XII. FUTURE STATE…

XII. FUTURE STATE

ABORIGINAL IDEAS OF FUTURE -- GENERAL CONCEPTIONS OF SOUL -- FUTURE STATE OF THE ALEUTS, CHEPEWYANS, NATIVES AT MILBANK SOUND, AND OKANAGANS -- HAPPY LAND OF THE SALISH AND CHINOOKS -- CONCEPTIONS OF HEAVEN AND HELL OF THE NEZ PERCÉS, FLATHEADS, AND HAIDAHS -- THE REALMS OF QUAWTEAHT AND CHAYHER -- BELIEFS OF THE SONGHIES, CLALLAMS, AND PEND D'OREILLES -- THE FUTURE STATE OF THE CALIFORNIAN AND NEVADA TRIBES, COMANCHES, PUEBLOS, NAVAJOS, APACHES, MOQUIS, MARICOPAS, YUMAS, AND OTHERS -- THE SUN HOUSE OF THE MEXICANS -- TLALOCAN AND MICTLAN -- CONDITION OF THE DEAD -- JOURNEY OF THE DEAD -- FUTURE OF THE TLASCALTECS AND OTHER NATIONS.

The hope, or at least the expectation of immortality, is universal among men. The mind instinctively shrinks from the thought of utter annihilation, and ever clings to the hope of a future which shall be better than the present. But as man's ideal of supreme happiness depends upon his culture, tastes, and condition in this life, we find among different people widely differing conceptions of a future. The intellectual Greek looked forward to the enjoyment of less gross and more varied pleasures in his Elysian Fields, than the sensual Mussulman, whose paradise was merely a place where bright-eyed houris could administer to his every want, or the fierce Viking whose Valhalla was a scene of continual gluttony and strife, of alternate hewing in pieces and swilling of mead.

[Sidenote: IDEAS OF FUTURE.]

It has been supposed by some that the idea of future punishment and reward was unknown to the Americans.[XII-1] This is certainly an error, for some of the Pacific Coast tribes had very definite ideas of future retribution, and almost all, in supposing that the manner of death influenced the future state of the deceased, implied a belief in future reward, at least. The slave, too, who was sacrificed on the grave of his master, was thought to earn by his devotion, enforced though it might be, a passport to the realms of eternal joy; had there been no less blissful bourne this prospective reward for fidelity would have been manifestly superfluous.

The future life of these people was sharply defined, and was of the earth, earthy. In its most common forms it was merely earth-life, more or less free from mortal ills. The soul was subject to the same wants as the body, and must be supplied by the same means. In fact, the pagan's conception of heaven was much more clearly defined than the Christian's, and the former must have anticipated a removal thither with a far less wondering and troubled mind than the latter.

In the Mexican heaven there were various degrees of happiness, and each was appointed to his place according to his rank and deserts in this life. The high-born warrior who fell gloriously in battle did not meet on equal terms the base-born rustic who died in his bed. Even in the House of the Sun, the most blissful abode of the brave, the ordinary avocations of life were not entirely dispensed with, and after their singing and dancing, the man took up his bow again, and the woman her spindle. The lower heavens possessed a less degree of splendor and happiness until the abode of the great mass of those who had lived an obscure life and died a natural death was reached. These pursued their avocations by twilight, or passed their time in a dreamy condition, or state of torpor. As slaves were often sacrificed over their master's grave that they might serve in the next world, we must suppose that differences of rank were maintained there. The Tlascaltecs supposed that the common people were after death transformed into beetles and disgusting objects, while the nobler became stars and beautiful birds. But this condition was also influenced by the acts and conduct of friends of the deceased.

Sir John Lubbock[XII-2] does not believe with Wilson and other archæologists that the burial of implements with the dead was because of any belief that they would be of use to the deceased in a future state; but solely as a tribute of affection, an outburst of that spirit of sacrifice and offering so noticeable in all, from the most savage to the most civilized, in the presence of lost brotherhood, friendship, or love. In the first place the outfit in a great majority of cases is wholly unfit and inadequate, viewed in any rational scale of utility; they are not such as the dead warrior would procure, if by any means he were again restored to earth and to his friends. In the second place it was and is usual to so effectually mutilate the devoted arms and utensils, as to render them a mere mockery if they are intended for the future use of the dead. It is easy to classify this phenomenon in the same category with the deserting or destroying of the house of the deceased, the refusal to mention his name, and all the other rude contrivances by which the memory of their sorrow may be buried out of their sight.

This subject may be viewed in another light, however, by considering that these Indians sometimes impute spirits even to inanimate objects, and when the wife or the slave is slain, their spirits meet the chief in the future land. Do they not also break the bow and the spear that the ghostly weapons may seek above the hands of their sometime owner, not leaving him defenceless among the awful shades. The mutilation of the articles may perhaps be regarded as a symbolic killing, to release the soul of the object; the inadequacy of the supply may indicate that they were to be used only during the journey, or preparatory state, more perfect articles being given to the soul, or prepared by it, on entering the heaven proper.

The slaves sacrificed at the grave by the Aztecs and Tarascos were selected from various trades and professions and took with them the most cherished articles of the master, and the implements of their trade, wherewith to supply his wants. Passports were given for the different points along the road, and a dog as guide. Thus the souls of animals are shown to have entered heaven with man, and this is also implied by the belief that men were there transformed into birds and insects, and that they followed the chase. Another instance which seems to indicate that the souls of these earthly objects were used merely during the preparatory state, was the yearly feast given to departed souls during the period that this condition endured. After that they were left to oblivion. The Miztecs had the custom of inviting the spirits to enter and partake of the repast spread for them, and this food, the essence of which had been consumed by the unseen visitors, was regarded as sacred.[XII-3]

[Sidenote: THE ROAD TO HEAVEN.]

The road to paradise was represented to be full of dangers--an idea probably suggested to them by the awful mystery of death. In the idea of this perilous journey, this road beset with many dangers--storms, monsters, deep waters, and whirlpools--we may trace a belief in future retribution, for though the majority of travelers manage to reach their destination having only suffered more or less maltreatment by the way, yet many a solitary, ill-provided wanderer is overwhelmed and prevented from doing so. In exceptional cases, the perils of this valley of the shadow of death are avoided by the intervention of a friendly deity who, Hermes-like, bears the weary soul straight to its rest. Among the Mexicans Teoyaomique, the consort of the war-god, performed this good office for the fallen warrior.

With the alternative of this not very attractive future before them, it is natural that the theory of metempsychosis should have found wide and ready acceptance, for with these people it did not mean purification from sin, as among the Brahmans; it was simply the return of the soul to the world, to live once more the old life, although at times in a different and superior sphere. The human form was, therefore, assumed more often than that of animals. The soul generally entered the body of a female relative to form the soul of the unborn infant; the likeness of the child to a deceased friend in features or peculiarities lent great weight to this belief. This reëmbodiment was not limited to individuals; the Nootkas, for instance, accounted for the existence of a distant tribe, speaking the same language as themselves, by declaring them to be the incarnated spirits of their dead. The preservation of the bones of the dead, seems in some cases to be connected with a belief in a resurrection of the body. The opinion underlying the various customs of preservation of remains, says Brinton, "was, that a part of the soul, or one of the souls, dwelt in the bones; that these were the seeds which, planted in the earth, or preserved unbroken in safe places, would, in time, put on once again a garb of flesh, and germinate into living human beings."[XII-4] Indeed, a Mexican creation-myth relates that man sprang from dead bones,[XII-5] and in Goatzacoalco the bones were actually deposited in a convenient place, that the soul might resume them.

[Sidenote: IDEAS OF SOUL.]

The most general idea of a soul seems to have been that of a double self, possessing all the essence and attributes of the individual, except the carnal embodiment, and independent of the body in so far as it was able to leave it, and revel in other scenes or spheres. It would accordingly appear to another person, by day or night, as a phantom, with recognizable form and features, and leave the impression of its visits in ideas, remembrances, or dreams. Every misty outline, every rustle, was liable to be regarded by the undiscriminating aborigine as a soul on its wanderings, and the ideas of air, wind, breath, shadow, soul, were often represented by the same word. The Eskimo word silla, signifies air, wind, and conveys the idea of world, mind; tarnak, means soul, shadow. The Yakima word for wind and life contains the same root; the Aztec ehecatl signifies wind, air, life, soul, shadow; in Quiché the soul bears the name of natub, shadow; the Nicaraguans think that it is yulia, the breath, which goes to heaven.[XII-6] Some hold that man has several souls, one of which goes to heaven, the others remain with the body, and hover about their former home. The Mexicans and Quichés received a soul after death from a stone placed between the lips for that purpose, which also served for heart, the seat of the soul;[XII-7] this was buried with the remains. The custom of eating the flesh of brave enemies in order to inherit their virtues, points to a belief in the existence of another soul or vital quality in the corpse. Some Oregon tribes gave a soul to every member of the body. A plurality of souls is also implied by the belief in soul-wandering during sleep, for is not the body animate though the soul be separated from it? Yet the soul proper could not remain away from the body beyond a certain time, lest the weaker soul that remained should fail to sustain life.

With the many contradictions and vague statements before us, it must be admitted that the phrase "immortality of the soul" is often misleading. Tylor even considers it doubtful "how far the lower psychology entertains at all an absolute conception of immortality, for past and future fade soon into utter vagueness as the savage mind quits the present to explore them."[XII-8]

[Sidenote: METEMPSYCHOSIS.]

Some tribes among the Hyperboreans actually disbelieved in a future existence, while others held the doctrine of a future reward and punishment. The conceptions of a soul were well defined however; the Thlinkeets supposed it to enter the spirit-world, among the yeks, on being released from the body. The braves who had fallen in battle, or had been murdered, became keeyeks, 'upper ones,' and went to dwell in the north, where the aurora borealis, omen of war, flashes in reflection from the lights which illuminate their dances; so at least the Eskimos regard it.[XII-9] Those who died a natural death became tákeeyeks, land-spirits, and tékeeyeks, sea-spirits, and dwelt in takankon, doubtless situated in the centre of the earth,[XII-10] the road to which was watered, and made smooth by the tears of relatives, but if too much crying was indulged in, it became swampy and difficult to travel. The tákeeyeks and tékeeyeks appear to have attached themselves as guardian spirits to the living, and were under the control of the shamáns, before whom they came in the form of land and sea animals, to do their bidding and reveal the past and future.[XII-11] The keeyeks were evidently above the conjuration of the sorcerers. The comforts of heaven, like the road to it, depended on earthly conditions; thus, the body was burned in order that it might be warm in its new home. Slaves, however, who were buried, were condemned to freeze, but the shamáns whose bodies were also left to moulder, had doubtless power to avoid such misery. All lived in heaven as on earth, earning their living in the same manner, to which end the implements and other articles burnt with them were brought into use; wealthy people appointed two slaves to be sacrificed at the pyre, upon whom devolved the duty of attending to their wants. The slaves carried their long-pending doom very philosophically, it is said.[XII-12] It appears, however, that the soul had the option of returning to this life, and as I have said, generally entered the body of a female relative to form the soul of a coming infant. If the child resembled a deceased friend or relation, this reëmbodiment was at once recognized, and the name of the dead person was given to it. Metempsychosis does not appear to have been restricted to relatives only, for the Thlinkeets were often heard to express a desire to be born again into families distinguished for wealth and position, and even to wish to die soon in order to attain this bliss the earlier.[XII-13] This belief in the transmigration of souls was widely spread, and accounts to some extent for the fearlessness with which the Hyperboreans contemplated death.[XII-14] The Tacullies and Sicannis asked the deceased whether he would return to life or not, and the shamán who put the question decided the matter by looking at the naked breast of the body through his fingers; he then raised his hand toward heaven, and blew the soul, which had apparently entered his fingers, into the air, that it might seek a body to take possession of; or the shamán placed his hands upon the head of one of the mourners and sent the spirit into him, to be embodied in his next offspring. The relative thus favored added the name of the deceased to his own. If these things were not done the deceased was supposed to depart to the centre of the earth to enjoy happiness, according to their estimate of it. The Kenai supposed that a soft twilight reigned perpetually in this place, and that its inhabitants pursued their avocations; while the living slept they worked. The soul did not, however, attain perfect rest until a feast had been given in its honor, attended by a distribution of skins.[XII-15]

[Sidenote: FUTURE OF THE COLUMBIAN TRIBES.]

Dall, in speaking of the Tinnehs, to which family the Tacullies and Kenai belong, states that he found few who believed in the immortality of the soul, and none in future reward and punishment; any contrary assertion he characterizes as proceeding from ignorance or exaggeration. Other authors, however, in treating of tribes situated both in the extreme north, and in the center of this family, as the Loucheux and Chepewyans, declare that good and wicked were treated according to their deserts, the poor and rich often changing lots in the other life. Terrible punishment was sometimes inflicted upon the wicked in this world; thus, in Stickeen River stand several stone pillars, which are said to be the remains of an evil-doing chief and his family, whom divine anger placed there as a warning to others. According to Kennicott, the soul, whether good or bad, was received by Chutsain, the spirit of death, who was, for this reason probably, called the bad spirit.[XII-16] The Eskimos seem to have believed in a future state, for Richardson relates that a dying man whom he saw at Cumberland Inlet declared his joy at the prospect of meeting his children in the other world and there living in bliss. It is also a suggestive fact that implements and clothes were buried with the body, care being taken that nothing should press heavily upon it. The large destruction of property practiced by some Rocky Mountain tribes was for the purpose of obliterating the memory of the deceased.[XII-17] The Aleuts believed that the spirits of their relatives attended them as good genii, and invoked them on all trying occasions, especially in cases of vendetta.[XII-18] The Chepewyan story relates that the soul arrives after death at a river upon which floats a stone canoe. In this it embarks and is borne by the gentle current to an extensive lake in the midst of which is an enchanted island. While the soul is drifting toward it, the actions of its life are examined, and if the good predominate, the canoe lands it on the shore, where the senses revel in never-ending pleasures. But if the evil of its past life out-weigh the good, the stone canoe sinks, leaving the spirit-occupant immersed up to the chin, there eternally to float and struggle, ever beholding but never realizing the happiness of the good.[XII-19] This pronounced belief in a future reward and punishment obtained among several of the Columbian tribes. The natives of Millbank Sound picture it as two rivers guarded by huge gates, and flowing out of a dark lake--the gloom of death. The good enter the stream to the right, which sparkles in constant sunshine, and supplies them with an abundance of salmon and berries; the wicked pass in to the left and suffer cold and starvation on its bleak, snow-clad banks.[XII-20] The Okanagans call paradise, or the abode of the good spirit, elemehumkillanwaist, and hell, where those who kill and steal go, kishtsamah. The torments of the latter place are increased by an evil spirit in human form, but with tail and ears like a horse, who jumps about from tree to tree with a stick in his hand and belabors the condemned.[XII-21]

Some among the Salish and Chinooks describe the happy state as a bright land, called tamath by the latter, evidently situated in the direction of the sunny south, and abounding in all good things. Here the soul can revel in enjoyments, which, however, depend on its own exertions; the wealthy, therefore, take slaves with them to perform the menial duties. The wicked on the other hand are consigned to a desolate region under the control of an evil spirit, known as the Black Chief, there to be constantly tantalized by the sight of game, water and fire, which they can never reach. Some held that tamath was gained by a difficult road called otuihuti, which lay along the Milky Way, while others believed that a canoe took the soul across the water that was supposed to separate it from the land of the living.[XII-22]

The Nez Percés, Flatheads, and some of the Haidah tribes believed that the wicked, after expiating their crimes by a longer or shorter sojourn in the land of desolation, were admitted to the abode of bliss. The Haidahs called the latter place keewuck, 'above,' within which seems to have been a still brighter spot termed keewuckkow, 'life above,' the abode of perennial youth, whither the spirit of the fallen brave took its flight. Those who died a natural death were consigned with the wicked to seewukkow, the purgatorial department, situated in the forest, there to be purified before entering the happy keewuck.[XII-23] The Queen Charlotte Islanders termed paradise 'the happy hunting-ground,' a rather strange idea when we consider that their almost sole avocation was fishing.[XII-24] The Nez Percés believed also in a purgatory for the living, and that the beavers were men condemned to atone their sins before they could resume the human form.[XII-25] It seems to have been undecided whether the wives and young children shared the fate of the head of the family; the Flatheads expressed a belief in reunion, but that may have been after one or all had been purified in the intermediate state. Those who sacrificed slaves on the grave, sent them alike with the master that died gloriously on the battle-field, or obscurely in his bed.

[Sidenote: QUAWTEAHT AND CHAYHER.]

The Ahts hold that the soul inhabits at once the heart and the head of man. Some say that after death it will return to the animal form from which its owner can trace his descent; others that, according to rank, disembodied souls will go to live with Quawteaht or with Chayher. Quawteaht inhabits a beautiful country somewhere up in the heavens, though not directly over the earth; a goodly land flowing with all manner of Indian milk and honey; no storms there, no snow nor frost to bind the rivers, but only warmth and sunshine and abundant game and fish. Here the chiefs live in the very mansion of Quawteaht, and the slain in battle live in a neighboring lodge, enjoying also in their degree, all the amenities of the place. And these are the only doors to this Valhalla of the Ahts; only lofty birth or a glorious death in battle can confer the right of entry here. The souls of those that die a woman's death, in their bed, go down to the land of Chayher. Chayher is a figure of flesh without bones--thus reversing our pictorial idea of the grisly king of terrors--who is in the form of an old gray-bearded man. He wanders about in the night stealing men's souls, when, unless the doctors can recover the soul, the man dies. The country of Chayher is also called chayher. It resembles a subterranean earth but is every way an inferior country: there are no salmon there and the deer are wretchedly small, while the blankets are so thin and narrow as to be almost useless for either warmth or decoration. This is why people burn blankets when burying their friends; they cannot bear that their friend be sent shivering to the world below. The dead Aht seems to have been allowed in some cases to roam about on earth in the form of a person or animal, doing both good and evil, a belief which induced many to make conciliatory offerings of food to the deceased. Some Chinook tribes were afraid to pronounce the names of their dead lest they should be attracted and carry off souls. This was especially feared at the sick-bed, and the medicine-man had to be constantly on guard with his familiars to frustrate such attempts.[XII-26] The Aht sorcerer even sent his own soul down to chayher to recover the truant, in which he generally succeeded, unless the spirit of the sick man had entered a house.[XII-27] Some among the tribes believed that the soul issued from animals, especially sea-gulls and partridges, and would return to its original form. The Songhies said the hunter was transformed into a deer, the fisherman into a fish; and the Nootkas, that the spirit could reassume a human form if the celestial abode were not to its taste.[XII-28]

[Sidenote: FUTURE OF THE CALIFORNIANS.]

In striking contrast to the preceding beliefs in futurity, and to that of the Clallams, who with universalistic feeling believe that the good spirit will receive all, without exception, in his happy hunting-ground, we are told that the Pend d'Oreilles had no conceptions whatever of soul or immortality, so that the missionaries found it difficult to explain these matters to them. It is certainly strange that a tribe surrounded by and in constant contact with others who held these ideas should have remained uninfluenced by them, especially as they were extremely superstitious and believed in guardian spirits and dreams.[XII-29] Disbelief in a future state is assigned to many tribes, which upon closer examination are shown to possess ideas of a life after this; such statements must, therefore, be accepted with caution. Among the Californians who are said to identify death with annihilation, are the Meewocs and the tribes of the Sacramento Valley, yet the latter are afraid to pronounce the name of a deceased person, lest he should rise from dark oblivion.[XII-30] But these may be regarded as exceptions, the remainder had pretty definite ideas of futurity, heaven being generally placed in the west, whither the glorious sun speeds to rest. The Northern Californian regarded it as a great camping-ground, under the charge of the good spirit, where all meet after death, to enjoy a life free from want. But there were dangers upon the road which led to this bliss; for Omahá, the evil spirit, hovered near the dying man, ready to snatch and carry off the soul as soon as it should leave its earthly tenement. To prevent such a calamity, the friends who attended the burning of the body shouted and gesticulated to distract the Evil One's attention and enable the heart, in which the soul resided, to leap out of the flames and escape to heaven. If the body was interred, they thought the devil would have more chance of capturing the heart, which would then be sent back to earth to annoy the living.[XII-31] The natives near the mouth of Russian River burned their dead to prevent their becoming grizzlies, while those about Clear Lake supposed that the wicked alone were thus metamorphosed, or condemned to wander as spirits.[XII-32] Others, however, who adhered to interment, sought to complete the ceremony before night, when the coyote, in which form the evil spirit probably appeared, begins to howl, and for three days they kept up noisy demonstrations and fires at the graves; after that the fate of the soul was no longer doubtful. If captured, the good spirit could redeem it with a big knife. It was the belief in some parts that the deceased remained in the grave during the three days, and then proceeded to heaven, where earth and sky meet, to become stars, chiefs assuming the most brilliant forms.[XII-33]

The bright rivers, sunny slopes, and green forests of the Euroc paradise are separated from the earth by a deep chasm, which good and wicked alike must cross on a thin, slippery pole. The former soon reach the goal, aided, doubtless, by the good spirit, as well as by the fire lighted on the grave by mourning friends, but the wicked man has to falter unaided along the shivering bridge; and many are the nights that pass before his friends venture to dispense with the beacon, lest the soul miss the path, and fall into the dark abyss. Nor does retribution end with the peril and anxiety of the passage, for many are liable to return to the earth as birds, beasts, and insects. When a Kailta dies, a little bird carries the soul to spirit-land, but its flight is impeded by the sins of the wicked, which enables a watching hawk to overtake and devour the soul.[XII-34]

The Cahrocs have a more distinct conception of future reward and punishment, and suppose that the spirit on its journey comes to two roads, one strewn with flowers and leading to the bright western land beyond the great waters, across which good Chareya doubtless aids it; the other, bristling with thorns and briars, leading to a place full of deadly serpents, where the wicked must wander for ever.[XII-35] The Tolewahs place heaven behind the sun, wherever that is, and picture hell as a dark place where souls shiver for ever before the cold winds, and are harassed by fiends.[XII-36] The Modocs believe in a spirit-land, evidently situated in the air above the earthly home, where souls hover about inciting the living to good or evil. Merit appears to be measured by bodily stature, for contemptible woman becomes so small here that the warrior, whose stature is in proportion to his powers, requires quite a number of females to supply his wants.[XII-37]

The Ukiahs, Sanéls, and others sprinkle food about the favorite haunts of the dead. The mother, for instance, while chanting her mournful ditty over the grave of her dead babe sprinkles the nourishing milk in the air.[XII-38]

Many of the Nevada tribes thought that several heavens await the soul, each with a degree of bliss in proportion to the merits of the dead person; but this belief was not well defined; nor was that of the Snakes, who killed the favorite horse, and even wife, for the deceased, that he might not be lonely.[XII-39] The Allequas supposed that before the soul could enter the ever-green prairies to live its second life, free from want and sorrow, it had expiated its sins in the form of some animal, weak, or strong, bad or good, often passing from a lower to a higher grade, according to the earthly conduct of the deceased. By eating prairie-dogs and other game, some sought to gather souls, apparently with a view to increase the purity of their own and shorten the preparatory term.[XII-40] The San Diego tribes, on the other hand, who considered large game as the embodied spirits of certain generations, abstained from their flesh, evidently fearing that such fare would hasten their metamorphosis; but old men, whose term of life was nearly run, were not deterred by these fears.

