, n. Horace makes the man swear by the Egyptian Osiris, as if that were the most sacred of oaths. Among other new superstitions, the worship of Isis had been lately introduced into Rome. Efforts were made, from time to time, to put it down, and Augustus forbade its being exercised in the city. But under later emperors it became established, with the encouragement of the government, in conjunction with that of Serapis. Osiris was not worshipped separately, but shared, perhaps, the reverence paid to his wife (Isis).

EPISTLE XVIII.

This Epistle contains some more advice to a young man beginning life, as to how he should win the favor of the great. The person addressed is young Lollius, respecting whom see the Introduction to Epp. 2 of this book, which is also addressed to him. The counsel Horace gives is not creditable to himself or the age he lived in.

1. liberrime Lolli,] 'My frank Lollius.' See Introduction. On 'metues,' see C. ii. 2. 7; and as to 'scurrantis,' see last Ep., ver. 19.

4. Discolor,] This means no more than 'different.'

5. prope majus,] See C. iv. 14. 20; S. ii. 3. 32.

6. Asperitas] A roughness, clownish, uncouth, and disgusting.

7. tonsa cute,] With the hair cut short down to the very skin, which would show a want of regard to appearances.

9. Virtus est medium vitiorum] See C. ii. 10. 5, n.

10. imi Derisor lecti] See S. ii. 8. 20, n. 'Derisor' means a parasite whose business it was to keep the company amused with jokes, such as the man described in S. i. 4. 87, sq.

13. dictata magistro] See S. i. 10. 75, n.

14. partes mimum tractare secundas.] 'Secundas agere' is a phrase taken from the stage. It applied to all the actors, except the chief. In the 'mimi,' which consisted chiefly of dumb show, the inferior parts were all arranged, and the actors played, so as to support the principal character. In most cases one of the parts was that of a parasite. The subordinates were also called 'adjutores.' (See S. i. 9. 45, n.; A. P. 192, n.)

15. de lana saepe caprina,] To quarrel about goats' wool is plainly equivalent to quarrelling about nothing at all.

16. Scilicet ut non] 'Forsooth, that I should not be believed before anybody else, and boldly bark out what I know to be true! Why, a second life would be a poor return' (for such an indignity).

19. Castor sciat an Dolichos plus;] This is the same sort of gossip that Mæcenas is represented as discussing with Horace (S. ii. 6. 44, sqq.). If Dolichos be right, the name is that of a Greek slave, derived from Doliche, a town of Thessaly.

20. Brundisium Minuci] This road is only once more mentioned by any classical writer (Cic. ad Att. ix. 6), and it is impossible to say anything about it with certainty, except that it passed by the town of Alba. There was a Porta Minutia leading out of Rome, the site of which is unknown; but it is probable that this road led from that gate, and that it was in the southern part of the city.

22. Gloria quem--vestit] See S. i. 6. 23, n.

25. decem vitiis instructior] 'Furnished with ten times as many defects.'

26. veluti pia mater] Like a fond mother who wishes her child to be wiser and better than herself, the patron advises his client.

30. Arta decet sanum comitem toga;] 'A narrow toga suits my humble friend if he be wise.' The size and shape of the toga are referred to on Epod. iv. 8.

31. Eutrapelus] Aristotle defines εὐτραπελία as πεπαιδευμένη ὕβρις, a refined impertinence. It appears that for his wit this name was given to P. Volumnius, an eques, and friend of M. Antonius, to whom are addressed two of Cicero's letters (Ad Fam. vii. 32, 33). From the way Horace writes, he must have been dead at this time.

34. honestum Officium,] This means the calls of duty, in a better sense than in the last Epistle (v. 21). See Epp. ii. 2. 68.

36. Thrax erit] See S. ii. 6. 44. Horace says he will get into debt, and be reduced to hire himself as a gladiator, or drive a costermonger's hack. 'Ad imum' is not elsewhere used as 'ad extremum,' but it means 'when he has got to the lowest point.' As to 'nummos alienos,' see Epp. ii. 2. 12, n.

37. Arcanum neque tu] He must not be inquisitive about his patron's secrets, or betray them, nor praise his own tastes at the expense of the great man's, nor take to his books when he wants him to go hunting.

38. vino tortus] This expression is repeated in A. P. 435.

41. Amphionis atque Zethi] These fabulous brothers, the sons of Antiope by Zeus, were different in their dispositions, the one being given to music and the other to country pursuits. Zethus, it appears, had a contempt for Amphion's lyre, and advised him roughly to throw it away, and take to arms, and to useful pursuits, like his own.

