The Fifth Book: 1659-1660

The Fifth Book: 1659-1660

1659.

In the forepart of the year 1659, there was great discord, and several factions among the people in England; for some adhered to the protector Richard, and others to the chief members of the long parliament; and the royalists made also a party. G. Fox being under a concern lest some young or raw people, who sometimes came amongst his friends, might be drawn into some of those several interests, wrote an epistle, warning such to be careful, and not at all to meddle with any plotting; but to consider that their warfare was a spiritual one, and not at all wanting the use of carnal weapons.

About this time William Caton came again into Holland, and finding at Amsterdam some malicious people who endeavoured to bring his fellow-believers there into trouble, and to stir up the mob against them, that so the magistrates might take occasion to look upon the Quakers as rioters, advised those of that persuasion to be circumspect, and to avoid as much as possibly they could the impending storm. In order thereto it was thought meet that their religious meetings, which on the weekdays were kept pretty late at night, on the first days of the week should not always be kept in one place, but sometimes in this, and at other times in another house. Sometimes a meeting was kept in an alley, at the town wall near the Regulars gate, where several English people dwelt, from whence it was called the English Alley, and has that name still: hither came very rude company, committing great insolence. The time before that W. Caton was in Holland, he met with an extraordinary rude encounter at the said place, insomuch that he seemed in danger of his life; for some wicked people, not daring to do their utmost in the house where he was, pushed him out of doors; but then a woman pulled him into her house, where he was safe, though at first he knew not whether he was among friends or foes. I yet well remember this fact, being at that time with my parents in the said disturbed meeting. Now Caton being a discreet and judicious person, and perceiving that some of his friends there had more of a rash zeal than true wisdom, advised the most moderate of them often to change meeting-places. In the beginning a meeting was kept now and then in St. John’s street, so called; and afterwards on Eland’s Graff, in an alley, at the house of one Richard Langham; and also on the Angelier’s Graff, in the house of my father; and some time after in the English alley abovesaid; and also without the town, near the river Amstel, in Kuypers Padt, or Cooper’s Lane; from whence the meeting was removed in the forepart of this year, (if my memory doth not deceive me,) into the Verwers Padt, or Dyer’s Lane; which was then without the city freedom, and the meeting-place was in a large garret of a tanner’s house, where oftentimes came abundance of people, and among these not a few of the rude rabble. Here the meeting was continued till the year 1663, when that place came into the possession of another owner.

W. Caton, after some stay in Holland, returned again to England. I think it was in this year that William Ames went into Germany, where being come into the Palatinate, he went to Heidelburgh, and came to the court of the prince Elector, Charles Lodowick, who treated him kindly, even at his own table, and seemed not to take offence at Ames’s hat, which he kept on, though the lords and others that were in the company, stood bareheaded. The baron of Helmont, who also was at that court, was wont to tell afterwards, that Ames walking once with his hat on, next to the prince in his garden, the courtiers asked the prince, whether they should question Ames for this incivility; but the prince said, ‘No, for I did expect that.’ At another time the prince made his chaplain and Ames both dine with him, on purpose, as it seems, that Ames, whom he knew to be a bold man, might find occasion to reprove his chaplain; for at meat he suffered his jester to come, who playing his tricks, the chaplain was silent; but Ames, who loved gravity, and was averse to jesting, took occasion from thence to reprove such vain actions; but chiefly he aimed at the chaplain, whom, because of his silence at the lewd behaviour of the jester, he called a dumb dog; which seemed to please the prince.

Now whilst William Ames was in the Palatinate, he got acquaintance with the Baptists at Krieshiem, a town not far from Worms; and among those people he found such entrance, that some families receiving the doctrine he preached, bore a public testimony for it there, and so continued till the settlement of Pennsylvania in America, when they unanimously went thither, not as it seemed without a singular direction of Providence; for not long after, a war ensued in Germany, where the Palatinate was altogether laid waste by the French, and thousands of people were bereft of their possessions, and reduced to poverty.

But to return to Ames, when some in the Palatinate began to give an ear to his preaching, a fine was settled upon those that gave him entertainment: but the prince Elector, being informed hereof, took off that fine; and though those of the consistory did send for Ames, the prince generously ordered them not to meddle with him. The prince’s sister also behaved herself very kindly towards him, and received his exhortations favourably.

A year after Ames came again into the Palatinate, with John Higgins, and visiting the prince Elector, he understood from the captain of the prince’s guard, that the prince was glad of Ames’s return thither. Awhile after Higgins delivered to the prince Elector a book of G. Fox, with a letter of Ames to the said prince, who was so well pleased with it, that he bade Higgins to thank Ames on his behalf, saying also that he took the coming of Ames and Higgins to him and his family very kindly, and really believed that what they spoke was in love to their souls.

Several years after this, some others of Ames’s friends from England, visited the aforesaid prince Elector, and he always, (to his praise be it said,) received them kindly. W. Ames, who was at sundry times in Germany, came not only to Hamburgh, but travelled also through Bohemia to Dantzick, and from thence to Poland. At Hamburgh and Dantzick he met with some that received the Truth he preached; but in Poland people were too rude and haughty, to get entrance among them.

In the forepart of this year, W. Ames being at Rotterdam in Holland, was confined there in Bedlam; which having made a great a noise, I will give a brief relation of it here. At Moordrecht, a village near Gouda, lived at that time one Martin Martinson, a cooper by trade; this man approving the doctrine preached by Ames at Rotterdam and elsewhere, began to assert it as truth: and seeing now and then he with some of his sober neighbours kept a meeting at his house, this caused a great stir in the town, insomuch that sometimes he suffered rude treatment from the people. Ames coming once there, and keeping a meeting in Martin’s house, great insolence was committed by the wicked rabble. And going from thence to pass over the water to Gouwerek, he was followed by a multitude of riotous people, both young and old, with a hideous cry of ‘Quake, Quake, Quake!’ And was pelted with stones and clods, till he came to the boat that carried him over. The preacher of Gouwerek hearing the noise, came to the boat, and asked what the matter was, why people made such a sad noise? To which Ames answered, ‘It seems the people are not taught better.’ To which the preacher returned, ‘They are not used to make such ado against honest people; but I believe you to be a deceiving wolf, that comes among the sheep to seduce them, and therefore they cry so.’ ‘Prove this,’ replied Ames. ‘I do not know you,’ said the preacher. ‘Learn then,’ returned Ames, ‘better manners, than to call one thou knowest not, a wolf and deceiver.’ And so going his way, shortly after he wrote from Rotterdam to Martin, and bade him go to the preacher, and desire him to appoint a time to prove that Ames was a deceiving wolf. But to this the preacher showed himself backward; yet to be rid of Martin, he said at length, ‘Come, I will prove it presently.’ But Martin replied, ‘I am not come for that; but this must be done to Ames;’ and insisting thereon, ‘Well,’ said the preacher, ‘let him come next Sunday before noon, after sermon; then I will prove it publicly before all the people.’

Of this Martin sent word to Ames; but things were managed so, that this project of proof was quashed: for the preacher of Gouwerek went to his colleague at Moordrecht, and consulted with him what to do in the case; and Ames being come to Moordrecht on the first day of the month called March, and the last of the week, though it was late at night, was seen and known by some; who committed much violence upon the house of Martin, where Ames was entered. The next day it was reported that some of the sheriff’s men of Gouda were come to Gouwerek to apprehend Ames when he came there; and at Moordrecht the dikegrave’s men came for the same purpose; and so they took Ames prisoner, and carried him to Rotterdam, where he was locked up in Bedlam, as a madman. And a week after, Martin, for having kept meetings at his house, where not above eight persons were come together, was also by the dikegrave’s men taken prisoner in his house, and carried to Rotterdam, where he was locked up with Ames. Who were the instigators of this business is plain enough, though I do not mention them.

After Ames had not been much above three weeks in Bedlam, the deputy-governor of the house, on the 27th of the month, about night, came to him and Martin, and said, ‘If I was in your place, I would go out.’ Which made Ames ask, whether he would suffer them to do so? To which he answered, that he should not hinder them. Then Ames returned, ‘I will not be reputed as one that broke prison.’ To which the deputy replied, ‘Nay, why should you be reputed so? You may go out freely; all is unlocked, and the door will stand open for you; for the governors are not minded that you should stay here.’ Then Ames said, ‘Well, I intend to go out to-morrow.’ The next day Martin’s wife came to see her husband; but the deputy told her, that he had an order in writing from the dikegrave, that rather than to let Martin’s wife come to him, he might let him and Ames go out together. The issue was, that they were both let out that morning, it being the 28th of the month. But they staid at Rotterdam, intending not to depart the town before they had given notice to the dikegrave of their being let out; lest occasion might be given for saying that they had broken prison. And it was not without reason they were so cautious; for the next day, in the morning, the deputy came to them, and said, ‘I desire that you will not bring me into trouble, for I am an ancient man; and the dikegrave hath been with me, and asked for you; to which I answered, that you were gone out; but he took this very ill. I desire, therefore, that you would say that you were gone out without my knowledge.’ But this was not to be expected from Ames, whom I knew so well, that I truly believe that he would rather have died, than to have spoken a lie: for in such a case he was without question of the same mind as formerly Christian Langedul, uncle to my grandmother by the mother’s side, who, when at Antwerp, he, with others, martyrs, was led to the stake to be burnt, cried out undauntedly, ‘If we would once but have told a lie, we might have escaped this.’ But to return to Ames, he told the deputy, that he himself intended to go and speak with the dikegrave; and if he was displeased at their going out, he might put them in again where they had been; for they would not have the name of prison-breakers.

Then they both went to the dikegrave, and told him after what manner they were come out; saying also that they would not have it said, that they broke out. ‘That name,’ said the dikegrave, ‘you would have had, if you had departed the town; for the deputy hath told me that you got out by breaking a window.’ After some other words were exchanged, he further said, ‘I have nothing to object against your life and conversation, having heard nothing concerning you but a good report; neither do I seek to persecute you. But would you be willing to return to Bedlam?’ Ames answered, ‘Here we stand before thee; thou mayest do with us according to thy pleasure. And if thou desirest us to return thither, we will do so.’ The dikegrave signifying that this was his desire, said that they might go and walk in the gallery then, till another order came. And so he caused his messenger to go along with them. Being come thither, they not long retained the liberty to walk in the gallery, but on the 31st of the month, they were locked up again, each in a hole by himself. Now Ames acquainted the deputy that he heard from the dikegrave, that he had been informed by him, that they were got out by breaking a window. But the deputy denied to have said so. They were detained there yet sometime, and were pretty much visited, and this often by such as sought nothing but to scoff at them; and among these a certain clergyman did not stick to say to Ames, that he was a deceiver, because he wore pewter buttons, to make people believe they were silver ones. Whilst Ames was confined here, he wrote some papers which afterwards he published, and among these a reply to an answer of one Jacob Koelman, to eighty-three queries given forth by the said Ames; who now being set at liberty, travelled to Germany, as hath been said before, and from thence going back to his native country, after some time returned again into Holland, as did also William Caton.

But now I turn again to England, where an account was published in print of the sufferings of the people called Quakers, which being offered to the parliament, was delivered to the speaker, Thomas Bampfield. This contained a relation of above one hundred and forty persons, all distinguished by their names, who for keeping of meetings, refusing to swear, not putting off their hats, not paying of tithes, and their travelling up and down the country, had been taken up and imprisoned, and many also had been deprived of their goods, and one and twenty of these died either by sickness in prison, or by violent abuses; among whom was Richard Sale, near West Chester, who being constable, had a minister of the people called Quakers brought to him, with a pass as a vagabond, whose conversation so convinced the constable, that he gave him his pass and liberty. And because the said Sale judged both priests and people to be exceedingly darkened, he entered upon an extraordinary act, to show them by a sign that they wanted to be enlightened, viz. he came in the day time with a lantern and a burning candle into the steeple-house, during the sermon. But this was resented to such a high degree, that by order of the mayor he was put into prison, and thrust into a hole called Little Ease, which was so strait, that it could not well receive his body; but he was thrust in with such violence, that his body was bruised, and he spit blood, and shortly after grew sick; and his body swelling, occasioned by the squeezing it into the hole, he died in great pain. In the before mentioned account it was also said that in the last six years, about two thousand persons, for being Quakers, had suffered in their body and goods. To this was added a paper, signed by more than one hundred and sixty persons, (several of whom I knew,) whereby they offered to the parliament to put themselves in the stead of their brethren, who were confined either in prisons, or houses of correction, or in dungeons, some being fettered, and others lying sick only on a little straw; wherefore they declared themselves ready to change places with them out of true love, that so they might go out, and not die by hardship, as many had done already; to prevent which, they were willing to take upon themselves the sufferings of their brethren, and lay down their lives for them. Under their names they added, ‘If we had been of Esau’s race, we should have fainted before this time; and if we had been of Cain’s progeny, we should have fought with his weapons: but this never was, neither is it the way of the righteous and chosen, of which we are, from the foundation of the world.’ It was in the month called April, that this paper was delivered to the parliament, but I do not find that this offer was accepted, or any thing done for releasing the imprisoned.

About this time also Edward Burrough published a paper, containing a very remarkable prediction of what followed the next year; when king Charles the Second was placed on the throne. In it he saith, that as he was travelling in Warwickshire, in the 1st month, his meditations being upon the Lord, and considering what unjust and woful sufferings had been inflicted upon the Lord’s people within these few years, a cry went through him, ‘The Lord will be avenged, the Lord will be avenged upon his enemies, and he will avenge the cause of his people.’ This cry stuck close upon him, and his heart was even broken therewith, and his spirit melted before the Lord, it being as it were said to him, ‘Write unto the rulers, and yet once more warn them of that recompense, and of that indignation, which is at hand upon them, even a just recompense for all their deeds; and as they have done, even so shall it be done to them; as they have sought to destroy the generation of the righteous, even so shall they be destroyed from off the face of the earth; and as they have unjustly judged and condemned the innocent, so shall they be condemned, and justly judged of the Lord; and as they have cast the bodies of the poor lambs of Christ into prison, and been a snare upon them, even so shall they be insnared, and into captivity shall they go. And as they have caused the goods and possessions of the innocent to be spoiled, and made a prey, even so in like manner shall the curse of the Lord spoil their substance. And as they have done, so shall it be done unto them; and as they have meted to others, so shall it be meted to them again.’ ‘And I saw a great misery and desolation nigh at hand, even the sword of the Lord; and that it should slay them; and I beheld it was made ready for the slaughter; and in the sense of these things a sadness fell upon my spirit, considering the desolation and the judgment that is at hand, to be executed upon the cruel oppressors.

‘Wherefore all ye rulers, and all ye that have trodden down the heritage of God, and ye that have disregarded these many warnings that ye have had; I say unto you all, in the power of the Lord God, in his dominion, and by his Spirit, this is once more a warning to you from the Lord, and that these things must surely come to pass, and be fulfilled in their season, and no man shall be able to deliver his brother; but every man shall bear his own burden, and drink his own cup prepared for him: and though it hath been counted a light thing amongst you, and you have despised the reproof, and gone on without fear; yet in as much as the Lord hath spared you, and not speedily executed judgment upon you, but rather waited for your return; yet the dealing of the Lord towards you, in sparing of you, you have not accepted; and therefore shall his judgments be the greater upon you. For if you do now come to the witness in your own consciences, what evil hath this people done? Whose ox have they taken, or what have they desired of you? Or what have they sought from you? Or wherein have they been a burden to you? Saving that they have reproved you for your iniquities, and desired your redemption? Would you but now at last come to consider this, and confess the Truth in your consciences, will not that tell you, that they have patiently suffered all things that you have cruelly imposed upon them? And have not they walked peaceably towards you, and humbly, meekly, and justly among their neighbours? And have they not been meek and innocent even as lambs, and as the sheep before the shearers? And have they wrought offences towards any? Have they sought the overthrow of the government, or have they sought vengeance against their enemies? Or what injury have they done to any man’s person, or estate, saving to satan and his kingdom? Have they not sought to reform and reclaim the ungodly from their ways? And have they not pitied and prayed for their enemies? And have they not in all things walked in good conscience towards the Lord, and towards all men? Yea, my friends, in the day of the Lord, when the witness in your consciences shall not be limited, but shall speak plainly, and when the impartial judge shall appear upon his throne, then shall you acknowledge these things.

‘Wherefore I say unto you, receive the judgment of the Lord to purify you, otherwise the judgment shall destroy you; and now come to be more wise, that some of you may be as a brand plucked out of the fire, and be reserved from being consumed; for the visitation of the Lord is near an end, when his loving kindness will be shut from you, and his long suffering turned into fury; and he will make you know that we are his people, with whom you have thus dealt; yea, you shall suddenly know it; the time is not long till he will crown his people in the sight of his enemies; he will crown them with praise and with righteousness, with honour and majesty, and he will keep them in safety, even when sorrow compasses you about; his mercy and loving kindness shall extend towards them, even when his wrath and judgment smites you, and confound you. O! What shall I say unto you; for the deep sense thereof remains upon my heart; when I consider, how that in all ages the Lord did avenge his people’s cause, and when the time of their suffering was expired, he broke the bonds of iniquity, and set them free. Thus did he with his people Israel of old, and many times it was his way with his people, to bring them low by suffering, and then to raise them up again in glory; and he suffered their enemies for a season to glory over them, that he might bring them down. And thus he did in England, in the case between the bishops and their crew of persecutors, and the poor people at that day called Puritans: did not he confound that persecuting crew, and deliver his people? And is not he the same to effect the same work at this very day? Yea, doubtless, and much more will he do, in as much as the manifestation of Truth is more clear than it was in their days; and in as much as the rulers and people of this nation have rejected a more clear testimony, than either the Papists in Queen Mary’s days, or the bishops and prelates in their days; even so much the more will the Lord God execute his vengeance with more violence, in a more manifest way; and all shall know, that it is he that doth it, and he will set his people free: for he hath regarded their sufferings, and he hath said it is enough; for he hath tried them, and found them faithful; and all this hath been suffered to prove them, and not to destroy them: and like as he hath preserved them in patience and peace through it all, even so will he give them hearts to walk answerably to their deliverance; and as they have abounded in patience in their sufferings, so shall they abound in praises everlasting in the day of their freedom; and the earth shall be glad, and shall yield the increase and blessing: the heavens and earth shall rejoice, and the hearts of the righteous shall leap for joy; when the Lord hath broken the yoke of the oppressed, and set his people free, inwardly and outwardly; and then shall they sing to the Lord over all their enemies, who shall be tormented and vexed in the Lord’s sore displeasure; for their reward cometh, and their recompense shall be even as their work, and he will give unto them sorrow and anguish, instead of rejoicing.

‘But again, when I considered the long-suffering, and patience, and forbearance of the Lord’s innocent people under all their sufferings; and when I looked at their innocency, and at their righteousness, and spirit of holiness, with which the Lord hath blessed them, my heart was made glad in the consideration of this; and the more was my joy, the more I beheld their innocency, and the guiltlessness of their cause; whereby the unjustness of their suffering did the more appear: and withal, when I looked and beheld their increase under all their sufferings, and how that the Lord had turned all these things to their good, and to the overthrow of all their enemies; how that by that way, wherein their enemies intended to destroy them from being a people, even thereby did the Lord most wonderfully increase them to be a great people; for through all have they grown in life and power, and in strength, and in number, and through it all have they been encouraged to follow the Lord with more zeal and boldness. And in the consideration of this I did rejoice, with magnifying the Lord forever, that he had brought forth his praise, even through the wickedness of the wicked, and he had increased his people, and exalted them through the cruelty of all their enemies; and that through all opposition they were attained unto a happy rest, and through all the tempest of great trial, they were arrived into the harbour of renown and great glory: and when I consider this, how that the Lord hath given them dominion, and brought their life to reign over all their enemies, these things were a joy unto me; and looking back into ages, seeing there was nothing, nor any people for generations, that had grown, and risen through all opposition like unto these; wherefore it is a sign and testimony that we are the Lord’s, and that these things are of him, and from him, and by him alone, that he might be praised forever.

‘Again, when I do consider, how that the Lord had raised his people, even out of the dust; and them that were not a people, are become a people, and the Lord hath provoked nations by them that were not a people within these few years; and the Lord hath carried on this work amongst his people, not by any thing of man, nor by the arm of flesh; but in pure innocency and simplicity hath it been accomplished; not by the wisdom of this world, nor by men in places of honour, and of power in the nations; for all that has been wanting to them; and what they are, it is through the opposition of all this; for they have had none of the great men of the earth on their side to defend them, and establish them, but all have been against them; and even oppression and tyranny executed upon them, rather than any approbation, or justification from men in outward authority: so that truly it may be said, there hath been nothing of man in this work, but all of the Lord, by his own power; and in a contrary way to all the false sects, and false churches, hath the beginning and carrying on of these things been: for we know that all the false sects in this nation, have risen and been established through the countenance of men in place and power; and upon man, and the wisdom of this world, and authority of the powers of the earth, hath the rise and fall of all false churches depended; and as the powers of the earth have sided with them, so have they been set up; and at the displeasure of authority, have been cast down. But as for this people, they are raised of the Lord, and established by him, even contrary to all men; and they have given their power only to God, and they cannot give their power to any mortal men, to stand or fall by any outward authority, and to that they cannot seek; but to the Lord alone, who heareth their cry, and will avenge their cause.

‘Wherefore let all the persecutors bow before the Lord, and let all the saints walk humbly in his sight, and let them continue in that innocent life in which they have begun; and let them never forget the mercies of the Lord, and what he hath brought to pass, who hath manifested great things, and will do more and more to the confounding of all his enemies, and to the praise of his elect people. And all ye saints upon the earth, have ye the Lord in respect continually, and turn you not unto idols, but let the Lord be your joy for evermore.

E. B.’

Not long after the publishing of this paper, to wit, in the month called May, Edward Burrough, and Samuel Fisher, went from Dover to Dunkirk, where there was an English garrison. Being come there, it quickly spread over the town. The governor, Lockhart, now not being there, his deputy, colonel Alsop, with the council of officers, sent for them; and they being come, were asked, what their business was there? To which they gave answer, and the next morning signified in writing, that their coming was to visit the jesuits, friars, and priests, and other papists, to show them the errors of their ways, and the falseness of their worship, &c. they being called to preach the everlasting gospel to the nations. They were some hours in discourse with the said deputy, and the officers, and not unkindly treated; but the deputy however said, that it would be dangerous for them to stay in the town: and therefore he desired them to depart. To which their answer was, that if he desired them, they, could not receive any such desire; and if he commanded them, they could not obey his command in that case; because they could not depart the town but in the will of God; according to which will they came thither. After much reasoning they left them, and the next day went to the Capuchin friars, and had some discourse with the chiefest of them in their garden, concerning the light of Christ, that every man is enlightened withal; and told them, that the mighty day of the Lord was at hand upon them; and that the Lord was come to search and try them; and that he would hew down their idolatrous ways, worships and works. The next day Burrough wrote some queries to the friars and nuns, in and about that town, which were sent to them in Latin. The introduction was thus:

‘The mighty day of the Lord is come, and coming upon you, and all the world. Awake, awake, ye that sleep in the earth, for the dreadful God is arising to plead with you, and to give unto all the world the cup of his fierce indignation, because of your idolatries, and hypocrisies, and abominations, which have corrupted the earth, and are come up before him, and have provoked him; and the cry of the just, who have been smitten, and laid slain, is entered into the ears of the Most High, and his sword, which is the word of his mouth, is awakened to wound and destroy all his enemies. And the day of your visitation is now come, wherein the Lord is searching you, and trying you, that he may recompense you: and this is the word of the Lord to you.