[Sidenote: METEMPSYCHOSIS IN CALIFORNIA.]

Ideas of metempsychosis also appear in one of the songs of a Southern Californian tribe, which runs: As the moon dies to be reborn, so the soul of man will be renewed. Yet this people professed no belief in a future reward, or punishment. It is doubtless the same people, living near Monterey, of whom Marmier says, they supposed that the dead retired to certain verdant isles in the sea, while awaiting the birth of the infants whose souls they were to form. Others regarded these islands as paradise, and placed hell in a mountain chasm.[XII-41]

Among the Acagchemems we meet with a peculiar pantheistic notion. Death was regarded as an invisible entity constituting the air, which also formed the soul of man, or his breath, whose particular seat was the heart. As man became decrepit, his soul was gradually absorbed in the element which had originated it, until it finally became merged and lost therein. But this was the belief of some only among the tribe. Others supposed that they would go to tolmec, the abode of the great Chinigchinich, situated below the earth, abounding in sensual pleasures, unembittered by sorrow, and where food and other wants were supplied without labor. Still others held that Chinigchinich sent the soul, or the heart, as they expressed it, to different places, according to the station in life and manner of death of the deceased. Thus, chiefs and medicine-men, whom Tacu, the eater of human flesh, honored by devouring, became heavenly bodies, while those who died by drowning, or in captivity, and could not be eaten by Tacu, went elsewhere. Souls of common people were consigned to some undefined, though evidently happy, place, since they were obliged to pass a probationary term on the borders of the sea, on mountains, in valleys, or forests, whence they came to commune with, or among, their widows or relatives, who often burned or razed the house to be saved from such visits.[XII-42]

The Mojaves have more liberal ideas and admit all to share the joys of heaven. With the smoke curling upwards from the pyre, the soul rises and floats eastward to the regions of the rising sun, whither Matevil has gone before, and where a second earth-life awaits it, free from want and sorrow. But if its purity be sullied by crime, or stained with human blood, the soul is transformed into a rat and must remain for four days in a rat-hole to be purified before Matevil can receive it. According to some, Matevil dwells in a certain lofty mountain lying in the Mojave territory.[XII-43]

[Sidenote: FUTURE OF MARICOPAS, YUMAS, APACHES, MOQUIS.]

The Pimas also believe that the soul[XII-44] goes to the east, to the sun-house perhaps, there to live with Sehuiab, the son of the creator, but this Elysium is not perfect, for a devil called Chiawat is admitted there, and he greatly plagues the inmates.[XII-45] The Maricopas are stated in one account to believe in a future state exactly similar to the life on earth, with all its social distinctions and wants, so that in order to enable the soul to assume its proper position among the spirits, all the property of the deceased, as well as a great part of that of his relatives, is offered up at the grave. But according to Bartlett they think the dead will return to their ancient home on the banks of the Colorado, and live on the sand hills. Here the different parts of the body will be transformed into animals, the head, for instance, becoming an owl, the hands, bats, the feet, wolves, and in these forms continue their ancient feuds with the Yumas, who expelled them from that country.[XII-46] The Yumas, however, do not conform to these views, but expect that the good soul will leave worldly strife for a pleasant valley hidden in one of the cañons of the Colorado, and that the wicked will be shut up in a dark cavern to be tantalized by the view of the bliss beyond their reach.[XII-47]

The Apaches believe in metempsychosis and consider the rattlesnake as the form to be assumed by the wicked after death. The owl, the eagle, and perfectly white birds, were regarded as possessing souls of divine origin, and the bear was not less sacred in their estimation, for the very daughter of Montezuma, whom it had carried off from her father's home, was the mother of its race.[XII-48] The Moquis, went so far as to suppose that they would return to the primeval condition of animals, plants, and inanimate objects.[XII-49] The faith of the other Pueblo tribes in New Mexico was more in accordance with their cultured condition, namely, that the soul would be judged immediately after death according to its deeds. Food was placed with the dead, and stones were thrown upon the body to drive out the evil spirit. On a certain night, in August it seems, the soul haunted the hills near its former home to receive the tributes of food and drink which affectionate friends hastened to offer. Scoffers connected the disappearance of the choice viands with the rotund form of the priests.[XII-50]

The Navajos expected to return to their place whence they originated, below the earth, where all kinds of fruits and cereals, germinated from the seeds lost above, grow in unrivaled luxuriance. Released from their earthly bonds the spirits proceed to an extensive marsh in which many a soul is bemired through relying too much on its own efforts, and failing to ask the aid of the great spirit; or, perhaps the outfit of live stock and implements offered at the grave has been inadequate to the journey. After wandering about for four days the more fortunate souls come to a ladder conducting to the under world; this they descend and are gladdened by the sight of two great spirits, male and female, who sit combing their hair. After looking on for a few suns imbibing lessons of cleanliness, perhaps, they climb up to the swamp again to be purified, and then return to the abode of the spirits to live in peace and plenty for ever. Some believe that the bad become coyotes, and that women turn into fishes, and then into other forms.[XII-51]

Among the Comanches we find the orthodox American paradise, in its full glory. In the direction of the setting sun lie the happy prairies, where the buffalo lead the hunter in the glorious chase, and where the horse of the pale-face aids those who have excelled in scalping and horse-stealing, to attain supreme felicity. At night they are permitted to revisit the earth, but must return before the break of day.[XII-52] In striking contrast to this idea stands the curious belief said to have been held by the Pericúis of Lower California. Their great spirit Niparaya hated war, and to deter his people from engaging therein, consigned all those slain in battle to Tuparan or Wac, a spirit who rising in rebellion against the peace-loving Niparaya was deprived of all luxuries, and imprisoned in a cave by the sea, guarded by whales. Yet a number openly professed themselves adherents of this personage. The Cochimís, who appear to have had nearly the same belief, declare that it was the bad spirits who sought to secure the soul and hold it captive in the cave. Whatever may be the correct version, their belief in a future state, says Baegert, is evident from the custom of putting sandals on the feet of the dead.[XII-53]

[Sidenote: THE REALM OF MUCCHITA.]

The souls of the Sonora Indians dwell in the caves and among the rocks of the cliffs, and the echoes heard there are their clamoring voices.[XII-54] Ribas declares that in one part of Sinaloa a future state was ignored, yet he says that they acknowledged a supreme mother and her son, who was the first man.[XII-55] In Nayarit we come upon the Mexican idea of different heavens, determined by the mode of death. Thus, children and those who were carried off by disease went to one place; those who died a violent death, to the air regions, where they became shooting stars. The others went to mucchita, placed somewhere in the district of Rosario, where they lived under the care of men with shaven heads. During the day they were allowed to consort with the living, in the form of flies, to seek food; but at night they returned to the mucchita to assume the human form and pass the time in dancing. At one time they could be released from this abode, but owing to the imprudence of one man, this privilege was lost. This person one day made a trip to the coast to procure salt, leaving his wife to take care of the house. After a short absence he returned, in time only to see her disappear in the mucchita, whither the spirits had beckoned her. His sorrow was boundless, for he loved his wife dearly. At last his tears and sighs touched the heart of the keeper of the souls, who told him to watch for his wife one night when she appeared in the dance, and wound her with an arrow: she would then recognize him and return home; but he warned him not to speak a loud word, or she would disappear forever. The man did as he was told, wounded his wife on the leg, and had the joy to see her return home. Musicians and singers were called in, and a grand feast was held to celebrate the event; but, overcome with excitement, the husband gave vent to a shout of joy. The next moment the warning of the keeper was verified--a ghastly corpse had taken the place of the wife. Since then no other soul has been allowed to rejoin the living.[XII-56] It is curious to note in how many countries the doctrine of a future life has been connected with the legend of some hero who has died, descended into the under-world, and again risen to life. How closely does this American legend resemble the old story of Orpheus and Eurydice; the death and resurrection of the Egyptian Osiris; the Mithraic Mysteries of Persia, in which the initiated, in dumb show, died and rose again from the coffin; the Indian Mahadeva searching for the lifeless Sita, and made glad by his resuscitation; the recovery of Atys by Cybele among the Phrygians; the return of Kore to Demeter for half of every year in the Elusinian Mysteries; the mock murder and new birth of the impersonated Zagreus, in the Bacchic Mysteries; the Metamorphoses in the Celtic and Druidic Mysteries practiced in Gaul and Britain; all are different forms of but one idea.

[Sidenote: EICUT AND YOÁTOTOWEE.]

An equally devoted husband was the Neeshenam whose story is told by Mr Powers in the following legend:--"First of all things existed the moon. The moon created man, some say in the form of a stone, others say in the form of a simple, straight, hairless, limbless mass of flesh, like an enormous earth-worm, from which he gradually developed into his present shape. The first man thus created was called Eicut; his wife, Yoátotowee. In process of time Yoátotowee fell sick, and though Eicut nursed her tenderly, she gradually faded away before his eyes and died. He loved her with a love passing the love of brothers, and now his heart was broken with grief. He dug a grave for her close beside his camp-fire (for the Neeshenams did not burn the dead then), that he might daily and hourly weep above her silent dust. His grief knew no bounds. His life became a burden to him; all the light was gone out of his eyes, and all this world was black and dreary. He wished to die, that he might follow his beloved Yoátotowee. In the greatness of his grief he fell into a trance, there was a rumbling in the ground, and the spirit of the dead Yoátotowee arose out of her grave and came and stood beside him. When he awoke out of his trance and beheld his wife, he would have spoken to her, but she forbade him, for in what moment an Indian speaks to a ghost he dies. She turned away and set out to seek the spirit-land (oóshwooshe koom, literally, 'the dance-house of ghosts.') Eicut followed her, but the ghost turned and said, 'why do you follow me? you are not dead.' They journeyed on through a great country and a darksome--a land that no man has seen and returned to report--until they came to a river that separated them from the spirit-land. Over this river there was a bridge of one small rope, so very narrow that a spider could hardly cross over it. Here the spirit of Yoátotowee must bid farewell to her husband and go over alone into the spirit-land. But the great unspeakable grief of Eicut at beholding his wife leaving him forever overcame his love of life, and he called aloud after her. In that self-same instant he died--for no Indian can speak to a ghost and live--and together they entered the land of spirits. Thus Eicut passed away from the realm of earth, and in the invisible world became a good and quiet spirit, who constantly watches over and befriends his posterity still living on earth. But he and his wife left behind them two children, a brother and a sister; and to prevent incest the moon created another pair and from these two pairs are descended all the Neeshenams of to-day."[XII-57]

[Sidenote: THE SUN HOUSE AND TLALOCAN.]

The future abode of the Mexicans had three divisions to which the dead were admitted according to their rank in life and manner of death. Glorious as was the fate of the warrior who died in the cause of his country, on the battle-field, or in the hands of the enemy's priests, still more glorious was the destiny that awaited his soul. The fallen Viking was carried by radiant Valkyries to Valhalla, but the Aztec hero was borne in the arms of Teoyaomique herself, the consort of Huitzilopochtli, to the bright plains of the sun-house, in the eastern part of the heavens, where shady groves, trees loaded with luscious fruit, and flowers steeped in honey, vied with the attractions of vast hunting-parks, to make his time pass happily. Here also awaited him the presents sent by affectionate friends below. Every morning when the sun set out upon his journey, these bright strong warriors seized their weapons[XII-58] and marched before him, shouting and fighting sham battles. This continued until they reached the zenith, where the sun was transferred to the charge of the Celestial Women, after which the warriors dispersed to the chase or the shady grove. The members of the new escort were women who had died in war or child-bed, and lived in the western part of the Sun House. Dressed like the warriors in martial accoutrement,[XII-59] they conducted the sun to his home, some carrying the litter of quetzal feathers in which he reclined, while others went in front shouting and fighting gaily. Arrived at the extreme west they transferred the sun to the dead of Mictlan, and went in quest of their spindles, shuttles, baskets, and other implements necessary for weaving or household work.[XII-60] The only other persons who are mentioned as being admitted to the Sun House, were merchants who died on their journey. After four years of this life the souls of the warriors pass into birds of beautiful plumage, which live on the honey of flowers growing in the celestial gardens or seek their sustenance on earth.[XII-61]

The second place of bliss was Tlalocan, the abode of Tlaloc, a terrestrial paradise, the source of the rivers and all the nourishment of the earth, where joy reigns and sorrow is unknown,[XII-62] where every imaginable product of the field and garden grows in profusion beneath a perpetual summer sky. This paradise appears to have been erected on the ideal reminiscences of the happy Tollan, the cradle of the race, where their fathers reveled in riches and splendor. To this place went those who had been killed by lightning, the drowned, those suffering from itch, gout, tumors, dropsy, leprosy and other incurable diseases. Children also, at least those who were sacrificed to the Tlalocs, played about in its gardens, and once a year they descended among the living in an invisible form to join in their festivals.[XII-63] It is doubtful, however, whether this paradise was perpetual, for according to some authors the diseased stayed here but a short time, and then passed on to Mictlan; while the children, balked of their life by death or sacrifice, were allowed to essay it again.[XII-64]

[Sidenote: MICTLAN.]

The third destination of the dead, provided for those who died of ordinary diseases or old age, and, accordingly, for the great majority, was Mictlan, 'the place of the dead,' which is described as a vast, pathless place, a land of darkness and desolation, where the dead after their time of probation are sunk in a sleep that knows no waking. In addressing the corpse they spoke of this place of Mictlan as a 'most obscure land, where light cometh not, and whence none can ever return.'[XII-65] There are several points, however, given by Sahagun, as well as other writers, which tend to modify this aspect of Mictlan. The lords and nobles seem even here to have kept up the barriers which separated them from the contaminating touch of inferiors, and doubtless the good and respectable were classed apart from low miscreants and criminals, for there were nine divisions in Mictlan, of which Chicohnahuimictlan or Ninth-Mictlan, was the abode of the Aztec Pluto and his Proserpine. This name seems also to have been applied to the whole region, meaning then the nine Mictlans.[XII-66] The different idol-mantles in which the dead person was attired, determined by his profession and by his manner of death, would imply that different gods had control of these divisions.[XII-67] Whatever distinction there may have been was kept up by the humbler or richer offerings of food, clothing, implements, and slaves, made at the time of the burial, at the end of eighty days, and on the first, second third, and fourth anniversary of the death; all of which went before Mictlantecutli before being turned over to the use of the person for whom they were destined.[XII-68] In one place Sahagun states that four years were passed in traveling before the soul reached Mictlan, and on another page he distinctly implies that this term was passed within that region, when he says that the dead awoke from their sleep as the sun reached the western horizon, and rose to escort it through their land; Torquemada says that four days were occupied in the journey.[XII-69] The only way to reconcile these statements is by supposing that the soul passed from one division to another, until it finally, at the end of the four years, reached Mictlan proper, or Ninth-Mictlan, and attained repose. Their duties during this term consisting in escorting the sun, and working like their happier brethren in the Sun House, besides passing a certain time in sleep. The fact that the people besought the dead to visit them during the festival in their honor, implies that they were within Mictlan, though their liberty there, at that season, at least, was not so very restricted. 'As they helped to escort the sun, we must suppose that they also enjoyed the blessings of sunshine while terrestrial beings slept, and the expression of Tezozomoc, a place where none knows whether it be night or day, a place of eternal rest,' must refer to those only who have passed the time of probation, and lapsed into the final sleep. It may be however, that the sun was lustreless at night, for Camargo states that it slept after its journey.[XII-70] If so, the dim twilight noticed among the northern people, or the moon, the deity of the night, must have replaced the obscured brightness of the sun, if lights indeed were needed, for the escort and the workers could scarcely have used artificial illumination. The route of the sun further indicates that Mictlan was situated in the antipodean regions, or rather in the centre of the earth, to which the term 'dark and pathless regions' also applies. This is the supposition of Clavigero, who bases it on the fact that Tlalxicco, the name of Mictlantecutli's temple, signifies center or bowels of the earth.[XII-71] But Sahagun and others place it in the north, and support this assertion by showing that Mictlampa signified north.[XII-72] The fact that the people turned the face to the north when calling upon the dead,[XII-73] is strongly in favor of this theory; the north is also the dark quarter. These apparently contradictory statements may be reconciled by supposing that Mictlan was situated in the northern part of the subterranean regions, as the home of the heroes was in the eastern part of the heavens.

As the warrior in the Sun House passes after four years of perfect enjoyment into a seemingly less happy state, so the Mictlan probationer appears to have abandoned his work for a condition of everlasting repose.[XII-74] This condition is already indicated by the very signification of the name Mictlan, 'place of the dead,' and by the preceding statements; it also implied by the myth of the creation of man, wherein the god-heroes say to Xolotl: Go beg of Mictlantecutli, Lord of Hades, that he may give thee a bone or some ashes of the dead that are with him.[XII-75]

[Sidenote: THE JOURNEY OF THE DEAD.]

I will now revert to the terrible four days' journey,[XII-76] which those who were unfortunate enough to die a peaceful death had to perform before they could attain their negative happiness. Fully impressed with the idea of its hardships, the friends of the deceased held it to be a religious duty to provide him with a full outfit of food, clothing, implements, and even slaves, to enable him to pass safely through the ordeal. Idols were also deposited by his side, and if the dead man were a lord, his chaplain was sent to attend to their service. This maintenance of worship during the journey is also implied by the sprinkling of water upon the ashes with the words: Let the dead wash himself.[XII-77] The officiating priests, laid, besides, passports with the body, which were to serve for various points along the road. The first papers passed him by two mountains, which, like the symplegades, threatened to meet and crush him in their embrace. The second was a pass for the road guarded by a big snake; the other papers took him by the green crocodile, Xochitonal, across eight deserts, and over eight hills. Then came the freezing itzehecaya, 'wind of knives,' which hurls stones and knives upon the traveler, who now more than ever finds the offerings of his friends of service. How the poor soul escaped this ordeal is not stated. Lastly he came to the broad river Chiconahuapan 'nine waters,' which could be crossed only upon the back of a dog of reddish color, which was killed for this purposes by thrusting an arrow down its throat, and was burnt with the corpse. According to Gomara, the dog served for a guide to Mictlan, but other authors state that it preceded its master, and when he arrived at the river, he found it on the opposite bank, waiting with a number of others for their owners. As soon as the dog recognized its master, it swam over, and bore him safely across the rushing current. A cotton string tied round its neck when placed upon the pyre may have served to distinguish it from other dogs, or as a passport.[XII-78] The traveler was now taken before Mictlantecutli, to whom he presented the passports together with gifts consisting of candlewood, perfume-canes, soft threads of plain and colored cotton, a piece of cloth, a mantle and other articles of clothing, and was thereupon assigned to his sphere. Women underwent the same ordeal.[XII-79] Camargo mentions a paradise above the nine heavens, occupied by the goddess of love, where dwarfs, fools, and hunchbacks danced and sang for her amusement, but whether these beings were of human or divine origin is not stated.[XII-80] At times the old chroniclers consider Mictlan as a place of punishment,[XII-81] but the priests in their homilies never appear to have urged repentance for the purpose of escaping future punishment, but merely to avoid earthly inflictions, visited upon them or their children.[XII-82] The philanthropist whose whole life had been one continuous act of benevolence, the wise prince who had lived but for his country's good, the saintly hermit, the pious priest who had passed his days in perpetual fasts, penance, and self-torture, all were consigned to Mictlan, together with the drunkard, the murderer, the thief, and none were exempt from the terrible journey, or from the long probation which ends in eternal sleep. They may have accounted to themselves for the manifest unfairness of this system by means of their belief in predestination, which taught that the sign under which a man was born determined to a great extent, if not entirely, his character, career, and consequently his future.[XII-83] Mictlan cannot, therefore, be regarded as a hell; it is but a place of negative punishment, a Nirvâna, in which the soul is at last blown out and lost.[XII-84]

[Sidenote: THE FUTURE OF THE TLASCALTECS.]