46. Aetolis onerata plagis] See Epp. i. 6. Ætolian toils are toils fit for Meleager, the king of Ætolia, and the destroyer of the Calydonian boar. With 'senium' compare 'senectus' (Epod. xiii. 5).

48. pulmenta laboribus empta;] Compare S. ii. 2. 20: "Tu pulmentaria quaere Sudando." 'Pulmentum' originally signified anything eaten with 'puls,' porridge or gruel (a common dish with the early Romans), to give it a flavor. It came afterwards to signify any savory dish.

54. Proelia sustineas campestria;] Compare A. P. 379. The allusion is to the games on the Campus Martius.

55. Cantabrica bella] See C. ii. 6. 2.

56. Parthorum signa] See C. iii. 5, Introduction.

57. et si quid abest] This is mere flattery, like that about the standards. Augustus had no intention of extending the Roman empire at this time. No further conquest was attempted till B.C. 15, when some of the Alpine tribes were beaten by Drusus and Tiberius, and their country made into a province. (See C. iv. 4, Introduction.)

58. Ac, ne te retrahas] Horace adds another reason why he should not refuse to join the amusements of his patron, that he cannot say he has no turn for that sort of thing, for he is wont to amuse himself at home with such sports as sham fights, though Horace does not mean to say he is given to wasting his time on such matters.

59. extra numerum--modumque] This is, literally, 'out of time and tune.'

60. rure paterno;] Where the estates of the elder Lollius lay or who was his other son, is not known. The two brothers, it appears, got up a representation of the battle of Actium, on a pond perhaps in their father's grounds, and they made the slaves ('pueros') act the soldiers and sailors, while they took the principal characters themselves, the elder acting Augustus, and his brother M. Antonius.

64. velox Victoria fronde coronet.] Victoria is always represented as a young female, with wings, and with a palm branch or a wreath in her hand, or both.

66. Fautor utroque--pollice] In the fights of gladiators, the people expressed their approbation by fanning their thumbs down, and the reverse by uplifting them. When a gladiator had got his adversary down, or disarmed him, he looked to the spectators for this signal, and according as the thumb was up or down he despatched or spared the man. Thus 'fautor utroque pollice' is a proverbial way of speaking. See Juvenal (iii. 36).

68. Quid de quoque viro et cui] 'Quoque' is from 'quisque,' 'every man.' 'Percontator' is a gossip who is always asking questions in order to retail the answers, generally in a perverted form. His ears are always open to pick up remarks ('patulae'), and his tongue always active to repeat them.

72. Non ancilla tuum] See S. ii. 5. 91, n. as to the use of 'non' for 'ne.'

75. Munere te parvo beet] 'Lest he be generous, and make you happy with this trumpery present, or be cruel and refuse it you.' This seems to be the meaning; that is to say, the patron may take it into his head to gratify his dependant with a present of the slave he admires, and then think he has done enough for him, or he may refuse to make him the present, and this would give him pain.

78. quondam] See C. ii. 10. 17, n. S. ii. 2. 82.

79. deceptus omitte tueri,] 'When once you have found yourself deceived, do not take him under your protection, but reserve your influence for one you thoroughly know, that, if need be, you may be able to shelter him from calumny; for when the good are slandered, what do you suppose may not happen to yourself?' The Scholiasts say that Theon was a man of malignant wit in Horace's time, and that he was a 'libertinus' who provoked his 'patronus,' and was turned out of his house with the present of a 'quadrans,' and told to go and buy a rope to hang himself. This is all we know of him, and this is very uncertain.

91. media de nocte] See S. ii. 8. 3, n.

93. Nocturnos--vapores.] This must be taken to signify the feverish heats that come on after much drinking.

95. obscuri] 'Reserved.'

100. Virtutem doctrina paret,] Whether virtue is a science (ἐπιστήμη) and capable of being taught (διδακτή) was discussed by Socrates, who held that it was so, in a certain sense. The question was a common rhetorical theme in Horace's day.

103. fallentis semita vitae.] See Epp. 17. 10, n., and compare Juvenal (x. 363): "semita certe Tranquillae per virtutem patet unica vitae."

104. gelidus Digentia rivus,] The Digentia (Licenza), rising near Horace's house (see Epp. 16. 12, n.), after a course of about six miles emptied itself into the Anio, about half a mile beyond the Via Valeria, which crossed it.