‘Wherefore, I am moved of the Lord to propound some few queries to you, for the trial of your spirits and ways; to which I demand your answer, that all things may be brought to light and true judgment, and that you may be judged justly, and by the spirit of the Lord cleared or condemned according to your deeds.’

These queries were partly concerning the orders of friars and nuns, whether any such were in the church in the apostles’ days; and concerning the popish worship and ceremonies, demanding proof of their lawfulness from the Holy Scriptures. After the delivering of these queries to the Capuchins, Burrough and Fisher went also to the friars of other orders, and entered into discourse with them: but their plain speeches against the idolatrous rites and ceremonies, found no entrance. After some stay in the town, they going to the college of the jesuits, got into discourse with their chief rector; and after a conference of about three hours, he grew weary, and pretending other business, would stay no longer with them; and so they parted, asking him, whether he would admit more discourse at some other time; but he refused it. Burrough afterwards wrote a letter to him, which began thus:

‘Friend, thy wisdom and thy knowledge is earthly and sensual, and thereby canst thou not know the things of the kingdom of God:’ and he concluded with this query: ‘What is that whore that hath sat upon multitudes of people? and what is that golden cup in her hand? and what are the abominations and fornication of which her cup is full, which she hath caused the kings and people to drink,’ &c.

But neither this query nor the others were answered. Burrough and Fisher did also visit the nuns; and speaking to them through a grate, they asked if they were of the order of those called Quakers; and soon perceiving they were such, they said, they might not hear them, and so presently passed away; whereby Burrough and Fisher were deprived of any opportunity to speak to them; only they witnessed against them. E. Burrough wrote also some propositions to the jesuits, priests, and friars, wherein he particularly represented the tyranny of the church of Rome in true colours; and these propositions were sent to them in Latin. They staid yet some days in town, and had divers meetings among the English soldiers: and Burrough also wrote to them, and bid them be faithful to the Lord, and not to seek themselves in their service, but the honour of God: he also showed them what their duty was in their military station; and, (not to give them too rough a brush, but to meet them somewhat in their own way; following therein the example of John the Baptist, when he spoke to the soldiers, Luke iii. 14,) told them, ‘What do you know but the Lord may have some good work for you to do, if you be faithful to him?’ and he also signified to them, that since the Lord one day would avenge the innocent blood shed in the pope’s dominion, and appear against Babylon and Rome, the seat of the whore, and the kingdom of antichrist, it seemed not improbable to him, that the Lord would make way thereto by the English nation. ‘It is,’ said he, ‘the Lord’s work, I know, to make men truly religious; but yet he may work by you, to break down the briars and thorns, and the rocks and hills that have set themselves against the Lord,’ &c. He also advised them, if ever such a work fell to be their lot, not to be ambitious, nor vain-glorious, but to make it their work to demand the disannulling of the popish inquisition and cruel laws. And the officers he charged, not to be as tyrants and oppressors over the poor soldiers, but to be loving and meek, and examples of all goodness unto them; to this he added: ‘and having no sin lying upon your consciences, then shall ye face your enemies with courage, and not fear death, but shall be ready to lay down your lives in a good cause.’ But lest any might think he was for the bearing of arms, and not for harmlessness or non-resistance, he told them also, that the Lord had a more honourable work to work after them, viz. to destroy the kingdom of the devil, and the ground of wars. And that there was a more honourable victory to be waited for, to wit, the victory over sin, &c.

Burrough and Fisher being once sent for by the governor Lockhart, found many officers with him; and after some friendly discourse, they advised them to moderation, and the fear of God, and so parted from them: and after having performed their service in the town, they returned to England.

Not long after Burrough gave the aforesaid queries out in print, and wrote also a paper to the parliament; exhorting those that were members of that assembly, to fear God, and not to oppress honest people, but to free them from oppression and tyranny; lest the Lord come suddenly upon them and break them to pieces.

The power of the protector Richard Cromwell already declining, he was prevailed upon by the officers of the army to dissolve this parliament, which began to make inquiry how the subsidies were employed; and by the direction of some of the chief republicans, the long parliament was called again. This parliament set up a committee of safety, for apprehending those that disturbed the peace, and for making an alteration among the military officers, either by cashiering them, or otherwise; and, increasing in power, erected also a council of state; and word was sent to Richard Cromwell, who was now deprived of all power, to remove from Whitehall, which at length he did, the parliament allowing him two thousand pounds for the charges of removing, and promising to pay his debts contracted for the public: and his brother Henry, who was lord deputy of Ireland, was called back by the parliament. Thus these two brothers were again reduced to the state of private men.

E. Burrough now wrote a letter to the parliament, and seriously exhorted them therein to desist from all persecution for religion, and to take away that which gave occasion thereunto. About this time there was an insurrection in Cheshire for king Charles, under sir George Booth; who, having received a commission from that prince, got such numbers of followers, that he seized the city of Chester. In the meanwhile the parliament sent Edmund Ludlow to Ireland, to be commander in chief of the army there, instead of Henry Cromwell, and general Lambert was sent with an army against Booth. Now since some rash people that went under the name of Quakers, were for taking up arms under Lambert; and that the committee of safety offered great places and commands to some of that persuasion, thereby to draw them off from the truth they professed; G. Fox wrote a paper, wherein he showed the unlawfulness of wars and fightings, representing it as a work not at all becoming the followers of Christ: and he exhorted his friends not to join with those that took up arms, but to fight only with spiritual weapons, which took away the occasion of the carnal. This he also recommended in his preaching, for an harmless and inoffensive life, was that which he always asserted and practised.

As for Booth, he was defeated, and endeavouring to make his escape in women’s clothes, was discovered in an inn, and taken into custody; and being carried to London, by an order of the parliament, he was committed to the Tower. The officers of the army, of which George Fleetwood was now commander in chief, were very busy to get the upper hand of the parliament; which caused great division and distraction in the nation; for it was well known that if the supreme power was offered up to the army, they then could do what they would; and thus the nation would be governed by the sword. It was also fresh in memory, that it was the army by which Cromwell had been advanced so as to become protector, and supreme ruler of the nation: and therefore many opposed the design on foot.

About this time also the military officers moved the taking off of the burden of tithes, and to settle another maintenance for the national preachers. But being unwilling that the parliament should be masters of the army, they complained of having been deceived by the parliament; and colonel Desborough said, that they had not performed any part of the promises they had made to the army; that they had taken no care to secure a liberty to tender consciences; and that their intention was to remove the principal officers, and place others in their commands, who were of different principles.

Now the council of officers was for calling a new parliament; but this met with no small opposition. In this bustle the council of officers began to insinuate with the clergy, and they agreed with them, that their maintenance by tithes should not be taken away till another revenue as ample and certain should be settled upon them; that some provision should be made for those who differed in faith and worship from the established church; but that the Quakers and some others, whose principles they said tended to the destruction of civil society, should not be tolerated at all. In this distracted state of affairs, when some were for, and others against the parliament, so that it was hardly well known in whom the supreme authority resided, Edward Burrough wrote and published in print a large speech, which he stiled, ‘A message to the present rulers of England, whether committee of safety, so called, council of officers, or others whatsoever.’ He signified by way of introduction, that the contents had been upon him to deliver by speech and word of mouth, to the men then in power; but no way being made for him so to do, he had written what was upon him. And then he begins thus with a majestic strain.

‘Friends,

‘My Master, is a high, and mighty, and powerful prince, and very honourable; and fear, reverence, respect, and subjection belong to him alone, from you and all mankind. He is wise, and understanding, and of great strength, and his dominion is from everlasting to everlasting; and he can do whatsoever he will in heaven and earth, for he rules with his iron rod over the world, and whatsoever he saith, it is done; for his word is an everlasting command. If he saith to a man, live, it is so; if he saith to a man, die, it cometh to pass; and if he give peace to a man, or a nation, none can make war; and if he make war with a person, or in a nation, no man is able to make peace. For why? He hath all power in his hand, and to him all judgment and authority is given; he is the Son of the living God, the everlasting Creator. He was, and is, and is to come; his eye beholdeth all things, and his arm compasseth heaven and earth; and what his purpose is, he hath always and will ever bring it to pass. If he set up rulers, they must rule; and if he pull them down none can hinder: whom he will, he honoureth; and if it be his pleasure, he bringeth men to shame. If he break a nation down, none can build it up; and if he confound powers and authorities in the kingdoms of men, they all fall as withered grass before him. Behold, ye men! He is so great and mighty, and of so great authority, that whatsoever he saith, it is done; and whatsoever he willeth, it cometh to pass; and none is able to resist him, and overcome his power, when his pleasure is to accomplish a work. By him all things are that be, and all things live that have life, and through him all things move, and of his fullness, every creature in heaven and earth receive. And this, my Master, is altogether honourable in birth, and otherwise, and altogether mighty in all his works; he is just and merciful, full of goodness, righteousness, and truth; all virtue dwells in him, and his judgment and mercy, his authority and meekness, and his wrath and his love, they are companions: and what are ye before him? Or how shall ye be able to resist him, or to turn backward what his purpose is, concerning you, and this nation? For ye have no being nor breath without him. Behold ye men! Ye are verily as the dust before the wind, so are ye to him, soon blown away, and your place not found; as the grass before the mower, so are ye before him, soon cut down, and whithered, and your beauty utterly extinguished: as a potter’s vessel under an iron rod, even so are you to him, he can immediately break you, never to be bound up; as a drop to the fountain, so are you to him, soon dried up and made nothing. Wherefore, ye men, ye mortal creatures, ye ignorant persons, sons of a transgressor, ye dust and ashes: for thus you are in comparison of him, this mighty prince; hearken to his message, which cometh to you from him; hear and fear, and be not stout-hearted against the Lord God, that is about to speak unto you.

‘As for this little island of England, wherein your present place and being is, it is an island which the Lord hath showed great favour unto in ages past, and in this present time; and I must tell you, he hath a purpose of love towards it, and to honour it in the view of the world, though through great tribulations: and he hath an intent of great good unto it; for he hath a seed, a precious seed in it scattered abroad, and he hath a people that fear his name, and have walked in his ways, and he hath made them, and elected them, and what they are, it is by him; that he may dwell among them, and have the whole government over them all; yea, he hath a speedy purpose verily concerning this nation, and he will purify it in judgment, and refine its inhabitants through the fire of tribulations, that it may be pleasant to him, and fit to do his will: he hath a purpose to work some great thing in it, I must tell you, as he hath said unto me so to do; he will have his name exalted and reverenced in this island, and his terror shall be sent out of it through the world, and his branch from it shall spread over the earth; he doth purpose in his season to take it into his own hand, and to sway the government thereof with his own sceptre, and to set up righteousness alone, and to overthrow all oppressors and oppressions; and the kingdoms of this world must become the kingdoms of the Lord, and of his Christ.

‘True it is, such hath been the coming to pass of time, and of things for many ages by-past, that my master hath been, as it were, banished from the nation, and hath not been suffered to enjoy his right; but hath been expelled, even, as it were, by the force of satan and antichrist, who hath long usurped authority over the inhabitants of this nation; and in my Master’s absence, lamentable injustice, cruelty, unmercifulness, tyranny, and oppression have been exercised upon the inhabitants; and the poor creatures have been held in great slavery by their rulers, that have ruled by the dragon’s power; and been kept in great blindness and ignorance, and under great oppression, both in body and spirit, by antichristian teachers, for this many years; even while the great King hath been absent, and, as it were, gone into a far country; even all this time hath antichrist and the devil ruled and reigned, and have made and executed oppression, and tyrannical laws and decrees, both in church and state; and all the nation hath been out of right order, and laid waste and barren of good fruit, and it hath been as a wilderness by reason hereof; and men that have ruled for many years, have not ruled singly by my Master’s authority, but by another power; though not without the knowledge of my Lord, neither as though he had not power to have done otherwise; but for his own pleasure he hath suffered it thus to be, and let men go on to rule and govern in their own wills, and after their own lusts; and people have walked wickedly towards him, and towards one another; and all this he hath suffered; not as if he gave toleration for it; for his messengers now and then, and his witness in people’s consciences, have been reproving their ungodly ways; and he hath often showed his dislike by divers ways, and tokens, and many judgments, and strange overturning, to the way and proceedings of both rulers, prophets, and teachers of this nation; but yet they have gone on against his mind, and contrary to his will, notwithstanding his reproofs and judgments. Not that he had not power to have executed his pleasure in wrath upon them, and to have destroyed them altogether, and have made the nation a heap, and as nothing long before this day; for power was in his hand to have done it; but he hath been long-suffering and of great patience, and borne all things, and taken the injustice, and cruelty, and wickedness, and idolatry, and all unrighteousness that hath abounded in the nation upon himself, and suffered under it, and borne it for its season, while woful and lamentable oppressions have been practised in civil state, even hellish laws, and devilish executors of them; merciless tyrants have borne the sceptre, and reigned for many years over the inhabitants, and in church and state have been heinous idolatry and superstitious vanities committed in a high nature and measure, and even all men, and states of men, and orders of men of every degree have been abominably corrupted in the sight of my Lord, even from the prince to the beggar, even rulers and subjects, teachers and people, judges and prophets. They have been corrupted both in heart and hand, and they have dealt falsely and wickedly towards him and towards one another; even to the great displeasure and vexation of him, and his blessed spirit, and to the high provocation of him to their own destruction, if his long-suffering had not prevailed; and all this while he hath lain as it were asleep, and at rest in himself; and he hath left men to try them, what they will do, and he hath given them a day; many kings and rulers, he hath let them have a little time, to see how they would use it, but they have abused it and not ruled for him, nor accomplished his work nor fulfilled his will, but acted even in defiance of him and of his power, and to his great dishonour.

‘Alack! I must be plain with you: my Lord hath been utterly exiled, and greatly dishonoured, and highly provoked and vexed by reason of such proceedings, as have been in this nation for this many years, through the corruption of all sorts of men in place and power, who have not ruled for him, but for the devil to their own corrupted ends: only he hath suffered men to go on in their course for a season; some as it were appearing on the stage for a time, and suddenly cast down again for their iniquities sake; and his hand hath been in all these things, though very privately and secretly, not known and discerned by the sons of men, yet hath he ruled over the kingdoms of men, and pulled down one, and set up another. And to forbear the several actings and proceedings of many by-passed ages, and to come to this generation, and to speak of things that have happened within these few years, and of the changing and overturning that hath happened in this nation; such was the cruelty, tyranny, oppression and idolatry both in church and civil state, that the people of this nation were held under, in the days of papal power; such, I say, was the exceeding height of the cruelty and tyranny of that time, that not any that feared or reverenced my Lord, in any measure, could scarce live, or have a being in the nation. Even against every man that did but incline towards him, and desire the knowledge of his ways, hell’s mouth was opened against them, and they were swallowed, and many of their lives taken from the earth, by the hellish power that had in that day usurped authority in this island; and when thus it was, then he looked down from heaven, and his bowels of compassion were opened, for the sake of the oppressed people that desired after him, in so much that he broke and threw down the power of their oppressors in some measure, as it stood in papal authority, and when the iniquity of that power was filled up, he took vengeance upon it; and I must tell you, it was he that brought it about, even the destroying of that power in this nation, and freeing the nation from it, though the men that were instruments in the cause were not his servants, otherwise than as Nebuchadnezzar served him; for he hath a secret way to have a service from the wicked, and such is his power, that he can turn the wickedness of the wicked to his glory, and he can make a rod to whip his adversaries, and burn it when he hath done, and he hath often destroyed one wickedness by another.

‘Well, but to leave that, though he did in some measure, free the nation from much tyranny and cruelty, in the casting out popish authority, yet alack! the nation in a few years was near as much violated by injustice and cruelty, under the succeeding power, as ever it was once under the papal power; though before, there had been some small reformation and change in outward appearance, though little in ground and nature; yet oppression, and idolatry, and superstition, in church and state, and all profaneness and wickedness among people were grown so high, like as it had been under the papal power before; and all that desired after the Lord, and were weary of iniquity, and of the then present oppressions and idolatries, were persecuted, and slain, and destroyed; and injustice and cruelty exercised upon them, even almost to the rooting out of righteousness, and to the grieving of the Lord’s spirit. Well then, because of the cry of the people, and the oppression of the nation under that authority, my Lord looked down again; and even for his name’s sake, and for his seed’s sake, he had compassion on this nation, to set it free, and to break off its oppressions; and in a great measure he did deliver the people of this nation in many things, and there was a part of reformation wrought, and much pretended and looked for; and all this came to pass through him, and my Lord did accomplish it, however the instruments by which he wrought proved deceitful, and became oppressors, as others before them; and though there was in this nation a day of great troubles, and wars, and contention, and great strife, and the wasting of much blood, and earthly treasure, and none of these things, I must tell you, fell without the ordering of my Master’s hand; yet so it was, and came to pass, that after this nation was restored to peace, though much unrighteousness and injustice was removed, yet there was much also left behind; and men that he had used as instruments in his hand, in a good work, and to whom he had given wisdom and understanding, and appeared in much mercy and in great deliverance, yet they even turned to seek themselves, and became corrupted in the spoils of their enemies. And when peace and plenty abounded, the Lord was forgotten again; and then the land fell under oppressors, and began again to cry out for freedom, even when other horns of the first beast sprang up, and went on each of them after his fellow. And though one horn hath striven to break another, yet after one hath been cast down, another hath risen, and made an image to the first; and ruled and reigned by the same spirit, and authority, derived from the dragon’s power in cruelty and oppression; and made laws and executed them to the dishonour of the Lord, and to the great oppression of his people, and to the filling of this island with injustice and cruelty, even from one generation to another, until this day: and thus up and down have times and seasons been altered, powers and authorities changed and altered, statutes, laws, and decrees, changeable and alterable; for as the iniquity of one power was filled up, that was cast down, and another had its day, till the measure thereof was also filled up, that it might partake of the same judgments. And in all these overturnings, breakings-down, and overthrowings, the very hand of my Lord hath been, though secretly, and not discerned; yet his power hath brought about, and suffered all these things to come to pass: and who shall charge him with injustice? Or, who shall say, ‘What hast thou done?’ Or, ‘Why hast thou done it?’ For, as I have said, he is a high and mighty prince, and can do whatsoever he will; and he is the supreme power and authority, which rules and reigns in and over all the kingdoms of men. And what though he hath used wicked men as an instrument to accomplish his work, and made the wicked his rod; and even brought it to pass, that one wickedness should destroy another, and one oppressor break down another, and the kingdom of antichrist confound itself; yet what of all these things? All flesh must be silent before him, and all people, and the whole earth must be subject unto him; for the government and dominion over heaven and earth is his, and all power and dominion belongeth to him alone, and all judgment is in his hand, to bring to pass whatsoever he will, and by whomsoever, as he pleaseth.

‘But now, my friends, though I would not be tedious to you, yet must I tell you the truth, and faithfully deliver the Lord’s message unto you; and as concerning this last overturning, there was something of the hand of my Lord in it; and he can, and will bring forth his own work and praise by it, and it shall be for the good of all his people, that wait upon him, though there was much ambition and corrupted ends in the instruments, and neither part were perfectly single to the Lord in their proceedings, but their work was tainted with the false idolatrous spirit of self-seeking; yet notwithstanding, the Lord may bring forth his government, and his pleasant plant, through and beyond all this, even out of another root, which yet appears not among either of them; and righteousness may arise in the nation, contrary to both of them, out of another stem, and he will set up his kingdom, and in the meantime, leave one potsherd of the earth to break another.

‘And as for you, that now sit on the throne and bear rule, whether committee of safety, so called, chiefly, though it is not without my Master, for he hath the knowledge of it at least, yet you are not the only men of his choice, truly called of him to the place of government, neither is your government the government of the Lamb, neither must it be forever established by him; its foundation is not blessed, nor can its building be prosperous. For why? Alas, it is but another horn of that fourth beast, that hath been made to rule over the world, and upon the earth for many generations, and it is but hitherto a very little refined from the last, and is of the last, even as the eighth was of the seventh, spoken of by that servant, Rev. xvii. 11, and it may also make war with the Lamb and his followers for a little season, and it may have a small measure of injustice and persecution to bring forth in the land, even till the words of God be fulfilled, and his kingdom be fully come, the way of which is but yet preparing by all these overturnings. And this your present government originally is leavened with the spirit of the old dragon, that hath killed the saints, and drunk their blood, and how should the Lord establish it? Nay, your kingdom may prove but small and little, and full of uproars and troubles, and little peace, and satisfaction and establishment in it to yourselves, or the people under you; but confusion will attend it, and fears will compass it about: though this I must tell you, as you are men, you have your day of trial what you will do, as many others have had before you; and something you may and ought to do, if but to make the whore, (the false church,) more naked, and to scourge her, more than some others have done; and indeed my Lord requires something more of you, (as such,) to do, than others before you could do; and you have a price put into your hands, which you may improve to the Lord’s honour, and to the nation’s good, and to your own happiness; which, if you will be faithful to the Lord, to do what he requires of you, and if you become meek and humble men, and fear his name, and deny yourselves, and not seek your own honours, nor any earthly advantage to yourselves; if you do thus, then my Lord will show mercy to you, and you shall not suddenly fall before your enemies, though many may rise up against you; but your days shall be lengthened, and the purpose of the Lord may be turned to your longer continuance, and not to your sudden destruction; and if you walk in this way, and rule only for the Lord, then shall you be honoured as men if not as an authority, and you and the nation preserved in peace, and the force of the wicked shall be turned backward, and you shall not suddenly fall. And the late sundry overturnings in this nation may be examples to you, that you follow not the steps of those that God hath cast out, lest you come to the same end of confusion and misery: for, as concerning that assembly of men, that last sat on the throne, something was done by them in their day and time, and in both their assemblings, in some things they served my Lord, and they were a rod in his hand to smite his enemies; yet they were not faithful to the end, till all his enemies were destroyed, but rather joined themselves to fight against the Lord and his people, and were hastening on towards the way of oppression and persecution; and it was time for the Lord to remove them, and to lay them aside as an empty vessel, sometime useful; and to break them as a rod, sometime of service to be a scourge upon his enemies. And when the day of their trial was over, which God gave unto them, being any longer, (at present,) unfit instruments for his hand, then he cast them into the fire; and this his purpose came to pass upon them; so that they and the whole nation may be contented, and yield themselves subject to what he hath done concerning them; for they being entering into the very same spirit of wickedness, of oppression and persecution, which the Lord had once reproved through them, and cast out by them; then was a rod raised up against them, even as they had been against others, and they were dealt withal as they had done to others; and this was in the justice of my Lord’s hand; and what hath mortal man to question his proceedings? And though some of you, (present rulers,) be looked upon as great traitors and tyrants in your dealings towards them; and doubtless the men of that part will seek vengeance against you, even by preaching and praying; and they will curse you in the name of their God, and seek continually your destruction, as such as have taken away part of their strength, and cast down their idol; but alas! All this is nothing; for the Lord doth not account as men; for these things must needs thus come to pass, for the furtherance of the kingdom and government of Jesus Christ, that it may arise through all; and if you were but faithful to what the Lord requires of you, in your proceedings, what you have done unto them should not be reckoned on account against you, neither by God, nor good men. But if you of the army be always treacherous and disobedient towards him, and abuse your power, and disregard your price that God hath given you, and trifle away your hour about places of honour, and such self-seeking matters, and the cause of God be neglected by you, and his people continued oppressed sufferers under you, as they have long been; even then shall you be cast aside with shameful disgrace, and the heavy hand of the Lord shall be upon you in judgment, and you shall be smitten more than any before you; your estates shall not be spared from the spoiler, nor your souls from the pit, nor your persons from the violence of men, no, nor your necks from the axe: for if you be unfaithful, and continually treacherous to the cause of God, then shall you be left to the will of your enemies, and they shall charge treachery and treason upon you, and your persons and estates shall be given for a prey to your enemies; and you shall not deliver yourselves, neither will the Lord deliver you from the execution of merciless men; for my Lord shall leave the cruel hearted to plead with you.