The Tlascaltecs supposed that the souls of people of rank entered after death into the bodies of the higher animals, or even into clouds and gems, while common souls passed into lower animal forms.[XII-85] With the Mexicans they believed that little children who died were given another trial of earth-life.[XII-86] In Goatzacoalco the bones of the dead were so placed that the soul might have no difficulty in finding them.[XII-87] In the Aztec creation-myth we have seen that out of bone man was formed, and Brinton considers this, together with instances of the careful preservation of remains to be noticed in different parts of America, evidence of a widespread belief that the soul resided in the bones. This receives further confirmation in the Quiché legend which relates that the bones of certain heroes were ground to powder to prevent their removal.[XII-88] Yet the idea does not accord with the Mexican custom of placing a stone between the lips of the dead to serve as heart, and, doubtless, to hold the soul as the Quichés supposed. Either instance, however, implies a belief in several souls, although no reference is made to such plurality. The Tlascaltecs had guardian spirits which were embodied in the idols called tepictoton, and Camargo mentions angels who inhabited the air and influenced thunder, winds, and other phenomena, and who were doubtless the children of Tlalocan.[XII-89] A devil they could scarcely have had, for evil mingled too liberally in the nature of most of the Mexican gods to admit of its personification by one alone. The nearest approach to our Satan was to be found in a phantom called Tlacatecolotl, the 'owlish one'[XII-90] who roamed about doing mischief; to see an owl was accordingly held to be an evil sign, and much dreaded. Will o' the wisps were regarded as transformed wizards and witches, or animals.[XII-91] The Tlascaltecs supposed that the sparks which sped away from the craters of volcanoes were the souls of tyrants sent forth by the gods to torment the people.[XII-92]

[Sidenote: FUTURE OF THE OTOMIS, MIZTECS, AND MAYAS.]

The Otomís believed that the soul died with the body,[XII-93] while the Tarascos, according to Herrera, admitted a future judgment, with its accompaniments of heaven and hell, but to judge from their burial customs, with immolation of attendants, term of mourning, and so forth, it would appear that they had the same belief as the Aztecs.[XII-94]

The Miztecs placed the gates of paradise within the cavern of Chalcatongo, and the grandees of the kingdom were therefore eager to be buried within its precincts, in order to be near the abode of bliss. The Zapotecs placed the heavenly portals within the cave of Mictlan. Their heaven must accordingly have been situated within the earth, although the custom of placing the dead with their feet towards the east indicates that it lay toward the sunny morning land. The common people at least seem, like the Aztecs, to have been required to pass a probationary term before entering the holy place, and during this period they were permitted to visit their friends on earth once a year, and partake of the repast spread for them. The Zapotecs gave as a reason for interring the dead, that those who were burned failed to reach heaven.[XII-95]

* * * * *

The Mayas believed in a place of everlasting delight, where the good should recline in voluptuous repose beneath the shade of the yaxché,[XII-96] indulging in dainty food and delicious drinks. Those who died by hanging were especially sure of admittance to this paradise, for their goddess Ixtab carried them thither herself, and many enthusiasts committed suicide with this expectation. The wicked, on the other hand, descended into Mitnal,[XII-97] a sphere below this, where hunger and other torments awaited them. Cacao money was laid with the body to pay its way, and frequent offerings of food were made, but the funeral was not proceeded with until the fifth day, when the soul had entered its sphere. A trace of metempsychosis may be noticed in the superstitious belief that sorcerers transformed people into animals.[XII-98]

Whether the Quichés believed in a future reward and punishment is uncertain, for on the one hand we are told that Xibalba, which implies a place of terror, was their hell, where ruled two princes bearing the suggestive names of One Death and Seven Deaths; while, on the other hand, the sacrifice of slaves and other objects, implies a negative punishment. A gentle, unwarlike tribe of Guatemala is said to have had a belief similar to that of the Pericuis, namely that a future life was accorded to those only who died a natural death, and, therefore, they left the bodies of the slain to beasts and vultures.[XII-99] The Pipiles appear to have looked forward to the same future abodes as the Mexicans, and to the same dreadful journey after death. During the four days and four nights that the soul was on the road, the mourners wailed deeply, probably with fear for its safety, but on the fifth day, when the priest announced that it had reached the goal, the lamentation ceased. During this time also, the mother whose infant had departed withheld the milk from all other children, lest the thirsty little wanderer should be angry, and smite the usurper.[XII-100] The probationary routine of the spirits appears to have called them to the earth at intervals, for a legend of the isles of Lake Ilopango recounts that at certain times of the year spectre barks glide in silence over the tranquil waters of the lake, anointing every island from the least to the greatest, offering upon each to some bloody divinity of past times a human victim, an infant chosen by lot.[XII-101]

[Sidenote: FUTURE OF THE NICARAGUANS.]

The same view of futurity was taken by the Nicaraguans, who thought that the souls[XII-102] of slain warriors went to the sunrise regions, the abode of Tamagostat and Cipattonal, who welcomed them with the title of 'our children.' But all the good, that is those who had obeyed and reverenced the gods, were admitted here, whether warriors or not, and strong must have been their faith in the bliss that awaited them, for the virgins, says Andagoya, who were cast as offerings into the seething lava streams of the volcano met their fate without fear.[XII-103] The wicked were doomed to annihilation in the abode of Miquetanteot.[XII-104] Infants who died before they were weaned returned to the house of their parents to be cared for, evidently in spirit form.[XII-105] The Mosquitos believe in one heaven only, and this is open to all; for it they prepare at the very beginning of life by tying a little bag of seeds round the neck of the infant, wherewith to pay the ferriage across the great river beyond which paradise lies.[XII-106] In and about Veragua death means annihilation, and no food is left for the dead. In some places the dying are carried out to the woods and abandoned to wild beasts.[XII-107] In Costa Rica and Darien slaves and even wives are sacrificed that their souls may serve their lords in heaven.[XII-108]

Writing on the customs of Dabaiba, Peter Martyr says: 'They are such simple men, that they know not how to call the soule, nor vnderstand the power thereof: whereupon, they often talk among themselues with admiration what that inuisible and not intelligible essence might bee, whereby the members of men and brute beastes should be moued: I know not what secret thing they say, should liue after the corporall life. That (I know not what) they beleeue that after this peregrination, if it liued without spott, and reserued that masse committed vnto it without iniury done to any, it shoulde goe to a certayne æternall felicity: contrary, if it shall suffer the same to be corrupted with any filthy lust, violent rapine, or raging furie, they say, it shall finde a thousande tortures in rough and vnpleasant places vnder the Center: and speaking these things, lifting vpp their the handes they shewe the heauens, and after that casting right hand down, they poynt to the wombe of the earth'! Their belief in a future punishment he further illustrates by relating that 'the thicke spott seene in the globe of the Moone, at the full, is a mann, and they beleeue hee was cast out to the moyst, and colde Circle of the Moone, that hee might perpetually bee tormented betweene those two passions, in suffering colde, and moysture, for incest committed with his sister.'[XII-109]

* * * * *

The following myths, for which I am indebted to the kindness and industrious investigation of Mr Powers, having come to hand too late for insertion in their proper places I avail myself of the opportunity to give them here:--There dwells, say the Neeshenams, upon the hills and in the forests, a ghost named Bóhem Cülleh, which is at once man and woman. It is a bad spirit, but nevertheless a useful one to those who seek its aid, and these are mostly bad people. Sometimes in the night its wierd eldritch cry is heard in the forest, and then some woman about to be overtaken in dishonest childbirth goes out into the woods alone, with her shame and her pangs upon her, and having brought forth, presently returns, crying and lamenting that the wicked ghost met and overcame her and that she has conceived of the spirit. Or perhaps it is a man who has wrought an evil thing who makes this bad spirit responsible for his wickedness. Either a man or a woman wandering alone in the forest is exposed to the enticements of the ghost Bóhem Cülleh, to commit fornication with it.

[Sidenote: THE COYOTE'S ELOPEMENT.]

'The Coyote's Elopement' forms the subject of another Neeshenam tale. It is as follows--The coyote and the bat were one day gathering the soft-shelled nuts of the sugar pine, when there came along two women-deer (the only way they have of expressing 'female deer'), who were the wives of pigeons. The coyote, upon this, took a handful of pitch and besmeared the bat's eyes so that it could not see. The poor bat was totally blinded, but it called upon the wind to blow, and its eyes were opened a little, as we see them to-day. Meantime the rascally coyote eloped with the two women-deer. But it was not long before they came to a bridge so extremely narrow that they could not pass over it. Just then there came along a quail, and he took the two women-deer and led them across, leaving the bigamous coyote in the lurch. No sooner had they crossed than the sister of the pigeons took the quail away to his mother's camp, and thus the women-deer were set at liberty, and recovered by their husbands, the pigeons.

"In this story," says Mr Powers, "as in many others, we have something analogous to the were-wolves and swan-maidens of the medieval legends. It also illustrates the Indian belief in the common origin of all animals. Their favorite theory is, that the man originated from the coyote, and the woman from the deer. Wherefore this story probably gives us a glimpse of the first courtship recorded of the human race, when the animals had so developed, strictly in accordance with the Darwinian programme, that man was about to appear upon the scene. The failure of the coyote's elopement delayed that auspicious event a little while."

Another Neeshenam legend relates that there was once a medicine-man who possessed the wonderful faculty of turning himself into a bear for a brief season. When one of his patients was extremely ill, and, according to custom, he sucked him to extract the injurious matter, he would presently be seized with a spasm. Falling upon all fours, he would find his hands and feet sprawled along the ground in plantigrade fashion, his nails would grow long and sharp, a short tail would sprout forth, hair would spring up all over his body, in short he would become a raging, roaring bear. When the spasm had passed away, he would return to the human form.

According to yet another Neeshenam tradition, there lived long, long ago a very terrible old man, whose chief delight it was to kill and devour Indians. He had stone mortars in which he pounded the flesh to make it tender for eating. Far down on the Sacramento plains, thirty or forty miles away, he and his wife lived together, and around their wigwam the blood of Indians lay a foot deep. The Indians all made war on them and tried to kill them, but they could do nothing against them. Then at last the Old Coyote took pity on the Indians whom he had created, and he determined to kill this old man. He was accustomed to go into the great round dance-house when the Indians were assembled within it, and slay the chief. So the Old Coyote dug a deep hole just outside the door, and hid himself in it, armed with a big knife. The knife was just on a level with the ground, and when the old man came along, going into the dance-house, he saw it, and gave a kick at it, but did not notice the Coyote, who immediately jumped out of his hole, ran into the dance-house, and killed the old man.

This story, Mr Powers thinks probably refers to some long extinct race of cannibals who were superior in power to the present race. "To them," he says, "may be assigned the stone mortars found in so many parts of California, which the Indians now living here confessedly did not make. Others account for these stone mortars by saying they were made by the chief of the spirits, Haylin Kakeeny, and his subordinates."

[Sidenote: SHASTA LEGENDS.]

The following queer legends are, on the indisputable authority of Mr Powers, of Shasta origin: The world was created by Old Groundmole, ídidoc, a huge animal that heaved creation into existence on its back, by rooting underneath somewhere. When the flood came it destroyed all animals except a squirrel, as large as a bear, which exists to this day on a mountain called by the Shastas, Wakwaynuma, near Happy Camp.

A long time ago there was a fire-stone in the distant east, white and glistening, like the purest quartz; and the coyote journeyed east, brought this fire-stone and gave it to the Indians, and that was the origin of fire.

Originally the sun had nine brothers, all, like himself, flaming hot with fire, so that the world was like to perish; but the coyote slew nine of the brothers, and thus saved mankind from burning up. The moon also had nine brothers, all like to himself, made of the coldest ice, so that in the night people went near to freeze to death. But the coyote went away out on the eastern edge of the world with a mighty big knife of flint stone, heated stones to keep his hands warm, then laid hold of the nine moons, one after another, and slew them likewise, and thus men got warm again.

When it rains, there is some Indian sick in heaven, weeping. Long, long ago there was a good young Indian on earth, and when he died all the Indians cried so much that a flood came on the earth and rose up to heaven, and drowned all people except one couple.

The Chénposels relate that there was once a man who loved two women, and wished to marry them. Now, these two women were magpies, atchatch, and they loved him not, but laughed his wooing to scorn. Then he fell into a rage and cursed these two women that were magpies and went far away to the north, and there he set the world on fire, made for himself a tule boat in which he escaped to sea, and was never heard of more. But the fire which he had kindled burned with a mighty burning. It ate its way south with terrible swiftness, licking up all things that are on earth--men, trees, rocks, animals, water, and even the ground itself. But the Old Coyote saw the burning and smoke from his place far in the south, and he ran with all his might to put it out. He took two little boys in a sack on his back, and ran north like the wind. So fast did he run that he gave out just as he got to the fire, and dropped the two little boys. But he took Indian sugar (honey dew) in his mouth, chewed it up, spat it on the fire and put it out. Now the fire was out, but the Coyote was very thirsty, but there was no water, so he took Indian sugar again, chewed it up, dug a hole in the bottom of the creek, covered up the sugar in it, and it turned to water, and the earth thus had water again. But the two little boys cried because they were lonely for there was nobody on earth. Then the Coyote made a sweat-house, and split up a great number of little sticks, which he laid in the sweat-house over night; in the morning they were all turned into men and women, so the two little boys had company, and the earth was repeopled.[XII-110]

[Sidenote: SUN-MYTH OF THE PALLAWONAPS.]

I conclude with a sun-myth of the Pallawonaps, who lived on Kern River in Southern California:--Pokòh made all things. Long ago the sun was a man. The sun is bad and wishes to kill all things, but the moon is good. The sun's rays are arrows, and he gives a bundle to every creature, more to the lion, fewer to the coyote, etc.; but to none does he give an arrow that will slay a man. The coyote wished to go to the sun, and he asked Pokòh the road. Pokòh pointed out to him a good road, and the coyote traveled on it all day, but the sun turned round, so he traveled in a circle, and came back at night to the place whence he had started in the morning. A second time he asked Pokòh, and a second time he came back in a circle. Then Pokòh told him to go straight to the eastern edge of the earth, and wait there until the sun came up. So the coyote went and sat down on the hole where the sun came up, with his back turned to the east, and kept pointing with his arrow in every direction, pretending he was going to shoot. The sun came up under him, and told him to get out of the way. But the coyote sat there until it became so warm that he was obliged to coil up his tail under him. Then he began to get thirsty, and asked the sun for water. The sun gave him an acorn-cup full, but this did not satisfy the coyote's great thirst. Next his shoulders began to get warm, so he spat on his paws and rubbed his back with them. Then he said to the sun, Why do you come up here, meddling with me? But the sun said, I am not meddling with you; I am traveling where I have a right to travel. The coyote told him to go round some other way, that that was his road, but the sun insisted on going straight up. Then the coyote wanted to go up with him, so the good-natured sun took him along. Presently they came to a path with steps like a ladder, and as the sun went up he counted the steps; when they got up above the world, the coyote found it getting hot and wanted to jump down, but the distance was too great. By noon the sun was very hot and bright, and he told the coyote to shut his eyes. He did so, but he opened them quickly again, and so kept opening and shutting them all the afternoon, to see how fast the sun was sliding down. When the sun came down to the earth in the west, the coyote jumped off on to a tree, and so clambered down to the ground.[XII-111]

* * * * *

Such are the Myths of the Farthest West, such the endeavors of these men unenlightened, according to our ideas of enlightenment, to define the indefinable, such the result of their 'yearning after the gods.' Most of their myths and beliefs are extravagant, childish, meaningless, to our understanding of them, but doubtless our myths would be the same to them. From the beginning of time men have grappled with shadows, have accounted for material certainties by immaterial uncertainties. Let us be content to gather and preserve these perishable phantoms now; they will be very curious relics in the day of the triumph of substance.

FOOTNOTES:

[XII-1] 'The preconceived opinions,' says Brinton, 'that saw in the meteorological myths of the Indian a conflict between the Spirit of Good and the Spirit of Evil, have with like unconscious error falsified his doctrine of a future life, and almost without an exception drawn it more or less in the likeness of a Christian heaven, hell, and purgatory.... Nowhere was any well-defined doctrine that moral turpitude was judged and punished in the next world. No contrast is discoverable between a place of torments and a realm of joy; at the worst, but a negative castigation awaited the liar, the coward, or the niggard.' Myths, p. 242.

[XII-2] Prehistoric Times, p. 139.

[XII-3] See vol. ii., pp. 618, 623.

[XII-4] Myths, p. 257.

[XII-5] See p. 59, this volume.

[XII-6] Oviedo, Hist. Nic., in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. iii. p. 36; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 74; Id., Ortsnamen, p. 159; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Gram. Quiché, p. 196; Brinton's Myths, p. 49-52, 235.

[XII-7] Vol. ii., pp. 606, 799, of this work.

[XII-8] Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p. 22.

[XII-9] Dall's Alaska, pp. 145, 422.

[XII-10] Barrett-Lennard says, however: 'Those that die a natural death are condemned to dwell for ages among the branches of tall trees.' Trav., p. 54. 'Careciese de algunas ideas religiosas, y viviese persuadido de la total aniquilacion del hombre con la muerte.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxviii. It is doubtful whether the latter class is composed of the spirits of men, or merely of marine animals. See this vol., p. 148.

[XII-11] The Tinnehs do not regard these as the spirits of men. Dall's Alaska, p. 88.

[XII-12] Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. 'They have a confused notion of immortality.' Id., p. 58. The Koniagas also used to kill a slave on the grave of wealthy men. Dall's Alaska, p. 403.

[XII-13] Dall's Alaska, pp. 422-3; Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., pp. 63-5.

[XII-14] The Chepewyans also held this theory, though they believed in a heaven of bliss and a state of punishment. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix.

[XII-15] Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 409-10; Baer, _Stat. u. Ethno._, pp. 107-8, 111; Harmon's Jour., pp. 299-300; _Wilkes' Nar._, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 482.

[XII-16] Whymper's Alaska, p. 345; Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxviii.; Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 318. 'Nach dem Tode wurde nach ihren (Koniagas) Begriffen jeder Mensch ein Teufel; bisweilen zeigte er sich den Verwandten, und das hatte Glück zu bedeuten.' Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 122; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 457-8.

[XII-17] Vol. i., pp. 126-7, of this work; Dunn's Oregon, p. 83; Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 147; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 67; Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 322. The Eskimos had no idea of 'future reward and punishment.' Dall's Alaska, p. 145.

[XII-18] D'Orbigny's Voy., p. 50.

[XII-19] Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix.; Dunn's Oregon, p. 104.

[XII-20] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 272-3.

[XII-21] Ross' Adven., p. 288; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 158.

[XII-22] Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 235, 246-7; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 124; Dunn's Oregon, p. 120. The Salish and Pend d'Oreilles believed that the brave went to the sun, while the bad remained near earth to trouble the living, or ceased to exist. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 239-40. But this is contradicted by other accounts.

[XII-23] Macfie's description leaves a doubt whether the keewuck and keewuckkow are names for the same heaven, or separate. Vanc. Isl., p. 457.

[XII-24] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 320.

[XII-25] Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 252; Dunn, Oregon, p. 318, says, 'beavers are a fallen race of Indians.'

[XII-26] Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 619; vol. i., p. 248, of this work.

[XII-27] The sorcerer is stated by one native to have brought the soul on a small stick and thrown it back into the head of its body. Sproat's Scenes, p. 214. 'The natives often imagine that a bad spirit, which loves to vex and torment, takes the place of the truant soul during its absence.' Id., pp. 173-4; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., p. 225.

[XII-28] Mayne's B. C., p. 181; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 136; Meares' Voy., p. 270; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 457; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 212-3.

[XII-29] Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 212; Brinton's Myths, pp. 233-4; see note 2.

[XII-30] Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 225.

[XII-31] Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 438-9; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 448.

[XII-32] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[XII-33] Ib.; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140.

[XII-34] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Miller's Life amongst the Modocs, pp. 241, 249.

[XII-35] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., pp. 430-1.

[XII-36] Id., Pomo, MS.; this vol., p. 177.

[XII-37] Meacham, Religion of Indians.

[XII-38] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[XII-39] Vol. i., pp. 439-40, this work; Browne's L. Cal., p. 188.

[XII-40] Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 228-9; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 215-6.

[XII-41] La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 307; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 238; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 335-6; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 379-80.

[XII-42] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 316-24.

[XII-43] 'Ives legte dem Gebirge den Namen: "Berg der Todten" bei.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 357-8. 'All cowardly Indians (and bravery was the good with them) were tormented with hardships and failures, sickness and defeats. This hill, or hades, they never dared visit.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 233; Dodt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 129; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 43.

[XII-44] Estupec, the soul or heart, may be connected with eep, breath. Walker's Pimas, MS. In Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 461, occurs the term angel, but the Pima chiefs whom I have questioned state that the term angel was not known to them.

[XII-45] Walker's Pimas, MS.

[XII-46] Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 222; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 104-5. 'Cuando muere vá á vivir su corazon por el mar hácia el poniente: que algunos despues que mueren viven como tecolotes, y últimamente dijeron que ellos no saben bien estas cosas.' Garcés, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii., tom. i., p. 239.

[XII-47] Day, in Hesperian, vol. iii., p. 482.

[XII-48] Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209.

[XII-49] Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., p. 86.

[XII-50] Id., p. 78; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 402; Whipple's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 59.

[XII-51] Beadle, in Crofutt's Western World, Aug., 1872, p. 27; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 358; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218; Davis' El Gringo, p. 418.

[XII-52] Marcy's Army Life, p. 57; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 54, 685. Food is left at the grave for a certain time; this would indicate that the soul proper, or its second form, remains with the body for a while. Id., pp. 78-9.

[XII-53] Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 387; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 136-7, 139.

[XII-54] Alger's Future Life, p. 208. 'Lo llevan á enterrar sentado y con sus mejores vestidos, poniendo á su lado competente porcion de sus ordinarios, alimentos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 218.

[XII-55] Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 18.

[XII-56] Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 22-4.