105. Quem Mandela bibit,] There is a village called Bardela, which probably stands on the site of Mandela. From its position at the head of the valley, and the winds that blow upon it from the northeast, it was colder than Horace's residence, higher up the valley, which accounts for the description 'rugosus frigore pagus' as compared with 'temperiem laudes' in Epp. 16. 8. The expression may be suggested by pictures and other representations of Hiems, who is exhibited as a wrinkled old man, as Ovid describes him, apparently from a picture also: "Inde senilis Hiems tremulo venit horrida passu" (Met. xv. 212).

111. Sed satis est] Horace prays for a good supply of books and provisions, and a quiet mind; but retracts the last, and says he will pray to Jove for what he can give and take away, but a quiet mind he will secure himself.

EPISTLE XIX.

It would appear that Horace had imitators among those who abused him; and if we are to understand him to mean what he says, there were those who took his convivial odes literally, and, coupling them with the example of the old Greek poets, conceived that the way to write verses was to propitiate Bacchus and drink a great deal of wine. Or else he means that they took to writing in the same strain, all about wine and driving dull care away, and so forth, which at second hand would be very poor stuff. Such servile imitators he speaks of with great disgust; and while he exposes their shallowness, he accounts for their malevolence towards himself by the fact of his not having sought their company or hired their applause. He at the same time claims to have been the first to dress the lyric measures in the Latin language, while he defends himself for having adopted the metres of another, by pointing to the examples of Sappho and Alcæus, and takes credit for having avoided the virulence of Archilochus, while he imitated his verse. This is introduced by the way, the chief purpose of the Epistle being to show the folly of his calumniators and the cause of their abuse.

1. Maecenas docte, Cratino,] He addresses Maecenas elsewhere as "doctus utriusque linguae" (C. iii. 8. 5). Cratinus, though he lived to a good old age, and kept his powers to the last, as we have seen (S. i. 4. 1, n.), was a proverbial drunkard.

4. Adscripsit Liber] 'Adscribere' is a military term. As to Liber's attendants, the Fauns, Pans, and Satyrs, see note on C. ii. 19. 4. The poets immediately under the protection of Dionysus were the lyric, the dithyramb having been performed first at the Dionysia. Compare C. i. 1. 31. So the poet is called "cliens Bacchi" (Epp. ii. 2. 78). Liber, the Latin divinity, is here, as elsewhere, confounded with the Greek Bacchus or Dionysus, with whom he had only this in common, that he presided over vines. 'Ut' means 'ever since' (C. iv. 4. 42).

5. Vina fere dulces] The ancients did not spare the reputation of their poets in this matter; for besides the fame of Cratinus mentioned above, Alcæus, Anacreon, Æschylus, Aristophanes, and many others, have the credit of indulging freely in wine. As to Homer, there is no foundation in his poetry for Horace's libel, which is simply absurd. David might as well be charged with excess because he speaks of wine as making glad the heart of man. Ennius said of himself that he only wrote when he had got the gout: "Nunquam poëtor nisi podager."

8. forum putealque Libonis] See S. ii. 6. 35, n. Horace speaks as if he had delivered an 'edictum' that the business of the Forum was only fit for the sober and dull, who had nothing to do with poetry; whereupon all that would be thought poets took to drinking day and night. 'Putere' is a stronger word for 'olere,' used above, v. 5.

12. Quid, si quis vultu torvo] Cato of Utica is here referred to, of whom Plutarch says, that from his childhood he showed in his voice and countenance, and also in his amusements, an immovable, unimpressive, and firm temper. He seldom laughed, or even smiled; and though not passionate, when his anger was roused it was not easy to pacify him. He set himself against the fashions of the times, in dress as in other things, and often went out of doors after dinner without his shoes and tunic; and the fashion being to wear a 'lacerna' of bright colour, he chose to wear a dark one. (Cat. c. 1. 6.) He may have worn his toga of smaller dimensions than other people, from the same dislike to the usages of the day. For 'textore' we should expect 'textura' in this place.

15. Rupit Iarbitam Timagenis] It appears that the person here called Iarbitas (from Virgil's Numidian king, Iarbas) was a Mauritanian by birth, and that his Roman name was Cordus or Codrus. Timagenes was a native of Alexandria, where he was taken prisoner by A. Gabinius, and sold as a slave. He was sent to Rome, and bought by Faustus, the son of Sulla, who gave him his freedom. He afterwards taught rhetoric, and became famous. It seems that Cordus, endeavouring to imitate Timagenes, and failing, broke his heart with envy.