‘Wherefore, that you may be warned, I advise you to be faithful; let not the cause of God fall, nor the cause of his enemies prosper before you; for there is no other way whereby you can be preserved, nor no other defence shall you ever find from the wrath of the Lord, and from the fury of your devouring enemies, than your faithfulness in God’s cause; and therefore relieve the oppressed, and take off all oppressions, break down all unjust laws, and set all people free from unjust burdens, and let all oppression cease, both in church and civil state; and even all oppressive laws, and unjust judges, and evil men in power, let all these be removed, and the nation clean quitted and discharged, even from all men and laws whatsoever, that have held under oppression the persons, estates, and consciences of the good people of this land; and let the nation be corrected, and all orders and places of men, and laws and decrees be purified: for this my Lord, the great King, requireth, and he will suddenly have it brought to pass in the nation, if not by you, then contrary to you, and to your utter destruction. And this is the very substance of my message to you, that my Master hath given me to say unto you; and on his behalf I am come to claim of you my Master’s long lost right: let him have his right, from which he hath long been banished; I demand it of you, all ye whatsoever, that seem to bear rule in the nation; I charge you in his name let him have his title and prerogative, let him be Lord and King wholly in his own kingdom, let him have the exercise of his people’s consciences by his own Spirit in all things relating to his worship and service; and let him have the full authority by his Spirit in all things pertaining to church and ministry, and faith, and religion; and let his Spirit have the alone authority to persuade and dissuade people from, or to, such or such ministry, worship, and practices of religion; and let all forced maintenance to ministers, and tithes, be speedily taken away; and let all laws and decrees whatsoever, made and practised in the days of antichrist, upon the bodies, estates, and consciences of the people, in oppression and unjustness about church, and worship, and religion, be utterly repealed, and made void, and never more be in force in this nation; but let my Lord be sole ruler and governor, and have the full authority in his own kingdom, in all things whatsoever pertaining thereunto. And let no man henceforth hereafter be intrusted with the liberties of the members of Christ’s kingdom, as they are such, nor to judge over them in any matters of faith and worship, but give that right and privilege wholly unto the Spirit of Jesus Christ; for unto him only it pertaineth to be whole judge, and to have full power in his own kingdom; and until you give him the right, and deliver up unto him his own kingdom, and the exercise of peoples’ consciences in all things about religion, you shall never prosper, nor none that cometh after you, that shall in any measure abridge my Master of his proper right, from which he hath long been banished, as I have said; and till his right be given him, in the case aforesaid, he will dash one man against another, and none shall ever be established; but horn after horn shall be broken, and one power after another brought into confusion.

‘And, therefore, ye men, do not strive with him in this matter, but yield unto him the exercise of your own consciences by his Spirit in you, and let him do so unto all others, even as ye hope to prosper, and upon the penalty of his sore displeasure upon you in this world, and in the world to come; and let just men, and righteous men, and meek men, and men that have the fear and wisdom of God in them, without acceptation of birth, or otherwise; let such men have the power and judgment committed to them, to determine in things between man and man. Down with all the false-hearted flatterers, that have ruled for man and not for God, and for themselves, and not for the good of the people; cast all such out from you; for the good among you is choaked by them: down with all that judge for rewards; and away with all hireling rulers, that execute the law for money, and will not plead the cause of the poor without great fees; and down with all that will not serve places of trust without so large stipends; away with all these things out of the land, for they are heinous oppressions unto men, and great abominations in the sight of God; and the land hath long groaned under the weight and burden of these things, and the earth is weary of them, and my Lord requires their utter dissolution, as being iniquities fully ripe, and having the guilt of so much cruelty, injustice, and oppression lying upon the nation because hereof; therefore is the Lord’s season to destroy them, and remove them out of the land; which if you be the instruments in such a work, it will be your greatest crown, and your perpetual honour. For the Lord’s purpose is one way or other to cleanse the land of all these and other oppressions whatsoever, that the people of this land may be a free people from all the heavy yokes of antichrist, which have long sorely pressed them down; and the purpose of the Lord is to break the yokes of oppression and tyranny from off the necks of this people; and therefore it is that he overturneth, yea, and will overturn, all men and authorities that shall oppose his work, and none shall be able to stand before him; for the presence of my Lord is more dreadful to a nation, when he shows himself in wrath, than any multitude of armed men; and wo is unto you, if you be found opposing of him; and if you seek to stop his work, you shall not cumber the earth very long, nor oppress the nations many days. Wherefore consider, cursed will you be, if you be unfaithful in what you have to do on the Lord’s behalf; for your hour passeth over, that is allotted you; and will be suddenly expired, never to be recalled, and then you cannot work.

‘And whereas there is a great cry about ministry, for sending forth and maintaining, and encouraging a godly ministry, as you say.

‘Now to this I do answer on my Lord’s behalf, and I must tell you plainly; as for a true godly ministry, truly called and sent of God, such a ministry, and such ministers you can never be able to hinder; but the Lord will send them out, maintaining them and preserving them, whether you will or no; and while you are troubling yourselves about such a matter, you are but meddling with things above your line, and out of your jurisdiction, while you act in such a case; for it belongs to his government to send out ministers, whom, and as he will, and to maintain them and defend them according to his own pleasure, and all this without you; for such ministers, truly called thereunto, and sent of the Lord, will not seek to you to be sent forth, or maintained by you, they will not be beholden to you in such a case; but even without you, and contrary to you, must they be sent out and maintained; so that the Lord will have a ministry in this nation purely of his own, and not of man, nor by man, and such a ministry you shall not be able to hinder.

‘And I must tell you plainly, as for these men called ministers, in this nation, the way of their setting up, and sending forth, and the way of their maintenance, and the way of their standing and defence, and in every particular of their being such, they are the greatest and most woful oppression in the nation; even the most abominable and unjust cruelties and tyrannies are acted through them, as any other thing in the nation; and they are, (as such aforesaid,) the woful cause of the nation’s groaning under merciless dealing; and there is upon their account, the guilt of blood, injustice, and oppression lying upon this nation; their iniquities, their iniquities, cry for vengeance upon their own heads; for they are full, they are full, and the measure thereof is near finished, and God’s eternal vengeance is their next reward from the eternal God. What shall I say of them, but this? The earth is oppressed by them, the inhabitants groan under them, and the righteous God is vexed through them, and they are the very men of high indignation and fierce wrath, and all their practices, (as such,) are the fuel of his anger, to be consumed by the fire of his jealousy; the nation is weary, and its inhabitants, and the Lord is weary, because of these men: and is this the ministry cried up by you as godly and pious? &c. Are these the men that the nation must be forced to maintain in their pride and idolatry? Is this the ministry that must be encouraged? Well, if these be the men, and this the ministry which must be established and encouraged by you, in so doing you shall never prosper, but thereby gain the displeasure of the Almighty unto you, to bring a curse upon all your doings, even because hereof; for I must tell you, the hand of my Lord is against them; and whosoever shall seek to defend them, shall not prosper in their doings, because their oppressions, cruelties, deceits, and abominations, are nigh finished and fulfilled; wherefore take heed unto yourselves, for this is my Master’s advice unto you; let this ministry alone, and join not yourselves to Baal, lest you perish, neither take part with antichrist any longer, neither be ye fighters against the Lamb and his kingdom; but free the nation, and let all its inhabitants be freed, from the cruel tasks and yokes of such men, and such a ministry as aforesaid; uphold it not against the Lord, for if you do, you shall never be established, and this is from the mouth of my Lord unto you.

‘And, last of all, my Master hath a people in this nation, even a suffering people, that have borne the burden of the cruelty and injustice, and wickedness, both of rulers and teachers, who have, as it were, trodden them down, and made them a very prey to their devouring mouths; the very cry of their sufferings hath reached unto heaven, and the very sound thereof your ears have heard; and this people are greatly beloved, and my Lord will assuredly honour them, and his hand shall be continued to preserve them and defend them against all their enemies whatsoever; and he doth reserve them to himself, and for a glorious work that he hath to do by them; and he hath formed them for himself, and they cannot join with any of the horns of the great beast, neither can a place of honour pervert them from their perfect way; but my Lord, he compasseth them about on every side, and hath kept them in the midst of trials, reproaches, and sufferings, and covered them in the heat, and in the storm, till his pleasure is to make further use of them. They are his, and not their own; and they must fulfil his will, and none besides; and they lie at rest in him, while mountains are overturned, and while one potsherd of the earth breaks another; and this must be even till the appointed time: and to say no more of them, though much more might be said, they are had in remembrance before the Lord, to do with them even for his own glory, and for the nation’s perpetual good; and to the authority of the Most High, through them, shall kings of the earth, and nations of the world bow and tremble; wherefore, ye men, touch them not, neither do ye afflict them, even as you hope to prosper; remember their cause, and suffer it not always to be rejected, as it hath long been, but keep yourselves free from the injustice and cruelty of them that have gone before you, who have been merciless, and oppressors of that people, even till my Lord hath confounded them, and brought them into confusion; for there is the weight of blood, tyranny, and oppression, lying upon the nation in that people’s cause, and my Lord will revenge them in his season; and though they are not weary of their sufferings, but are in the patience which beareth all things, yet the nation can never be happy, nor its government ever blessed, while this people are held in bondage; and their sufferings are deeply considered of the Lord, and the season thereof is expiring towards an end; and when this cometh to pass, then wo unto the kingdom of antichrist, and to the whore and false prophet, even when their strength is dried up, by which they have made war against the Lamb and his followers: yea, wo unto them; great fearfulness shall be upon all the world when the king of that people reigns upon the earth, and the time is at hand: blessed is the man that waiteth for it, and blessed is he that is not offended in his coming, but is prepared to receive him in his appearing, which suddenly cometh upon all the world.

‘And thus I have told the Lord’s present message unto you, which I received from him, and thus far I am clear; and whether you accept it, or reject it, my peace and reward is forever with him, who am a subject of his kingdom, and a friend to this nation, however otherwise judged by ignorant men.

E. BURROUGH.’

The Ninth month, 1659.

Now how soon after these sayings of Burrough, ‘Your estates shall not be spared from the spoiler, nor your necks from the axe; your enemies shall charge treason upon you, and if you seek to stop the Lord’s work you shall not cumber the earth very long,’ were fulfilled, we shall see shortly.

About this time also he wrote several epistles to his friends, wherein he so powerfully exhorted them to faithfulness and steadfastness, that thereby he hath procured to himself a name that will never die; as living still in the remembrance of thousands, though he long ago went the way of all flesh, having laid down his life in bonds for the testimony of Jesus, as will be said in its due place.

There is also extant a piece of a letter written about this time to the cavaliers, which, whether done by E. Burrough, or by George Fox the younger, or by George Bishop, I cannot tell: but thus it speaks:

‘The very spirit of pride and oppression, and idolatry, is entered into them, (viz. your enemies,) and now lives in them in as high a measure as ever it lived amongst you; and their iniquities are well nigh finished, and the Lord will one way or other correct and reprove them; and they shall be dealt with in like manner as they have dealt with you; for they were no more than a rod in the hand of the Lord for a season, and they must also be broken and cast into the fire; and whether the Lord may ever make use of you to reprove them, as he did of them to reprove you, this I determine not, but leave it to him who can discover whatsoever he will, by what instrument he pleaseth. It is true, you have made many attempts to be revenged upon them, but you have not hitherto prospered; but could you be humbled, and come into the meek Spirit of the Lord, then might you prosper; hitherto the Lord hath always defeated you, and bowed you down under a people as unworthy as others; but their time will come to an end. Submit therefore unto the will of the Lord in what is come to pass, and seek not vengeance to yourselves, and then the Lord will avenge your cause; for the iniquities of your adversaries are ripe. And Charles Stuart must either be converted to God, and ruled by him, or else he can never rightly rule for God in this nation; though this I believe, it is not impossible but that he may be a rod upon them that once smote him: and their oppressions and ambitions may receive a check through him.’

Among several other eminent preachers, Stephen Crisp was now also become a public minister of the word of God; and it was about this time that he went to Scotland, to preach the gospel there, and to edify the churches with his gift.

G. Fox the younger, this year wrote an exhortation to the military officers, and the army, showing them how they were departed from their first integrity, and fallen into pride and wantonness.

G. Fox the elder, about the Tenth month, was at Norwich, where a meeting being appointed, and the mayor having got notice of it, intended to have given out a warrant to apprehend him, but he having heard of this, sent some of his friends to the mayor, to speak with him about it. And his answer was, that he feared such a meeting would cause tumults in the town. But being spoken to in a kind way, he behaved himself moderately, and a large peaceable meeting was kept; to which, among others, several priests also came, and among these was one Townsend, who stood up and cried, ‘Error, Blasphemy,’ &c. G. Fox desired him not to burden himself with that which he could not make good. But he asserted it to be error and blasphemy, that G. Fox had said that people must wait upon God by his power and Spirit, and feel his presence when they did not speak words. On this G. Fox asked him, whether the apostles and holy men of God, did not hear God speak to them in their silence before they spake forth the Scriptures, and before it was written? He replied ‘Yes,’ and confirmed it by saying plainly, that David and the prophets did so. Then G. Fox showed people how absurd it was, that Townsend, had called such a practice error and blasphemy. This so puzzled Townsend, that he said, ‘O this is not that George Fox I would speak withal; but this is a subtil man.’ Now when some of the auditory called to the priest, and bade him prove the blasphemy and error which he had charged G. Fox with, he went away; and being afterwards spoken to by George Whitehead, and Richard Hubberthorn, who were then also about Norwich, he was soon confounded and brought down.

The committee of safety being now in power, Edmund Ludlow continued to urge the restoring of the parliament; and general Monk, who commanded the army in Scotland, aiming at the restoration of the king, yet wrote to the speaker, Lenthal, that he would act for the parliament: and so it was restored.

G. Fox the younger, wrote to this parliament a letter, wherein he told them, that their day was turned into darkness; and that the sun was gone down over them. Yea, that the decree was gone out, and sealed against them, and it could not be recalled: with many other remarkable expressions. He had written at other times to the army, and to the parliament, as did also Richard Hubberthorn, which to avoid prolixity, I pass by.

* * * * *

Let us now again take a view of the persecution in New England. I have already made mention of Lawrence and Cassandra Southwick, and their son Josiah, of whom more is to be said hereafter; but first I will speak of Daniel and Provided, son and daughter of the said Lawrence and Cassandra. These children seeing how unreasonably their honest parents and brothers were dealt with, were so far from being deterred thereby, that they rather felt themselves encouraged to follow their steps, and not to frequent the assemblies of such a persecuting generation; for which absence they were fined ten pounds, though it was well known they had no estate, their parents being already brought to poverty by their rapacious persecutors. To get this money, the following order was issued in the general court at Boston.

‘Whereas Daniel Southwick, and Provided Southwick, son and daughter of Lawrence Southwick, absenting themselves from the public ordinances, have been fined by the courts of Salem and Ipswich, pretending they have no estates, and resolving not to work, the court upon perusal of a law, which was made upon the account of debts, in answer to what should be done for the satisfaction of the fines, resolves, that the treasurers of the several counties are, and shall be fully impowered to sell the said persons to any of the English nation, at Virginia, or Barbadoes, to answer the said fines, &c.

EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary.’

The subject of this order was answered effectually at large in print, by G. Bishop, who showed the unreasonableness of this work very plainly from sacred writ; as from Amos, ii. 6, where the judgments of God are denounced against those who sold the righteous for silver, and the poor for a pair of shoes; and from Levit. xxv. 42, where the making the children of Israel bondmen, is expressly forbidden; this being not lawful, but in the case of theft, if the thief had nothing to make satisfaction with. But to return to Daniel and Provided, there wanted nothing but the execution of the said order against them. Wherefore Edmund Butter, one of the treasurers, to get something of the booty, sought out for passage, to send them to Barbadoes for sale; but none were willing to take or carry them: and a certain master of a ship, to put the thing off, pretended, that they would spoil all the ship’s company. To which Butter returned, ‘No, you need not fear that, for they are poor harmless creatures, and will not hurt any body.’ ‘Will they not so,’ replied the shipmaster: ‘and will you offer to make slaves of such harmless creatures?’ Thus Butter, maugre his wicked intention, the winter being at hand, sent them home again, to shift for themselves, till he could get a convenient opportunity to send them away.

It happened also in this year, that a girl, about eleven years old, named Patience Scot, whose religious mother had been cruelly whipt by these people, bore witness against their wicked persecution; which so incensed the persecutors, that they sent her to prison: and the child having been examined, spoke so well to the purpose, that she confounded her enemies; some of whom confessed, that they had many children, who had been well educated, and that it were well if they could say half so much for God, as she could for the devil. But this child not being of years to be obnoxious to the law, how wicked soever they were, it seems they could not resolve to proceed to banishment, as they did with others.

All that hitherto I have said of the New England persecution, is but cursorily, and only a very small part of those manifold whippings that were inflicted there; besides the extortions of fines, which were exorbitant to a high degree; as may appear by what was done to William Maston, at Hampton, who was fined ten pounds for two books found in his house, five pounds for not frequenting their church, and three pounds besides, as a due to the priest: and he not being free in conscience to pay this fine, had taken from him what amounted to more than twenty pounds. I find also, that not long after this time, above a thousand pounds was extorted from some, only because they had separated themselves from the persecuting church: and it seems they were deemed such as were shut out from the protection of the law; insomuch that Thomas Prince, governor of Plymouth, did not stick to say, that in his conscience the Quakers were such a people, that deserved to be destroyed, they, their wives, and children, their houses and lands, without pity or mercy. I find also that one Humphrey Norton at Newhaven, for being a Quaker, was whipt severely, and burnt in the hand with the letter H. to signify heretic.

This cruelty of the English did also stir up the Dutch to persecution: for without inquiring what kind of people the Quakers were, they seemed ready to conclude them to be men of pernicious opinions, since those of their own nation, who pretended to more purity than other Protestants, did so severely persecute them.

It happened that one Robert Hodshone, being in the Dutch plantation at Hamstead, had a meeting with some of his friends that were English, and lived there; but as he was walking in an orchard, an officer came and took hold of him, and brought him before one Gildersleave, an Englishman, and a magistrate there, who committed him to prison, and rode to the Dutch governor to acquaint him therewith: and coming back with a guard of musqueteers, the fiscal searched the prisoner, and took away his knife, papers, and bible, and pinioned him, and kept him so all night, and the next day. And making inquiry after those that entertained him, he took into custody two women on that occasion, one of whom had two small children, the one yet sucking at her breast. Then they got a cart and carried the women away in it, and Robert was fastened to the hinder part of the cart, pinioned, and so drawn through the woods in the night season, whereby he was much torn and abused. And being come to New Amsterdam, (now New York,) he was loosed, and led by the rope, with which he had been fastened to the cart, to the dungeon, being a filthy place, full of vermin; and the two women were carried to another place. Some time after he was examined, there being one captain Willet of Plymouth, who had much incensed the governor against him, who before had been moderate. The conclusion was, that a sentence was read in Dutch, to Robert, to this effect, that he was to work two years at the wheelbarrow with a negro, or pay, or cause to be paid, six hundred guilders. To this he attempted to make his defence in a sober way, but was not suffered to speak, and sent to the dungeon again; where no English were suffered to come to him. After some days he was taken out, and pinioned, and being set with his face towards the court chamber, his hat was taken off, and another sentence read to him in Dutch, which he did not understand: but that it displeased many of that nation, did appear by the shaking of their heads. Then he was cast again into the dungeon, where he was kept some days.

At length, betimes in the morning, he was hauled out, and chained to a wheelbarrow, and commanded to work: to which he answered, he was never brought up, nor used to such a work. Upon which they made a negro to take a pitched rope, nigh four inches about, and to beat him; who did so, till Robert fell down. Then they took him up again, and caused the negro to beat him with the said rope, until he fell down the second time, and it was believed that he received about one hundred blows. Thus he was kept all that day in the heat of the sun, chained to the wheelbarrow; and his body being much bruised and swelled with the blows, and he kept without food, grew very faint, and sat upon the ground, with his mind retired to the Lord, and resigned to his will, whereby he felt himself supported. At night he was locked up again in the dungeon, and the next morning he was chained again to the wheelbarrow, and a sentinel set over him, that none might come so much as to speak with him. On the third day he was had forth, and chained in like manner; and no wonder that he still refused to work, for besides the unreasonableness of requiring such a servile work of him who had committed no evil, he was not in a condition to perform it, being made altogether unable by the cruel blows given him. In this weak state he was brought before the governor, who demanded him to work, otherwise he said, he should be whipt every day. Robert asked him what law he had broken? And called for his accusers, that he might know his transgression. But instead of an answer he was chained to the wheelbarrow again, and threatened, that if he spake to any one, he should be punished worse. Yet he did not forbear to speak to some that came to him, so as he saw meet, and thought convenient. Then seeing they could not keep him silent, they put him into the dungeon again, and kept him close there several days, and two nights; one day and a half of it, without bread or water.

After this, he was brought very early in the morning, into a private room, and stript to the waist, and hung up by his hands, and a great log of wood tied to his feet, so that he could not turn his body; and then a strong negro was set to whip him with rods, who laid many stripes upon him, which cut his flesh very much. Then he was let down again, and put into the dungeon as before, and none suffered to come to him. Two days after he was had forth again, and hung up as before, and many more stripes were laid upon him by another negro. He almost fainting, and not knowing but his life might be taken away, desired that some English might be suffered to come to him: which was granted, and an English woman came and washed his stripes, finding him brought so low that she thought he would not live till the next morning. And she telling this to her husband, it made such an impression upon him, that he went to the fiscal and proffered him a fat ox, to suffer Robert to be at his house until he was well again. But the fiscal would not permit this, unless the whole fine was paid. And though there were some that would willingly have paid the fine for him, yet he could not consent to it; but within three days after he had thus been whipped, he was made whole, and as strong as before, and was free to labour, that he might not be burdensome to any. Some others of those called Quakers, (who came thither from the plantations in New England to enjoy liberty of conscience, and whose names and sufferings I pass by for brevity’s sake,) met also with hard measure from the governor, by the instigation of the aforesaid Captain Willet. Robert now though guiltless, being kept like a slave to hard work, it raised compassion in many, and the governor’s sister, who was much affected with his sufferings, became instrumental in obtaining his liberty; for she so plied her brother, that he at length set him free without paying one penny, or any body for him; by which the governor showed, that though he had been too easily wrought upon to commit evil, yet he was not come near to that height of malice as the New England persecutors; who increased in their hard-heartedness, and became inured to cruelty, insomuch that if any one amongst them would not give his vote for persecution, he was counted unworthy to be a magistrate: as appears by a letter of one James Cudworth, written some time before to one of his friends in Old England, wherein I meet with these words:

‘As for the state and condition of things amongst us, it is sad. The antichristian persecuting spirit is very active, and that in the powers of this world. He that will not whip and lash, persecute, and punish men that differ in matters of religion, must not sit on the bench, nor sustain any office in the commonwealth. Last election Mr. Hatherly and myself left the bench, and myself was discharged of my captainship, because I had entertained some of the Quakers at my house, that thereby I might be the better acquainted with their principles. I thought it better to do so, than with the blind world to censure, condemn, rail at, and revile them, when they neither saw their persons, nor knew any thing of their principles. But the Quakers and myself cannot close in divers things; and so I signified to the court I was no Quaker, but must give my testimony against sundry things that they held, as I had occasion and opportunity. But withal, I told them, that as I was no Quaker, so I would be no persecutor.’