[XII-57] This legend is taken from a MS kindly presented to me by Mr. Stephen Powers, and is a corrected version of the legend entitled 'Hilpmecone and Olégance' contributed by the same gentleman to the Overland Monthly, January, 1874. pp. 30-1.

[XII-58] 'El que tenia rodela horadada de saetas no podia mirar al sol.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 265. This may perhaps mean that the humbler warrior, whose inferior shield was more likely to be pierced, could not look upon the majestic face of the sun, just as he had been interdicted from regarding the face of his king.

[XII-59] 'When the midwife speaks to a woman who has died in childbed, she refers to the noble manner in which she has used the sword and shield, a figure of speech which is probably intended to represent the high estimation in which they held her.' Id., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 189.

[XII-60] 'Descendian acá á la tierra.' Ib. But it is just as likely that they used the weaving implements supplied to them at the grave, as those of the living. Brasseur de Bourbourg says that the inhabitants of this region had day when the inhabitants of the earth slept; but since the women resumed their work after the setting of the sun, it is more likely that they always had light up there, and that they never slept. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 497.

[XII-61] The humming-bird, the emblem and attribute of the war-god, offered on the grave in the month of Quecholli, probably referred to this transformation. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 164, lib. iv., pp. 264-5, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 188-9, lib. ix., p. 358; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 530. 'Nachher werden sie theils in Wolken verwandelt, theils in Kolibris.' Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 661. The transformation into clouds seems to refer to the Tlascaltecs.

[XII-62] Tlalocan is the name given by some old writers to the country between Chiapas and Oajaca. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 496; Brinton's Myths, pp. 88-9. It may also be the place referred to under the names of Tamoancha, Xuchitlycacan. Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 127.

[XII-63] Vol. ii., p. 336, this work.

[XII-64] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 82, 529. The remarks of the above authors with reference to those who die of diseases may, however, refer to sufferers from ordinary afflictions, who were from all doomed to Mictlan. In Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 169-71, all who die of diseases and a violent death are consigned to Mictlan. Brinton's Myths, pp. 246-7; Alger's Future Life, pp. 475-6. Chevalier, Mex. Ancien et Mod., p. 91, who regards the sun as heaven, and Mictlan as hell, considers this an intermediate and incomplete paradise. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 264; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5.

[XII-65] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 260-1, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 176; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 529; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 571; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 329, 331.

[XII-66] Id., p. 329. 'Le plus commun est Chiucnauh-Mictlan, les Neuf séjours des Morts.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 495; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.

[XII-67] This seems also to be the idea of Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 308-9, although he makes the heavens distinct from one another, and includes the Sun House and Tlalocan in the list.

[XII-68] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 166, lib. iii., p. 263.

[XII-69] Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 522. The fact that offerings and prayers were kept up for four days by the mourners, confirms this statement. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 189. 'Until souls had arrived at the destined place at the expiration of these four years, they had to encounter much hardship, cold, and toil.' Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 96.

[XII-70] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 193; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 331. 'When the sun sets, it goes to give light to the dead.' Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 128.

[XII-71] Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 6. Tlalxicco may be considered as hell proper, and distinct from Mictlan, and may have been ruled over by Tzontemoc who must then be regarded as distinct from Mictlantecutli. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 219.

[XII-72] Mictlampaehecatl, the north-wind, is said to come from hell. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 253, 256-7; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 81.

[XII-73] Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 218-9.

[XII-74] 'Despues de pasados cuatro años, el difunto se salía y se iba á los nueve infiernos ... en este lugar del infierno que se llamaba Chicunamictla, se acababan y fenecian los difuntos.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263; see also note 8. At the end of four years the souls came to a place where they enjoyed a certain degree of repose. Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 218.

[XII-75] This vol., p. 59; see also, pp. 296-402.

[XII-76] See note 12. Four was the most sacred number among the Mexicans as well as the other nations of America, and is derived from the adoration of the cardinal points. Brinton's Myths, p. 67. The Central Americans believed that the soul arrived at its destination in four days after death.

[XII-77] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.

[XII-78] 'Pour qu'il ne fût pas entraîné en traversant le Styx indien.' Biart, Terre Tempérée, p. 280; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 309. 'Los perros de pelo blanco y negro, no podian nadar y pasar el rio, porque dizque decia el perro de pelo negro: "yo me labé" y el perro de pelo blanco decia: "yo me he manchado de color prieto, y por eso no puedo pasaros" solamente el perro de pelo vermejo podia pasar.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.

[XII-79] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 260-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 528-30; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 5-6; vol. ii., pp. 603-19, of this work.

[XII-80] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 192-3.

[XII-81] 'Tenian por cierto, que en el infierno habian de padecer diversas penas conforme á la calidad de los delitos.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 83. 'Entónces todos serán castigados conforme á sus obras.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 36-7; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 80. 'Ils étaient plongés dans une obscurité profonde, livrés à leurs remords.' Chevalier, Mex. Ancien et Mod., p. 91.

[XII-82] 'Padecen por los pecados de sus padres.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 36. Their prayers and penances, says Acosta, were merely on account of corporal inflictions, for they certainly feared no punishment in the world to come, but expected that all would rest there. Hist. de las Ynd., p. 383. 'In the destiny they assigned to the wicked, we discern similar traces of refinement; since the absence of all physical torture forms a striking contrast to the schemes of suffering so ingeniously devised by the fancies of the most enlightened nations. In all this, so contrary to the natural suggestions of the ferocious Aztec, we see the evidences of a higher civilization, inherited from their predecessors in the land.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 62-3.

[XII-83] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 267, et seq.

[XII-84] The reader who thinks upon the subject at all, cannot help being struck by the remarkable resemblance in some points between these future abodes of the Mexicans and those of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The trembling soul has to pass over the same dreadful river, ferried by a brute Charon. In Hades as in Mictlan, the condition of the dead was a shadowy sort of apparent life, in which, mere ghosts of their former selves, they continued dreamily to perform the labors and carry on the occupations to which they had been accustomed on earth. In Greece as in Mexico, the shades of the dead were occasionally permitted to visit their friends on earth, summoned by a sacrifice and religious rites. Neither Elysium nor the glorious Sun House was the reward of the purely good so much as of the favorites of the gods. Such points of resemblance as these are, however, unnoticed by those who theorize concerning the origin of the Americans; they go farther for analogies, and perhaps fare worse.

[XII-85] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97.

[XII-86] Alger's Future Life, pp. 475-6.

[XII-87] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.

[XII-88] Myths, p. 258; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 175.

[XII-89] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 192; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 64.

[XII-90] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., p. 81. 'Tlacatecolotl, demonio o diablo.' Molina, Diccionario.

[XII-91] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 109.

[XII-92] 'The inhabitants suppose kinges (who, while they liued, gouerned amisse) to haue a temporary aboade there being companions with diuels amonge those flames, where they may purge the foule spots of their wickednesse.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.

[XII-93] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 4: Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 96.

[XII-94] Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 292; vol. ii., pp. 620-2, of this work.

[XII-95] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., fol. 230-1, tom. i., fol. 159-61; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5; Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 96; Id., Codex Vaticanus, p. 218; vol. ii., pp. 622-3, of this work.

[XII-96] 'Le Yaxché, qui signifie arbre vert, est probablement le même que le tonacaste ou tonacazquahuitl, arbre au tronc puissant et élevé, au feuillage immense, mais menu et serré, dont la beauté et l'extrême fraîcheur lui ont fait donner le nom d'arbre de la vie.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, p. 200.

[XII-97] An evident corruption of Mictlan.

[XII-98] 'Dezian se lo (el difunto) avia llevado el diablo porque del pensavan les venian los males todos y especial la muerte.' Landa, Relacion, p. 196, 198-202; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 192; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 62-3; Carrillo, in Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. iii., pp. 265-6.

[XII-99] Brinton's Myths, p. 246; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. lxxix.-lxxx., cxxviii.-cxxx; vol. ii., p. 799, of this work.

[XII-100] Palacio, Carta, pp. 76-8.

[XII-101] Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, p. 12.

[XII-102] Yolia or yulia derived from yoli, to live is distinct from heart, yollotli. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 159. Yet the heart was evidently considered as the seat of the soul, for some Indians stated that 'el coraçon va arriba,' while others explained that by this was meant the breath. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 44-5.

[XII-103] Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 415.

[XII-104] Corresponding to the Aztec Mictlantecutli. It is not quite clear whether all agreed upon total annihilation in this place.

[XII-105] 'Han de resuçitar ó tornar á casa de sus padres, é sus padres los conoserán é criarán.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 41, 42-9; Brinton's Myths, pp. 145, 235; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 113-4.

[XII-106] Bell adds that this ferriage money was provided lest the child 'should die young.' Offerings are also placed upon the grave. Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 254-5.

[XII-107] 'They suppose that men do naturally liue and die as other beastes do.' Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv.

[XII-108] 'Aquel humo iba donde estaba el ánima de aquel defunto ... en el cielo, y que en el humo iba allá.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 402; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 142.

[XII-109] Dec. vii., lib. x.

[XII-110] "It is possible," concludes Mr Powers, "that this legend has dim reference to that great ancient cataclysm, or overflow of lava from the north, which has been demonstrated by Professor le Conte, in a paper read before the Californian Academy of Science."

[XII-111] This myth, Mr Powers thinks, has been belittled or corrupted from the ancient myth of the zodiac, and, in his opinion, argues for the Americans a civilized, or at least semi-civilized, Asiatic origin--a very far-fetched conclusion I should say.

THE NATIVE RACES

OF THE

PACIFIC STATES.

LANGUAGES.

I. GENERAL REMARKS

NATIVE LANGUAGES IN ADVANCE OF SOCIAL CUSTOMS -- CHARACTERISTIC INDIVIDUALITY OF AMERICAN TONGUES -- FREQUENT OCCURRENCE OF LONG WORDS -- REDUPLICATIONS, FREQUENTATIVES, AND DUALS -- INTERTRIBAL LANGUAGES -- GESTURE-LANGUAGE -- SLAVÉ AND CHINOOK JARGONS -- PACIFIC STATES LANGUAGES -- THE TINNEH, AZTEC, AND MAYA TONGUES -- THE LARGER FAMILIES INLAND -- LANGUAGE AS A TEST OF ORIGIN -- SIMILARITIES IN UNRELATED LANGUAGES -- PLAN OF THIS INVESTIGATION.

In nothing, perhaps, do the Native Races of the Pacific States show signs of age, and of progress from absolute primevalism, more than in their languages. Indeed, throughout the length and breadth of the two Americas aboriginal tongues display greater richness, more delicate gradations, and a wider scope, than from the uncultured condition in which the people were found, one would be led to suppose. Until recently, no attention has been given by scholars to these languages; now it is admitted that the more they are studied the more do new beauties appear, and that in their speech these nations are in advance of what their general rudeness in other respects would imply. Nor is there that difference in the construction of words and the scope of vocabularies between nations which we call civilized and those called savage, which, from the difference in their customs, industries, and polities we should expect to find; from which it is safe to infer that in progress, after the essential corporeal requirements are satisfied, the necessities of the intellect, of which speech is the very first, are not only met, but are developed and gratified beyond what the actual necessities of the body demand. That is, speech or no speech the body must be fed or the animal dies, but with the absolute necessities of the body supplied, the intellect and its supernumeraries shoot forward beyond their relative primeval state, leaving bodily comforts far behind. Hence, in the very outset of what we call progress, we see the intellect asserting its independence and developing those organs only which in their turn assist its own development. Again, under certain conditions, two nations having advanced materially and intellectually side by side up to a certain point, may from extrinsic or incidental causes become widely separate; one may go forward intellectually while the two remain together substantially; one may go forward materially while mentally there is no apparent difference. The causes which give rise to these strange inequalities we cannot fathom until we can minutely retrace the progress of the people for thousands of ages in their history; we only see, in the many examples round us, that such is the fact. A people well advanced in art and language may, from war or famine, become reduced to primeval penury and yet retain traces of its former culture in its speech, but by no possibility can rude and barbaric speech suddenly assume depth and richness from material prosperity; from all of which it is safe to conclude that language is the surest test of the age of a people, for the mind cannot expand without an improvement in speech, and speech improves only as it is forced slowly to develop under pressure of the mind.

[Sidenote: RELATIONSHIP OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES.]

The researches of the few philologists who have given American languages their study have brought to light the following facts. First, that a relationship exists among all the tongues of the northern and southern continents; and that while certain characteristics are found in common throughout all the languages of America, these languages are as a whole sufficiently peculiar to be distinguishable from the speech of all the other races of the world. Although some of these characteristics, as a matter of course, are found in some of the languages of the old world--more of them in the Turanian family than in any other--yet nowhere on the globe are uniformities of speech carried over vast areas and through innumerable and diversified races with such persistency, as in America; nowhere are tongues so dissimilar and yet so alike as here. In this general similarity would be a strong ground-work for a theory of common origin, either indigenous or foreign, but for the fact that while the languages of America appear distinct from all other languages of the world, and do indeed in certain respects bear a general resemblance one to another throughout, yet at the same time I may safely assert that on no other continent can there be found such a multitude of distinct languages which definitely approach one another in scarcely a single word or syllable as in America. It is as easy to prove from language that the nations of the New World were originally thrown together from different parts, and that by intermigrations, uniformity in customs and climate, and the lapse of long ages the people have become approximately brethren in speech, while their incessant wars have at the same time held them asunder and prevented a more particular uniformity, as it would be to prove a common origin and subsequent dispersion; without further light both theories are alike insusceptible of proof, as are, indeed, all hypotheses concerning the origin of the native races of this continent. Another fact which naturally becomes more apparent the more we investigate the subject, particularly as regards the nations inhabiting the western half of North America, is, that the innumerable diversities of speech found among these tribes constantly tend to disappear, tend to range themselves under broad divisions, coalescing into groups and families, thereby establishing more intimate relationship between some, and widening the distance between others. The numbers of tongues and dialects, which at the first appeared to be legion, by comparison and classification are constantly being reduced. Could we go back, even for a few thousand years, and follow these peoples through the turnings and twistings of their nomadic existence, we should be surprised at the rapid and complete changes constantly taking place; we should see throughout this broad continent the tide of human life ebbing and flowing like a mighty ocean, surging to and fro in a perpetual unrest, huge billows of humanity rolling over forest, plain, and mountain, nations driving out nations, absorbing, or annihilating, only to be themselves inevitably driven out, absorbed, or annihilated; we should see as a result of this interminable mixture, languages constantly being modified, some wholly or in part disappearing, some changing in a lesser degree, hardly one remaining the same for any considerable length of time. Even within the short period of our own observation, between the time of the first arrival of Europeans and the disappearance of the natives, many changes are apparent; while we are gazing upon them we see their boundaries oscillate, like the play of the threads in network. On the buffalo-hunting inland plains I have seen aggregations of tribes driven out from their old camping-ground, in some instances a thousand miles away, and their places occupied by others; in the narrower limits of the north-western mountains I have seen numerous tribes extirpated by their neighbors, a remnant only being kept as slaves. While such was the normal condition of the aborigines it is not difficult to perceive in some degree at least, the effect upon languages. Yet while American languages are indeed, as Whitney terms them, "the most changeful human forms of speech" there are yet found indestructible characteristic elements, affiliations which no circumstances of time or place can wholly obliterate.

[Sidenote: LONG WORDS IN AMERICAN LANGUAGES.]

One of these characteristic elements is the frequent occurrence of long words. Even the Otomí, the only language in America which can be called monosyllabic, consisting as it does, for the most part, of etymons of one syllable, contains some comparatively long words. This frequency of long words, the method of their construction, and the ease with which they are manufactured constitute a striking feature in the system of unity that pervades all American languages. The native of the New World expresses in a single word, accompanied perhaps by a grunt or a gesture, what a European would employ a whole sentence to elucidate. He crowds the greatest possible number of ideas into the most compact form possible, as though in a multitude of words he found weakness rather than strength--taking their several ideas by their monosyllabic equivalents, and joining them in one single expression. This rule is universal; and so these languages become as Humboldt expresses it "like different substances in analogous forms," in which, as Gallatin observes, there is "an universal tendency to express in the same word, not only all that modifies or relates to the same object or action but both the action and the object, thus concentrating in a single expression a complex idea or several ideas, among which there is a natural connection." This linguistic peculiarity is called by various names. Duponceau terms it the polysynthetic stage or system, Wilhelm von Humboldt the agglutinative, Lieber the holophrastic; others the aggregative, the incorporative, and so on. As an illustration of this peculiarity, take the Aztec word for letter-postage, amatlacuilolitquitcatlaxtlahuilli, which interpreted literally signifies, 'the payment received for carrying a paper on which something is written.' The Cherokees go yet further and express a whole sentence in a single word--a long one it is true, but yet one word--winitawtigeginaliskawlungtanawnelitisesti which translated forms the sentence, 'they will by that time have nearly finished granting favors from a distance to thee and me.' Other peculiarities common to all American languages might be mentioned, such as reduplications, or a repetition of the same syllable to express plurals; the use of frequentatives and duals; the application of gender to the third person of the verb; the direct conversion of nouns, substantive and adjective, into verbs, and their conjugation as such; peculiar generic distinctions arising from a separation of animate from inanimate beings, and the like.

The multiplicity of tongues, even within comparatively narrow areas, rendered the adoption of some sort of universal language absolutely necessary. This international language in America is for the most part confined to gestures, and nowhere has gesture-language attained a higher degree of perfection than here; and what is most remarkable, the same representatives are employed from Alaska to Mexico and even in South America. Thus each tribe has a certain gesture to indicate its name, which is understood by all others. A Flathead will make his tribe known by placing his hand upon his head; a Crow by imitating the flapping of the wings of a bird; a Nez Percé by pointing with his finger through his nose, and so on. Fire is generally indicated by blowing followed by a pretended warming of the hands, water by a pretended scooping up and drinking, trade or exchange by crossing the fore fingers, a certain gesture being fixed for everything necessary to carry on a conversation. Besides this natural gesture-language there is found in various parts an intertribal jargon composed of words chosen to fit emergencies, from the speech of the several neighboring nations; the words being altered, if necessary, in construction or pronunciation to suit all. Thus in the valley of the Yukon we find the Slavé jargon, and in the valley of the Columbia the Chinook jargon, which latter arose originally, not as is generally supposed conventionally between the French-Canadian and English trappers and the natives of the north-west solely for purposes of trade, but which originated among the tribes themselves spontaneously and before the advent of Europeans, though greatly modified and extended by subsequent European intercourse. Thus has been laid, no doubt, the foundation of many permanent languages and dialects; and thus we may easily perceive the powerful and continued effect of one language upon another.

As to the number of languages in America much difference of opinion exists. Hervás, before half the country was discovered, felt justified in classifying them all under seven families, while others find, on the Pacific side of the northern continent alone, over six hundred languages which thus far refuse to affiliate. The different dialects are countless; and yet, notwithstanding the formidable array of names which I have gathered at the end of this chapter, probably not one-fourth of their real number are or ever will be known to us.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: LANGUAGES OF THE PACIFIC STATES.]

Many of the Pacific States' languages bear resemblances to one another, and may therefore be brought more or less under groups and classes. These languages, however, resemble one another too slightly to be called dialects, and in the majority of cases no affiliations of any kind can be traced. But four great languages are found within our territory, or, if we exclude the Eskimo, which is not properly an American language, there remain but three, the Tinneh, the Aztec, and the Maya. Of the lesser tongues there are many more, as will appear further on. The Eskimos skirt the shores of the north polar ocean and belong more to the old world than to the new. The Tinneh, Athabasca, or Chepewyan family covers the northern end of the Rocky Mountain range, sending its branches in every direction, into Alaska, British Columbia, British America, Washington, Oregon, California, New Mexico, Texas, and Mexico. The Aztec language, whose seat is Central Mexico, is found also in Nicaragua and other parts of Central America. Traces moreover appear in some parts of Sonora, Sinaloa, Durango, Chihuahua, Texas, Arizona, California, Utah, Nevada, Idaho, Montana, and Oregon. The Maya is the chief Central American tongue, but traces of it may be found as well in Mexico. Thus we see that while the cradle of the Tinneh tongue appears to be in the centre of British North America, its dialects extend westward and southward, lessening in intensity the further they are removed from the hypothetical original centre, suddenly dying out in some directions, fading gradually away in others, and breaking out at disconnected intervals in others. So with the Aztec language, whose primitive centre, so far as present appearances go, was the valley of Mexico; we find it extending south along the shores of the Pacific as far as Nicaragua, while northward its traces grow fainter and fainter until it disappears. And so it is with the Maya, which, covering as it does a less extent of territory, is more distinctly marked and consequently more easily followed.

In classifying the languages of the Pacific States, the marks of identification vary with different families. Thus the linguistic affiliations of the Tinneh family are founded not so much on certain recurring grammatical rules, as on the number of important words occurring under the same or slightly altered form. In the Aztec language the reverse of this is true; for although to some extent, in the establishing of relationships, we are governed by verbal similarities, yet we also find positive grammatical rules which carry with them much more weight than mere word likenesses.

For example, in the north, wherever Aztec traces are found, the Aztec substantive endings tl and tli are either abbreviated or changed according to a regular system into ti, te, t, de, re, ki, ke, ca, la, ri. Aztec numerals are used by these northern nations, but in greatly modified forms; personal pronouns are there found but little changed, while demonstrative, interrogative, and indefinite pronouns likewise show signs of Aztec origin. The ending ame, which, attached to the verb, designates the person acting, can be plainly traced; while among these same northern nations of which I am speaking, is found that certain system of Lautverschiebung or sound-shunting, originally discovered by Grimm in the Indo-Germanic family, and by Professor Max Müller called Grimm's law.