18. biberent exsangue cuminum.] The fruit of this plant, which is a pleasant condiment, is described by Pliny (xx. 15) as giving a pallid hue to the complexion. It is a plant of Eastern origin. We are familiar with it through the proverbial use of the name by our Lord in his denunciation of the Pharisees, who gave tithes of mint, anise, and cumin, but neglected the weightier matters of the law. It was used to express littleness or meanness in any shape. Horace says, if he happened to look pale by any chance, his imitators would eat cumin-seeds to make themselves look interesting and poetical like him.

23. Parios ego primus iambos] The iambics of Archilochus of Paros. As to his attacks upon Lycambes, see Epod. vi. 13, n.

26. ne me foliis] 'And that you may not crown me with less noble wreath.' As to this position of 'ne,' see C. iv. 9. 1, n. Horace says he is not to be blamed for imitating Archilochus in his measure and the structure of his verse, for Alcæus and Sappho (he says, and we must take his word for it) did the same; they tempered their Muse with the measure of Archilochus. The iambics of Archilochus are imitated by Horace in the Epodes. Other measures of his he has imitated in the Odes. There is little left of Archilochus but his iambics. The vigorous style of Sappho's fragments shows the reason why Horace calls her 'mascula.' See C. ii. 13. 24, n.

32. Hunc ego non alio dictum] Compare C. iv. 9. 3:

"Non ante vulgatas per artes Verba loquor socianda chordis";

and 3. 23: "Romanae fidicen lyrae." 'Hunc' Orelli refers to Alcæus, comparing C. iii. 30. 13:

"Princeps Aeolium carmen ad Italos Deduxisse modos."

It may refer to Archilochus. I do not feel certain about it. Forcellini only mentions one other example of 'immemoratus' from Ausonius. 'Ingenuis' means 'candid' or 'uncorrupted.'

35. ingratus] He means that the reader is ungrateful who gets gratification from his poems at home, and yet abuses them abroad. 'Ingratus' belongs to the second clause as well as 'iniquus.' The reason Horace gives is, that he does not go about seeking the good opinion of vulgar critics, giving them dinners and cast-off clothes, and so on, but keeps himself to the company of respectable authors, listening to their writings and getting them to listen to his own. The language is taken from the notion of canvassing for votes at an election.

39. auditor et ultor] These words are reciprocal. The man who listens to a stupid recitation has his revenge when he recites in return. Here it is meant in a good-humored way. Juvenal's first Satire begins, "Semper ego auditor tantum? nunquamne reponam?" As to the practice of recitation among friends and in public, see C. ii. 1, Int., and S. i. 4. 73, n.

40. Grammaticas ambire tribus] Those who made a profession of literature were called 'literati,' 'eruditi,' or 'grammatici.' The last name was applied principally to those who kept schools or gave lectures, of whom there were a great many at this time at Rome. Inferior writers would give a good deal for their favorable opinion, which would help their books into demand among their scholars. Horace calls them 'critici' elsewhere (A. P. 78). 'Pulpitum' meant any raised platform from which speeches were delivered. Here it applies to that from which the teachers delivered their lectures.

41. Hinc illae lacrimae.] This became a common way of speaking after Terence (Andr. i. 1. 99): "Atat hoc illud est: Hinc illae lacrimae, haec illa est misericordia."

Spissis indigna theatris] 'Theatra' here means any audience before which recitations of this kind might take place, though the poetry of popular writers was recited in the theatres by 'mimi' and 'mimae.'

43. Jovis auribus] This is the same sort of expression as S. ii. 6. 52: "deos quoniam propius contingis." 'Manare' is not commonly used as a transitive verb. In this construction we find the like words, 'flere,' 'pluere,' 'stillare,' 'rorare,' &c. The expressions 'nugis,' 'poëtica mella,' 'tibi pulcher,' all seem to apply rather to the lyrical compositions than to the Satires, and the former appear to have been the objects of all this servile imitation.

45. naribus uti] See S. i. 6. 5, n., and Persius (i. 40): "nimis uncis Naribus indulges."