Now shall I enter upon the narrative of their putting some to death, who died martyrs; for this was yet wanting to complete the tragedy, which it seems could not be done to the satisfaction of the actors, without playing a murdering part.

The two first that sealed their testimony with their blood, were William Robinson, merchant of London, and Marmaduke Stevenson, a countryman of Yorkshire. These coming to Boston in the beginning of September, were sent for by the court of assistants, and there sentenced to banishment on pain of death. This sentence was passed also on Mary Dyar, mentioned heretofore, and Nicholas Davis, who were both at Boston. But William Robinson, being looked upon as a teacher, was also condemned to be whipt severely; and the constable was commanded to get an able man to do it. Then Robinson was brought into the street, and there stript; and having his hands put through the holes of the carriage of a great gun, where the jailer held him, the executioner gave him twenty stripes with a three-fold cord whip. Then he and the other prisoners were shortly released, and banished; which that it was for no other reason but their being Quakers, may appear by the following warrant:

‘You are required by these, presently to set at liberty William Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, Mary Dyar, and Nicholas Davis, who by an order of the court and council, had been imprisoned, because it appeared by their own confession, words, and actions, that they are Quakers; wherefore a sentence was pronounced against them, to depart this jurisdiction on pain of death, and that they must answer it at their peril, if they, or any of them after the 14th of this present month, September, are found within this jurisdiction, or any part thereof.

EDWARD RAWSON.’

Boston, September 12, 1659.

Now though Mary Dyar and Nicholas Davis left that jurisdiction for that time, yet Robinson and Stevenson, though they departed the town of Boston, could not yet resolve, (not being free in mind,) to depart that jurisdiction, though their lives were at stake. And so they went to Salem, and some place thereabout to visit and build up their friends in the faith. But it was not long before they were taken, and put again into prison at Boston, and chains locked to their right legs. In the next month Mary Dyar returned also. And as she stood before the prison, speaking with one Christopher Holder, who was come thither to inquire for a ship bound for England, whither he intended to go, she was also taken into custody. Thus they had three persons, who, according to their sanguinary law, had forfeited their lives. And on the 20th of October, these three were brought into the court, where John Endicot and others were assembled. And being called to the bar, Endicot commanded the keeper to pull off their hats: and then said, that they had made several laws to keep the Quakers from amongst them; and neither whipping, nor imprisoning, nor cutting off ears, nor banishing upon pain of death, would keep them from amongst them. And further he said, that he or they desired not the death of any of them. Yet notwithstanding, his following words without more ado, were, ‘Give ear, and hearken to your sentence of death.’ W. Robinson then desired that he might be permitted to read a paper, giving an account of the reason why he had not departed that jurisdiction. But Endicot would not suffer it to be read, and said in a rage, ‘You shall not read it, nor will the court hear it read.’ Then Robinson laid it on the table. He had written this paper the day before, and some of the contents were, that he being in Rhode Island, the Lord had commanded him to go to Boston, and to lay down his life there. That he also had felt an assurance that his soul was to enter into everlasting peace, and eternal rest. That he durst not but obey, without inquiring further concerning it; believing that it became him as a child, to show obedience to the Lord, without any unwillingness. That this was the cause, why after banishment on pain of death, he staid in their jurisdiction: and that now with sincerity of heart he could say, Blessed be the Lord, the God of my life, who hath called me hereunto, and counted me worthy to testify against wicked and unjust men, &c. This paper being handed to Endicot, he read it to himself, and after he had done, said to Robinson, ‘You need not keep such ado to have it read; for you spoke yesterday more than here is written.’ Yet this was not so; for it contained a circumstantial relation of the divine operations on his mind; and that he was not come there in his own will, but in obedience to his Creator: and that travelling in Rhode Island, on the 8th of the Eighth month, he had been moved thereto from the Lord, and therefore had submitted to his divine pleasure without murmuring. W. Robinson desired again that the paper might be read, that so all that were present might hear it, it was denied him, and Endicot said, ‘W. Robinson hearken to your sentence of death; you shall be had back to the place from whence you came, and from thence to the place of execution, to be hanged on the gallows till you are dead.’ This sentence was not altogether unexpected to W. Robinson; for it was four months now that he had believed this would be his share.

Robinson being taken away, M. Stevenson was called, and Endicot said to him, ‘If you have any thing to say, you may speak.’ He knowing how they dealt with his companion, was silent, though he had also written in prison a paper, containing the cause of his being come there; but he kept it with him, and found afterwards occasion to deliver it to somebody. Then Endicot pronounced sentence of death against him, saying, ‘M. Stevenson, you shall be had to the place from whence you came, and from thence to the gallows, and there be hanged till you are dead.’ Whereupon M. Stevenson spoke thus: ‘Give ear, ye magistrates, and all who are guilty; for this the Lord hath said concerning you, and will perform his word upon you, that the same day ye put his servants to death, shall the day of your visitation pass over your heads, and you shall be cursed for evermore. The mouth of the Lord of hosts hath spoken it. Therefore in love to you all, I exhort you to take warning before it be too late, that so the curse may be removed. For assuredly if you put us to death, you will bring innocent blood upon your own heads, and swift destruction will come upon you.’

After he had spoken this, he was taken away, and Mary Dyar was called: to whom Endicot spoke thus: ‘Mary Dyar, you shall go to the place from whence you came, (to wit, the prison,) and from thence to the place of execution, and be hanged there until you are dead.’ To which she replied, ‘The will of the Lord be done.’ Then Endicot said, ‘Take her away, marshal.’ To which she returned, ‘Yea, joyfully I go.’ And in her going to the prison, she often uttered speeches of praise to the Lord; and, being full of joy, she said to the marshal, he might let her alone, for she would go to the prison without him. To which he answered, ‘I believe you, Mrs. Dyar: but I must do what I am commanded.’ Thus she was led to prison, where she was kept a week, with the two other, her companions, that were also condemned to die.

* * * * *

The paper of Marmaduke Stevenson, mentioned before, which he gave forth after he had received sentence of death, was thus:

‘In the beginning of the year 1655, I was at the plough, in the east parts of Yorkshire, in Old England, near the place where my outward being was, and as I walked after the plough, I was filled with the love and presence of the living God, which did ravish my heart when I felt it; for it did increase and abound in me like a living stream, so did the love and life of God run through me like precious ointment, giving a pleasant smell, which made me to stand still; and as I stood a little still, with my heart and mind stayed on the Lord, the word of the Lord came to me in a still small voice, which I did hear perfectly, saying to me, in the secret of my heart and conscience,--I have ordained thee a prophet unto the nations.--And at the hearing of the word of the Lord, I was put to a stand, being that I was but a child for such a weighty matter. So at the time appointed, Barbadoes was set before me, unto which I was required of the Lord to go, and leave my dear and loving wife, and tender children: for the Lord said unto me immediately by his Spirit, that he would be as a husband to my wife, and as a father to my children, and they should not want in my absence, for he would provide for them when I was gone. And I believed that the Lord would perform what he had spoken, because I was made willing to give up myself to his work and service, to leave all and follow him, whose presence and life is with me, where I rest in peace and quietness of spirit, (with my dear brother,) under the shadow of his wings, who hath made us willing to lay down our lives for his own name sake, if unmerciful men be suffered to take them from us; and if they do, we know we shall have peace and rest with the Lord for ever in his holy habitation, when they shall have torment night and day. So, in obedience to the living God, I made preparation to pass to Barbadoes, in the Fourth month, 1658. So, after I had been some time on the said island in the service of God, I heard that New England had made a law to put the servants of the living God to death, if they returned after they were sentenced away, which did come near me at that time: and as I considered the thing, and pondered it in my heart, immediately came the word of the Lord unto me, saying, ‘Thou knowest not but that thou mayest go thither.’ But I kept this word in my heart, and did not declare it to any until the time appointed. So, after that, a vessel was made ready for Rhode Island, which I passed in. So, after a little time that I had been there, visiting the seed which the Lord hath blessed, the word of the Lord came unto me, saying, ‘Go to Boston with thy brother William Robinson.’ And at his command I was obedient, and gave up myself to do his will, that so his work and service may be accomplished: for he hath said unto me, that he hath a great work for me to do; which is now come to pass: and for yielding obedience to, and obeying the voice and command of, the ever-living God, who created heaven and earth, and the fountains of waters, do I, with my brother, suffer outward bonds near unto death, and this is given forth to be upon record, that all people may know, who hear it, that we came not in our own wills, but in the will of God. Given forth by me, who am known to men by the name of

MARMADUKE STEVENSON.

But having a new name given me, which the world knows not of, written in the Book of Life.

‘Written in Boston prison, in the 8th Month, 1659.’

Mary Dyar being returned to prison, wrote the following letter, which she sent to the rulers of Boston.

To the General Court in Boston.

‘Whereas I am by many charged with the guiltiness of my own blood; if you mean in my coming to Boston, I am therein clear, and justified by the Lord, in whose will I came, who will require my blood of you, be sure, who have made a law to take away the lives of the innocent servants of God, if they come among you, who are called by you, cursed Quakers; although I say, and am a living witness for them and the Lord, that he hath blessed them, and sent them unto you; therefore be not found fighters against God, but let my counsel and request be accepted with you, to repeal all such laws, that the Truth and servants of the Lord may have free passage among you, and you be kept from shedding innocent blood, which I know there are many among you would not do, if they knew it so to be; nor can the enemy that stirreth you up thus to destroy his holy seed, in any measure countervail the great damage that you will, by thus doing, procure. Therefore seeing the Lord hath not hid it from me, it lieth upon me, in love to your souls, thus to persuade you. I have no self-ends the Lord knoweth; for if my life were freely granted by you, it would not avail me, nor could I expect it of you, so long as I should daily hear or see the sufferings of these people, my dear brethren, and the seed with whom my life is bound up, as I have done these two years; and now it is like to increase, even unto death, for no evil doing, but coming among you. Was ever the like laws heard of among a people that profess Christ come in the flesh? And have such no other weapons but such laws to fight against spiritual wickedness withal, as you call it? Wo is me for you! Of whom take ye counsel? Search with the light of Christ in you, and it will show you of whom, as it hath done me and many more, who have been disobedient and deceived, as now ye are: which light as ye come into, and obeying what is made manifest to you therein, you will not repent that you were kept from shedding blood, though it were by a woman. It is not mine own life I seek, (for I choose rather to suffer with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of Egypt,) but the life of the seed, which I know the Lord hath blessed, and therefore seeks the enemy thus vehemently to destroy the life thereof, as in all ages he ever did. O hearken not unto him, I beseech you, for the seed’s sake, which is one and all, and is dear in the sight of God, which they that touch, touch the apple of his eye, and cannot escape his wrath; whereof I having felt, cannot but persuade all men that I have to do withal, especially you who name the name of Christ, to depart from such iniquity as shedding blood, even of the saints of the Most High. Therefore let my request have as much acceptance with you, if you be Christians, as Esther’s had with Ahasuerus, whose relation is short of that that is between Christians; and my request is the same that her’s was: and he said not that he had made a law, and it would be dishonourable for him to revoke it; but when he understood that those people were so prized by her, and so nearly concerned her, as in truth these are to me, you may see what he did for her. Therefore I leave these lines with you, appealing to the faithful and true witness of God, which is one in all consciences, before whom we must all appear; with whom I shall eternally rest, in everlasting joy and peace, whether you will hear or forbear. With him is my reward, with whom to live is my joy, and to die is my gain, though I had not had your forty-eight hours warning, for the preparation of the death of Mary Dyar.

‘And know this also, that if through the enmity you shall declare yourselves worse than Ahasuerus, and confirm your law, though it were but by taking away the life of one of us, that the Lord will overthrow both your law and you, by his righteous judgments and plagues poured justly upon you, who now, whilst ye are warned thereof, and tenderly sought unto, may avoid the one, by removing the other. If you neither hear, nor obey the Lord, nor his servants, yet will he send more of his servants among you, so that your end shall be frustrated, that think to restrain them ye call cursed Quakers, from coming among you, by any thing you can do to them. Yea, verily, he hath a seed here among you, for whom we have suffered all this while, and yet suffer; whom the Lord of the harvest will send forth more labourers to gather, out of the mouths of the devourers of all sorts, into his fold, where he will lead them into fresh pastures, even the paths of righteousness, for his name’s sake. Oh, let none of you put this good day far from you, which verily in the light of the Lord I see approaching, even to many in and about Boston, which is the bitterest and darkest professing place, and so to continue so long as you have done, that ever I heard of. Let the time past, therefore, suffice, for such a profession as brings forth such fruits as these laws are. In love, and in the spirit of meekness, I again beseech you, for I have no enmity to the persons of any; but you shall know, that God will not be mocked; but what ye sow, that shall ye reap from him, that will render to every one according to the deeds done in the body, whether good or evil. Even so be it, saith

MARY DYAR.’

A copy of this was given to the general court after Mary Dyar had received sentence of death, about the 8th or 9th month, 1659.

The day appointed to execute the bloody sentence, was the 27th of October, when in the afternoon the condemned prisoners were led to the gallows by the marshal Michaelson, and captain James Oliver, with a band of about two hundred armed men, besides many horsemen; as if they were afraid that some of the people would have rescued the prisoners: and that no actors on the stage might be wanting, the priest Wilson joined the company, who, when the court deliberated how to deal with the Quakers, said, ‘Hang them, or else’ (drawing his finger athwart his throat,) as if he would have said, ‘Dispatch ’em this way.’ Now the march began, and a drummer going next before the condemned, the drums were beaten, especially when any of them attempted to speak. Glorious signs of heavenly joy and gladness were beheld in the countenances of these three persons, who walked hand in hand, Mary being the middlemost, which made the marshal say to her, who was pretty aged, and stricken in years, ‘Are not you ashamed to walk thus hand in hand between two young men?’ ‘No,’ replied she, ‘this is to me an hour of the greatest joy I could enjoy in this world. No eye can see, nor ear can hear, no tongue can utter, and no heart can understand, the sweet incomes, or influence, and the refreshings of the spirit of the Lord, which now I feel.’ Thus going along, W. Robinson said, ‘This is your hour, and the power of darkness.’ But presently the drums were beaten; yet shortly after the drummers leaving off beating, Marmaduke Stevenson said, ‘This is the day of your visitation, wherein the Lord hath visited you.’ More he spoke, but could not be understood, by reason of the drums being beaten again. Yet they went on with great cheerfulness, as going to an everlasting wedding feast, and rejoicing that the Lord had counted them worthy to suffer death for his name’s sake.

When they were come near the gallows, the priest said in a taunting way to W. Robinson, ‘Shall such jacks as you come in before authority with their hats on?’ To which Robinson replied, ‘Mind you, mind you, it is for the not putting off the hat we are put to death!’ Now being come to the ladder, they took leave of each other with tender embraces, and then Robinson went cheerfully up the ladder, and being got up, said to the people, ‘This is the day of your visitation, wherein the Lord hath visited you: this is the day the Lord is risen in his mighty power, to be avenged on all his adversaries.’ He also signified, that he suffered not as an evil-doer: and desired the spectators to mind the light that was in them; to wit, the Light of Christ, of which he testified, and was now going to seal it with his blood. This so incensed the envious priest, that he said, ‘Hold thy tongue; be silent; thou art going to die with a lie in thy mouth.’ The rope being now about his neck, the executioner bound his hands and legs, and tied his neckcloth about his face: which being done, Robinson said, ‘Now ye are made manifest;’ and the executioner being about turning him off, he said, ‘I suffer for Christ, in whom I live, and for whom I die.’ He being turned off, Marmaduke Stevenson stepped up the ladder, and said, ‘Be it known unto all this day, that we suffer not as evil-doers, but for conscience sake.’ And when the hangman was about to turn him off, he said, ‘This day shall we be at rest with the Lord;’ and so he was turned off.

Mary Dyar seeing her companions hanging dead before her, also stepped up the ladder; but after her coats were tied about her feet, the halter put about her neck, and her face covered with a handkerchief, which the priest Wilson lent the hangman, just as she was to be turned off, a cry was heard, ‘Stop, for she is reprieved.’ Her feet then being loosed, they bade her come down. But she whose mind was already as it were in heaven, stood still, and said, she was there willing to suffer as her brethren did, unless they would annul their wicked law. Little heed was given to what she said, but they pulled her down, and the marshal and others taking her by the arms, carried her to prison again. That she thus was freed from the gallows, this time, was at the intercession of her son, to whom it seems they could not then resolve to deny that favour. She, now having heard why she was reprieved, wrote the next day, being the 28th of October, the following letter to the court.

The 28th of the Eighth month, 1659.

‘Once more to the general court assembled in Boston, speaks Mary Dyar, even as before. My life is not accepted, neither availeth me, in comparison of the lives and liberty of the Truth, and servants of the living God, for which in the bowels of love and meekness I sought you: yet, nevertheless, with wicked hands have you put two of them to death, which makes me to feel, that the mercies of the wicked are cruelty. I rather choose to die than to live, as from you, as guilty of their innocent blood: therefore seeing my request is hindered, I leave you to the righteous Judge, and searcher of all hearts, who, with the pure measure of light he hath given to every man to profit withal, will in his due time let you see whose servants you are, and of whom you have taken counsel, which I desire you to search into: but all his counsel hath been slighted, and you would none of his reproofs. Read your portion, Prov. i. 24 to 32. For verily the night cometh on you apace, wherein no man can work, in which you shall assuredly fall to your own master. In obedience to the Lord, whom I serve with my spirit, and pity to your souls, which you neither know nor pity, I can do no less than once more to warn you, to put away the evil of your doings; and kiss the Son, the light in you, before his wrath be kindled in you; for where it is, nothing without you can help or deliver you out of his hand at all; and if these things be not so, then say, there hath been no prophet from the Lord sent amongst you; though we be nothing, yet it is his pleasure, by things that are not, to bring to nought things that are.

When I heard your last order read, it was a disturbance unto me, that was so freely offering up my life to him that gave it me, and sent me hither so to do, which obedience being his own work, he gloriously accompanied with his presence, and peace, and love in me, in which I rested from my labour; till by your order and the people, I was so far disturbed, that I could not retain any more of the words thereof, than that I should return to prison, and there remain forty and eight hours; to which I submitted, finding nothing from the Lord to the contrary, that I may know what his pleasure and counsel is concerning me, on whom I wait therefore, for he is my life, and the length of my days; and as I said before, I came at his command, and go at his command.

MARY DYAR.’

The magistrates now perceiving that the putting William Robinson and Marmaduke Stevenson to death, caused great discontent among the people, resolved to send away Mary Dyar, thereby to calm their minds a little. And so she was put on horseback, and by four horsemen conveyed fifteen miles towards Rhode Island, where she was left with a horse and a man, to be conveyed the rest of the way: which she soon sent back, and so repaired home. By the style of her letters, and her undaunted carriage, it appears that she had indeed some extraordinary qualities; I find also, that she was of a comely and grave countenance, of a good family and estate, and a mother of several children: but her husband it seems was of another persuasion.

Whilst I now leave her at home, I am to say that one John Chamberlain, an inhabitant of Boston, having seen the execution of W. Robinson and M. Stevenson, was so reached by their pious speeches, that he received the doctrine of the Truth, for which they died: but his visiting those in prison was so ill resented, that afterwards he was whipped several times severely; as was also Edward Wharton, an inhabitant of Salem: who having said that the guilt of Robinson and Stevenson’s blood was so great and heavy, that he was not able to bear it, was, for this his pretended sauciness, whipped with twenty lashes, and fined twenty pounds.

But before I quite leave the persons that were hanged, I must say, that being dead, their countenances still looked fresh; (for the terror of death had not seized them.) But being cut down, they were very barbarously used, none taking hold of their bodies: which so fell down on the ground, that thereby the scull of W. Robinson was broken: and even their shirts were ripped off with a knife, and their naked bodies cast into a hole which was digged, without any covering. And when some of their friends would have laid their bodies into coffins, it was denied them. Neither would they suffer the place where the bodies were cast, to be fenced with pales, lest ravenous beasts might prey upon them.

When the people returned from the execution, many seemed sad and heavy; and coming to the drawbridge, one end of it fell upon some, and several were hurt, especially a wicked woman, who had reviled the said two persons at their death; but now she was so bruised, that her flesh rotted from her bones, which made such a noisome stink, that people could not endure to be with her: in which miserable condition she remained till she died. But the magistrates, instead of taking notice of this, grew more hardened; and priest Wilson did not stick to make a ballad on the executed.

1660.

Now I return again to Mary Dyar, who being come to Rhode Island, went from thence to Long Island, where she staid the most part of the winter: and then coming home again, she was moved to return to the bloody town of Boston, whither she came on the 21st of the Third month, 1660, and on the 31st she was sent for by the general court. Being come, the governor, John Endicot, said, ‘Are you the same Mary Dyar that was here before?’ And it seems he was preparing an evasion for her, there having been another of that name returned from Old England. But she was so far from disguising, that she answered undauntedly, ‘I am the same Mary Dyar that was here the last general court.’ Then Endicot said, ‘You will own yourself a Quaker, will you not?’ To which Mary Dyar said, ‘I own myself to be reproachfully called so.’ Then the jailer, (who would also say something,) said, ‘She is a vagabond.’ And Endicot said, the sentence was past upon her the last general court, and now likewise: ‘You must return to the prison, and there remain till to-morrow at nine o’clock; then from thence you must go to the gallows, and there be hanged till you are dead.’ To which Mary Dyar said, ‘This is no more than what thou saidst before.’ And Endicot returned, ‘But now it is to be executed; therefore prepare yourself to-morrow at nine o’clock.’ She then spoke thus: ‘I came in obedience to the will of God the last general court, desiring you to repeal your unrighteous laws of banishment on pain of death; and that same is my work now, and earnest request; although I told you, that if you refused to repeal them, the Lord would send others of his servants to witness against them.’ Hereupon Endicot asked her, whether she was a prophetess? And she answered, ‘she spoke the words that the Lord spoke in her; and now the thing was come to pass.’ And beginning to speak of her call, Endicot cried, ‘Away with her; away with her.’ So she was brought to the prison house where she was before, and kept close shut up until the next day.

About the appointed time the marshal Michaelson came, and called her to come hastily; and coming into the room where she was, she desired him to stay a little; and speaking mildly, said, she should be ready presently. But he being of a rough temper, said he could not wait upon her, but she should now wait upon him. One Margaret Smith, her companion, being grieved to see such hard-heartedness, spoke something against their unjust laws and proceedings; to which he said, ‘You shall have your share of the same.’ Then Mary Dyar was brought forth, and with a band of soldiers led through the town, the drums being beaten before and behind her, and so continued, that none might hear her speak all the way to the place of execution, which was about a mile. With this guard she came to the gallows, and being gone up the ladder, some said to her, that if she would return, she might come down and save her life. To which she replied, ‘Nay, I cannot, for in obedience to the will of the Lord I came, and in his will I abide faithful to the death.’ Then captain John Webb said, that she had been there before, and had the sentence of banishment upon pain of death, and had broken the law in coming again now; and therefore she was guilty of her own blood. To which she returned, ‘Nay, I came to keep blood-guiltiness from you, desiring you to repeal the unrighteous and unjust law of banishment upon pain of death, made against the innocent servants of the Lord; therefore my blood will be required at your hands, who wilfully do it: but for those that do it in the simplicity of their hearts, I desire the Lord to forgive them. I came to do the will of my Father, and in obedience to his will, I stand even to death.’ Then priest Wilson said, ‘Mary Dyar, O repent, O repent, and be not so deluded, and carried away by the deceit of the devil.’ To this Mary Dyar answered, ‘Nay, man, I am not now to repent.’ And being asked by some, whether she would have the elders pray for her, she said, ‘I know never an elder here.’ Being further asked, whether she would have any of the people to pray for her? She answered, she desired the prayers of all the people of God. Thereupon some scoffingly said, ‘It may be she thinks there is none here.’ She looking about, said, ‘I know but few here.’ Then they spoke to her again, that one of the elders might pray for her. To which she replied, ‘Nay, first a child, then a young man, then a strong man, before an elder in Christ Jesus.’ After this she was charged with something which was not understood what it was, but she seemed to hear it; for she said, ‘It is false, it is false; I never spoke those words.’ Then one mentioned that she should have said, she had been in paradise. To which she answered, ‘Yea, I have been in paradise several days.’ And more she spoke of the eternal happiness into which she was now to enter. In this well-disposed condition she was turned off, and died a martyr of Christ, being twice led to death, which the first time she expected with undaunted courage, and now suffered with Christian fortitude.