In the pursuance of this investigation I noticed a two-fold curiosity which may be worthy of mention. Throughout the great Northwest, as well in most of the many Tinneh vocabularies as elsewhere, is found the Aztec word for stone, tetl, sometimes slightly changed but always recognizable, and to which the same meaning is invariably attached; while on the other hand the Tinneh word for fire, cun, or coon, appears in like manner in several of the Mexican languages, and I even noticed it in the vocabulary of a Honduras nation. This may be purely accidental, but both being important words I thought best to draw attention to the fact.

[Sidenote: INLAND AND COAST LANGUAGES.]

The larger linguistic families are for the most part found inland, while along the sea-shore the speech of the people is broken into innumerable fragments. Particularly is this the case along the shores of the Northwest. South of Acapulco, as we have seen, the Aztec tongue holds the seaboard for some distance; but again farther south, as well as on the gulf coast, there is found a great diversity in languages and dialects. In California the confusion becomes interminable; as if Babel-builders from every quarter of the earth had here met to the eternal confounding of all; yet there are linguistic families even in California, principally in the northern part. It is not at all improbable that Malays, Chinese, or Japanese, or all of them, did at some time appear in what is now North America, in such numbers as materially to influence language, but hitherto no Asiatic nor European tongue, excepting always the Eskimo, has been found in America; nor have affinities with any other language of the world been discovered sufficiently marked to warrant the claim of relationship. Theorizers enough there have been and will be; for centuries to come half-fledged scientists, ignorant of what others have done or rather have failed to do, will not cease to bring forward wonderful conceptions, striking analogies; will not cease to speculate, linguistically, ethnologically, cosmographically and otherwise to their own satisfaction and to the confusion of their readers. The absurdity of these speculations is apparent to all but the speculator. No sooner is a monosyllabic language, the Otomí, discovered in America than up rises a champion, Señor Nájera, claiming the distinction for the Chinese, and with no other result than to establish both as monosyllabic, which was well enough known before. So the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, who has given the subject more years of study and more pages of printed matter than any other writer, unless it be the half-crazed Lord Kingsborough, first attempts to prove that the Maya languages are derived from the Latin, Greek, English, German, Scandinavian, or other Aryan tongues; then that all these languages are but offshoots from the Maya itself, which is the only true primeval language. So much for intemperate speculation, which, whether learned or shallow, too often originates in doubt and ends in obscurity. In all these hypotheses, argument assumes the form of analogies drawn between the peoples with whom a relationship is attempted to be established--no difficult matter, truly, when we consider that all mankind are formed on one model, and that innumerable similarities must of necessity exist among all the races of the globe.

[Sidenote: ACCIDENTAL WORD-SIMILARITIES.]

To show the futility of such attempts, let me give a few words, analogous both in signification and sound, selected from American, European, Asiatic, and other languages, between which it is now well established that no relationship exists. For the German ja we have the Shasta ya; for komm, the Comanche kim; for Kopf, the Cahita coba; for weinen, the Cora vyeine; for thun, the Tepehuana duni; for nichts, nein, the Chinook nixt, nix. For the Greek κόραξ , there is the Tarahumara colatschi; for ἔμαθον, μαθεῖν, the Cora muatê; for γυνή, the Cahita cuna. For the Latin hic, vas, we have the Tepehuana hic, vase; for mucor, the Cora mucuare; for lingua, the Moqui línga; for vallis, the Kalapooya wallâh; for toga, manus, the Kenai togaai, man. For the French casser, we find the Tarahumara cassníaler; for tâtonner, the Tepehuana tatame. For the Spanish hueco, the Tarahumara hoco; for tuétano, the Cora tûtana. For the Italian cosi, the Tarahumara cossi; for the Arabic âchar, the Tarahumara ajaré; for the Hawaiian po, the Sekumne po (night).

For the Sanscrit da, there is the Cora ta (give); for eké, the Miztec ec (one); for mâ, the Tepehuana mai (not) and the Maya ma (no); for masâ (month), the Pima mahsa (moon); for tschandra (moon), the Kenai tschane (moon); for pada (foot), the Sekumne podo (leg); for kamâ (love), the Shoshone kamakh (to love); for pâ, the Kizh paa (to drink). For the Malay tâna, we have the Tepehuana tani (to ask); for hurip, tabah, the Cora huri (to live), tabá (to beat); for hômah, the Shasta óma (house), and so on.

These examples I could increase indefinitely and show striking similarities in some few words between almost any two languages of the world. When there are enough of them similar in sound and signification in any two tongues to constitute a rule rather than exceptions, such languages are said to be related; but where, as in the above-cited instances, these similarities are merely accidental, to prove them related would prove too much, for then all the languages of the earth might be said to be related.

In treating of the languages of the Pacific States, commencing with those of the north and proceeding southward, I make it a rule to follow them wherever they lead, without restricting myself to place or nation. One nation may speak two languages; the same language may be spoken by a dozen nations, and if the evidence is such as to imply the existence of the same language, or traces of it, in Alaska and in Sonora, I can do no less than step from one place to the other in speaking of it. Besides the names and localities of languages and linguistic families, I shall endeavor to give some idea of their several peculiar characteristics, their grammatical construction, with such specimens of each as will enable the student to make comparisons and draw inferences. In the following table I have attempted a classification of these languages; but in some instances, from the lack of vocabularies taken before the intermixtures that followed the advent of Europeans, any classification can be but approximative.

[Sidenote: CLASSIFICATION OF LANGUAGES.]

CLASSIFICATION OF THE ABORIGINAL LANGUAGES OF THE PACIFIC STATES.

H { { { Naggeuktormute y { { { Kittear p { { Northern { Kangmali-Innuin e { { Eskimo { Nuwangmeun r { { { Nunatangmeun b { { { Kitegue o { { r { Eskimo { { Malemute e { { { Anlygmute a { { { Chnagmute n { { Southern { Pashtolik s { { Eskimo { { { or { Kangjulit { Kuskoquigmute. { { Koniagan { { Kwichpagmute. { { { Magemute { { { Agulmute { { { Kejataigmute { { { Aglegmute { { { Chugatsch { { { Kadiak { { { Aleut { Unalaska { { Atkha { { { Yakutat { { Chilkat { { Hoodsinoo { { Takoo { Thlinkeet { Auk { { Kaka { { Sitka { { Eeliknoo { { Stikeen { { Tungass { { { { Sawessaw-tinneh or Chepewyan { { { Tantsawhoot-tinneh or { { { Coppermine River { { { Horn Mountain { { { Beaver { { { Thlingcha-tinneh or Dog-Rib { { Eastern { Kawcho-tinneh or Hare { { Division { Ambawtawhoot-tinneh or Sheep { { { Sarsis or Sursees { { { Tsillawdawhoot-tinneh or { { { Brush-wood { { { Nagailer { { { Slouacuss-tinneh { { { Rocky Mountain { { { Edchawtawoot-tinneh { { { { { { { Degothi-kutchin or { { { { Loucheux { { { { Vanta-kutchin { { { { Natche-kutchin { { { { Kukuth-kutchin { { { { Tutchone-kutchin { { { Kutchin { Tathzey-kutchin { { { { Han-kutchin { { { { Artez-kutchin { { Western { { Kutcha-kutchin { { Division { { Tenan-kutchin { { { { { { { Junakachotana { { { { Jugelnut { { { { Ingalik { { { Kenai { Inkalit { { { Kenai { { { Ugalenz { { { Atnah or Nehanne { { { Koltschane { { { Tinneh { { { Tautin or Talkotin { { { { Tsilkotin or Chilkotin { { { { Naskotin { { { { Thetliotin { { { Tacully { Tsatsnotin { { { or { Nulaautin { { { Carrier { Ntshaautin { { { { Natliautin { { Central { { Nikozliautin { { Division { { Tatshiautin { { { { Babine { { { { Sicanni { { { { { { Tlatskanai { { { Qualhioqua { { { Umpqua { { { { { { { Lassics { { { { Wilacki { { { Hoopah { Haynaggi { { { Tolewah { { { Tahahteen { { { Siah { { { { { { { Apache proper { { { { Tonto { { { { Chiricagui { { { { Gileño { { { { Mimbreño { { { { Faraon { { { { Mescalero { { Southern { Apaches { Llanero { { Division { { Lipan { { { { Vaquero { { { { Xicarilla { { { { Natage { { { { Piñaleno { { { { Coyotero { { { { Tejua { { { { Coppermine { { { { Navajo

C { Haidah { Haidah o { { Kaiganie l { u { Nass { Nass m { { Sebassa b { { Hailtza i { a { Bellacoola n { Chimsyan s { { { Nootka { { Quackoll { { Cowichin { { Tlaoquatch { { Uclenu { { Quane { { Quactoe { { Koskiemo { { Quatsino { { Kycucut { { Aitizzaht { { Chicklezaht { { Ahazaht { { Eshquaht { { Klaizzaht { { Nitinaht { { Toquaht { { Seshaht { { Clayoquot { { Patcheena { { Soke { { Nimkish { Nootka { Wickinninish { { Songhie { { Sanetch { { Comux { { Noosdalum { { Kwantlum { { Teet { { Nanaimo { { Taculta { { Ucleta { { Neculta { { Queehaniculta { { Newittee { { Saukaulutuck { { Makah { { Newchemass { { Shimiahmoo { { Nooksak { { Samish { { Skagit { { Snohomish { { Chimakum { { Clallum { { Toanhooch { { Salish proper or Flathead { { Lummi { { Clallam { { Kullespelm or Pend d'Oreilles { { Shushwap { { { Sngomenei { { Spokane { Snpoilschi { { { Syk'eszilni { { { Soaiatlpi { Salish { Okanagan { St lakam { { Skitsuish, or Coeur d'Alêne { { Pisquouse { { Cowlitz { { Nsietshaw { { { Chehalis proper { { Chehalis { Quaiantl { { { Queniauitl { { Nisqually { { Kootenai { { { Sahaptin proper or Nez Percé { { Walla Walla { { Palouse { Sahaptin { Yakima { { Kliketat { { Tairtla { { Waiilatpu { Cayuse { { Mollale { { { Chinook { { Wakiakum { Chinook { Cathlamet { { Clatsop { { Multnomah { { Skilloot { { Watlala { { Yamkally { Calapooya { Chinook Jargon

C { Tototin a { Yakon l { i { { Lutuami or Klamath f { Klamath { Modoc o { { Copah r { n { i { { Shasta a { Shasta { Palaik n { { Watsahewah s { { Euroc { Cahroc { Oppegach { { Pataway { Pataway or { Veeard { Weitspeck { Weeyot { { Wishosk { { Ehnek or Pehtsik { Howteteoh { Nabiltse { Patawat { Chillulah { Wheelcutta { Kailta { Chimalaquai { { { Yuka { Yuka { Tahtoo { { Wapo or Ashochemie { { { Ukiah { { Gallinomero { { Masallamagoon { { Gualala { { Matole { Pomo { Kulanapo { { Sanél { { Yonios { { Choweshak { { Batemdakaie { { Chocuyem { { Olamentke { { Kainamare { { Chwachamaju { { Cushna { Kinkla { Yuba { Sonoma { Oleepa { Yoloy or Yolo { Nemshous { Colusa { Bashonee { Veshanack { Meidoo { Neeshenam { { { { Ochecamne { { { Serouskumne { { { Chupumne { { { Omochumne { { { Secumne { { { Walagumne { { { Cosumne { { Eastern { Sololumne { { Dialects { Turealumne { { { Saywamine { { { Newichumne { { { Matchemne { Sacramento { { Sagayayumne { Valley { { Muthelemne { Languages { { Sopotatumne { { { Talatiu { { { { { Puzlumne { { { Yasumne { { { Pujuni { { Western { Sekumne { { Dialects { Kisky { { { Yalesumne { { { Huk { { { Yukal { { { Tsamak { { { Nemshaw { { Napobatin { { { Napa { { Myacoma { Napa { Calayomane { { Caymus { { Uluca { { Suscol { { Mustitul { Tulkay { Suisun { Karquines { Tomales { Lekatuit { Petaluma { Guiluco { Tulare { Hawhaw { Coconoon { Yocut { Matalan { Salse { Quirote { Olhone { Runsien { Eslene { Ismuracan { Aspianaque { Sakhone { Chalone { Katlendaruca { Poytoqui { Mutsun { Thamien { Chowchilla { Meewoc { Tatché { San Miguel { Santa Cruz

S { { Shoshone h { Shoshone { Wihinasht o { { Bannack s { { Shoshokee h { o { { Utah n { { Uintaüte e { { Goshute s { { Piute { Utah { Pahute { { Paiulee { { Washoe { { Sampitche { { Mono { { Comanche { Moqui { Kizh { Netela { Kechi { Chemehuevi { Cahuillo

P { { Kiwomi u { Queres { Cochitemi e { { Acoma n { l { Tegua or Tezuque o { s { Picoris { Jemez { Zuñi {

N { { Yuma e { { Maricopa w { { Cuchan { Yuma { Mojave M { { Diegeño e { { Yampais x { { Yavipais i { Chevet c { a { Cajuenche { Cajuenche n { { Jalliquamai s { { Tamajab { { Benemé { Tecuiche { { Teniqueche { { Covaji { { Noche

L C { Cochimí { Laymon o a { { Ika w l { e i { Guaicuri { Cora r f { { Monqui o { { Didiù r { { Liyùe n { { Edù i { { Uchitie a { n { Pericú s {

P { Pima Alto { Pápago i { { Sobaipuris m { a { Pima Bajo

N { { Eudeve o { { Teguis r { { Teguima t { { Coguinachie h { Ópata { Batuca e { { Sahuaripa r { { Himeri n { { Guazaba { { Jova M { e { { Mayo x { Cahita { Yaqui i { { Tehueco c { a { Zoe n { Guazave s { Batuca { Aibino { Ocoroni { Vocaregui { Zuaque { Comoporis { Ahome { Mocorito { Petatlan { Huite { Ore { Macoyahui { Tauro { Troes { Nio { Cahuimeto { Tepave { Ohuero { Chicorata { Basopa { { { Varogio { Tarahumara { Guazapare { { Pachera { { Concho { Toboso { Julime { Piro { Suma { Chinarra { Irritilia { Tejano { Tubar { { Tepehuana { { Topia { Acaxée { Sabaibo { { Xixime { { Zacatec { Cazcane { Mazapile { Huitcole { Guachichile { Colotlan { Tlaxomultec { Tecuexe { Tepecano

C { { Muutzicat e { Cora { Teakualitzigti n { { Cora, or Ateakari t { r { Aztec, Mexican, or Nahuatl a { l { Otomí { Otomí { { Mazahua M { e { Pame x { Meco, or Serrano i { Yuê c { Yemê a { Olive n { Xanambre s { Pisone { Tamaulipec { { Tarasco { Matlaltzinca { Ocuiltec

S { { Tepuzculano o { { Yangüistlan u { { Miztec baja t { { Miztec alta h { { Cuixlahuac e { Miztec { Tlaxiaco r { { Cuilapa n { { Mictlantongo { { Tamazulapa M { { Xaltepec e { { Nochiztlan x { i { Chocho, or Chuchone c { Amusgo a { Mazatec n { Cuicatec s { Chatino { Tlapanec { Chinantec { Popoluca { { { Zaachilla { { Ocotlan { { Etla { Zapotec { Netzicho { { Serrano de Itztepec { { Serrano de Cajonos { { Beni Xono { { Serrano de Miahuatlan { { Mije { Huave

M { { Tetikilhati a { Huastec { Chakalmati y { { Ipapana a { { Tatimolo, or Naolingo - { Q { Totonac u { Chiapanec i { Tloque c { Zotzil h { Zeldal-quelen é { Vebetlateca { Mam { Achie { Guatemaltec { Cuettac { Hhirichota { Pokonchi { Caechicolchi { Tlacacebastla { Apay { Poton { Taulepa { Ulua { Quiché { Cakchiquel { Zutugil { Chorti { Alaguilac { Caichi { Ixil { Zoque { Coxoh { Chañabal { Chol { Uzpantec { Aguacatec { Quechi { Maya

M { Carib o { Mosquito s { Poya q { Towka u { Seco i { Valiente t { Rama o { Cookra { Woolwa { Toonglas { Lenca { Smoo { Teguca { Albatuina { Jara { Toa { Gaula { Motuca { Fansasma { Sambo

C A { Coribici e m { Chorotega n e { Chontal t r { Orotiña . .

C R { Blanco o i { Tiribi s c { Talamanca t a { Chiripo a { Guatuso

I { Nicoya s { Cerebaro t { Chiriquí h { Burica m { Veragua i { Paris a { Escoria n { Biruqueta { Nata { Urraca { Chiru { Chame { Chicacotra { Sangana { Guarara { Cutara { Panamá { Chuchura { Chagre { Chepo { Cueba { Quarecua { Chiape { Ponca { Pocora { Zumanamá { Coiba { Ponca { Chitarraga { Acla { Careta { Darien { Abieiba { Abenamechey { Dabaiba { Birú { Tule { Cholo { Doracho { Cimarron { Bayano { Manzanillo, or San Blas { Mandingo { Cuna { Cunacuna { Choco { Caomane { Urabá { Idiba { Paya { Goajiro { Motilone { Guaineta { Cocina

II. HYPERBOREAN LANGUAGES

DISTINCTION BETWEEN ESKIMO AND AMERICAN -- ESKIMO PRONUNCIATION AND DECLENSION -- DIALECTS OF THE KONIAGAS AND ALEUTS -- LANGUAGE OF THE THLINKEETS -- HYPOTHETICAL AFFINITIES -- THE TINNEH FAMILY AND ITS DIALECTS -- EASTERN, WESTERN, CENTRAL, AND SOUTHERN DIVISIONS -- CHEPEWYAN DECLENSION -- ORATORICAL DISPLAY IN THE SPEECH OF THE KUTCHINS -- DIALECTS OF THE ATNAHS AND UGALENZES COMPARED -- SPECIMEN OF THE KOLTSHANE TONGUE -- TACULLY GUTTURALS -- HOOPAH VOCABULARY -- APACHE DIALECTS -- LIPAN LORD'S PRAYER -- NAVAJO WORDS -- COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THE TINNEH FAMILY.

The national and tribal distinctions given in the first volume of this work will, for the most part, serve as divisions for languages and dialects; I shall not therefore repeat here the names and boundaries before mentioned, except so far as may be necessary in speaking of languages alone. As a rule those physical and social distinctions which indicate severalness among peoples, are followed, if indeed they are not governed by the severalness of dialects, that is, the diversities of language operate as powerfully as the aspects of nature or any other causes, in separating mankind into tribes and nations; hence it is that in the different divisions of humanity are found different dialects, and between dialects physical and geographical divisions.[II'-1]

[Sidenote: LANGUAGES ON THE ARCTIC SEABOARD.]

As I have said in another place the Eskimos are the anomalous race of the New World; and this is no less true in their language than in their physical characteristics. Obviously they are a polar people rather than an American or an Asiatic people.[II'-2] They cling to the seaboard; and while the distinction between them and the inland American is clearly drawn, as we descend the strait and sea of Bering, cross the Alaskan peninsula and follow the shores of the Pacific eastward and southward, gradually the Arctic dialect merges into that of the American proper. In our Hyperborean group, whose southern bound is the fifty-fifth parallel, the northern seaboard part is occupied wholly by Eskimos, the southern by a people called by some Eskimos and by others Koniagas, while further on the graduation is so complete and the transition from one to the other so imperceptible that it is often difficult to determine which are Indians and which Eskimos. In treating of their manners and customs, I separated the littoral Alaskans into two divisions, calling them Eskimos and Koniagas, but in their languages and dialects I shall speak of them as one. No philologist familiar with the whole territory has attempted to classify these Hyperborean tongues; different writers refer the languages of all to such particular parts as they happen to be familiar with. Thus the Russian priest Veniaminoff divides the Eskimo language into six dialects, all belonging to the Koniagas, on the Kadiak Islands and the adjacent territory. The fact is Veniaminoff dwelt in southern Alaska and in the Aleutian Isles, and knew nothing of the great inland nations to the north and west. To the people of Kadiak he gives two dialects, a northern and a southern, and carries the same language over to the main land adjacent.[II'-3] The Russian explorer Sagoskin, to the Chnagmute dialect of Veniaminoff, unites the Kwichpagmute and Kuskoquigmute under the collective name of Kangjulit, of which with the Kadiak he makes a comparative vocabulary establishing their identity.[II'-4] In like manner Baer classifies these northern languages, but confines himself almost exclusively to the coast above Kadiak Island.[II'-5]

Kotzebue says that a dialect of this same language is spoken by the natives of St Lawrence Island.[II'-6] Yet if we may believe Mr Seemann, all these dialects are essentially different. The Eskimo language, he writes, "is divided into many dialects, which often vary so much that those who speak one are unable to understand the others. The natives of Kotzebue Sound for instance have to use an interpreter in conversing with their countrymen in Norton Sound; towards Point Barrow another dialect prevails, which however is not sufficiently distinct to be unintelligible to the Kotzebue people."[II'-7]

[Sidenote: EXAMPLES OF THE ESKIMO GRAMMAR.]

According to Vater and Richardson the Eskimo language as spoken east of the Mackenzie River appears to have a softer sound, as for instance, for the western ending tch the eastern tribes mostly use s and sometimes h. The German sound ch, guttural, is frequently heard among the western people. Nouns have six cases, the changes of which are expressed by affixed syllables.

These are in the singular mut, mik, mit, me, and kut, and in the plural nut, nik, nit, ne, and gut. Ga, go, ne, ait, anga, ara, etc., affixed to the nominative, denote a possessive case. As:--kivgah, a servant; kivganga, my servant; kivgane, his servant; etc. Arsu and arsuit are diminutive endings and soak, sudset, and sudsek augmentatives. Adjectives are also declinable. Nouns can be transposed into verbs by affixing evok and ovok, and the adjective is altered in the same manner.