47. diludia posco.] This word occurs nowhere else. It means, in the first instance, an interval allowed to gladiators between their contests. 'Iste locus' must mean the 'pulpita' or 'spissa theatra' above mentioned. It seems as if the speaker meant to gain time, and, without declining the contest, made objections to the ground, and asked for a postponement, the language of the arena or palæstra being kept up. The meaning, in plain terms, is, that he does not wish to be brought into competition with others in the way of public recitations or criticism, because such matters, though they may begin in good temper, generally issue in strife and bad passions. 'Iste' expresses 'that place which you propose.'

EPISTLE XX.

With this composition addressed to his book (which can hardly be any other than this collection of Epistles) Horace sends it forth to take its chance in the world. He addresses it as a young and wanton maiden, eager to escape from the retirement of her home and to rush into dangers she knows nothing of. He tells her it will be too late to repair her error when she discovers it; that she will be caressed for a time and then thrown away, and, when her youth and the freshness of her beauty are gone, she will end her days in miserable drudgery and obscurity. He concludes with a description of himself, his person, his character, and his age.

1. Vertumnum Janumque,] The Vicus Thurarius, in which the Scholiasts say Vertumnus had a temple, was part of the Vicus Tuscus (S. ii. 3. 228), and the Argiletum was a street leading out of that street. In the Argiletum Janus had a temple. The Sosii were Horace's booksellers (see A. P. 345), and their shop may have stood near temples of Vertumnus and Janus, at which Horace says his book is casting longing glances. The Scholiasts say they were brothers. The outside skin of the parchment-rolls were polished with pumice-stone, to make them look well.

3. Odisti claves] The 'capsae' or 'scrinia' (S. i. 4. 21, n.) were locked, or sealed, or both; and women and young persons were locked or sealed up in their chambers, that they might not get into mischief, which restraint Horace says they liked, if they were chaste. He professes to reproach his book for being tired of staying at home, and being shown only to his friends, and wanting to go out to be exposed for sale, to which purpose he had not trained it. There can be no doubt that what is here distinctly said of the Epistles is true of the other works of Horace, that they were shown to his friends, and circulated privately before they were collected and published.

8. In breve te cogi] As applied to the book, this means that it will be rolled up and put into a case, and not taken out again. The metaphorical language is kept up in the following words, in 'peccantis,' and in the notion of its being thrown aside when the freshness of youth shall have left it.

9. Quodsi non odio peccantis] 'But if the prophet is not blinded by his aversion to the offender,' that is, if I am not led by my aversion to your wantonness to prophesy too harshly of your fate. 'Aetas' is used for any time of life, according to the context; but more frequently for old age than youth.

13. Aut fugies Uticam] You will be shipped off to Utica (in Libya), or to Ilerda (Lerida) in Spain, or anywhere else in the remote provinces, tied up as a bundle of goods ('vinctus'), and I shall laugh, for what is the use of trying to save such a willful thing? as the driver said, when his ass would go too near the edge of the precipice, and he drove him over in a passion. It is not known where this fable comes from. Compare A. P. 467.

18. balba senectus.] This keeps up the image in v. 10. Horace says his book will be reduced in its old age to the poor people's schools in the back streets (see S. i. 10. 75, n.). His writings came very soon to take their place with Homer and Virgil in all the schools. See Juvenal (vii. 226):

"Quot stabant pueri, cum totus decolor esset Flaccus, et haereret nigro fuligo Maroni."

19. Cum tibi sol tepidus] In the heat of the day, and before dinner in the baths, people read to themselves or one another. It is not easy to see the connection of this line with what goes before. It is something of a contradiction. But he supposes the book may perhaps be popular for a time.

20. Me, libertino natum patre] Compare S. i. 6. 6, 46, 47.

23. Me primis Urbis] This he considers no small praise. See Epp. i. 17. 35, and S. ii. 1. 75. He does not mind at this time referring to his old generals, Brutus and Cassius. The description he gives of himself corresponds with that we find in his biographer. See also C. ii. 11. 15. Epp. i. 4. 15.

24. solibus aptum,] This means that he liked warm weather. See S. ii. 3. 10, n.

28. Collegam Lepidum] Horace was born on the 8th of December, B.C. 65, in the year of the consulship of L. Manlius Torquatus and L. Aurelius Cotta. He completed his forty-fourth year, therefore, in December, B.C. 21. In that year M. Lollius (to whom C. iv. 9 is addressed) and Q. Æmilius Lepidus were consuls. 'Duxit' merely means that he had Lepidus for his colleague. Why Horace should be so particular in letting the world know his present age in the above year I cannot tell. He was in a communicative mood when he wrote, and tells us in a few words a good deal about himself.

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EPISTLES.--BOOK I