Thus this honest, valiant woman finished her days: but so hardened were these persecutors, that one of the court said scoffingly, ‘She did hang as a flag for others to take example by.’ And putting to death for religion did not yet cease, as will be related hereafter: but first I will take a turn again to Old England, where there was now great division, and a revolution in the state.

* * * * *

About the beginning of this year, E. Burrough wrote the following letter to the parliament, which then had the power again in their hands.

‘Friends,

‘All these overturnings, and almost wonderful changings, were effected through the justice of the Lord’s hand. You are now again at the stern of government, and on the throne; and I dare not but say it is of and by the Lord, and that he hath done it contrary to the expectations of many; and what his end is in it, remains with him. But I am sure one cause is, that you may execute part of his wrath upon that treacherous generation of hypocritical and deceitful men, some of the army I mean. I need not say to you, how that many of them were raised up from a low estate; and, instead of serving the nation, became their lords and oppressors; they have abused the Lord’s mercy to them, and exalted themselves, and became as great oppressors, and as grievous to the nation, as ever they were that went before them; and some of them took the very tithes and estates of their enemies, and followed their evil spirit also, though the Lord was long-suffering to them, and gave them a day, and put opportunity into their hands, wherein they might have done good; but they also neglected to serve God and the nation, to themselves; and because of the ambition and pride of some of them, the Lord suffered them to make this last interruption upon you, which was great treachery in man’s account, that thereby their measure might be filled up, and that he might give you occasion against them, and suffer you to be filled with indignation towards them, to break them to pieces: and what you do to some of them, in casting them out, and afflicting them, you are but God’s executioners therein; you are the executioners of his anger, in what you do to them; and who shall prevent you, or forbid him to go on? For they have long enough dissembled with this nation, in professing more than others, and doing less, and their downfall is now. And God hath looked upon you, to be hard-hearted and cruel enough, and very fit executioners of vengeance upon such men, as I have mentioned.

‘But now concerning you, and your present state, as you are in present place and power, I have something to say to you; though they are fallen, and you yet stand, and you have a little time after them; but this I say, do not glory over their fall, neither glory as though you should stand for ever; for they were not greater sinners than you are, neither are you one whit more righteous than some of them; but you are as sure to fall, as they are fallen, with no less measure of dishonour and affliction than is come upon them; and you are in your last hour; and I dare not say, that God expects much more from you, than for the end aforesaid, viz. to be the executioners of justice upon men as sinful as yourselves; so do not glory over them that are fallen: but know that your time also is but short, and your fall may prove to your destruction, and theirs may prove to make them better, and refine them: and if God hath chosen you to execute some part of his wrath upon them, for their wickedness, he will doubtless find instruments to execute his wrath upon you, else he will do it with his own hands; for he purposeth not to spare you; for your sins cry as loud as any other people’s, and the oppressions are as great under you, as under them whom you condemn. And I desire, if there be any good men amongst you, that such who are wise may consider, and mind the hand of the Lord in and through all these things that are come to pass; for God is working as well as you, he is seeking to set up a kingdom as well as you, and his government and your’s cannot stand together; and he will make you know that he is stronger, and his government of more force, and your kingdom cannot stand in place with his.

‘Therefore, Oh that you would take heed! Oh that you would be wise, if so be some of you may be spared! and be not too zealous in your way, nor too furious in your proceedings; do but to others as you intend to receive from others, and from the Lord; and go not beyond your commission; for a permission at least you have had from God, even to scourge hypocrites, and to be a judgment upon that hypocritical, seeming religious generation of men aforesaid, which have many a time as it were mocked God, and pretended love to him with their lips, when their hearts have yearned after self-honour, and treasures of this world: I say, your present hour and permission is for this end, but not to persecute the people of the Lord, nor to destroy God’s heritage; but if you shall extend your power unto such a work, and if you do persecute the innocent without cause, and make war against the Lamb and his followers, and make laws, and execute them to the oppression of the saints of the Most High, then you go beyond your commission; for God hath not called you unto this, but to be instruments in another cause. And the children of Zion, they trust in the living God, and fear not the terror of mighty men, neither can they be afraid at the roaring of the sea, nor at the present threatening of the heathen, for God is with them. And I say unto you, the servant of the Lord hath pondered and considered all these proceedings, and viewed the present state of things at this day, and there is no vision from God unto you of peace and comfort, nor of a happy and lasting government, as you stand: if any prophet shall divine this unto you, he speaks what he hath not from the Lord, but the vision of his own heart, and he deceives you and himself; for you are not established upon a right foundation, neither are you acted by a right spirit, which can truly govern for God; but the spirit of wrath and fury is put into you, for the work to which you are called. And I know not how to warn you, that you do not persecute the people of God. For why? It may be you must fill up your measure of wickedness thereby, that God may break you perpetually; yet the less will be your judgment, if you do it not: but and if you do it, the Lord will take occasion against you, to wound you, and you shall never be healed, and as you do afflict others, so and much more shall it be done unto you from the Lord.

‘Wherefore, consider what I have said; for this is the vision of the Almighty unto you, that shall not go unfulfilled: and what you do, you must do it quickly; for your time is short, and your power will God subdue; and his kingdom and power will he speedily exalt over your heads, and make you and the nations know that he is God, and that all power is with him, and that he can do whatsoever he will; and it is his right alone to reign, and his children’s portion to possess the kingdom with him. Let the whole earth, and all the powers thereof, bow and tremble before him: let not your hearts be stout and rebellious against him, for he can grind you to powder, and sink you into confusion and misery, as a stone into the sea.’

This was directed for the hands of the speaker in parliament, and accordingly was given to William Lenthal, being inclosed to him with these lines following

‘Friend,

‘The inclosed I do commend unto thee to present unto the house, and to endeavour sincerely the reading of it in your assembly; for it is of special concernment to you all; and in the name of the Lord, and by his Spirit, I do charge thee not to be negligent in this matter, as though it were not of worth to you; and I do lay it upon thee, as thou wilt answer the contrary at the dreadful day of God, when the King of Righteousness shall judge thee and all mankind.

E. BURROUGH.’

The 24th of the Eleventh month, 1659.

This parliament did so lord it, that about fifteen hundred military officers were cashiered, and others put into their places.

About this time George Fox the younger wrote also a letter to the parliament and the army, which was as followeth:

‘Your day into darkness is turned; the sun is gone down over you. You have had a large day, and power given unto you, to have done the will of God, but you have abused the power, and slighted your day; and you have refused to do the Lord’s work, and have sought to serve yourselves, and not the Lord; therefore in justice and righteousness, is the day wherein you might have wrought for God, taken from you; and the thick dark night of confusion is come upon you, wherein you are groping and stumbling, and cannot work; the decree is gone out, and sealed against you, and it cannot be recalled; you are not the men, (as ye stand,) in whom God will appear to work deliverance for his people, and creatures; and yet deliverance shall come, but not according to man’s expectations. But as for you, ye have rejected the counsel of the Lord, and grieved his Spirit, and he hath long borne you; yea, you are departed from the Lord, and his presence is departed from you; indeed he hath hewed with you, and if you had been faithful to the end, he would have honoured and prospered you, and would have been your sufficient reward: ye were his axe, but you have boasted yourselves against him; therefore as you have beaten, and hewed, and broken others, even so must you be beaten, hewed, and broken; for you have grievously provoked the Lord; and if he should now suffer that tree, which ye have cut, to fall upon you, and to break part of you, it were just.

‘O ye treacherous, wilful, proud, self-seeking people, who have despised the counsel of the Lord, and would not take warning, though he hath sent his prophets and servants early and late among you, some of whom you have imprisoned and despitefully used; what will ye do now? Whom will ye now flee unto for help; seeing ye are departed from the Lord, and are now rending and tearing, biting and devouring one another, for proud, ambitious, self ends? (Mark.) If you would now build again the thing that you once destroyed, that shall not be able to hide or shelter you from the wrath of the Lamb; that way whereby you think to strengthen yourselves, thereby shall you make yourselves much weaker, and help forward your own destruction; you are now but a rod, remember your end, which hastens greatly. Now breach upon breach, insurrection upon insurrection, overturning upon overturning, heaps upon heaps, division upon division shall there be, until he come to reign, whose right it is; and all nations must bow before him, else he will break them with his iron rod.

‘They that trust in, or lean upon you for help, it is as if they leaned upon a broken reed, which is not able to help itself, nor others; indeed you have been made to do many good things, but you would not go through with the work which God will have accomplished, and therefore are these things come upon you; therefore tremble and dread before the Lord, ye who have been as strong oaks, and tall cedars, for now shall your strength fail you, and you shall be weak, even as the weakest of men; but if you would yet believe in the light, and truly submit to God’s righteous judgments, many of you might come to witness your souls saved, in the day of the Lord; though many of your bodies are to be thrown by, because of your grievous backslidings, as not counted worthy to be the Lord’s workmen.

‘There is a small remnant yet among you, for whom my soul breathes, who may be winnowed out; and if they will own the judgments of the Lord, and truly and thoroughly deny themselves, and follow his leadings, he will heal their backslidings, and purge them, that so they may be instruments in his hand: but they that will continue with you in your sins, shall partake with you of your judgments.

‘The rod of the wicked shall not always rest upon the back of the righteous; yet even as gold is tried, so shall they be, that they may be white, and without spot before the Lamb; but God will avenge their cause, and wo then will be to their oppressors; and then shall the majesty and the glory of the Lord fill his people, who have long been trodden under, and they shall be the dread of all nations; the zeal of the Lord of Hosts shall perform this.

GEORGE FOX, the younger.’

11th Month, (59.)

This letter being printed, a copy of it was given to each parliament man, before Monk with his army came into London; and how soon the predictions contained therein, as well as those of E. Burrough, in the foregoing year, came to be fulfilled, when many of the great ones were hanged and quartered, we shall see in the sequel.

General Monk came now, with part of the army he commanded, out of Scotland; into England, and made great alterations among the officers, putting in such as were believed to be no enemies to Charles Stuart; for whatsoever Monk said of his resolution to be true and faithful to the parliament, and to promote the interest of a commonwealth; yet it appeared ere long that he aimed at something else; which he could do the easier, because he wanted not adherents in the parliament; though he did not stick to say to Edmund Ludlow, ‘We must live and die for, and with, a commonwealth:’ and to others he declared, that he would oppose to the utmost the setting up of Charles Stuart. In the meanwhile he so ordered it, that many members of the parliament, that had been long excluded as unqualified, took session again in that assembly; and these brought it about, that sir George Booth, who was confined to the Tower, for having carried on a design for Charles Stuart, was set at liberty. Neither was the city of London in a condition to oppose Monk; for he caused the port-cullies, and doors of the city gates, and the posts to be pulled down; and the royalists were now become so bold, that they printed a list of the names of the judges that condemned king Charles the First to death; and some of them were secured, whilst others fled away. General Lambert was also sent to the Tower, and Monk, whose authority now increased, sent for the lords, who until the year 1648, had sat in parliament, and bade them return to the house where they formerly used to sit.

In these overturnings G. Fox came to London, to wit, in the time when they were breaking the city gates. He then wrote a paper to those that were now sinking, and told them, that now the prophecies were fulfilling upon them, which had been spoken to them; and that they who used to call the Quakers fanatics, and giddyheads, now seemed themselves giddy, and fugitives or wanderers.

From London G. Fox went to Sussex, and from thence to Dorsetshire. At Dorchester he had a great meeting in the evening at the inn where he lodged, and there came many soldiers, who were pretty civil. But the constables and officers of the town came also, under pretence to look for a Jesuit, whose head, they said, was shaved. So they took off G. Fox’s hat, but not finding any bald place on his head, they went away with shame. This was of good service among the soldiers and others, and it affected the people, who were turned to the Lord Jesus Christ.

Then he passed into Somersetshire, where his friends meetings were often disturbed. One time there came a wicked man, who having a bear’s skin on his back, played ugly pranks in the meeting; and setting himself opposite to the person that was preaching, lolled his tongue out of his mouth, and so made sport for his wicked followers, and caused great disturbance in the meeting. But as he went back from thence, an eminent judgment overtook him; for there being a bull-baiting in the way, he staid to see; and coming within his reach, the bull pushed his horn under the man’s chin, into his throat, and forced his tongue out of his mouth, so that it hung out in the same manner as before he lolled it out in derision in the meeting: and the bull running his horn into the man’s head, swung him about in a most fearful manner.

G. Fox travelling through Somersetshire, came into Devonshire, and so went into Cornwall, till he came to the Land’s End. Whilst he was in Cornwall, there were great shipwrecks about the Land’s End. Now it was the custom of that country, that at such times both rich and poor went out to get as much of the wreck as they could, not caring to save the people’s lives; and this custom so prevailed, that in some parts of the country they called shipwrecks, God’s grace. This grieved G. Fox not a little, considering how far these professed Christians were below the heathen at Melita, who courteously received Paul, and the others that had suffered shipwreck with him, and made him a fire. On this consideration, he was moved to write a paper to the magistrates, priests, and others, both high and low; in which he showed them the wickedness of their deeds, and reproved them for such greedy actions, telling them how they were ready to fight with one another for the spoil, and spend what they got in taverns or ale-houses, letting those that escaped drowning, go a begging up and down the country. Therefore he seriously exhorted them, to do unto others, what they would have done to themselves.

This paper he sent to all the parishes thereabouts: and after having had many meetings in Cornwall, and several eminent people being convinced of the Truth preached by him, he went to Bristol, where the meetings of his friends were exceedingly disturbed by the soldiers. Having heard this, he desired George Bishop, Thomas Gouldney, Thomas Speed, and Edward Pyot, to go to the mayor and aldermen, and desire them to let his friends have the town-hall to meet in, provided it should not be on such days when the mayor and aldermen had business to do in it; and that for this use they would give twenty pounds a year, to be distributed among the poor. These four persons were astonished at this proposal, and said, the mayor and aldermen would think them mad; for the mayor and the commander of the soldiers had combined together to make a disturbance in their meetings. But G. Fox so encouraged them, that at last they consented to what he desired. Being come to the mayor, he was moderate beyond expectation; and when they had laid the thing before him, he said, for his part, he could consent to it; but he was but one. So they left him in a loving frame of mind; and coming back, G. Fox desired them to go also to the colonel that commanded the soldiers, and to acquaint him of their rude carriage, and how they disturbed the meetings. But the aforesaid four persons were backward to go to him. Next morning being the First day of the week, a meeting was kept in an orchard, where many people came; and after G. Fox had been preaching a pretty while, there came several rude soldiers, some with drawn swords, and some drunk, and among these one that had bound himself with an oath to cut down, and kill the man that spoke. But when he came pressing in through the crowd, and was within two yards of G. Fox, he stopped at those four persons before mentioned, and fell a jangling with them; but at length his sword was put up again. The next day they went and spoke with the colonel, and he having heard how mischievous his soldiers had been, sent for them, and cut and slashed some of them. When this was told G. Fox, he blamed those his friends, thinking they might have prevented the cutting of the soldiers, if they had gone to the colonel when he would have had them. Yet this had such effect, that the meeting there was kept without disturbance a good while after.

G. Fox then also had a general meeting at Edward Pyot’s, near Bristol, at which were several thousands of people; and so many of Bristol, that some said, the city looked naked; and all was quiet.

But in other places, about this time, things were not so quiet; for the soldiers, under general Monk’s command, were often very rude in disturbing of meetings. But when complaint was made to him, who was then at Westminster, he showed that he would not countenance such wickedness, and did in that respect better than several other generals had done, for he gave forth the following order.

‘St. James’s, March 9, 1659-60.

‘I do require all officers and soldiers, to forbear to disturb the peaceable meetings of the Quakers, they doing nothing prejudicial to the parliament or commonwealth of England.

GEORGE MONK.’

Monk having thus long declared for a commonwealth, and against a king, began now to take off the mask; for the old lords had now taken their places again in the House of Peers, out of which they had been kept so many years; and by the advice of Monk, Charles Stuart, (who for several years had lived at Cologne, and, having made a voyage to Spain, was from thence come, by France, to Brussels,) repaired to Breda: and in England it being resolved upon to call him back, and to restore him, he gave forth the following declaration at Breda; thereby to persuade those that were yet backward to acknowledge him.

‘Charles, R.

‘Charles, by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. To all our loving subjects, of what degree or quality soever, greeting. If the general distraction and confusion which is spread over the whole kingdom, doth not awaken all men to a desire and longing that those wounds which have for so many years together been kept bleeding, may be bound up, all we can say will be to no purpose. However, after this long silence, we have thought it our duty to declare, how much we desire to contribute thereunto; and that as we can never give over the hope, in good time to obtain the possession of that right which God and nature has made our due; so we do make it our daily suit to the Divine Providence, that he will, in compassion to us and our subjects, after so long misery and sufferings, remit, and put us into a quiet and peaceable possession of that our right, with as little blood and damage to our people as is possible. Nor do we desire more to enjoy what is ours, than that all our subjects may enjoy what by law is theirs, by a full and entire administration of justice throughout the land, and by extending our mercy where it is wanted and desired.

‘And to the end that the fear of punishment may not engage any, conscious to themselves of what is past, to a perseverance in guilt for the future; by opposing the quiet and happiness of their country, in the restoration both of king, peers, and people, to their just, ancient, and fundamental rights; we do by these presents declare, that we do grant a free and general pardon, which we are ready upon demand to pass under our great seal of England, to all our subjects, of what degree or quality soever, who, within forty days after the publishing hereof, shall lay hold upon this our grace and favour; and shall by any public act declare their doing so, and that they return to the loyalty and obedience of good subjects; excepting only such persons as shall hereafter be excepted by parliament. Those only excepted, let all our subjects, how faulty soever, rely upon the word of a king, solemnly given by this present declaration, that no crime whatsoever, committed against us, or our royal father, before the publication of this, shall ever rise in judgment, or be brought in question against any of them, to the least endamagement of them, either in their lives, liberties, or estates; or as far forth as lies in our power, so much as to the prejudice of their reputations, by any reproach, or term of distinction, from the rest of our best subjects; we desiring, and ordaining, that henceforward all notes of discord, separation, and difference of parties, be utterly abolished among all our subjects, whom we invite and conjure to a perfect union among themselves, under our protection, for the resettlement of our just rights, and theirs, in a free parliament, by which, upon the word of a king, we will be advised.

‘And because the passion and uncharitableness of the times have produced several opinions in religion; by which men are engaged in parties and animosities against each other, which, when they shall hereafter unite, in a freedom of conversation, will be composed, or better understood; we do declare a liberty to tender consciences, and that no man shall be disquieted, or called in question, for differences of opinion in matter of religion, which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of parliament, as, upon mature deliberation, shall be offered to us for the full granting of that indulgence.

‘And because, in the continual distractions of so many years, and so many and great revolutions, many grants and purchases of estates, have been made to, and by, many officers, soldiers, and others, who are now possessed of the same, and who may be liable to actions at law upon several titles, we are likewise willing that all such differences, and all things relating to such grants, sales, and purchases, shall be determined in parliament; which can best provide for the just satisfaction of all men who are concerned.

‘And we do further declare, that we will be ready to consent to any act, or acts of parliament, to the purposes aforesaid, and for the full satisfaction of all arrears due to the officers, and soldiers of the army, under the command of general Monk; and that they shall be received into our service, upon as good pay and conditions as they now enjoy.

‘Given under our sign manual and privy signet at our court at Breda, this 14th day of April, 1660, in the Twelfth year of our reign.’

The original of this declaration was sent to the House of Lords, and a duplicate in a letter to the House of Commons; and repeated and sent in a letter to General Monk, the council of state, and the officers of the army. Hereupon it was resolved by the parliament, to prepare an answer; and both in the House of Lords, and in the House of Commons, it was voted to proclaim king Charles at Whitehall, and in London, as lawful sovereign of his kingdoms, which was done on the 8th of the month called May.

Now the king, who by the Spaniards was invited to return to Brussels, and by the French to come to Calais, chose, at the pressing invitation of the States-general of the United Provinces, to go by Holland: and so he went, with the yachts of the States, to Rotterdam, and from thence with coaches to the Hague; where having staid some days, he took shipping at Schevelinghen for England, and made his entry at London on the anniversary of his birth-day. Thus we see Charles the Second, (who not long after was crowned,) restored, not by the sword, but by the marvellous hand of the Lord.

About this time G. Fox the younger came to Harwich, where he was hauled out of a meeting, and imprisoned under a pretence of having caused a tumult. But to give to the reader a true sight of the matter, I must go back a little.

About four years before this time, some of the people called Quakers, being come into the said town, one of them spoke a few words by way of exhortation to the people that came from the steeple-house; and passing on, he and those with him went to an inn. The mayor hearing thereof, sent to them, commanding that they should depart the town, which they did after a short space; but about night they returned, and lodged at their inn, and the next day passed away peaceably. Not long after, the woman that kept the inn, was commanded to come before the magistrates; who threatened to take away her license, unless she promised to lodge no more such persons. But how eager soever they were for keeping out the Quakers, yet it proved ineffectual; for it seems some of those that had been spoken to in the streets, were so reached, that they came to be obedient to the inward teachings of the Lord they had been recommended to. And so a way was made for meetings there, whereby the number of those of that society began to increase. And because they could no longer comply with superstitious burials, they bought a piece of ground to bury their dead in, but met with great opposition at their burials; and once, when several came along to bury a corpse, it was by force taken from them, and set by the sea side, where having lain above ground part of two days and one night, it was privately covered by some with small stones.

In the month called May, G. Fox the younger came to Harwich, to preach the Truth there. The mayor of the town, whose name was Miles Hubbard, having heard of this, stopt several that were going to the meeting. The rude multitude seeing it, grew insolent, and made a hideous noise before the house where the meeting was kept, and some were for pulling it down. G. Fox hearing the noise, whilst he was preaching, grew very zealous, and with a mighty power was made to say, ‘Wo, wo unto the rulers and teachers of this nation, who suffer such ungodliness as this, and do not seek to suppress it.’ Some that heard him thus speaking, went and told the magistrates of it, perhaps not in the self-same words as were uttered by him. The officers then coming, the mayor commanded the constables to take the said G. Fox into custody; who hearing this, said, ‘If I have done any thing worthy of death, or bonds, I shall not refuse either; but I desire thee to show me what law I have transgressed; which thou oughtest to do, before thou sendest me to prison, that I may know for what I am sent thither.’ But the mayor told him, he should know that afterward; and so he was carried to prison. Robert Grassingham, who was shipwright of the admiralty in that port, being at the meeting, out of which G. Fox was hauled, in love went freely along with him to prison. This seemed to please the mayor, who some days before had been heard to say concerning Grassingham, ‘If I could but get him out of the town, I should know what course to take with the other Quakers.’ Some time after G. Fox was imprisoned, a mittimus was sent to the jailer, in which the prisoner was charged with causing a tumult in that borough, and disturbing the peace thereof. This mittimus was signed by Miles Hubbard, mayor, Anthony Woolward, and Daniel Smith; and these magistrates sent notice of what they had done, to the parliament, under a specious pretence, that so they might not fall into disgrace. The parliament receiving this information, issued forth the following order:

‘Monday, May 21, 1660.