The third person singular of the indicative is taken as the root of the verb, and by changing its termination it may be used as a noun. The infinitive is formed by the postposition nek. The verb has numerous inflections.

'To be' or 'to have,' both possessing a similar signification, are expressed by gi or vi--as nunagiva, it is his land.

Richardson gives the following declension of a noun, transitively and intransitively (?):

TUPEK, A TENT.

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

Nom. tr. tupek } intr. turkib} tuppak turket Gen. turkib tuppak turket Dat. tr. tuppek tuppak turket intr. tuppermut tuppangnut tuppernut Acc. tr. tuppak tuppak turkinut intr. tuppernik tuppangnit turkit Abl. tr. tuppermit tuppangnit tuppermit intr. tuppermut tuppangnut turkinnut[II'-8]

Some claim that the languages of Kadiak and the Aleutian Islands are cognate, others deny any relationship. Stephen Glottoff, one of the first to visit Kadiak Island, states positively that the inhabitants of Unalaska and particularly a boy from the western Aleutian Isles could not understand the people of Kadiak.[II'-9] Captain Cook thought there existed a phonetic similarity between the speech of the Unalaskas and the people of Norton Sound, which opinion appears to be correct.[II'-10] So disarranged have the aboriginal tongues in this vicinity become since the advent of the Russians that little dependence can be placed on latter-day investigations. Dall admits the speech of the two peoples to be dissimilar yet their language he believes to be one.[II'-11] Vater, more cautious, thinks that there is perhaps some Eskimo influence noticeable among the Koniagas.[II'-12] Baer gives Admiral von Wrangell's opinion, which also inclines towards such a connection, but he himself expresses the opposite belief, citing in support of this that the physical appearance of the Koniagas differs entirely from that of the Eskimo race.[II'-13] Buschmann gives, as the result of careful investigations and comparisons, the opinion that the language of Unalaska is distinct from that of Kadiak, and supports it by the statements of travelers, as for instance that of the mate Saikoff, given in the Neue Nordische Beiträge, tom. iii., p. 284, who says that the two are totally different.

[Sidenote: ATKHA AND UNALASKA DIALECTS.]

Throughout the whole Aleutian Archipelago there are but two dialects, one of which is spoken on the peninsula, on Unalaska, and a few islands contiguous, while the other--by Veniaminoff called the Atkha dialect--extends thence over all the other Aleutian Isles. In neither dialect is there any distinction of gender; but to make up for this deficiency, besides the plural, a dual is used. Substantives have three cases:--adakch, the father; adam or adaganilyak, of the father; adaman, to the father; adakik or adakin, both fathers; adan, the fathers; adanik, to the fathers. Verbs are conjugated by means of terminals. They are divided into three classes, active, medium, and passive. Negation is expressed by the syllable oljuk added to the root of the verb; sometimes also by ljaka, ljaga, or gana. Sjukong, I take; sjunakching, I took; sjuljakakching, I take not; sjunag´oljuting, I took not; sjuda, take; sjuljagada, or sjuganachtchin, take not.

The eastern Aleuts enunciate very rapidly, without dividing their words distinctly, making it very difficult for a stranger to understand them. In Unalaska their speech is more drawling, while on Atkha Island the natives pronounce each word very distinctly. The western Aleuts and the people on Umnak also speak rather slowly--drawling.[II'-14] Dall states that the chief difference between the Atkha and Unalaska dialects consists in the formation of the plural of nouns. The former for this purpose employ the terminal letters s, sh, or ng. For diminutives the Atkhas use the ending kutshak and the Unalaskas dak.[II'-15]

On the next page I insert a vocabulary of Eskimo, Kuskoquigmute, Malemute, Aleut, and Kadiak tongues.

COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.

---------------------+--------------+------------+----------+----------- ESKIMO. |KUSKOQUIGMUTE.| MALEMUTE. | ALEUT. | KADIAK. ---------------------+--------------+------------+----------+----------- Man tuak |yugut |enuk |toioch |sewk Woman |agnak |okanok |aiyagar | Fire { ignik or |knik |iknik |kignak |knok { ignuck | | | | Fresh } emik | | | | Water } | | | | Salt } tarreoke | | | | Water } | | | | Water |mik |immik |taangak |taangak Earth |nuni |nuneh |tshekak |noona Stone angmak | | | | Dog { kenma or |annakhukkta |kiyukmuk |uikuk |pewatit { kooneack | | | | Knife sequetat |chivichuk |chowik |omgazshiz-|tshangielk | | |shik | { baittsaach | | | | Sun { maisak or |akhtah |shukeenyuk |akathak |madzshak { neiya | | | | I woonga |hwihka |wunga |keen |chooi Thou |lpit |illewit |ingaan |chlput Eat { ashadlooik or|neega |nugerunger |kaangen |pittooaga { ishadlooweet | | | | Yes a |you |wah |aang |aang { naga, nau, | | | | No { tuum, nao, |chashituk |peechuk |maselikan |pedok { aunga | | | | One { tegara or |atauchik |atowsik |attakon |alcheluk { adaitsuk | | | | Two { milleit- |malkhok |malruk |alluk |malogh { sungnet | | | | { pingettsat- | | | | Three { sungnet or |païnaïvak |pinyusut |kankoon |pingaien { pingeyook | | | | Four { tsetummat or |t'chamik |setemat |shitshin |stamen { setumet | | | | { tadglémat | | | | Five { adreyeet or |talimik |telemat |tshang |taliman { taleema | | | | { arkbunna | | | | Six { aghwinnak |akhvinok |aghwinuleet |attoon |agovinligin { akkaooin- | | | | { elget | | | | { aitpa | | | | Seven { achwinnigh- | | | | { ipagha |ainaäkhvanam |mahluditagh-|olung |malchongun { mullaroonik | |winuleet | | { or bolruk | | | | { penayua | | | | Eight { penniyooik |pinaiviak |pinyusuni- |kamtshing |inglulgin { pegesset | |laghwinuleet| | Nine { seetumna |chtamiakvanam |koolinotyluk|sitching |kollemgaien { teeidimmik | | | | Ten { tadleema or | | | | { kólit |kullnuk |kooleet |hasuk- |kollen Eleven{ | | |attakatha-|alchtoch { | | |matkich | ---------------------+--------------+------------+----------+-----------

Turn now to the Thlinkeets, who extend along the coast southward from Mount St Elias, as Holmberg says, to the Columbia River;[II'-16] Chlebikoff, to the forty-first parallel; Vater, to Queen Charlotte Island;[II'-17] and Veniaminoff, to the Stikeen River; the latter affirming, at the same time, that there is but one dialect spoken among them all.[II'-18] The nations mentioned by Captain Bryant as speaking this language are the Chilkats, Sitkas, Hoodsinoos, Auks, Kakas, Elikinoos, Stikeens, and Tungass.[II'-19]

[Sidenote: HARSHNESS OF THE THLINKEET TONGUE.]

From all accounts the Thlinkeets possess the most barbarous speech found anywhere in the Pacific States. Whether this arises from the huge block of wood with which the Thlinkeet matrons grace their under lip, which drives the sound from the throat through the teeth and nose before it reaches the ear of the listener, I do not pretend to say; but that it is hard, guttural, clucking, hissing, in short everything but labial, there is no doubt. All who have visited them, whether German, English, French, or Spanish, agree in this particular. Marchand describes it as excessively rude and wild. Most of their articulations are accompanied by a strong nasal aspiration, with strenuous efforts of the throat; particularly in producing the sound of a double r, which is heavy and hard. Many of their words commence with a strongly guttural k sound and this same sound is frequently heard three times in one word. Dr Roblet who accompanied Marchand, says that, notwithstanding all this, the language is very complete, possessing a multitude of words, the natives being at no loss to give a name to everything.[II'-21] La Pérouse, who makes a similar report, gives as an example of its harshness the word khlrleies, hair.[II'-22] In Veniaminoff's vocabulary are found such words as thlklunúk, healthy, and katlhth, ashes, literally unpronounceable. The frequently occurring sound tl has led several authors to suppose a relationship with the Aztec tongue; as for example Vater, who made a small comparative table which I insert to show directly the contrary to what he wished to prove.

Setting aside the tetl, te, stone, of which I have made previous mention, had the words been selected to prove a want of affinity between the two languages they could not have been more to the point. Buschmann asserts, moreover, that several of the Mexican words are mis-quoted.[II'-23]

AZTEC. THLINKEET.

Mother nantli attli Brother teachcauh achaik or achonoik Face xayacatl kaga Forehead yxquatl kakak Strong velitilizcotl itlzin Depth vecatlyotl kattljan Stone tetl te Earth tlalli tljaknak or tlatka Duck canauhtli kauchu Star citlati tlaachztl[II'-24]

A few instances have been discovered by the same writer, where the Thlinkeet tongue appears to be verging towards the Tinneh. Among others he mentions the Thlinkeet words te, stone, zyyn, muskrat, comparing the latter with the Dogrib tzin; the Thlinkeet achschat, woman, wife, with the Umpqua sch'at; the Thlinkeet tjé, teik, road, with the Tacully tee.[II'-25] La Pérouse pretends that they do not use and can hardly pronounce the letters b, f, j, d, p, and v. Most words commence with k, t, n, s, or m, the first named being the most frequently used; no word commences with an r.[II'-26] Veniaminoff again says that it would take thirty-eight letters or combinations to write the distinct sounds which are expressed in the Thlinkeet language. The personal pronouns are khat, or khatsh, I; bae, be, or belch, thou; b or bch, he; ban or bantch, we; iban or ibantch, you; as or astch or youtas or youastch, they. The verb 'to do' is conjugated as follows:

PRESENT INDICATIVE. FIRST FUTURE. SECOND FUTURE.

etakhani ekbkazyani enkbizini

IMPERFECT. PERFECT.

etakhanegin | ekhbziní or ekhbzinnigin[II'-27]

Vater has a Lord's prayer communicated by Baranoff, director of the late Russian possessions in America. It reads as follows:

[Sidenote: THLINKEET LORD'S PRAYER.]

Ais waan, wet wwetu tikeu; ikukastii itssagi Father our, who art in the clouds; honored be name

bae; faa atkwakut ikustigi ibee; atkwakut attüitugati thine; let come kingdom thine, be done will

bee ikachtekin linkitan zu tlekw. Katuachawat thine as we in heaven and on earth. Food

uáan zuikwülkinichat akech uáan itat; tamil uáan our needful give us to-day; absolve us

tschaniktschak aagi zu uáan akut tugati ajat; ilil debts ours as also we give debtors ours; not lead

uan zulkikagatii táat anachut uan akalléelchwetach. us into temptation but deliver us from the evil Spirit.

Tü. So.[II'-28]

Next come the Tinneh, a people whose diffusion is only equaled by that of the Aryan or Semitic nations of the old world. The dialects of the Tinneh language are by no means confined within the limits of the Hyperborean division. Stretching from the northern interior of Alaska down into Sonora and Chihuahua, we have here a linguistic line of more than four thousand miles in length extending diagonally over forty-two degrees of latitude; like a great tree whose trunk is the Rocky Mountain range, whose roots encompass the deserts of Arizona and New Mexico, and whose branches touch the borders of Hudson Bay[II'-29] and of the Arctic and Pacific oceans.[II'-30] In the north, immense compact areas are covered by these dialects; towards the south the line holds its course steadily in one direction, while at the same time on either side are isolated spots, broken fragments as it were, of the Tinneh tongue, at wide distances in some cases from the central line. A reference to the classification given at the end of the preceding chapter, will show the separation of the Tinneh family into four divisions--the eastern, western, central and southern. The eastern division embraces the dialects spoken between Hudson Bay and the Mackenzie River; the western, those of the Kutchins and Kenai of interior Alaska and the Pacific Coast in the vicinity of Mount St Elias and Copper River; the central, those of the Tacullies of New Caledonia, the Umpquas of Oregon, and the Hoopahs of California; the southern, those of the Apaches of New Mexico, Arizona, and Northern Mexico.

Near the sources of a branch of the Saskatchewan River are the Sursees, who have been frequently classed with the Blackfeet, but Mackenzie had before this stated that they speak a dialect of the Tinneh.[II'-31] Umfreville who visited these people, compares their language to the cackling of hens, and says that it is very difficult for their neighbors to learn it.[II'-32]

Glance first at the dialects round Hudson Bay, and thence towards the west. The northern dialects are exceedingly difficult to pronounce, being composed largely of gutturals. Richardson compares some of the sounds to the Hottentot cluck, and Isbister calls them "harsh and guttural, difficult of enunciation and unpleasant to the ear."[II'-33] They differ mainly in accentuation and pronunciation, and it therefore does not require that philological research which is necessary with the farther outlying branches of the family to establish their connection. Richardson says that the Hare and Dog-rib dialects differ scarcely at all even in their accents; and again that the Sheep dialect is well understood by the Hare Indians. Latham affirms that the "Beaver Indian is transitional to the Slavé and Chepewyan proper." Of the Coppermine people, Franklin writes that their language is "essentially the same with those of the Chipewyans." Ross Cox says that the language of the Slowacuss and Nascud "bears a close affinity to that spoken by the Chepewyans and Beaver Indians."[II'-34]

[Sidenote: DIALECTS OF THE TINNEH FAMILY.]

From a paper in the collection of M. Du Ponceau, cited by Mr Gallatin, there appears to be in the grammar of these northern dialects a dual as well as a plural. Thus dinné, a person; dinné you, a man; dinné you keh, two men; dinné you thlang, many men. Again we have sick keh, my foot; sick keh keh, my feet. The Chepewyan declension is as follows:

My two hats, sit sackhallé keh; thy two hats, nit sackhallé keh; his two hats, bit sackhaleé keh, or noneh bid tsakhalle keh; their two hats, hoot sackhallé keh; two pieces of wood, teitchin keh; much, or many pieces of wood, teitchin thlang; my son, see azé; my two sons, see azé keh; thy two sons, nee azé keh; his two sons, bee azé keh; their two sons, hoo bee azé keh; my children, see azé keh thlang, or siskainé. Thus we see that the dual ending is keh (which also means foot), and that of the plural, thlang. Possessive pronouns are: first person, si, sit or nee; second person, nit or nee; third person, his or their, bit, bee, noot, or hoo.

CONJUGATION OF THE VERB I SPEAK, YAWS'THEE.

PRESENT. IMPERFECT.

I speak, yaws'thee | I spoke, yawaylt'hee Thou speakest, yawnelt'hée | Thou spakest, yayolt'hée He speaks, yawlt'hée | He spoke, yalthee We speak, yawoult'hée | We spoke, tayaolthee You speak, tayoult'hée | You spoke, tayahelthee They speak, tayathee | They spoke, tayolthee[II'-35]

At the end of this chapter may be found a comparative vocabulary, comprising words selected from these and other dialects, belonging to this family.

[Sidenote: THE KUTCHIN DIALECTS OF THE YUKON.]

Crossing over to the country drained by the Yukon, we find the great Kutchin nation and to their north-east the Kenai. The Kutchins, according to Jones, are "divided into about twenty-two different tribes, each speaking a dialect of the same language." Hardisty affirms that "the Loucheux proper is spoken by the Indians of Peels River, thence traversing the mountains, westward down Rat River, the Tuk-kuth, and Van-tah-koo-chin, which extend to the Tran-jik-koo-chin, Na-tsik-koo-chin, and Koo-cha-koo-chin of the Youcon."[II'-36] The connection of the Kutchin language with the Tinneh has been, by early travelers, denied, and this denial re-echoed by writers following them;[II'-37] but later philological investigations have established the relationship beyond a question. Furthermore, to corroborate this fact there are persons, well acquainted with these people and their language, having lived in their country and traded with them for years, who are positive that the Kutchin is a dialect of the Tinneh. Some of them even affirm that the eastern Kutchin dialect bears a closer relationship to that of their neighbors, the Hares and Slavés, than do some of the dialects of the western Kutchins to each other, yet it is certain that all the Kutchin tribes of the Yukon and its tributaries understand one another, accentuation being the principal distinction between them.

A greater divergence from the stock language is observable in the dialect of the Tutchone Kutchin, which, with those of the Han Kutchin, the Slavé of Francis Lake and Fort Halkett, the Sicannis, the Abbato-tinneh of the Pelly and Macmillan Rivers, and the Nehanne of forts Liard and Simpson, might almost be called a dialectic division of the Tinneh language.[II'-38]

Richardson, following Murray, cautiously traces these relationships in the following words: "More resemblances, he thinks, might be traced through the Mountain Indian speech (Naha-'tdinnè or Dtchè-ta-ut'tinnè) than directly between the Kutchin and Dog-rib tongues. The Han-Kutchi of the sources of the Yukon, speak a dialect of the Kutcha-Kutchi language, yet they understand and are readily understood by the Indians of Frances Lake and the banks of the Pelly. Now these converse freely with the Naha- or Dtché-ta-ut'tinnè, and other Rocky Mountain tribes, whose language resembles the Dog-rib tongue, and who are, in fact, acknowledged members of the Chepewyan nation. Again, the Frances Lake Indians understand the Netsilley, or Wild Nation, who trade at Fort Halkett, on the River of the Mountains; these again are understood by the Sikanis; and the Sikanis by the Beaver Indians, whose dialect varies little from that of the Athabascans, the longest-known member of the 'Tinnè nation."[II'-39]

The Kutchins pride themselves on their oratorical powers, making long, windy, and allegorical speeches remarkable alike for native wit and eloquence. In public speaking their delivery is unique and effective; commencing in a low monotonous tone the voice slowly rises to a crescendo, then increases to a forte, and finally rolls forth in grand fortissimo, at which point, accompanied by striking gestures, it continues until sheer exhaustion compels the orator to pause for breath. The speech closes with a "most infernal screech," as Hardisty calls it, which is supposed to be a clincher to the most abstruse argument.

It was among these people, in the vicinity of the junction of the Tananah with the Yukon River that the before-mentioned broken Slavé jargon originated. Before the arrival of foreigners, the necessity of a trade, or intertribal, language was felt and met, the dialect spoken on the Liard River forming the basis. With the arrival of Russians, French, and English successively, each one of these nationalities contributed of its words to form the general jargon. Dall says that it is in use among all western Eskimos who have intercourse with the Tinneh. The European element in their jargon is very slight, much less than in the Chinook jargon, from the fact that but few Europeans have ever come in contact with the inland tribes of Alaska even in an indirect way.

Following the Tinneh tongue southward from Central Alaska, we strike the Pacific seaboard at Cook's Inlet and Prince William Sound, where we find the Kenai, with six or more dialects, stretching along the shores of the Ocean as far as Copper River. The word Kenai, or as they are sometimes called the Thnaina,[II'-40] meaning men, in signification and sound is almost identical with the word Tinneh, Dinneh, Tinné, Dinay, Tinna, with many other variations applied to this family.[II'-41] According to Sagoskin the Ingaliks, Unakatanas, and others of the Yukon and Nulato rivers call themselves Ttynaichotana.[II'-42] Veniaminoff, a high authority on matters coming under his immediate observation, draws erroneous conclusions from his comparisons of Kenai dialects. The Kenai language, he says, is divided into four dialects; the Kenai proper, the Atnah spoken by the Koltshanes and the people of Copper River, the Kuskoquim, and the Kwichpak.[II'-43] Baron von Wrangell is of the opinion that the Kenai are of Thlinkeet stock, affirming that although their idiom is different yet it comes from the same root;[II'-44] but Dall believes that it might be "more properly grouped with the Tinneh."[II'-45] The dialect of the Ugalenzes, Buschmann confidently asserts, belongs to the Tinneh family, although its connection with the Kenai is not strongly marked, while slight traces of the Thlinkeet tongue are found in it, but not the least shadow of the Aztec as Vater imagined.[II'-46] Long words are of frequent occurence in the speech of the Ugalenzes; as for example, chakljtschejalsga, work; tekssekonachalek, enemy; kakujasliatenna, to divide; aukatschetohatle, to take away.

* * * * *

The Atnah dialect has also been classed with the Thlinkeet by Baer, who inserts a small comparative vocabulary to show the similarity, but in it few similar words are found, while between the Atnah and the Ugalenze the connection is quite prominent, as for instance;

ATNAH. UGALENZE.

Heaven jaat jaa Ice ttön ttetz Stone ttzesch ttza Fox nakattze nakattze Eagle ttschkuläk tkotschkalak Blood tell tedlch Fat chchä chche Come here any anatschtja[II'-47]

[Sidenote: KENAI LINGUISTIC AFFILIATIONS.]

In like manner the Kenai dialect has been classed with the Thlinkeet;[II'-48] but here the preponderance of evidence is with the Tinneh. Buschmann claims it as his discovery that the Kenai belong to the Tinneh family.[II'-49] The Kenai dialect is very difficult to pronounce, so much so that even the neighboring people with their harsh, nasal, and guttural idioms, find great trouble in enunciating it clearly. Some of the combinations of consonants are really very curious,[II'-50]--aljtnjan, earth; kyssynj, woman; mljchny, to drink; keljkatj, to eat; ktaaltatlni, to shoot; kydykntjassnissj, I hear; tschatscheeintschichku, do not be afraid; kazikatejityssny, I know not.

Baer makes the Ingalik cognate with Kenai, Atnah, and Thlinkeet;[II'-51] an affinity is also detected between the Inkalit and the Kenai, Atnah, and Unalaska dialects;[II'-52] while Sagoskin numbers both the Ingalik and the Inkalit among the members of the Tinneh family.[II'-53] Like those of their neighbors these two dialects are harsh and difficult of pronunciation, as for instance in the Inkalit, tschugljkchuja, a fox.