‘The house being informed, that two Quakers, that is to say, George Fox and Robert Grassingham, have lately made a disturbance at Harwich, and that the said George Fox, who pretends to be a preacher, did lately in his preaching there, speak words much reflecting on the government and ministry, to the near causing of a mutiny, and is now committed by the mayor and the magistrates there.

‘Ordered that the said George Fox and Robert Grassingham be forthwith brought up in custody; and that the sheriff of the county of Essex do receive them, and give them his assistance for the conveying them up accordingly, and delivering them into the charge of the serjeant at arms attending this house.

‘Ordered, that the thanks of this house be given to the mayor and magistrates of Harwich, for their care in this business.

WILLIAM JESSOP, Clerk of the Common House of Parliament.’

By this it appeared that the magistrates of Harwich had special friends in the parliament. R. Grassingham being at liberty, was gone to London; and when this order came to Harwich, G. Fox was delivered to the sheriff of Essex and his men: these went with him to London, and upon the road they met Grassingham, who was coming from London to Harwich, in pursuance of an order which he had received from the commissioner of the admiralty and navy, for refitting one of the king’s frigates. But notwithstanding Grassingham showed his order to the sheriff, yet he brought him back to London with Fox, and delivered them into the custody of the serjeant at arms attending the house, who committed them to Lambeth house. They having been there about three weeks, wrote a letter to the House of Commons, wherein they gave some account of the manner of their imprisonment, and desired that they with their accusers might be brought face to face before the parliament, saying, that if any thing could be proved against them, worthy of punishment, they should not refuse it. But they thought it to be unjust and unreasonable, that a man should be hauled out of a peaceable meeting, and sent to prison, without being examined, only for declaring against the cursing and the wickedness of the rude people, and against such as suffered such ungodliness, and did not seek to suppress it.

This was the chief contents of their paper, which they enclosed in a letter to the speaker of the House of Commons in these words:

For the Speaker of the House of Commons.

‘FRIEND,

‘We desire thee to communicate this enclosed to the House of Commons, it being a few innocent, just, and reasonable words to them though not in the eloquent language of man’s wisdom, yet it is in the truth which is honourable.

We are friends to righteousness and truth, and to all that are found therein.

ROBERT GRASSINGHAM, GEORGE FOX.’

But the speaker did not deliver the paper, under pretence that it was not directed with the ordinary title, ‘To the Right Honourable the House of Commons.’ Therefore by the help of their friends they got it printed, that so each member of parliament might have a copy of it. Now after they had lain about fourteen weeks in Lambeth gate-house without being examined, one of the members of parliament moved this business in the house; whereupon the following order was made:

‘Thursday, October 30th, 1660.

’Ordered that George Fox and Robert Grassingham, who by virtue of a former order of this house, were taken into custody by the serjeant at arms attending this house, for some disturbance at Harwich, be forthwith released, and set at liberty, upon bail first given to render themselves, when they shall be in that behalf required.

WILLIAM JESSOP, Clerk of the House of Commons.’

Shortly after this order was issued forth, the serjeant at arms sent his clerk to demand fees and chamber rent of the prisoners, asking fifty pounds for fees, and ten shillings a week for chamber rent. But since no evil was laid to their charge, they could not resolve to satisfy this unreasonable demand, yet offered to pay two shillings and six pence a week, though the chamber where they had lain, was the highest room in a lofty tower, and all the windows open, until they had gotten them glazed, without any charge to the serjeant. Matters standing thus, their cause was referred to the king’s privy council. But it lasted yet a good while before they were released; for several evasions were made use of to keep them in custody.

Whilst G. Fox was prisoner, he wrote a little book, which he called, ‘A Noble Salutation to king Charles Stuart,’ wherein he showed him how matters had gone in England, viz. That his father’s party scorned those that appeared in arms against them because of their meanness; for they were tradesmen, ploughmen, servants, and the like; which contemptible instruments God made use of to bring down the loftiness of the others. But those of the parliament party growing from time to time successful, and prevailing, got into the possessions of those they conquered, and fell into the same pride and oppression which they had cried out against in others; and many of them became greater oppressors, and persecutors than the former had been. Moreover, the author exhorted the king to observe the hand of the Lord in restoring of him. ‘Therefore,’ said he, ‘Let no man deceive thee, by persuading thee that these things are thus brought to pass, because the kingdom was thy own proper right, and because it was withheld from thee contrary to all right; or because that those called royalists are much more righteous than those who are now fallen under thee. For I plainly declare unto thee, that this kingdom, and all the kingdoms of the earth, are properly the Lord’s. And this know, that it was the just hand of God, in taking away the kingdom from thy father and thee: and giving it unto others; and that also it is the just hand of the Lord to take it again from them, and bring them under thee: though I shall not say, but that some of them went beyond their commission against thy father, when they were brought as a rod over you; and well will it be for thee, if thou becomest not guilty of the same transgressions.

The author further exhorts the king to consider, this his station was not without danger, because of the changeableness of the people, a great part of which were perfidious; since one while they had sworn for a king and parliament; and shortly after they swore against a king, single person, or house of Lords; and afterwards again they swore for a single person. Some time after they cried up a parliament again. And when O. Cromwell had turned out the parliament, and set up himself, then the priests prayed for him, and asserted his authority to be just; and when he died, they fawned upon his son Richard, and blasphemously termed his father the light of their eyes, and the breath of their nostrils; and they told him, that God had left him to carry on that glorious work which his father had begun. Nay, some priests compared Oliver to Moses, and Richard to Joshua, who should carry them into the promised land. Thus they continually would flatter those that were at the helm. For when George Booth made a rising, and they thought there would be a turn, then some of the priests cried out against the parliament, and cursed such as would not go out against them. But when Booth was taken, then many began to petition the parliament and to excuse themselves, that they had no hand in that rising.

Next the author set forth the wickedness of the people by excessive drinking and drunkenness, thereby as it were to show their loyalty to the king; and he relates also, how having preached at Harwich, against the grievous wickedness of the people, he was hauled to prison in the king’s name. Finally, he exhorts the king, to take heed of seeking revenge; and to show mercy.

This paper, which was not a small one, for it took up several sheets, was delivered in writing by Richard Hubberthorn, into the king’s hand at Whitehall, and was not long after by the author published in print.

Now one of the most eminent royalists drew up divers queries to the Quakers, desiring them to answer them, and to direct their answer with this superscription, ‘Tradite hanc amico Regis,’ that is, ‘Deliver this to the king’s friend.’ For it was clearly seen, that several of their predictions came to be fulfilled, of which those of Edward Burrough were not the least. And therefore some, (as it seems,) thought that by the Quakers they might get some knowledge whether any stability of the king’s government was to be expected. By the queries it appeared, that the author of them was a man of understanding, and of some moderation also; and though I do not know who he was, yet I am not without thoughts that Edward, earl of Clarendon, and high chancellor, may have been the penman thereof. The tendency of these queries chiefly was to know from the Quakers, what their judgment was concerning the king’s right to the crown; and whether they ever did foresee his return; and also whether they could judge that his reign and government should be blessed or not. Moreover, whether he might justly forgive, or avenge himself: and whether he might allow liberty of conscience to all sorts of people, &c. Edward Burrough answered these queries, and published his answer in print. It was directed to the king and the royalists. In it he showed, that in some of their writings it had been signified, that they had some expectations of the king’s restoration. That the king’s coming to the throne was reasonable and equitable, because through the purpose of the Lord. That his reign and government might be blessed, or not blessed, according to his carriage. And that he might justly forgive his, and his father’s enemies; for though he and his father might have been injured, yet for as much as they had applied to the sword to determine their controversy with the nation, the sword went against them; and by that whereby they thought to stand, they did fall; and who then should they blame for that which befel them, seeing the sword, which they themselves did choose, destroyed them. However, the author signified, that this was not meant of the king’s death; that being quite another case. And if such, who had destroyed kingly government in name and title, and pretended to govern better, and did not make reformation, but became oppressors, having broke their promises, came to be punished on that account with death or otherwise, such could not be said to suffer for a good conscience, nor for righteousness sake; but it was because they were oppressors; and suffering for that cause could not be called persecution. ‘But none of us, (thus ran Edward Burrough’s words,) can suffer for that cause, as not being guilty thereof. If we suffer in your government, it is for the name of Christ; because nothing can be charged against us in this capacity as we now stand, and in this state into which we are now gathered and changed, not in any matter of action or rebellion against the king nor his father; nor in any thing but concerning the law and worship of our God, and the matters of his kingdom, and our pure consciences. And if any that are now amongst us were any way engaged in the parliament service in the wars, it was not in rebellion against the king or his father, as that we sought their destruction as men; but upon sober and reasonable principles, and not for corrupt ends, nor to get honour and riches to ourselves, as some others might do, who went into the war for self ends, and continued in action, after the cause which was once engaged for was utterly lost. And that principle, which some time led some into action to oppose oppression, and seek after reformation, that principle is still justified, though we are now better informed than once we were. For though we do now more than ever oppose oppression, and seek after reformation, yet we do it not in that way of outward warring and fighting with carnal weapons and swords; and you and the king ought to put a difference between such as some time acted in the wars against you, in and upon sober and reasonable principles, and that did not make themselves rich and high in the world through your sufferings, and between such as have acted against you for self ends, and have insulted over you, and have made themselves great and rich in this world through your afflictions and sufferings.’ To the query, whether the great afflictions sustained by the king divers years, from subjects of his own nation, and the guilt thereof, did lie upon all the subjects in general; or whether upon any, or some particular sorts of people, who were such more than others; E. Burrough made this answer, ‘So far as his sufferings were unjust, the guilt thereof doth not lie upon all the subjects in general, but upon some more than others; and such are easy to be distinguished from others, if it be considered who they are that raised the war in this nation against the king, and who first preached and prayed up the war, and prosecuted it against the king’s father, and who cast out the bishops and prelates from their places, and took their revenues and benefices, and are become men as corrupted, as covetous and self-seeking, as proud and ambitious, as unjust persecutors, as ever the men were which they cast out: and who is it that hath gotten great estates in the nation, and worldly honour, and raised themselves from nothing by the wars, and by your sufferings; and who got the estates and titles of their enemies, and pretended to free them from all oppressions, but have not done it; but have continued the old oppressions, and have been striving among themselves who should rule, and who should be great? And as for us, who are called Quakers, we are clear from the guilt of all the king’s sufferings. We have not cast out others, and taken their places of great benefices, neither have we made war with carnal weapons against any, ever since we were a people. Neither have we broken oaths and engagements, nor promised freedom and deliverance, and for self ends and earthly riches betrayed, as others have done, what we have pretended to. And in many particulars it doth appear that we are clear from his sufferings, for we have been a suffering people as well as they, by the same spirit which caused them to suffer, which hath been much more cruel, wicked, and unjust towards us, than it hath been towards them, though our persecution hath been in another manner. But what they have done against us we can freely forgive them, and would have you to follow the same example. And if you could accuse them in many things, so could we: but this is not a time to accuse one another, but to forgive one another, and so to overcome your enemies. When they had gotten the victory, they did not reform, but became oppressors, as well as others, and became cruel towards others, that would not say and do as they: and for this cause the Lord hath brought them down, and may justly suffer others to deal with them as they have dealt with others. Yet notwithstanding I must still say, and it is my judgment, that there was very great oppression and vexation under the government of the late king, and bishops under his power, which the Lord was offended with, and many good people oppressed by; for which cause the Lord might and did justly raise up some to oppose, and strive against oppressions and injustice, and to press after reformation in all things. And that principle of sincerity, which in some things carried them on in opposing oppressions and pressing after reformation, I can never deny, but acknowledge it; though many soon lost it, and became self-seekers, forgetting the cause pretended to,’ &c.

* * * * *

This is but a small part of the queries, and the answers thereunto, which E. Burrough concluded with a bold exhortation to the king, to fear and reverence the Lord.

* * * * *

Now we return again to G. Fox the elder, whom we left about Bristol; from whence he passed to Gloucester, Worcester, Drayton, (the place of his nativity,) and Yorkshire. In that country at that time a Yearly meeting was kept at Balby, in an orchard, where some thousands of people were met together. At York, about thirty miles off, notice being given of this meeting, a troop of horse came from thence; and when G. Fox stood preaching in the meeting on a stool, two trumpeters came riding up, sounding their trumpets pretty near him; and then the captain bid him come down, for he was come, he said, to disperse the meeting. G. Fox then speaking, told him, he knew they were peaceable people; but if he did question that they met in an hostile manner, he might make search among them; and if he found either sword or pistol about any there, such may suffer. But the captain told G. Fox, he must see them dispersed, for he came all night on purpose to disperse them. G. Fox asked him, what honour it would be to him to ride with swords and pistols amongst so many unarmed men and women? But if he would be still and quiet, the meeting probably might not continue above two or three hours; and when it was done, as they came peaceably, so they should part: for he might perceive, the meeting was so large, that all the country thereabouts could not entertain them, but that they intended to depart towards their homes at night. But the captain said, he could not stay so long. G. Fox desired then, that if he himself could not stay to see the meeting ended, he would let a dozen of his soldiers stay. To this the captain said, he would permit them an hour’s time; so he left six soldiers to stay there, and then went away with his troop: he being gone, the soldiers that were left, told those that were met together, they might stay till night, if they would. This they were not for, but parted about three hours after, without any disturbance. But if the soldiers had been of such a temper as their captain, perhaps the meeting would not have ended thus quietly: for he was a desperate man, having once told G. Fox in Scotland, that he would obey his superiors’ command; and if it were to crucify Christ, he would do it; or execute the great Turk’s commands against the Christians, if he were under him.

Now G. Fox went to Skipton, where there was a general meeting concerning the affairs of the church. For many of his friends suffered much, and their goods being taken from them, and some brought to poverty, there was a necessity to provide for them. This meeting had stood several years; for when the justices and captains came to break them up, and saw the books and accounts of collections for relief of the poor, and how care was taken that one county should help another, and provide for the poor, they commended such practice, and passed away in love. Sometimes there would come two hundred poor people, belonging to other societies, and wait there till the meeting was done: and then the Friends would send to the baker’s for bread, and give every one of these poor people a loaf, how many soever there were: for they were taught to do good unto all, though especially to the household of faith.

From hence G. Fox went to Lancaster, and so to Swarthmore, where he was apprehended at the house of Margaret Fell, who was now a widow, judge Thomas Fell, her husband, having been deceased about two years before. Now some imagined they had done a remarkable act; for one said, he did not think a thousand men could have taken G. Fox. They led him away to Ulverstone, where he was kept all night at the constable’s house, and a guard of fifteen or sixteen men were set to watch him; some of which sat in the chimney, for fear he should go up the funnel. Next morning he was carried to Lancaster, but exceedingly abused by the way; and being come to town, was brought to the house of a justice, whose name was Henry Porter, and who had granted the warrant against him. He asked Porter, for what, and by whose order, he had sent forth his warrant; and he complained to him of the abuse of the constables and other officers: for they had set him upon a horse behind the saddle, so that he had nothing to hold by; and maliciously beating the horse, made him kick and gallop, and throw off his rider. But Porter would not take any notice of that, and told G. Fox, he had an order; but would not let him see it, for he would not reveal the king’s secrets. After many words were exchanged, he was carried to Lancaster prison. Being there a close prisoner in the common jail, he desired two of his friends, one of which was Thomas Green, the other Thomas Commings, a minister of the gospel, (with whom I was very familiarly acquainted,) to go to the jailer, and desire of him a copy of his mittimus. They went, but the jailer told them he could not give a copy of it; yet he gave it them to read; and to the best of their remembrance, the matters therein charged against him were, that G. Fox was a person generally suspected to be a common disturber of the peace of the nation, an enemy to the king, and a chief upholder of the Quakers’ sect: and that he, together with others of his fanatic opinion, had of late endeavoured to raise insurrections in these parts of the country, and to embroil the whole kingdom in blood. Wherefore the jailer was commanded to keep him in safe custody, till he should be released by order from the king and parliament. No wonder that the jailer would not give a copy of his mittimus, for it contained almost as many untruths as words. G. Fox then wrote an apology, wherein he answered at large to all those false accusations. And Margaret Fell, considering what injury was offered to her, by hauling G. Fox out of her house, wrote the following information, and sent it abroad.

‘_To all magistrates, concerning the wrong taking up, and imprisoning of George Fox at Lancaster._

‘I do inform the governors of this nation, that Henry Porter, mayor of Lancaster, sent a warrant with four constables to my house, for which he had no authority nor order. They searched my house, and apprehended George Fox in it, who was not guilty of the breach of any law, or of any offence against any in the nation. After they had taken him, and brought him before the said Henry Porter, there was bail offered, what he would demand for his appearance, to answer what could be laid to his charge: but he, (contrary to law, if he had taken him lawfully,) denied to accept of any bail; and clapped him up in close prison. After he was in prison, a copy of his mittimus was demanded, which ought not to be denied to any prisoner, that so he may see what is laid to his charge: but it was denied him; a copy he could not have; only they were suffered to read it over. And every thing that was there charged against him, was utterly false; he was not guilty of any one charge in it, as will be proved, and manifested to the nation. So, let the governors consider of it. I am concerned in this thing, inasmuch as he was apprehended in my house; and if he be guilty, I am so too. So I desire to have this searched out.

MARGARET FELL.’

After this, Margaret determined to go to London, to speak with the king about this matter: which Porter having heard of, said he would go too; and so he did. But because he had been a zealous man for the parliament against the king, several of the courtiers put him in mind of his plundering of their houses. And this so troubled him, that he quickly left the court, and returned home, and then spoke to the jailer about contriving a way to release G. Fox. But in his mittimus he had overshot himself, by ordering G. Fox to be kept prisoner, till he should be delivered by the king or parliament. G. Fox also sent him a letter, and put him in mind, how fierce he had been against the king, and his party, though now he would be thought zealous for the king. And among other passages he called to his remembrance, how, when he held Lancaster Castle for the parliament against the king, he was so rough and fierce against those that favoured the king, that he said, he would leave them neither dog nor cat, if they did not bring him in provision to his castle.

One Anne Curtis coming to see G. Fox, and understanding how he stood committed, resolved also to go to the king about it; for her father, who had been sheriff of Bristol, was hanged near his own door, for endeavouring to bring in the king: upon which consideration, she was in hopes to be admitted to the king’s presence to speak with him. Coming to London, she and Margaret Fell went together to the king, who, when he understood whose daughter Anne was, received her kindly. She having acquainted the king with the case of G. Fox, desired, that he would be pleased to send for him up, and hear the cause himself. This the king promised her he would do, and commanded his secretary to send down an order for the bringing up G. Fox. But it was long before this order was executed, for many evasions were sought, as well by carping at a word, as by other craft; whereby the sending up of G. Fox was retarded above two months. He thus continuing prisoner, wrote several papers, and among the rest also this.

To the King.

‘KING CHARLES,

‘Thou camest not into this nation by sword, nor by victory of war; but by the power of the Lord; now if thou dost not live in it, thou wilt not prosper. And if the Lord hath showed thee mercy, and forgiven thee, and thou dost not show mercy and forgive, the Lord God will not hear thy prayers, nor them that pray for thee: and if thou do not stop persecution, and persecutors, and take away all laws that do hold up persecution about religion; but if thou do persist in them, and uphold persecution, that will make thee as blind as them that have gone before thee: for persecution hath always blinded those that have gone into it; and such God by his power overthrows, and doth his valiant acts upon; and bringeth salvation to his oppressed ones: and if thou dost bear the sword in vain, and let drunkenness, oaths, plays, may-games, with fiddlers, drums, trumpets, to play at them, with such like abominations and vanities be encouraged, or go unpunished; as setting up of maypoles, with the image of the crown atop of them, &c. the nations will quickly turn like Sodom and Gomorrah, and be as bad as the old world, who grieved the Lord till he overthrew them: and so he will you, if these things be not suddenly prevented. Hardly was there so much wickedness at liberty before now, as there is at this day; as though there was no terror, nor sword of magistracy; which doth not grace a government, nor is a praise to them that do well. Our prayers are for them that are in authority, that under them we may live a godly life, in which we have peace; and that we may not be brought into ungodliness by them. So hear, and consider, and do good in thy time, whilst thou hast power; and be merciful, and forgive, that is the way to overcome, and obtain the kingdom of Christ.

G. F.’

The sheriff of Lancaster still refused to remove G. Fox, unless he would become bound, and pay for the sealing of the writing, and the charge of carrying him up. But this he would not. Then they consulting how to convey him, it was at first proposed to send a party of horse with him. But he told them, if he were such a man as they had represented him to be, they had need to send a troop or two of horse to guard him. But considering that this would be a great charge to them, they concluded to send him up guarded only by the jailer, and some bailiffs. On further consideration, they found that this also would be very chargeable, and thereupon told him, if he would put in bail, that he would be in London such a day of the term, he should have leave to go up with some of his own friends. G. Fox told them, he would neither put in any bail, nor give any money: but if they would let him go up with one or two of his friends, he would go up, and be in London such a day, if the Lord did permit. So at last, when they saw they could not make him bow, the sheriff consented that he should go up with some of his friends, without any other engagement than his word, to appear before the judges at London such a day of the term, if the Lord did permit. Whereupon they let him go out of prison, and after some stay, he went with Richard Hubberthorn and Robert Withers, to London, whither he came on a day that some of the judges of king Charles the First, were hanged and quartered at Charing Cross: for now what E. Burrough and others had plainly foretold, was fulfilling on them.

The next morning G. Fox, and those with him, went to judge Thomas Mallet’s chamber, who then was putting on his red gown, to sit upon some more of the king’s judges, and therefore he told him he might come another time. G. Fox did so, being accompanied by ---- Marsh, esq. one of the king’s bed-chamber. When he came to the judge’s chamber, he found there also the lord chief justice Foster, and delivered to them the charge that was against him: but when they read those words, that he and his friends were embroiling the nation in blood, &c. they struck their hands on the table: whereupon G. Fox told them, that he was the man whom that charge was against; but that he was as innocent of any such thing as a newborn child; that he brought it up himself, and that some of his friends came up with him, without any guard. As yet the judges had not minded G. Fox’s hat, but now seeing his hat on, they said why did he stand with his hat on? He told them, he did not stand in any contempt to them. Then they commanded one to take it off; and having called for the marshal of the King’s Bench, they said to him, ‘you must take this man and secure him, but you must let him have a chamber, and not put him amongst the prisoners.’ But the marshal said his house was so full, that he could not tell where to provide a room for him, but amongst the prisoners. Judge Foster then said to G. Fox, ‘Will you appear to-morrow about ten of the clock at the King’s Bench Bar, in Westminster Hall?’ ‘Yes,’ said he, ‘if the Lord give me strength.’ Hereupon the said judge said to the other judge, ‘If he say yes, and promises it, ye may take his word.’