From the earliest times it has been known that the Koltshanes could converse freely with the Atnahs and Kenai, and the relationship existing between these dialects has long been recognized.[II'-54] As a specimen of the Koltshane tongue, I present the following: tschiljkaje, eagle; nynkakit, earth; ssyljtschitan, cold; sstscheljssilj, warm; tschilje, man.

[Sidenote: CENTRAL TINNEH DIVISION.]

To the Tacullies of our central Tinneh division, whose language Hale separates into eleven dialects, Latham adds the Sicannis, and other writers the Umpquas and the Hoopahs.[II'-55] The northern dialects of this division are represented as composed of words harsh and difficult to pronounce, while the southern dialects are softer and more sonorous, yet robust and emphatic. Mr Hale felt the necessity of adopting a peculiar style of orthography to represent the sounds of these words. The Greek chi he employed to reproduce the Tacully gutturals, which he says are somewhat deeper than the Spanish jota, probably nearly akin to the German ch in acht und achtzig. With t chi l he aims to convey a sound which "is a combination uttered by forcing out the breath at the side of the mouth between the tongue and the palate."[II'-56] In the following words instead of the Greek chi, I write kh, and for t chi l, sch. Schling, dog; schluk, fish; sutschon, good; kwun, fire; kukh, house; schhell, mountain; tse, stone; kuschkai, run.

Hale is the only author who gives any information of the two tribes Tlatskanai and Kwalhioqua. The Kwalhioquas dwell on the north bank of the Columbia, near its mouth; but between them and the river there runs a wedge of Chinook territory. The former are to be found south of the river, on a narrow strip extending north and south. Being nearly related to the Tacully, these languages also belong to the Tinneh family. The only vocabulary obtainable is given by Mr Hale. Round the headwaters of the river Umpqua live the people of that name, speaking a language related to the two last mentioned, but which, if we may believe Mr Hale, is "much softer than the others."

[Sidenote: VOCABULARY OF HOOPAH DIALECTS.]

Scouler, who has made a curious classification of the languages of north-western America, places the Umpqua in the same family with the Calapooya and Yamkally under the general name of Cathlascon.[II'-57] The southernmost dialect of this division is that of the Hoopahs, on Trinity River. Upon the authority of Mr Powers, "the Hoopa language is worthy of the people who speak it--copious in its vocabulary; robust, sonorous, and strong in utterance; of a martial simplicity and rudeness in construction." Again he writes, "as the Hoopas remind one of the Romans among savages, so is their language something akin to the Latin in its phonetic characteristics: the idiom of camps--rude, strong, laconic. Let a grave and decorous Indian speak it deliberately, and every word comes out like the thud of a battering-ram against a wall. For instance let the reader take the words for 'devil' and 'death'--keetoanchwa and cheechwit--and note the robust strength with which they can be uttered. What a grand roll of drums there is in that long, strong word, conchwilchwil." Mr Powers gives the following declension: I, hwe; father, hoota; my father, hwehoota; you, nine; your father, nineta; mother, necho; death, cheechwit; your mother's death, nincho cheechwit.[II'-58]

On the western slope of Mount Shasta, there is the Wi-Lackee language, which bears a close likeness to the Hoopah; on Mad River is the Lassic and on Eel River the Siah, both probably Hoopah dialects, and on Smith River in Del Norte County, the Haynaggi, Tolewah and Tahahteen, also presumably Hoopah and Wi-Lackee dialects. The following comparative table of the numerals in the Tolewah, Hoopah, and Wi-Lackee dialects, will serve to illustrate their relationship.

TOLEWAH. HOOPAH. WI-LACKEE.

One chla chla clyhy Two nacheh nach nocka Three tacheh tach tock Four tencheh tinckh tenckha Five swoila chwola tusculla Six ostáneh hostan cooslac Seven tsayteh ochkit coosnac Eight lanésh tnata cahnem coostac Nine chla ntuch nocósta coosténckha Ten neh sun minchla kwang enta

[Sidenote: SPEECH OF THE APACHE TRIBES.]

In the southern and last division of the Tinneh family are found the great Apache and Navajo nations, with their many dialects. The Apaches may be said to inhabit or rather to roam over the country, commencing at the Colorado desert and extending east to the Rio Pecos, or from about 103° to 114° west long., and from Utah Territory into the states of Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Texas, or from about 38° to 30° north lat. Hardly two authors agree in stating the number and names of the different tribes belonging to this nation.[II'-59] The names by which they are known among themselves are, according to Orozco y Berra: Vinni ettinen-ne, Segatajen-ne, Tjuiccujen-ne, Iccujen-ne, Yutajen-ne, Sejen-ne, Cuelcajen-ne, Lipajen-ne, for which the Mexicans have substituted, such words as Apaches, Tontos, Chiricaguis, Gileños, Mimbreños, Faraones, Mescaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes, and Navajos.[II'-60] The nations that make up this great people are the Chiricaguis in north-eastern Sonora; Coyoteros in the Gila country; Faraones, west of New Mexico in the Sierras del Diablo, Chanate, and Pilares; Gileños at the eastern base of the Sierra de los Mimbres south of the Rio Gila; the people of the copper mines on both banks of the Rio Grande, ranging west to the Coyoteros and Pinaleños, and also into Chihuahua and Sonora, and at Lake Guzman west of Paso del Norte; the Lipanes, or Ipandes, in Texas; the Llaneros, north-east of Santa Fé, and northerly of the Rio Rojo de Natchitoches or Rio Pecos; Mescaleros, in the Sierras del Diablo, Chanate, Pilares, and on both banks of the Rio Tuerco, above its confluence with the Rio Grande; the Natages, or Natajes, in Texas near the Lipanes; the Pelones, in Coahuila; the Pinaleños, in the Sierras del Pinal and Blanca; the Tejuas, east of the Rio Grande, in the Gila country; the Tontos, in north-eastern Sonora, in the north-east near the Seris in the Pimeria Alta, and south of the Maricopas and the Rio Gila; the Vaqueros in the eastern part of New Mexico; the Mimbreños, in the Sierra de los Mimbres, west of Paso del Norte, and in the south-western end of New Mexico, on the northern boundary of Chihuahua.[II'-61] The Xicarillas, whose dialect forms the principal connecting link between the Apache language and the Tinneh family, live on the Rio de los Osos, west of the Rio Grande; also in the Moro Mountains and along the Cimarron.[II'-62] All the Apache tribes speak dialects but slightly varying from one another, and all can converse easily together. Different accentuations and some peculiar vocal appellations are, for the most part, all that constitute severalness in these dialects. Don José Cortéz states that "the utterance of the language is very violent, but it is not so difficult to speak as the first impression of it would lead one to suppose; for the ear, becoming accustomed to the sound, discovers a cadence in the words." "It has great poverty, both of expression and words." It appears as well that the harsh gutturals so constantly heard among the northern members of the Tinneh family, frequently occur in the Apache dialects.[II'-63] Bartlett writes, "it sounds like a combination of Polish, Chinese, Choctaw, and Dutch. Grunts and gutturals abound, and there is a strong resemblance to the Hottentot click. Now blend these together, and as you utter the word, swallow it, and the sound will be a fair specimen of an Apache word."[II'-64] Apache affiliations have been surmised by different writers, with nearly all their neighbors, and even with more distant nations. Arricivita hints at a possible relationship with the Otomí, because an Otomí muleteer told him that he could converse with the Apaches.[II'-65] The Shoshone and Comanche dialects have also been referred to the Tinneh trunk, but in reality they belong to the Sonora vernacular, a discovery first made by Turner, and proved by Buschmann.

Col. Cremony, who was interpreter for the United States Mexican boundary commission, and hence conversant with the Apache language, gives some valuable grammatical notes. "Their verbs," he says "express the past, present and future with much regularity, and have the infinitive, indicative, subjunctive and imperative moods, together with the first, second and third persons, and the singular, dual and plural numbers. Many of them are very irregular, and depend upon auxiliaries which are few. In all that relates to special individuality the language is exacting; thus, shee means I, or me; but shee-dah means I myself, or me myself; dee means thee or thou; but dee-dah means you yourself especially and personally, without reference to any other being. When an Apache is relating his own personal adventures he never says shee for I, because that word, in some sense, includes all who were present and took any part in the affair but he uses the word shee-dah, to show that the act was wholly his own. The pronouns are: shee--I; shee-dah--I myself; dee--thee or thou; dee-dah, thee thyself; aghan--it, he, her, or they. The word to-dah means no, and all their affirmatives are negatived by dividing this word so as to place the first syllable in front and the second in the rear of the verb to be negatived. For example, ink-tah means, sit down, but to say, do not sit down, we must express it to-ink-tah-dah; nuest-chee-shee, come here; to-nuest-chee-shee-dah, do not come here; anah-zont-tee, begone; to-anah-zont-tee-dah, do not begone."[II'-66]

[Sidenote: APACHE GRAMMAR.]

CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE, AH GHONTAY.

PRESENT INDICATIVE.

I am, tak she | We are, tan-ah-hee-ah-aht-tee Thou art, tan-dee-ah-aht-tee | You are, nah-hee-ah-aht-tee He is, tah-annah | They are, aghan-day-aht-tee

IMPERFECT.

I was, tash-ee-ah-ash-ee Thou wast, dee-ah-alt-een He was, tah annah-kah-on-yah We were, akannah sin-kah You were, nah-hee-dah-a-kan nah-dash-shosh They were, aghan-do-doh-ah-kah-gah-kah

FIRST FUTURE.

I shall be, she-ah-dosh-´n-dahl | We shall be, nah-he-do-gont-ee dahl Thou wilt be, dee-ay-goh-ay-dahl | You will be, nah-he-nah-hat-han-dahl He will be, ando-ay-gah-ee-dahl | They will be, nah-hayt-han-dahl

CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO DO, AH GOSH LAH.

PRESENT INDICATIVE.

I do, she-ash-lah | We do, tah-nah-hee-ah-ghont-lah Thou dost, tan-dee-aghon-lah | You do, nah-hee-ah-ghast-lah He does tah-pee-ay-il-lah | They do, tah-goh-pee-ah-goh-lah

IMPERFECT.

I did, tah-she-ash-lah | We did, tah-nah-kee-and-lah Thou didst, dee-and-lah | You did, nah-hee-alt-lah He did, pee-ind-lah | They did, goh-pee-ah-goh-nind-lah

FIRST FUTURE.

I shall do, tash-ee-ah-dosh-leel Thou wilt do, dee-ah-goh-dont-leel He will do, tah-pee-aye-dahl-teel We shall do, tah-nah-he-ah-go-dont-leel You will do, nah-he-ah-dash-leel They will do, go-pee-ah-guill-dah-leel

PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE.

If I do, she-ash-lah-nah-ah | If we do, tah-nah-hee-ant-lah If thou do, dee-alt-in-dahl | If you do, nah-hee-alt-lah If he do, tah-pee-ayilt-in-dahl | If they do, go-pee-ah-wilt-ee

IMPERATIVE.

Do thou, eah-and-lah

PRESENT PARTICIPLE.

Doing, ah-whee-lah

CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO EAT, ISH SHAN.

PRESENT INDICATIVE.

I eat, she-ish-shan | We eat, tah-nah-de-hit-tahn Thou eatest, deah-in-nah | You eat, nah-he-naloh-in-day He eats, aghan-iz-yan | They eat, goh-pee-goo-iz-yun

PERFECT.

I have eaten, she-ohz-yan Thou hast eaten, dee-schlee-ohn-nah He has eaten, aghan-ohnz-yan We have eaten, tah-nah-hee-al-ke-dah-ohn-tan You have eaten, nah-he-ahz-yan They have eaten, goh-pee-go-yohnz-yan

FIRST FUTURE.

I shall eat, she-go-ish-shan Thou wilt eat, dee-doh-in-mah-dahl He will eat, aghandoh-iz-yan We shall eat, tah-nah-hee-hin-tahn-dahl You will eat, nah-he-goh-an-shan They will eat, goh-pee-goh-iz-yan-dahl

IMPERATIVE.

Eat thou, tan-dee-in-nah | Let them eat, tah-goh-pee-niz-yan

CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO SLEEP, IL HOOSH.

PRESENT INDICATIVE.

I sleep, she-ish-hoosh | We sleep, tah-nah-he-il-hoosh Thou sleepest, dee-ilt-hoosh | You sleep, nah-he-il-hoosh He sleeps, aghan-it-hoosh | They sleep, go-pee-will-hoosh

PERFECT.

I have slept, she-al-kee-dah-ish-hash Thou hast slept, dee-al-kee-dah-ish-hash He has slept, aghando-ish-hash We have slept, tah-nah-he-al-kee-dah-il-gash You have slept, nah-he-al-kee-dah-al-hoosh They have slept, go-pee-al-kee-dah-go-il-gash

FIRST FUTURE.

I shall sleep, she-do-ish-hoosht-tahl Thou wilt sleep, dee-do-dohl-goosh He will sleep, aghando-il-hoosht-dahl We shall sleep, tah-nah-he-do-il-goosh-tahl You will sleep, nah-he-doh-al-hoosh-tahl They will sleep, go-pee-go-will-hoosh-tahl

IMPERATIVE.

Sleep thou, dee-ilh-hoosh Sleep you, nah-hee-doh-al-hoosh Sleep they, go-pee-go-il-hoosh

CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO LOVE, IN KAY GO ISHT LEE.

PRESENT INDICATIVE.

I love, sheah-in-kay-go-isht-lee | We love, | tan-ah-hee-in-kay-go-it-lee Thou lovest, deah-vick-kay-go-int-lee | You love, | nah-he-vick-kay-at-lee He loves, aghan-ee-kay-go-it-lee | They love, | goh-pee-vick-kay-go-it-lee

IMPERFECT.

I loved, she-in-kay-go-isht-leeth-lay Thou lovedst, dee-vick-kay-go-int-leeth-lee He loved, aghan-vick-kay-go-it-leelth-lee We loved, tan-ah-hee-vick-kay-int-leelth-lee You loved, nah-he-vick-kay-at-leelth-lee They loved, go-pee-vick-kay-go-leelth-lee

FIRST FUTURE.

Thou wilt love, dee-vick-kay-go-isht-lee-dahl He will love, ghan-vick-kay-go-it-lee-dahl I shall love, he-in-kay-go-isht-lee-dahl We shall love, tah-nah-he-vick-kay-go-it-tlee-dahl You will love, nah-he-vick-kay-at-tlee-dahl They will love, goh-pee-vick-kay-go-it-tlee-dahl

IMPERFECT POTENTIAL.

I should love, she 'dn-vick-kay-go-isht-leel-dahl Thou shouldst love, dee 'dn-vick-kay-go-isht-leel-dahl He should love, aghan-vick-kay-ich-klee-dahl We should love, tah-nah-he-vick-kay-go-in-klee-dahl You should love, nah-he-vick-kay-go-in-klee-dahl They should love, goh-pee-vick-kay-go-in-klee-dahl

IMPERATIVE.

Love thou, vick-kay-go-it-lee Love you, nah-he-vick-kay-at-lee Let them love, goh-pee-vick-kay-go-it-lee

NUMERALS.

One tash-ay-ay Two nah-kee Three kah-yay Four in-yeh Five asht-lay Six host-kon-nay Seven host-ee-day Eight hah-pee Nine 'n-ghost-ay Ten go-nay-nan-nay Eleven klats-ah-tah Twelve nah-kee-sah-tah Thirteen kah-yay-sah-tah Fourteen tin-sah-tah-hay Fifteen asht-lay-sah-tah-hay Sixteen host-kon-sah-tah-hay Seventeen host-ee-sah-tah-hay Eighteen tan-pee-sah-tah-hay Nineteen 'n-ghost-ah-sah-tah-hay Twenty natin-yay Thirty kah-tin-yay Forty tinsh-tin-yay Fifty asht-lah-tin-yay Sixty host-kon-tin-yay Seventy host-ee-tin-yay Eighty san-vee-tin-yay Ninety 'n-ghost-ah-tin-yay One hundred tah-len-too-ooh One thousand go-nay-nan-too-ooh Two thousand nah-tin-ee-too-ooh

The following sentences will serve as specimens to show the construction of this language.

Whence come you? hash-ee-ohn-dahl?

I come from afar, an-dah-she-oh-thal.

I am a friend, tah-in-joon-ay-ish-lee.

What do you want? ee-ya-althe-ee 'n?

There are wood, water, and grass, tooh-tlo-chee-gon-lee.

Go and watch the enemy, niñ-dah-bin-naht-hah-aden-he.

Take notice of them, gon-joon-ay-go-hah-den-ee.

Of what nation are they? yah-indah-aht-ee?

Where is their camp? hah-ay-vee-goat-hah?

Note well their position, gon-joon-ay-go-nel-he-hayago-ah-tay-na-lee.

They are near by, goh-pee-ach-han-nay-she-go.

I do not believe it, too-vah-osht-lah-dah.

Show me the road, in-tin-dee-she-chee-toh-golt-chee.

Mine, shee.

It is mine, es-shee.

Thine, dee.

It is his or hers, ah-koon-pee.

It is not mine, too-she-dah.

It is not thine, too-in-dee-dah.

It is not his or hers, too-pee-dah.

These, tee-hay-ah.

Those, ah-wayh-hay-yah.

[Sidenote: SPEECH IN THE MESCALERO DIALECT.]

As a further illustration, I give a speech made by General Carleton during an interview with the Mescaleros, which was translated and written down at the time by Col. Cremony.

Nah-heedn day nah goodnltay; toogo take headah; Your people are bad; they have not kept faith;

bayay geah gontay; schlee nahhah goh inay een; they are treacherous; they have stolen our horses;

nahgah godilt say; nahhannah gwinheay endah ah tay; they have murdered our people; they must make amends;

too nahhan neet ee dah; tah nakee ahendah adenh dee; they must cease troubling us; they must obey our orders;

nah schleen nahhannah weedah ayl; han eganday they must restore our animals; they must

nahhannah goee dalt yeal; enday nahhah hitjash give up the murderers; they must give us

toohayago andadah; alkeedah llaynah ildee; eschlanay hostages; let them remember past times; they were

vaygo daht eel; saylth lee goh-pee; taat hooay takee numerous and powerful; they held all the sierras; they occupied all

anah goh kah; tah golkahay takay ikay goon lee; the water-holes; they were masters of the plains;

tash lainah too nelchedah. Ako ahn day hahdah? none made them afraid. Where are they now?

Eeyah veeahkah tsay nogoshee 'n nilt ee? Nakay eeah Why do they hide behind rocks? Where is their

haddah? Bahyay kay 'n nilt ee? She aghan iltisch possession? Why do they hide like coyotes? I will tell

in dee; taykay indah nash lee; taykay ay them why; they have been enemies to all other people; they have made

veeakah nah hindah; tahnahhe elchindah nah hee; all other people their enemies; they have made enemies of each other;

tannahee eedaltsay ayveeahkah hee nahindah; too nah they have lived by robbery and murder; they have

yah seedah; tah nalkoneeay vickaygo tee en nahseego; not worked; idleness breeds want;

tee en nahseego chin nah hilt yeeay; chevilheeaygo want breeds hunger; hunger

vilkonyeago takhoogo ont yeal; yont hooaygo anaht eel; and idleness breed crime; they have committed crimes;

takhoogo ninis yah; the punishment has fallen on them;

aghon ahltay koohaygo naht lee; their thousands have become hundreds;

elchinalcheego vickeah golt seel; nahee vah ahtee we speak harsh truths; we speak so only for

elchinahtee; naschayhay too ahnah lahdah; their good; we have no vengeance in our hearts;

Elchinalcheego inklees andah 'n june; nah kashee Our talk is hard but good; let them

vanan an keeays; anahtay kahdayah too wakhahdah; reflect upon it; let them change their ways;

innee nahl ash lah; ilk jeel eego andah 'n june.[II'-67] let them cultivate the earth; let them be a strong but a good people.

Mr Dorr, writing in the Overland Monthly, makes an erroneous assertion that the Apache and Zuñi languages are the same, "differing only in accent, intonation, and cadence, they understand each other without difficulty. The Zuñi, or Apache language is very flexible and suave, and may at some time have been the Court language of the ancient races. It is often as expressive of fine shades of distinction as even the Greek itself. It preserves--in the adyta of its wonderful radicals--the traditional duality of the human race: its dual, as well as singular and plural, forms of speech."[II'-68]

Vater intimates a relationship between the Apaches and the Pawnees, and that chiefly on the ground of a similarity in the names Pawnees and Lipanes.[II'-69]

Pimentel gives a Lord's Prayer in the Lipan dialect, which will serve as a specimen of the language:

'Cutall nezlló ezllá anel ti qui Llatá; setezdanela net agá nautela; nosesene nda tendajé lle agá tandé: tanzanenda agá atanclaju, senegui ti ezllza glezi, aj ullú ti lle lata; Lle tulatan nezllé ja lagé tatichi anizané tatichi en gucecen dé joullé vandaezhé lenegui ajullú da yé nachezonllé tenagé vandaezhec en ne zto agatenjá tendá tlez ti tezchupanen da glicóa genechi te najacengli Gaache lyé net.'[II'-70]

The Navajos, or Apache Navajos, of New Mexico, like the northern Tinneh, call themselves Tennai, men. Their dialect approaches the Xicarilla Apache, and Mr Eaton even asserts that it is about the same.[II'-71] Pike mentions the Nanahaws, which name is probably intended for Navajos, as no other account can be found of such a people.

[Sidenote: TINNEH VOCABULARY.]

COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THE TINNEH FAMILY.