So he was dismissed for that time, and the next day appeared at the King’s Bench Bar at the hour appointed, being accompanied by Richard Hubberthorn, Robert Withers, and esquire Marsh, before-named. And being brought into the middle of the court, he looked about and turning to the people, said, ‘Peace be among you.’ Then the charge against him was read, and coming to that part which said, that he and his friends were embroiling the nation in blood, and raising a new war, and that he was an enemy to the king, &c. those of the bench lifted up their hands. He then stretching out his arms, said, ‘I am the man whom that charge is against; but I am as innocent as a child concerning the charge, and have never learned any war postures. Do you think, that if I and my friends had been such men as the charge declares, that I would have brought it up myself against myself? Or that I should have been suffered to come up with only one or two of my friends with me? For had I been such a man as this charge sets forth, I had need to have been guarded up with a troop or two of horse: but the sheriff and magistrates of Lancashire had thought fit to let me and my friends come up by ourselves, almost two hundred miles, without any guard at all, which we may be sure they would not have done, if they had looked upon me to be such a man.’ Then the judge asked him, whether it should be filed, or what he would do with it? And he answered, ‘Ye are judges, and able, I hope, to judge in this matter: therefore do with it what ye will.’ The judges said, they did not accuse him, for they had nothing against him. Whereupon esquire Marsh stood up and told the judges, it was the king’s pleasure, that G. Fox should be set at liberty, seeing no accuser came against him. Then they asked him, whether he would put it to the king and council? He answered, ‘Yes, with a good will.’ Thereupon they sent the sheriff’s return, which he made to the writ of habeas corpus, to the king, and the return was thus:

‘By virtue of his Majesty’s writ to me directed, and hereunto annexed, I certify, that before the receipt of the said writ, George Fox, in the said writ mentioned, was committed to his Majesty’s jail, at the castle of Lancaster, in my custody, by a warrant from Henry Porter, esq. one of his Majesty’s justices of the peace within the county palatine aforesaid, bearing date the 5th of June now last past; for that he, the said George Fox, was generally suspected to be a common disturber of the peace of this nation, an enemy to our sovereign lord the king, and a chief upholder of the Quakers’ sect; and that he, together with others of his fanatic opinion, have of late endeavoured to make insurrections, in these parts of the country, and to embroil the whole kingdom in blood. And this is the cause of his taking and detaining. Nevertheless, the body of the said George Fox I have ready before Thomas Mallet, knight, one of his Majesty’s justices, assigned to hold pleas before his said Majesty, at his chamber in Serjeants-Inn, in Fleet Street, to do and receive those things which his Majesty’s said justice shall determine concerning him in this behalf, as by the aforesaid writ is required.

GEORGE CHETHAM, Esq. Sheriff.’

The king upon perusal of this, and consideration of the whole matter, being satisfied of G. Fox’s innocency, commanded his secretary to send the following order to judge Mallet for his release:

‘It is his Majesty’s pleasure that you give order for the releasing, and setting at full liberty, the person of George Fox, late a prisoner in Lancaster jail, and commanded hither by an habeas corpus. And this signification of his Majesty’s pleasure shall be your sufficient warrant. Dated at Whitehall, the 24th of October, 1660.

EDWARD NICHOLAS.’

For Sir Thomas Mallet, knight, one of the justices of the King’s Bench.

When this order was delivered to judge Mallet, he forthwith sent his warrant to the marshal of the King’s Bench, for G. Fox’s release: which warrant was thus:

‘By virtue of a warrant which this morning I have received from the right honourable sir Edward Nicholas, knight, one of his Majesty’s principal secretaries, for the releasing and setting at liberty of George Fox, late a prisoner in Lancaster jail, and from thence brought hither, by habeas corpus, and yesterday committed unto your custody; I do hereby require you accordingly to release, and set the said prisoner, George Fox, at liberty: for which this shall be your warrant and discharge. Given under my hand the 25th day of October, in the year of our Lord God, 1660.

THOMAS MALLET.’

To Sir John Lenthal, knight, marshal of the King’s Bench, or his deputy.

G. Fox having been prisoner now above twenty weeks, was thus very honourably set at liberty by the king’s command. After it was known that he was discharged, several that were envious and wicked, were troubled, and terror seized on justice Porter; for he was afraid G. Fox would take the advantage of the law against him, for his wrong imprisonment, and thereby undo him: and indeed G. Fox was put on by some in authority, to have made him and the rest examples. But he said, he should leave them to the Lord; if the Lord did forgive them, he should not trouble himself with them.

* * * * *

About this time, Richard Hubberthorn got an opportunity to speak with the king, and to have a long discourse with him, which soon after he published in print. Being admitted into the king’s presence, he gave him a relation of the state of his friends, and said,

‘Since the Lord hath called us, and gathered us to be a people, to walk in his fear, and in his truth, we have always suffered and been persecuted by the powers that have ruled, and been made a prey of, for departing from iniquity; and when the breach of no just law could be charged against us, then they made laws on purpose to ensnare us; and so our sufferings were unjustly continued.’

King. It is true, those who have ruled over you have been cruel, and have professed much which they have not done.

R. H. And likewise the same sufferings do now abound in more cruelty against us in many parts of this nation: as for instance, one at Thetford in Norfolk, where Henry Fell, (ministering unto the people,) was taken out of the meeting and whipt, and sent out of the town, from parish to parish, towards Lancashire; and the chief ground of his accusation in his pass, (which was shown to the king,) was, because he denied to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy; and so because that for conscience sake we cannot swear, but have learned obedience to the doctrine of Christ, which saith, “Swear not all;” hereby an occasion is taken against us to persecute us; and it is well known that we have not sworn for any, nor against any, but have kept to the truth, and our yea hath been yea, and our nay, nay, in all things, which is more than the oath of those that are out of the truth.

King. But why can you not swear? for an oath is a common thing amongst men to any engagement.

R. H. Yes, it is manifest, and we have seen it by experience; and it is so common amongst men to swear, and engage either for, or against things, that there is no regard taken to them, nor fear of an oath; that therefore which we speak of in the truth of our hearts, is more than what they swear.

King. But can you not promise before the Lord, which is the substance of the oath?

R. H. Yes, what we do affirm, we can promise before the Lord, and take him to our witness in it; but our so promising hath not been accepted, but the ceremony of an oath they have stood for, without which all other things were accounted of no effect.

King. But how may we know from your words that you will perform?

R. H. By proving of us; for they that swear are not known to be faithful, but by proving of them; and so we, by those that have tried us, are found to be truer in our promises, than others by their oaths; and to those that do yet prove us, we shall appear the same.

King. Pray, what is your principle?

R. H. Our principle is this, “That Jesus Christ is the true light, which enlighteneth every one that cometh into the world, that all men through him might believe;” and that they were to obey and follow this light as they have received it, whereby they may be led unto God, and unto righteousness, and the knowledge of the truth, that they might be saved.

King. This do all Christians confess to be truth; and he is not a Christian that will deny it.

R. H. But many have denied it, both in words and writings, and opposed us in it; and above an hundred books are put forth in opposition unto this principle.

Then some of the Lords standing by the king, said, that none would deny that every one is enlightened.

And one of the lords asked, how long we had been called Quakers, or did we own that name?

R. H. That name was given to us in scorn and derision, about twelve years since; but there were some that lived in this truth before we had that name given unto us.

King. How long is it since you owned this judgment and way?

R. H. It is near twelve years since I owned this truth, according to the manifestation of it.

King. Do you own the sacrament?

R. H. As for the word sacrament, I do not read of it in the Scripture; but as for the body and blood of Christ I own, and that there is no remission without blood.

King. Well, that is it; but do you not believe that every one is commanded to receive it?

R. H. This we do believe, that according as it is written in the Scripture, that Christ at his last supper took bread and brake it, and gave to his disciples, and also took the cup and blessed it, and said unto them, “And as often as ye do this, (that is, as often as they brake bread,) you show forth the Lord’s death till he come;” and this we believe they did; “and they did eat their bread in singleness of heart from house to house;” and Christ did come again to them according to his promise; after which they said, “We being many are one bread, for we are all partakers of this one bread.”

King’s friend. Then one of the king’s friends said, It is true; for as many grains make one bread, so they being many members, were one body.

Another of them said, if they be the bread, then they must be broken.

R. H. There is a difference between that bread which he brake at his last supper, wherein they were to show forth, as in a sign, his death until he came; and this whereof they spake, they being many, are one bread; for herein they were come more into the substance, and to speak more mystically, as they knew it in the spirit.

King’s friends. Then they said, it is true, and he had spoken nothing but truth.

King. How know you that you are inspired by the Lord?

R. H. According as we read in the Scriptures, that “The inspiration of the Almighty giveth understanding;” so by his inspiration is an understanding given us of the things of God.

Then one of the lords said, How do you know that you are led by the true spirit?

R. H. This we know, because the Spirit of Truth reproves the world of sin, and by it we were reproved of sin, and also are led from sin, unto righteousness, and obedience of truth, by which effects we know it is the true spirit; for the spirit of the wicked one doth not lead into such things.

Then the king and his lords said it was truth.

King. Well, of this you may be assured, that you shall none of you suffer for your opinions or religion, so long as you live peaceably, and you have the word of a king for it; and I have also given forth a declaration to the same purpose, that none shall wrong you or abuse you.

King. How do you own magistrates, or magistracy?

R. H. Thus we do own magistrates: whosoever is set up by God, whether king as supreme, or any set in authority by him, who are for the punishment of evil-doers, and the praise of them that do well, such we shall submit unto, and assist in righteous and civil things, both by body and estate: and if any magistrates do that which is unrighteous, we must declare against it; only submit under it by a patient suffering, and not rebel against any by insurrections, plots, and contrivances.

King. That is enough.

Then one of the lords asked, Why do you meet together, seeing every one of you have the church in yourselves?

R. H. According as it is written in the Scriptures, the church is in God, Thes. i. 1. “And they that feared the Lord, did meet often together in the fear of the Lord,” and to us it is profitable, and herein we are edified and strengthened in the life of Truth.

King. How did you first come to believe the Scriptures were truth?

R. H. I have believed the Scriptures from a child to be a declaration of truth, when I had but a literal knowledge, natural education, and tradition; but now I know the Scriptures to be true, by the manifestation and operation of the Spirit of God fulfilling them in me.

King. In what manner do you meet, and what is the order in your meetings?

R. H. We do meet in the same order as the people of God did, waiting upon him: and if any have a word of exhortation from the Lord, he may speak it; or if any have a word of reproof or admonition, and as every one hath received the gift, so they may minister one unto another, and may be edified one by another; whereby a growth into the knowledge of the Truth is administered to one another.

One of the lords. Then you know not so much as you may know, but there is a growth then to be admitted of.

R. H. Yes, we do grow daily into the knowledge of the Truth, in our exercise and obedience to it.

King. Are any of your friends gone to Rome?

R. H. Yes, there is one in prison in Rome.

King. Why did you send him thither?

R. H. We did not send him thither, but he found something upon his spirit from the Lord, whereby he was called to go to declare against superstition and idolatry, which is contrary to the will of God.

King’s friend said, There were two of them at Rome, but one was dead.

King. Have any of your friends been with the great Turk?

R. H. Some of our friends have been in that country.

Other things were spoken concerning the liberty of the servants of the Lord, who were called of him into his service, that to them there was no limitation to parishes or places, but as the Lord did guide them in his work and service by his spirit.

So the king promised that we should not any ways suffer for our opinion or religion; and so in love passed away.

* * * * *

The king having promised Richard Hubberthorn over and again, that his friends should not suffer for their opinion, or religion, they parted in love. But though the king seemed a good-natured prince, yet he was so misled, that in process of time he seemed to have forgot what he so solemnly promised on the word of a king.

* * * * *

Now in this discourse mention being made of Rome, &c. I will say by the bye, that one John Perrot and John Love being come to Leghorn in Italy, and having been examined there by the inquisition, they answered so well that they were dismissed. Being come afterwards to Venice, Perrot was admitted to the doge, or duke, in his palace, spoke with him, and gave him some books: and from thence he went with his fellow-traveller to Rome. Here they bore testimony against the idolatry committed there, in such a public manner, that they were taken into custody. John Love died in the prison of the inquisition; and though it was divulged, that he had fasted to death, yet some nuns have told that he was despatched in the night, for fear he should annoy the church of Rome. However it was, he died in sincerity of heart, and so was more happy than Perrot, who though then perhaps he was in a pretty good frame of mind, yet afterwards turned an eminent apostate, having continued prisoner at Rome a great while, and at length got his liberty. He was a man of great natural parts, but, not continuing in true humility, ran out into exorbitant imaginations, of which more may be said hereafter. About this time Samuel Fisher and John Stubbs were also at Rome, where they spoke with some of the cardinals, and testified against the popish superstition. They also spread some books amongst the friars, some of whom confessed the contents thereof to be truth: but, said they, if we should acknowledge this publicly, we might expect to be burnt for it. Notwithstanding Fisher and Stubbs went free, and returned unmolested.

The case of Mary Fisher, a maiden, and one of the first Quakers, so called, that came into New England, as hath been mentioned before, I cannot pass by in silence. She being come to Smyrna, to go from thence to Adrianople, was stopt by the English consul, and sent back to Venice, from whence she came by another way to Adrianople, at the time that Sultan Mahomet the fourth was encamped with his army near the said town. She went alone to the camp, and got somebody to go to the tent of the grand vizier, to tell him that an English woman was come who had something to declare from the great God to the Sultan. The vizier sent word, that next morning he should procure her an opportunity for that purpose. Then she returned to the town, and repaired next morning to the camp again, where being come, she was brought before the sultan, who had his great men about him, in such a manner as he was used to admit ambassadors. He asked by his interpreters, whereof there were three with him, whether it was true what had been told him, that she had something to say to him from the Lord God? She answered, ‘Yea.’ Then he bade her speak on: and she not being forward, weightily pondering what she might say, and he supposing that she might be fearful to utter her mind before them all, asked her, whether she desired that any might go aside, before she spoke? She answered, ‘No.’ He then bade her speak the word of the Lord to them, and not to fear, for they had good hearts, and could hear it. He also charged her, to speak the word she had to say from the Lord, neither more nor less, for they were willing to hear it, be it what it would. Then she spoke what was upon her mind.

The Turks hearkened to her with much attention and gravity, till she had done; and then the sultan asking her whether she had any thing more to say? She asked him, whether he understood what she said? And he answered, ‘Yes, every word,’ and further said, that what she had spoken was truth. Then he desired her to stay in that country, saying, that they could not but respect such an one, as should take so much pains to come to them so far as from England, with a message from the Lord God. He also proffered her a guard to bring her into Constantinople, whither she intended. But she not accepting this offer, he told her it was dangerous travelling, especially for such an one as she; and wondered that she had passed so safe so far as she had: saying also, it was in respect to her, and kindness that he proffered it, and that he would not for any thing she should come to the least hurt in his dominions. She having no more to say, the Turks asked her, what she thought of their prophet Mahomet? She answered warily that she knew him not; but Christ, the true prophet, the Son of God, who was the light of the world, and enlightened every man coming into the world, him she knew. And concerning Mahomet she said, that they might judge of him to be true or false, according to the words and prophecies he spoke; saying further, ‘If the word that a prophet speaketh, come to pass, then shall ye know that the Lord hath sent that prophet; but if it come not to pass, then shall ye know that the Lord never sent him.’ The Turks confessed this to be true; and Mary having performed her message, departed from the camp to Constantinople, without a guard, whither she came without the least hurt or scoff. And so she returned safe to England.

Concerning Catharine Evans, and Sarah Cheevers, two women, who at this time lay in the prison of the inquisition at Malta, and were not released till after three years confinement, where they suffered most grievous hardships; I intend to speak hereafter, when I come to the time of their deliverance; and then I propose to make a large and very remarkable description concerning it.

In the meanwhile I return to the affairs of England, where the government now was quite altered. Many of the late king’s judges were now hanged and quartered: among those was also colonel Francis Hacker, of whom, about six years before this time, it hath been said that he took George Fox prisoner. But he now himself was in prison, and impeached not only as one of those that kept the king prisoner, but also that he signed the warrant for the king’s execution, and had conducted him to the scaffold. To all which, and more, he said little, but that what he did, was by order of his superiors; and that he had endeavoured to serve his country. But this did not avail him, for he was condemned for high treason, and hanged and quartered in October. A day or two before his death Margaret Fell visited him in prison; and when he was put in mind of what formerly he had done against the innocent, he remembered it, and said, he knew well whom she meant, and had trouble upon him for it. For G. Fox, (who had compared him to Pilate,) bade him, when the day of his misery and trial should come upon him, to remember what he said to him. And as Hacker’s son-in-law, Needham, then did not stick to say, that it was time to have G. Fox cut off, so it came to be the lot of Hacker himself to be cut off at Tyburn, where he was hanged. Such now was the end of many, who were not only guilty of the king’s death, and the putting to death of others who were for king Charles the Second, but had also transgressed against God by persecuting godly people. They had been often warned, and several times told that God would hear the cries of the widows and fatherless, that had been cruelly oppressed by them; and as they had made spoil of the goods of those whom in scorn they called Quakers, so now fear and quaking was brought upon them, and their estates became a spoil to others. How plainly E. Burrough had foretold this, hath been said before; and not to mention others, I will only say, that one Robert Huntington came once into the steeple-house at Brough, near Carlisle, with a white sheet about him, and a halter about his neck, to show the Presbyterians and Independents there, that the surplice was to be introduced again, and that some of them should not escape the halter. Now how mad soever this was said to be, yet time showed it a presage of the impending disaster of the cruel persecutors: for when king Charles had ascended the throne, his most fierce enemies were despatched out of the way.

The parliament sitting at this time, some of those called Quakers were admitted to appear in the House of Lords, where they gave reasons why they should not frequent the public worship, nor swear, nor pay tithes; and they were heard with moderation. The king also about this time showed himself moderate; for being solicited by some, and more especially by Margaret Fell, he set at liberty about seven hundred of the people called Quakers, who had been imprisoned under the government of Oliver and Richard Cromwell. This passed the easier, because those that were now at the helm, had also suffered under the former government: there seemed likewise some inclination to give liberty of conscience; but there being among those that were now in authority, some also of a malicious temper, they always found means to hinder this good work; and it just now fell out so that something started up, which put a stop to the giving such a liberty as aforesaid; though it was advanced so far, that an order was drawn up for permitting the Quakers the free exercise of their worship; only the signing and seal to it was wanting, when all on a sudden the Fifth Monarchy-men made an insurrection. There was at that time a great number of this turbulent people in England; who, perceiving that their exorbitant opinion was inconsistent with kingly government, which now had taken place, thought it not meet for their cause to sit still while the government, which was yet but new, should be fully settled and established. Perhaps they had also some intent to free some of the late king’s judges, who were imprisoned; for among these was also sir Henry Vane, who having been one of the chief of the commonwealth party, was likewise said to be one of the heads of the Fifth Monarchy-men. It was in the night when these people made a rising; which caused such a stir, that the king’s soldiers sounded an alarm by the beating of drums.

The train-bands appeared in arms, and all was in an uproar, and both the mob and soldiers committed great insolences for several days; so that the Quakers, though altogether innocent, became the object of the fury of their enemies, and many were hauled to prison out of their peaceable meetings.

At that time George Fox was at London, and being lodged in Pall-mall, at night a company of troopers came, and knocked at the door where he was; which being opened, they rushed into the house, and laid hold on him. One of these that had formerly served under the parliament, clapped his hand to G. Fox’s pocket, and asked, whether he had any pistol? G. Fox told him, he knew he did not use to carry pistols, why then did he ask such a question of him, whom he knew to be a peaceable man? Others of these fellows ran up into the chambers, and there found esquire Marsh, before mentioned, in bed, who though he was one of the king’s bed-chamber, yet out of love to G. Fox, came and lodged where he did. When the troopers came down again, they said, ‘Why should we take this man away with us? We will let him alone.’ ‘Oh,’ said the parliament soldier, ‘he is one of the heads, and a chief ringleader.’ Upon this the soldiers were taking him away. But esquire Marsh hearing of it, sent for him that commanded the party, and desired him to let G. Fox alone, since he would see him forthcoming in the morning, and then they might take him. Early in the morning there came a company of foot to the house; and one of them drawing his sword, held it over G. Fox’s head, which made him ask, wherefore he drew his sword at a naked man? At which his fellows being ashamed, bid him put up his sword: and sometime after they brought him to Whitehall, before the troopers came for him. As he was going out, he saw several of his friends going to the meeting, it being then the First day of the week; and he intended to have gone thither himself, if he had not been stopped: but now it being out of his power to keep them company, he commended their boldness, and encouraged them to persevere therein. When he was come to Whitehall, seeing the soldiers and people were exceeding rude, he began to exhort them to godliness. But some great persons coming by, who were envious to him, said, ‘What, do you let him preach? Put him into such a place, where he may not stir.’ So he was put into that place, and the soldiers watched over him; but G. Fox told them, though they could confine his body, and shut that up, yet the word of life they could not stop. Some then asked him, what he was? He told them he was a preacher of righteousness. After he had been kept there two or three hours, esquire Marsh spoke to the lord Gerard, who came, and bid them set G. Fox at liberty. When he was discharged, the marshal demanded fees. G. Fox told him he could not give him any: and he asked him, how he could demand fees of him who was innocent? Nevertheless he told him, that in his own freedom, he would give them two-pence, to make him and the soldiers drink. But they shouted at that, which made him say, if they would not accept it, they might choose; for he should not give them fees. Then he went through the guards, and came to an inn, where several of his friends at that time were prisoners under a guard, and about night he went to the house of one of his friends.

This insurrection of the Fifth-Monarchy-men, caused great disturbance in the nation; and though the Quakers did not at all meddle with those boisterous people, yet they fell under great sufferings because of them; and both men and women were dragged out of their houses to prison, and some sick men off their beds by the legs; among which was one Thomas Pachyn, who being in a fever, was dragged by the soldiers out of his bed to prison, where he died.

This persecution going on throughout the nation, Margaret Fell went to the king, and gave him an account how her friends, that were in nowise concerned in the said insurrection and riots, were treated; for several thousands of them were cast into prison. The king and council wondered how they could have such intelligence, since strict charge was given for the intercepting of all letters, so that none could pass unsearched. But notwithstanding this, so much was heard of the numbers of the imprisoned, that Margaret Fell went a second time to the king and council, and acquainted them of the grievous sufferings of her friends. G. Fox then wrote a letter of consolation to his suffering friends; and also published in print a declaration against all seditions, plotters, and fighters, wherein he manifested, that they were an harmless people, that denied wars and fightings, and could not make use of the outward sword, or other carnal weapons. This declaration was presented to the king and his council, and was of such effect, that the king gave forth a proclamation, that no soldiers should go to search any house, but with a constable. When afterwards some of the Fifth-Monarchy-men were put to death because of their insurrection, they did the Quakers, so called, that right, that they cleared them openly from having an hand in, or knowledge of their plot. This and other evidences caused the king, being continually importuned thereunto, to issue forth a declaration, that the Quakers should be set at liberty without paying fees.

Many of the Presbyterian preachers now temporized, and for keeping their benefices, joined with the Episcopalians, and did not stick to put on the surplice. But this gave occasion to many of their hearers to leave them, and join with the Quakers, so called, who could not comply with the times. Others, who were a little more steadfast, made use of their money to get liberty, though under the government of Cromwell they would permit no liberty of conscience to others; insomuch that one Hewes, an eminent priest at Plymouth in Oliver’s days, when some liberty was granted, prayed that God would put it into the hearts of the chief magistrates of the nation, to remove this cursed toleration. But this Hewes, after the king was come in, being asked by one, whether he would account toleration accursed now, answered only by shaking his head.

Now though many of the Quakers, as hath been said, were released from prison, yet they suffered exceedingly in their religious assemblies. Once a company of Irishmen came to Pall-mall, when G. Fox was there; but the meeting was already broke up; and he being gone up into a chamber, heard one of those rude persons, who was a colonel, say, he would kill all the Quakers. Whereupon G. Fox came down, and told him, ‘The law said, an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth; but thou threatenest to kill all the Quakers, though they have done thee no hurt:’ but said he further, ‘Here is gospel for thee: here’s my hair, here’s my cheek, and here’s my shoulder,’ turning it to him. This so surprised the colonel, that he and his companions stood amazed, and said, ‘If this be your principle as you say, we never saw the like in our lives.’ To which G. Fox said, ‘What I am in words I am the same in life.’ Then the colonel carried himself lovingly; though a certain ambassador who stood without and then came in, said, that this Irish colonel was such a desperate man, that he durst not come in with him, for fear he should have done great mischief.

Notwithstanding such like rude encounters, yet by the change of the government, some stop was put to the fierce current of persecution; for the king being but newly settled on the throne, showed yet an inclination to lenity. But this quiet did not last long, and was but a time of respiration: for the churchmen, instigated, as it seems very probable, by the favourers of popery, continued envious, and staid but for an opportunity to show their malice. An instance of which hath been seen already on the insurrection of the Fifth-Monarchy-men, and in the sequel will be seen much clearer: since, though they did not seem to persecute for conscience-sake, yet under a colour of justice, laws were made use of, that had formerly been enacted for the suppression of popery, and to secure the kingdom against Jesuits, and other traiterous Papists; these being the laws, of which G. Fox in his letter to the king had said, that they held up persecution about religion.

That it may be known what laws those were, and that it may also appear what an unreasonable use hath been made thereof, I shall here set them down, or abstracts of them; that so it may be more plainly seen, what awkward means have been made use of, and how sinistrously the laws were executed. Sometimes I may interweave among these abstracts, some observations, or an account of a case, which, though not placed in due time, may yet be serviceable to give a true notion of things. I now repair to those laws.

* * * * *

In the 27th year of king Henry the eighth, a law was made for payment of tithes: for that king having either given or sold many chapels and abbeys to laymen, those laymen had no right, as priests claimed to have, to summon to ecclesiastical courts those that failed in paying of tithes. But for this a law was provided, by virtue of which, a judge of an ecclesiastical court might be helpful to laymen, and in that law it was said,

‘If the judge of an ecclesiastical court make complaint to two justices of peace, (quorum unus,) of any contumacy, or misdemeanor committed by a defendant in any suit there depending for tithes, the said justices shall commit such defendant to prison, there to remain till he shall find sufficient surety to be bound before them by recognizance, or otherwise to give due obedience to the process, proceedings, decrees, and sentences of the said court.’

By this law, which is pretended to be still in force, many honest people have suffered, and been kept very long in prison; for they refusing to find surety for the payment of tithes, which for conscience-sake they could not give to such ministers who lived from a forced maintenance, and did not, as they judged, profit the people; it was in the power of the priests to detain them prisoners, till the pretended debt was paid; which the persecuted judged so unreasonable, that some have therefore continued in prison for many years, choosing rather to die in jail, than to uphold such preachers, by paying tithes to them. And the Quakers, so called, have never offered resistance, but suffering and forbearance have always been their arms, though they were almost continually vexed with laws that were never made against them; and more especially were they molested with the oath of supremacy, which was made in the beginning of the reign of queen Elizabeth, though, it may be, projected in the time of Henry the eighth, which runs thus:

‘I A. B. do utterly testify and declare in my conscience, that the [king’s] highness is the only supreme governor of this realm, and of all other (his) highness’s dominions and countries, as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes, as temporal. And that no foreign prince, prelate, state, or potentate, hath, or ought to have any jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within this realm: and therefore I do utterly renounce, and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers, superiorities, and authorities, and do promise, that from henceforth I shall bear faith, and true allegiance to the [king’s] highness [his] heirs and lawful successors; and to my power, shall assist and defend all jurisdiction, privileges, pre-eminences, and authorities, granted, or belonging to the [king’s] highness [his] heirs and successors, or united and annexed to the imperial crown of his realm. So help me God, and the contents of this book.’

In the first year of queen Elizabeth, an act was made for uniformity of common-prayer, and church-service, having this clause:

‘Every person shall resort to their parish church, or upon let thereof, to some other, every Sunday and holiday, upon pain to be punished by censures of the church, and also to forfeit twelve-pence, to be levied by the church-wardens, there, for the use of the poor, upon the offender’s goods, by way of distress.’

Here is to be noted, that some have prosecuted the pretended offenders on this clause, to obviate greater severities; although this law was made because of the Papists, thereby to force them to come to church; for about that time there were not so many Protestant Dissenters in England, as afterwards; but these appearing in time, were as well under the lash of this law as the Papists; for their religious assemblies were not reckoned to be churches as the steeple-houses by a metonymy generally have been called; at the same rate as the Jews’ meeting-houses have been called synagogues, though the word itself properly signifies the assembly of the people.

* * * * *

Now, since the aforesaid law was not strictly obeyed, not only by Papists, but also by others, who aiming at a further reformation, could not longer comply with the rites of the church of England, in the 23d year of Elizabeth, a more severe law was made, with this clause:

‘Every person not repairing to church, according to the statute of 1 Eliz. 2, shall forfeit twenty pounds for every month they so make default; and if they so forbear by the space of twelve months, after certificate thereof, made by the ordinary unto the King’s Bench, a justice of assize, jail-delivery, or peace of the county where they dwell, shall bind them with two sufficient sureties in 200_l._ at least, to their good behaviour, from which they shall not be released until they shall repair to church according to the said statute.’

This law it seems was not thought severe enough; therefore in the 29th year of the said queen, another law was made with this clause:

‘The queen may seize all the goods, and two-third parts of the lands and leases of every offender not repairing to church as aforesaid, in such of the terms of Easter and Michaelmas, as shall happen next after such conviction, for the sum then due for the forfeiture of twenty pounds a month, and yearly after that, (in the same terms,) according to the rate of twenty pounds a month for so long time as they shall forbear to come to church according to the said statute of 23 Eliz. 1.’

Upon these acts many were prosecuted; but in the height of this proceeding, George Whitehead, Gilbert Latey, and others, solicited king Charles the Second in the behalf of their friends; which had such effect, that the king ordered stay of process in divers counties; yet afterwards the prosecution was continued till after his death, both as to imprisonment, as well as seizing of goods: and other old laws were also made use of: for in the 35th year of queen Elizabeth’s reign, when the Papists sometimes were forming plots against the queen, an act was made, containing the effect of this clause:

‘If any of above sixteen years of age shall be convicted to have absented themselves above a month from church, without any lawful cause, impugned the queen’s authority in causes ecclesiastical, or frequented conventicles, or persuaded others so to do, under pretence of exercise of religion, they shall be committed to prison, and there remain until they shall conform themselves, and make such open submission as hereafter shall be prescribed: and if within three months after such conviction, they refuse to conform, and submit themselves, being thereunto required by a justice of the peace, they shall in open assize, or sessions, abjure the realm: and if such abjuration happen to be before justices of the peace in sessions, they shall make certificate thereof at the next assize, or jail-delivery.’

‘And if such an offender refuse to abjure, or going away accordingly, doth return without the queen’s license, he shall be adjudged a felon, and shall not enjoy the benefit of clergy; but if before he be required to abjure, he makes his submission, the penalties aforesaid shall not be inflicted upon him.’

Though it may be supposed this act was made chiefly against Papists, yet some few of the Quakers, so called, had been prosecuted thereupon, which was for their lives; for if they had been willing to depart the realm, yet such, who for conscience-sake could not swear at all, could not oblige themselves by oath that they would do so. And this being very well known, it once happened, that one William Alexander, of Needham in Suffolk, being with several more indicted upon this act, was asked, ‘Guilty or not guilty?’ He not being hasty to answer, the judge said, ‘Why don’t you plead guilty or not guilty?’ To which Alexander replied, ‘What would’st thou advise us to plead?’ The judge, (who sometimes used to be severe enough,) said, ‘Do you ask my advice?’ ‘Yes,’ said Alexander. ‘Then,’ returned the judge, ‘you shall have it; and I’ll advise you to plead not guilty.’ So the prisoners accordingly pleaded not guilty. Then said the judge to the prosecutors, ‘Now you must prove these men, neither to have been at their own parish church, nor at any other church or chapel, else they are not within this act, which is a sanguinary law.’ Thus the judge carried on his discourse, to a discharge of Alexander and his friends from that severe indictment: for the prosecutors were not able to prove this with evidence, as the law required. One William Bennet, had also been long in prison at Edmondsbury in Suffolk, on this act, and one Richard Vickris near Bristol. But now I go back again.

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After the demise of queen Elizabeth, when James the First had ascended the throne, the Papists still continued their wicked designs, of which the gunpowder plot may serve for an instance. To suppress therefore these malicious people, and for the better discovering of them, in the third year of that king’s reign, an act was made, in which was contained the following oath, which was to be taken by popish recusants:

‘I A. B. do truly and sincerely acknowledge, profess, testify, and declare in my conscience before God and the world, that our sovereign lord king James, is lawful and rightful king of this realm, and of all other his majesty’s dominions and countries; and that the pope, neither of himself, nor by any authority of the church, or see of Rome, or by any other means, with any other, hath any power or authority to depose the king, or to dispose of any of his majesty’s kingdoms or dominions, or to authorise any foreign prince to invade, or annoy him, or his countries, or to discharge any of his subjects from their allegiance and obedience to his majesty, or to give license or leave to any of them to bear arms, raise tumults, or to offer any violence or hurt to his majesty’s royal person, state, or government, or to any of his majesty’s subjects, within his majesty’s dominions. Also I do swear from my heart, that notwithstanding any declaration, or sentence of excommunication, or deprivation, made or granted, or to be made or granted, by the pope or his successors, or by any authority derived, or pretended to be derived from him or his see, against the said king, his heirs, or successors, or any absolution of the said subjects from their obedience, I will bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty, his heirs and successors, and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against his or their persons, their crown and dignity, by reason or colour of any such sentence or declaration, or otherwise: and will do my best endeavour to disclose, and make known unto his majesty, his heirs and successors, all treasons, and traiterous conspiracies, which I shall know or hear of to be against him, or any of them. And I do further swear, that I do from my heart abhor, detest, and abjure, as impious and heretical, this damnable doctrine and position, that princes which be excommunicated, or deprived by the pope, may be deposed, or murdered by their subjects, or any other whatsoever. And I do believe, and in my conscience am resolved, that neither the pope, nor any person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this oath, or any part thereof, which I acknowledge by good and full authority to be lawfully ministered unto me, and do renounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary. And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge, and swear according to the express words by me spoken, and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I do make this recognition and acknowledgment, heartily, willingly, and truly, upon the true faith of a Christian. So help me God.’

This oath, commonly called the oath of allegiance, was afterwards called by the name of the test; and the introduction of it makes mention of the gunpowder-plot, and signifies that this expedient was contrived to discover Papists; and yet many of the people called Quakers, have suffered thereby many years; for though they did not refuse to declare their allegiance, yet because it was well known they were not for swearing at all, this oath was continually made use of as a snare to imprison them. Now the punishment stated against these recusants, was a premunire: and how grievously many Quakers have been oppressed on that account, though not easily related, yet I may give instances in due places of several in the sequel. Other severe laws for persecution have been made since, as will be seen in their proper time.

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At the close of this year, E. Burrough wrote a consolatory epistle to his fellow labourers in the ministry of the gospel, which I cannot omit to insert here, because it shows very evidently how valiant he was in the service of Truth, which epistle is as followeth:

‘Dearly and well-beloved brethren, in the heavenly relation, and blessed immortal birth, of which we are born most dearly in our Father’s love; my salutation extendeth unto you all, as one with you perfectly in sufferings and in rejoicings, in faith and patience, and even in all things which you do and suffer for in the name of the Lord our God; and my soul greets you, and embraces you, and fervently wishes peace, love, and unity, and the increase of every good gift unto you all; for I am perfectly one with you; if you receive of our father’s fulness, I am refreshed; and if you rejoice, I am glad; and if you suffer, and be in heaviness, I freely partake with you; whatsoever is yours, whether liberty or bonds, whether life or death, I partake of the same; and whatsoever I enjoy, the same also is yours; we are of one birth, of one seed, of one line, even of the generation of him who is without beginning of days, or end of life, who is an high priest, made after the power of an endless life; and as he was blessed of the Father, so are we, because we are of the same birth, and are partakers of his nature, and he lives in us, and we in him.

‘Well, my dear companions, I need not multiply words unto you, as if you knew not these things; for what know I, that you know not? Or, what can I say, but you know the same? Yet bear with me, for my heart is very full, and my soul ready to be poured forth, that I may once more express a little quantity of what is abounding in my heart; for love, even perfect love, even that love wherewith we are beloved of the Father, filleth my heart at this time towards all of you, from the least to the greatest; and I know nothing but love towards you all; and I doubt not but in the same love you do receive this my salutation, which is from the fountain of love, which at this time is opened in my heart.

‘Now, dearly beloved, the present considerations of my heart are very many concerning the great love of the Father, which hitherto hath been showed unto us; we all know, how that he called us by his grace, and turned our hearts from the vanities and evil ways of this world, and sanctified us by his word, and put his image upon us, and called us by his name, and redeemed us unto himself, and gave us the testimony of his holy Spirit in our own hearts, that we should be his people, and he would be our God; he taught us, and instructed us, and fed us, and gave us peace and rest in himself, and freed us from the bondage of sin and corruption, and from his terror because of sin; and he removed our transgressions, and blotted them out, and ceased to smite us any more, but brought us into the land of rest, flowing with mercy, and peace, and knowledge, and all good things: this did the Lord our God do for us in the days of our infancy, even when we were yet in our sins he called us forth, and cleansed us from them: and when we were strangers to him, he made himself known unto us; and when we were wholly ignorant, he gave us knowledge; and when we were not a people, he raised us up, and made us worthy to be called by his name; and thus, after this manner, did the Father love us, and show his love unto us: this you know, even as I do, and the consideration of it causeth me thus to express it.

‘Again, when he had thus wrought for us, and showed his love unto us, he was pleased to call us out into his work, to the turning and converting of others unto the way of life; he put his Spirit into us, and gave us gifts of knowledge and utterance, and armed us with wisdom, and strength, and courage, and every way fitted us for that work and service in which he hath carried us on; he, I say, fitted us for his work, and called us into it, and carried us on joyfully in it, and all this of his free love, and infinite power; and what we have been, and what we have done, it hath been only of the Lord, and not of ourselves, even of his love, which to us may be admirable: for alas! what were we but children, and neither prophets, nor prophets’ sons, and our education unanswerable for these things, and to perform this calling? And therefore it is the Lord, and only he that hath effected his own purpose through us, and by us, as instruments mean of ourselves, but by him very excellent.

‘Again, he hath mightily prospered us in his work, and a glorious effect we have beheld of our labours, and travels, and testimony; yea, the Lord hath been with us abundantly, and his arm hath compassed us about, and he hath often given us great victory over the wise and prudent of this world; he hath made his own word often very powerful in our mouths, to the wounding of the consciences of our enemies; and the Lord hath blessed our testimony, to the confounding the wisdom of this world, and to the gathering of many unto himself; and he hath gone forth before us in his authority, and been always with us in his own work; and our testimonies, labours, and travels have been very precious and pleasant unto the Lord, and all his people; and the effect thereof causeth my soul to rejoice, because the Lord hath been with us, and prospered us into a great people, who have received our witness, and accepted thereof unto their salvation; and unto the Lord alone, the glory of all this appertaineth.

‘And for these eight years and upward, the hand of the Lord hath carried us through great labours and travels in his service, and many dangers, and persecutions, and afflictions have attended us all this time; and ye know that many a time hath the Lord delivered us from the hands of such as would have destroyed us; and we have been delivered again and again, out of dangers and difficulties, and the Lord hath been a present help unto us, in the time of our trouble; for the plotting of the wicked, for the purpose of ungodly men, hath often been broken for our sakes, even many a time have we been delivered out of the snare that hath been laid for us, and we have seen our enemies fall before us on the right hand, and on the left, even the wise in their worldly wisdom, and the foolish in their brutishness, both professors and profane hath our God often cut short in their desires and endeavours for our destruction; and we have been wonderfully preserved unto this day; and all this I attribute to the infinite love and power of the Lord God, who is blessed for evermore.

‘And through all these things we are yet alive, and the Lord doth not fail us unto this hour, but he lives and walks in us, and his testimony is with us, even the seal of his good Spirit in our hearts, that we are his sons and servants, and we are confirmed by many tokens that he is our God, and we are his people, and that great oppressions which we have met withal, have not restrained us, but through it all, have we grown, and prospered unto this day: and concerning the things whereof we have testified these divers years, I am no way doubtful but our God will fulfil them, neither can my confidence be shaken by what is or can come to pass; for antichrist must fall, false ministry and worship, false ways and doctrines, God will confound, false power and false church the Lord will lay low, and truth and righteousness must reign; and God will gather his people more and more, and glorious days will appear; God will exalt his kingdom upon earth, and throw down the kingdom of the man of sin; all oppression must cease, and the oppressors shall be no more; and God will free his people, and they shall be happy in this world, and for ever: these things have we prophesied from day to day; and my faith is constant and unmoveable, that God will effect these things in his season: for the Lord never yet deceived me, but what he hath said, will surely come to pass.

‘And therefore, brethren, let us be in hope and patience, and live in the word of patience, and not be faint-hearted, as though the Lord had forgotten us, or was unmindful of us, or as though he would not perform what he had testified of by us; for he is not a man, that he should lie, nor as a man, that he is given to change: but lift up your heads, for the Lord is with us, even in our greatest tribulations and afflictions, and he will accomplish his purpose; for he is mighty to save his people, and to destroy his enemies.

‘It is true, the gates of hell at this time seem to be open against us, and we are a people like to be swallowed up of our enemies, and floods of wickedness seem to overflow, and the waves of the great sea seem to be void of mercy, and the hope of our adversaries is to extinguish us from being a people, and to destroy us from the face of the earth; and the hands of our persecutors are highly exalted at this day, as though all that we have done for the Lord, by our labours and travels, should now be made of none effect.

‘Well, dear brethren, though it be thus, yet our God can deliver us, and confound our adversaries; and we can appeal unto our God, and can spread our cause before him: and he knows that our sufferings and afflictions are altogether unjust, and unequal, and unrighteous, and that our persecutors do afflict us out of their envy, and without any just cause administered unto them by us; our God knows it, angels and saints know it, that we are at this day a persecuted people, for religion’s sake; and this our present affliction is not any just punishment, either from the justice of God, or from the justice of men.

‘For God hath given us the witness of his eternal Spirit, that wrath is not in him towards us; his wrath be to his enemies, but unto us is joy and peace for evermore: and the Lord clears us, and he justifies us, who then shall condemn us? He chargeth no guilt upon us, as if we were unto ourselves the cause, by our evil deeds, of these our present sufferings, and as if this were come to pass upon us, as punishment from the hand of God: I say, it is not so; these our present sufferings are not out of God’s anger towards us, for his love is to us, let his wrath be to his enemies: and as I said, neither is this suffering in the justice of men; for unto all the world we can say, (and God himself shall plead our cause,) whom have we wronged or done evil to? What evil have we done to any man’s person? Whose goods have we falsely taken or coveted? Against whom have we designed mischief? Even the Lord himself be judge between us and our persecutors in this matter; for unto him we are known that we do desire the good of all, and not the hurt of any, and yet we are dealt with as evil-doers; when as the God of heaven is witness in our consciences, that we neither plot nor contrive, nor agitate in thought or word the hurt of any man’s person: but we walk justly towards all, it being our principle to do to others as we would be done unto; and we can plead our cause unto our God, and he shall plead our cause with our enemies, and this is the present state of our case; what we suffer at this time it is singly in the cause of God, and for righteousness-sake, and for the testimony of Jesus, which we hold; therefore freely let us commit our cause unto the God of heaven, and if we die, it is for him, and if we live, it is to him; and we seek not vengeance against our enemies, but leave it to the Lord to plead with them.

‘And, dearly beloved, I hope I need not exhort you to be patient and faithful in this day of our trial, knowing that the cause is so excellent in which we are tried, it is God’s cause and not our own; and I hope you all have the testimony of his Spirit in your consciences, verifying the truth of the cause for which we suffer; and having that evidence, we need not to be doubtful as towards God, nor ashamed before men, if so be that every one feels the evidence of the Spirit of God bearing witness, that we suffer for righteousness-sake, and for the name of Christ Jesus.

‘And so dear brethren, lift up your heads, and be assured, that we are the Lord’s, and in his cause we are tried, and he will judge and avenge our persecutors in his season, and we shall be a people when the Egyptians lie dead upon the sea-shore, and when the raging sea is dried up, this same people shall be safe; for hath the Lord done so excellent things for us? Hath he led us forth, and blessed us unto this day? And hath he preserved us hitherto through many tribulations and dangers? Hath he showed infinite love and favour unto us to this hour? And will he now suffer us to be destroyed from being a people? Surely no. Will he give our enemies their heart’s desire to cut us all off, that they may blaspheme his name? Surely no. And if it be the pleasure of the Lord, that some of us should seal our testimony with our blood, good is the will of the Lord; not ours, but his will be done; for the testimony that we have borne for these divers years, hath been so excellent in itself, and in its fruits and effects, that the finishing of it deserves the best seal that possibly we can sign it with, which is indeed our heart’s blood; and this dwells upon my spirit; and yet, though it should be thus, my confidence is sure, that the work of the Lord shall prosper, and our testimony shall be glorious for ever, and this people shall never be extinguished from being a people.

‘And I know not any thing that remains upon our part at this day, but that we commit ourselves into the hand of the Lord, living in the seed of God, wherein our election is sure, before the world was, and for ever; and let us remember one another, and pray one for another; and let us stir up all the children of our Father to faithfulness and patience, while we have time; I say, let us walk to the glory of the Lord, keeping faith and a good conscience to our last end; our testimony shall never die, nor our memories ever perish when we are ceased to be; and though we suffer now the loss of life, and all we have, yet the effects thereof will be glorious in ages to come, and our present sufferings will hasten the glory of God’s work throughout the world: receive this as my salutation to you all.

‘It is now eight days since I left Ireland, where my service hath been precious for the Lord for full six months, all which time the Lord carried me in much faithfulness and diligence in his service, to the confirming of many in the truth of God, and to the converting of others; and through and because of the presence of the Lord which was with me, I had a very precious time, and was wonderfully preserved through many dangers and trials; and I travelled near two thousand miles to and fro in that land, and had very free passage in the principal cities and towns, till my work for the present was fully ended there, having more time than could be expected to clear my conscience to all people. It would be too large to mention every particular transaction, wherein I perceived the eminent hand of God with me; and also many things I observed concerning the present state of things which I shall not mention; for what have we to do with the affairs of worldly kingdoms? But as for friends, it was well with them, they grow and increase in the blessings and fulness of the Father; and when I came thence all was quiet, and very few in prison, though, I suppose, the tidings of things as they are here, will produce the same sufferings upon them: but I hope they will be bold and valiant for the truth, in giving their testimony by faithful sufferings, till these things be finished.

‘Thus I remain in life and death, and when I am no more, in everlasting remembrance, your dear brother and companion, by doing and suffering for the name of the Lord and his truth. I am well, and at liberty, as yet.

E. B.’

11th of the Twelfth month, 1660.

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