------------+--------+--------+---------+-----------+-----------+--------+ |STONE. |FIRE. |WATER. | DOG. | SUN. |KNIFE. | ------------+--------+--------+---------+-----------+-----------+--------+ Apache | zeyzai | kou | toah | zeetzaian | skeemai | pesh | Apache }| | | | | | | Coppermine }| tzi | con |t'hochon | klinchane |chigonakai | pes | Atnah | tzesch | tkchon | ttuu | tchlikja | noai | | Beaver | | | too | tlee | | | Chepewyan | thaih | counn | tto | thling | sakh | bess | Dogrib | thai | cun | to | kling | ssa | paas | Hoopah | tsha | hoh | tahnahn | schlunh | hontsah |salstha | Inkilik | |ttakuna | tu | klikhk | nooja |tschawyk| Inkalit | luohna | kchun | te | klikhk | nooi |tschawyk| Kenai |kaljniki| tasi | miljtni | chlika | channoo |kisjaki | Koltshane | tzi | |tokatschj| liki |naaitschete| | Kutchin | tchi | khon | tchu | tleine | r'seyé | r'si | Kwalhioqua | | | | | |tschoho | Loucheux | | | tchu | | | tlay | Navajo | tsai | tcou | toe |kleechahee | chohaeha | pesh | North'n Ind.| |odelchat| ictoo | anelwosh | | pace | Apache }| | | | | | | Pinaleño }|tschayer| | to | | yaheye |paysche | Sursee | | coo | | tley | | marsh | Tacully | tse | coun | tou | sleing | tsa | téisch | Tenan }| | | | | | | Kutchin }| utsih | | chu | klankoyah | soh | | Tlatskanai | zeyzay | khtane | to | schling | taosse | tekhe | Ugalenze | tza | takak | kaja | chaua | katakyl | zachlj | Umpqua | seh | khong | tkho | schlinge | scha | natlmi | Unakatana | luohna | khun | tu | klikhk | taltohna | | Xicarilla | | cone | ko | klinchaah | | | Apache }| | | | | | | Mescalero }| teesch | kunh' | too-ooh |neechschlee|shoonnahaye| pesh |

------------+---------+----------+------------+-----------+--------- | MAN. | EYE. | ONE. | TWO. | THREE. ------------+---------+----------+------------+-----------+--------- Apache | ailee | konda | tahse | nahkee | tai Apache }| | | | | Coppermine }| n'de | sleenda | tashte | naki | ta-i Atnah | tkichlj | ssnega |schtschelkai| nateakcha | taakei Beaver | tiné | | | | Chepewyan | 'tinné | naw | slachy | nakhé | takke Dogrib |tchelaqui| ztennhae | 'nthlaré | nakhké | khtarre Hoopah |quaietai | hunnah | tlah | nahe | tahek Inkilik |ttynnaij | noga | kissleka | inteka | tokak Inkalit | tynni | noga | kissleka | inteka | toka Kenai | tynni | ssnaga | zelkei | techa | tokchke Koltshane |tschilje |tschintagi| ilite | lakeji | takei Kutchin | tengi | | tihlagga | nakhei | thieka Kwalhioqua | | | | | Loucheux | tenghie | | | | Navajo | tennai | hunnah | tathlai | naki | tanh North'n Ind.| tinneh | naw | she |chellatelle| elthoi Apache }| | | | | Pinaleño }|payyahnay| chindar | | | Sursee | |senourvoh | vttegar | vkkeer | tankey Tacully | dinay | nah | etscha | nangkakh | taki Tenan }| | | | | Kutchin }| tinji | sintaga | | | Tlatskanai | khanae | nakhai | schlié | natoke | tage Ugalenze | togoju | kalljag | tlchinke | gaatte | toolkoa Umpqua | toene | naye | aitschla | nakhok | taak Unakatana | tena lo | sunoga | | | Xicarilla | tinday | pindah | | | Apache }| | | | | Mescalero }| enday | shindah | tash-ayay | nahkee | kahyay

FOOTNOTES:

[II'-1] See vol. i., p. 42 et seq. of this work.

[II'-2] 'Ces deux langues ... sont absolument la même que celle des Vogules, habitants de la Tartarie, et la même que celle des Lapons.' Monglave, in Antiq. Mex., tom. i., div. i., p. 65. 'Les Esquimaux d'Amérique et les Tchoutchis de l'extrémité nord de l'Asie orientale ... il est aisé de reconnaître qu'ils appartiennent à une même famille.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 330. 'The whole arctic shore of North America is possessed by the Esquimaux and Greenlanders, who speak an original tongue called Karalit.' McCulloh's Researches in Amer., p. 36. 'The Arctic region is mainly covered by dialects of a single language--the Eskimo.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 384. 'Der Amerikanische Sprachtypus, die Eskimo-Sprache, reicht hinüber nach Asien.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 711. 'Alle Eskimos sprechen im Wesentlichen dieselbe Sprache.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 280. 'The language of the Western Esquimaux so nearly resembles that of the tribes to the eastward.' Beechey's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 311; Sauer's Billings' Ex., p. 245; Kotzebue's Voyage, vol. iii., p. 314; Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 30; Dease and Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 222; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 68. But Vater does not believe that the language extends across to Asia. 'Dass sich wohl ein Einfluss der Eskimo-Sprache, aber nicht diese selbst über die zwischen Asien and Amerika liegenden Inseln erstreckt.' Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 458, 426.

[II'-3] Veniaminoff, Ueber die Sprachen des russ. Amer., in Erman, Archiv., tom. vii., No. 1, p. 126 et seq.

[II'-4] Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr., tom. i., p. 359 et seq.

[II'-5] 'Alle diese Völkerschaften reden eine Sprache and gehören zu einem und demselben Stamme, der sich auch weiter nördlich längs der Küste ... ausdehnt.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 122.

[II'-6] Kotzebue's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 175.

[II'-7] Of the similarity between the Kadiak and Alaska idiom, Langsdorff says: 'In a great degree the clothing and language of the Alaskans, are the same as those of the people of Kodiak.' Voy., vol. ii., p. 236. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., pp. 68-69.

[II'-8] Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 364 et seq.; Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. iii., No. i., pp. 142-43; Beechey's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 366; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 458 et seq.; notes on the Chugatsh dialect at Prince William Sound in Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 374-6, and Portlock's Voy., pp. 254-5.

[II'-9] 'Er konnte die Sprache dieser Insulaner nicht ... verstehen.' Neue Nachrichten, p. 105.

[II'-10] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 522.

[II'-11] Dall's Alaska, pp. 377-8.

[II'-12] 'Dass sich wohl ein Einfluss der Eskimo-Sprache aber nicht diese selbst über die zwischen Asien and Amerika liegenden Inseln erstreckt.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., 458.

[II'-13] 'Der Bewohner von Unalaschka kann den von Kadjack gar nicht verstehen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 123-289.

[II'-14] 'Dass ... sich das aleutische Idiom ... als ein eigner, von dem grossen eskimoischen ganz verschiedener Sprachtypus erweist.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 702 et seq. Veniaminoff's examples are as follows: active, he took; medium, he took me; passive, he was born. In Erman, Archiv, tom. iii., No. 1, pp. 136-8; Veniaminoff, Sapiski ob Ostrovach Oonalashkinskacho Otjela, tom. ii., pp. 264-71.

[II'-15] Dall's Alaska, p. 386; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 459-460.

[II'-16] 'Von St Eliasberge bis hinunter zum Columbia-Strome.' Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 9.

[II'-17] 'Sie erstrecken sich von Iakutat südlich bis zu den Charlotten-Inseln.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 219.

[II'-18] 'Von Ltu bis Stachin, und hat fast nur einen Dialect.' Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.

[II'-19] Bryant's Jour., in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 302. The Tungass language 'as Mr. Tolmie conjectured, is nearly the same as that spoken at Sitga.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218.

[II'-21] Marchand, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 109-110.

[II'-22] La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 238. 'Their language is harsh and unpleasant to the ear.' Portlock's Voy., p. 293. 'It appears barbarous, uncouth, and difficult to pronounce.' Dixon's Voy., p. 172. 'La dificil pronunciacion de sus vozes ... pues las forman de la garganta con un movimiento de la lengua contra el paladar.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS., pp. 46-47.

[II'-23] 'Von der ganzen Liste bleibt allein The, Stein als ähnlich.' Buschmann, Pima u. Koloschen Sprache, p. 386. 'Zwischen ihnen und der mexicanischen in Wörtern und Grammatik keine Verwandtschaft existirt ... gänzlich vom Mex. verschieden sind.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 69. 'Je n'ai trouvé aucune ressemblance entre les mots de cette langue et celle des ... Mexicains.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 240.

[II'-24] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 212-13; Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 16.

[II'-25] Buschmann, Pima u. Koloschen Sprache, p. 388.

[II'-26] La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 238-9.

[II'-27] Veniaminoff, _Sapiski ob Ostrovach Oonalashkinskacho Otjela_, tom. iii., pp. 149-51. No translation is given.

[II'-28] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 225.

[II'-29] 'Dimensionen, in welchen er ein ungeheures Gebiet im Innern des nördlichen Continents einnimmt, nahe an das Eismeer reicht, und queer das nordamerikanische Festland durchzieht: indem er im Osten die Hudsonsbai, im Südwesten in abgestossenen Stämmen am Umpqua-Flusse das stille Meer berührt.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 323. 'This great family includes a large number of North American tribes, extending, from near the mouth of the Mackenzie, south to the borders of Mexico.' Dall's Alaska, p. 428. 'There are outlyers of the stock as far as the southern parts of Oregon. More than this, there are Athabascans in California, New Mexico and Sonora.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 393. 'Dass er in seinem Hauptgürtel von der nördlichen Hudsonsbai aus fast die ganze Breite des Continents durchläuft; und dass er in abgesonderten, in die Ferne geschleuderten Gliedern, gen Süden nicht allein unter dem 46ten (Tlatskanai und Kwalhioqua) und 43ten Grade nördlicher Breite (Umpqua) das stille Meer berührt, sondern auch tief im Innern in den Navajos den 36ten Grad trifft ... während er im Norden und Nordwesten den 65ten Grad und beinahe die Gestade des Polarmeers erreicht.' Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 313. See also vol. i., pp. 114, 143-9.

[II'-30] Gibbs, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 303.

[II'-31] 'The Sarsees who are but few in number, appear from their language, to come on the contrary from the North-Westward, and are of the same people as the Rocky-Mountain Indians ... who are a tribe of the Chepewyans.' Mackenzie's Voyages, pp. lxxi-lxxii.

[II'-32] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 252; Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 19. The Sarsi, Sussees 'speak a dialect of the Chippewyan (Athapascan), allied to the Tahkali.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219.

[II'-33] 'They speak a copious language, which is very difficult to be attained.' Mackenzie's Voyages, p. 114. 'As a language it is exceedingly meagre and imperfect.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 3, 28.

[II'-34] Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 3, 7; Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 76. 'Hare Indians, who also speak a dialect of the Chipewyan language.' Id., p. 83. Rocky Mountain Indians differ but little from the Strongbow, Beaver, etc. Id., p. 85; Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., pp. 388, 391; Id., vol. iii., p. 393; Cox's Adven., p. 323.

[II'-35] Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., pp. 215-16, 269.

[II'-36] Richardson's Jour., pp. 377-413; Latham's Native Races, pp. 293-4; Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 320; Hardisty, in Id., p. 311.

[II'-37] 'They speak a language distinct from the Chipewyan,' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. 'The similarity of language amongst all the tribes (Athabascans) that have been enumerated under this head (the Loucheux excepted) is fully established. It does not appear to have any distinct affinities with any other than that of the Kinai.' Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 20. 'The language of the latter (Loucheux) is entirely different from that of the other known tribes who possess the vast region to the northward of a line drawn from Churchill, on Hudson's Bay, across the Rocky Mountains, to New Caledonia.' Simpson's Nar., p. 157. 'The Degothees or Loucheux, called Quarrellers by the English, speak a different language.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 542.

[II'-38] Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 311.

[II'-39] Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 400-1; Hooper's Tuski, p. 270.

[II'-40] Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., pp. 6-7; Baer, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 97; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 228; Dall's Alaska, p. 430; Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292.

[II'-41] Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 223; Krusentern, Woerter-Sammlung, p. xi.

[II'-42] 'So nennen die Seeküstenbewohner Ulukag Mjuten Inkiliken, und diese letzten nennen sich selbst entweder nach dem Dorfe, oder im allgemeinen Ttynai-Chotana.' Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr., p. 321.

[II'-43] Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.

[II'-44] 'Ihre Sprache ist zwar von der der Koloschen verschieden, stammt aber von derselben Wurzel ab.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 97.

[II'-45] Dall's Alaska, p. 430.

[II'-46] 'Ich bleibe dabei stehn sie für eine athapaskische Sprache zu erklären.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 687. 'Two tribes are found, on the Pacific Ocean, whose kindred languages, though exhibiting some affinities both with that of the Western Eskimaux and with that of the Athapascas, we shall, for the present, consider as forming a distinct family. They are the Kinai, in or near Cook's Inlet or River, and the Ugaljachmutzi (Ougalachmioutzy) of Prince William's Sound.' Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 14.

[II'-47] 'Dieses Volk gehört gleich den Ugalenzen zu einem und demselben Stamme mit den Koloschen.... Auch in der Sprache giebt es mehrere Wörter, die auf eine gemeinschaftliche Wurzel hindeuten.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 99.

[II'-48] 'Gehört zu demselben Stamme wie die Galzanen oder Koltschanen, Atnaer und Koloschen. Dieses bezeugt nicht nur die noch vorhandene Aehnlichkeit einiger Wörter in den Sprachen dieser Völker (eine Aehnlichkeit, welche freilich in der Sprache der Koloschen kaum noch merkbar und fast gänzlich verschwunden ist).' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 103.

[II'-49] 'Die Kinai, Kenai oder Kenaizen wurden bisher schon als ein Hauptvolk und ihre Sprache als eine hauptsächliche des russischen Nordamerika's betrachtet. Sie umziehen in ihren Wohnungen an jener Küste die grosse Kinai-Bucht oder den sogenannten Cooks-Fluss. Ihr Idiom galt bisher als eine selbstständige und ursprüngliche Sprache, Trägerinn mehrerer anderer. Nach meinen Entdeckungen ist es ein Glied des grossen athapaskischen Sprachstammes, und seine Verwandten im russischen Nordwesten sind andere Glieder desselben.' Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 223.

[II'-50] 'Die Kenai-Sprache ist, wegen der Menge ihrer Gurgellaute, von allen Idiomen des russischen Amerika's am schwierigsten auszusprechen. Selbst die Nachbarn der Kenajer, deren Sprachen schon ein sehr geschmeidiges Organ erfordern, sind nicht im Stande, Wörter des Kenajischen rein wiederzugeben.' Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.

[II'-51] Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 119.

[II'-52] 'Sie sprechen eine Sprache, die ganz verschieden ist von der an der Seeküste gebräuchlichen Sprache der Aleuten von Kadjack; der Dialect der Inkaliten ist ein Gemisch aus den Sprachen der Kenayer, Unalaschken und Atnaer ... auch die Anwigmüten und Magimüten sind Inkaliten.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 120-1.

[II'-53] 'Der zwei Stämme des Volkes Ttynai, hauptsächlich der Inkiliken und der Inkaliten-jug-elnut.' Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr., tom. i., p. 352; Whymper's Alaska, p. 175.

[II'-54] 'Die näher wohnenden gehören zu demselben Stamme wie die Atnaer und Kenayer und können sich mit ihnen, obgleich sie einen anderen Dialect sprechen, verständigen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 101.

[II'-55] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62; Mackenzie's Voyages, p. 284. 'Their language is very similar to that of the Chipewyans, and has a great affinity to the tongues spoken by the Beaver Indians and the Sicaunes. Between all the different villages of the Carriers, there prevails a difference of dialect, to such an extent, that they often give different names to the most common utensils.' Harmon's Jour., pp. 285-6, 379, 193, 196; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 178. 'Les Indiens de la côte ou de la Nouvelle Calédonie, les Tokalis, les Chargeurs (Carriers), les Schouchouaps, les Atnas, appartiennent tous à la nation des Chipeouaïans.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337; Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 20. 'A branch of the great Chippewyan (Athapascan) stock.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 202.

[II'-56] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 533.

[II'-57] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225; Hines' Voy., p. 117.

[II'-58] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 157-8; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422; Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 87-5. 'Ich habe später die Hoopah Sprache wirklich für eine athapaskische angenommen.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 576.

[II'-59] Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 325. 'Desde el Real de Chiguagua, cruzando al Poniente, hasta el rio Gila, y subiendo al Norte, hasta el Moqui, y Nuevo México, y Provincias de Texas y Quahuila; y revolviendo al Sur remata en el sobredicho Real.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 338; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 177; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 212-3; 'Extend from the black mountains in New México to the frontiers of Cogquilla.' Pike's Explor. Trav., (Phil. 1810,) appendix, p. 10; Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 83; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 446; Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 13; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 298; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 8. 'Se extienden en el vasto espacio de dicho continente, que comprenden los grados 30 á 38 de latitud Norte, y 264 á 277 de longitud de Tenerife.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 369; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 393, et seq. 'Tota hæc regio, quam Novam Mexicanam vocant, ab omnibus pene lateribus ambitur ab Apachibus.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. ii., 553; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 40.

[II'-60] Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 369. 'La nacion apache es una misma aunque con las denominaciones de Gileños, Carlanes, Chilpaines, Xicarillas, Faraones, Mescaleros, Natales, Lipanes, etc. varia poco en su idioma,' Doc. Hist. Mex., série iv., tom. iii., p. 10. 'Los Apaches se dividen en cinco parcialidades como son: Tontos ó Coyoteros, Chiricahues, Gileños, Faraones, Mescaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes, Xicarillas y otras.' Barreiro, Ojeada, appendix, p. 7. Browne mentions the Gila Apaches, and as belonging to them Mimbrenas, Chiricahuas, Sierra Blancas, Pinal llanos, Coyoteros, Cominos, Tontos, and Mogallones.' Apache Country, p. 290; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 177-8; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 211. 'The Apache; from which branch the Navajos, Apaches, Coyoteros, Mescaleros, Moquis, Yabipias, Maricopas, Chiricaquis, Chemeguabas, Yumayas (the last two tribes of the Moqui), and the Nijoras, a small tribe on the Gila.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 194; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 298; 1858, pp. 205-6; 1854, p. 180; 1861, p. 122; 1862, p. 238; 1863, p. 108; 1864, p. 156; 1865, p. 506; 1869, p. 234; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 289. 'Los apaches se dividen en nueve parcialidades ó tribus.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 251. 'Since acquiring the Apache language, I have discovered that they (Lipans) are a branch of that great tribe, speaking identically the same language, with the exception of a few terms and names of things existing in their region and not generally known to those branches which inhabit Arizona and New Mexico.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 21.

[II'-61] Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 303, et seq. 'El intermedio del Colorado y Gila, ocupan los yavipaistejua, y otros yavipais; al sur del Moqui son todos yavipais, que es lo mismo que apaches, donde se conoce el gran terreno que ocupa esta nacion.' Garcés, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii., tom. i., p. 352; San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Feb. 18, 1864. Padilla mentions the following nations with the Apaches: 'Apaches, Pharaones, Natagees, Gilas, Mescaleros, Cosninas, Quartelejos, Palomas, Xicarillas, Yutas, Moquinos.' Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 785; Cortez, Hist. Apache Nations, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 118-20. 'The Apaches, the Navahoes, and the Lipans, of Texas, speak dialects of the same language. The Jicarillas, (Hic-ah-ree-ahs) Mescaleros, Tontos, and Coyotens, are all bands of Apaches; and I am induced to think the Garoteros are also an offshoot from the Apache tribe.' Lane, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 689.

[II'-62] 'A distancia de cinco leguas, al mesmo rumbo (north of Taos), está una Nacion de Indios, que llaman Xicarillas.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 420; Davis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 255. Xicarillas, Apache Indians of northern New Mexico. Their language shows affinity with the great Athabascan stock of languages. Buschmann, Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des B. Nordamer., p. 274; Id., Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 318-9; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 203.

[II'-63] Cortez, Hist. Apache Nations, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 120. 'Hablan un mismo idioma, y aunque varia el acento y tal cual voz provincial, no influye esta diferencia que dejen de entenderse reciprocamente.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 339.

[II'-64] Bartlett's Letter, in Literary World, April 24, 1852, pp. 298-9. 'It abounds equally with guttural, hissing and indistinctly uttered mixed intonations.... It abounds in the sound of tz, so common in the Shemitic languages, of zl of d and the rough rr.... It may be suggested that its proper affinities are to be found in the Athpasca.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 202-3.

[II'-65] 'Le preguntó que si acaso entendia la lengua de los Apaches, y satisfizo con que era la misma Otomite que él hablaba, y solo con la diferencia de que ellos variaban la significacion de muchos vocablos que en la suya querian decir otras cosas: pero por el contexto de las otras palabras, facilmente se entendian.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 339.

[II'-66] Cremony's Apaches, p. 239; Id., in Overland Monthly, Sept. 1868, pp. 306-7.

[II'-67] Prepared at Fort Sumner, Bosque Redondo, on the Pecos River, New Mexico, in 1863, as certified by Brig. Gen. James H. Carleton, U. S. A., and the only Apache grammar known to exist at this date. Cremony's Vocabulary and Grammar of the Mescalero Apache Language, MS.

[II'-68] Dorr's Ride with the Apaches, in Overland Monthly, vol. vi., p. 343.

[II'-69] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt. iii., p. 179.

[II'-70] Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 251, and in _Coleccion Polidiómica Mexicana que contiene La Oracion Dominical; por la Sociedad Mex. Geog. y Estad._, México, 1860.

[II'-71] 'The Apaches call the Navajoes Yú-tah-kah. The Navajoes call themselves, as a tribe, Tenúai (man.) The appellation Návajo, was unquestionably given them by the Spaniards.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 217-8; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 229. 'Gehört ebenfalls zur Familie der Apaches.' Id., Reisen, tom. ii., p. 236.