The Tenth Book: 1677-1688

The Tenth Book: 1677-1688

1677.

The year 1677 was scarce begun, when G. Fox, though the roads were yet covered with snow, travelled again. After he had passed many places, and preached in the meetings of his friends, he came to York, and going from thence to Nottingham, went to the house of John Reckless, who was sheriff there when G. Fox preached the first time in that town, and was imprisoned on that account: but he taking G. Fox into his house, had been so reached by what he spoke, that he embraced the doctrine he held forth, and never departed from the profession thereof. From hence G. Fox passed through Leicestershire, Derbyshire, Warwickshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire, where he met with William Dewsbury, and so came again to London, where having assisted at the annual meeting, he, with William Penn, Robert Barclay, George Keith, &c. went over to Holland, to see his friends there, and to edify them with his gift. William Penn and Robert Barclay travelled up into Germany, and since R. Barclay the year before had spoken with the princess Elizabeth of the Palatinate, daughter of Frederick, king of Bohemia, and sister of Sophia, late duchess of Hanover, mother of George, king of Great Britain, W. Penn had also written two letters to her from England, which she answered by this following:

Hereford, May 2, 1667.

‘This, friend, will tell you that both your letters were very acceptable, together with your wishes for my obtaining those virtues which may make me a worthy follower of our great King and Saviour Jesus Christ. What I have done for his true disciples is not so much as a cup of cold water: it affords them no refreshment; neither did I expect any fruit of my letter to the duchess of L. as I have expressed at the same time unto B. F. But since R. B. desired I should write it, I could not refuse him, nor omit to do any thing that was judged conducing to his liberty, though it should expose me to the derision of the world. But this a mere moral man can reach at; the true inward graces are yet wanting in

Your affectionate friend, ELIZABETH.’

G. Fox also from Amsterdam wrote a letter to this virtuous princess, wherein he commended her modest and retired life, and exhorted her to piety and godliness: to which she answered with this letter:

‘Dear Friend,

‘I cannot but have a tender love to those that love the Lord Jesus Christ, and to whom it is given not only to believe in him, but also to suffer for him: therefore your letter, and your friends’ visit, have been both very welcome to me. I shall follow their and your counsel, as far as God will afford me light and unction; remaining still

Your loving friend, ELIZABETH.’

Herford, the 30th of August, 1677.

This correspondence gave occasion to William Penn and Robert Barclay, to pass towards Herford, a town on the frontiers of Paderborn, and to give the said princess, who resided there, a visit. With her lived Ann Maria, countess of Hornes; and in one of the chambers of the princess, William Penn and Robert Barclay had a meeting with the princess, the countess, and several others, to their great satisfaction. And the countess, who was one of Labadie’s adherents, signified to William Penn, that she wished a meeting might be had where the inferior servants might freely appear. William Penn not refusing this, the princess consented to it; and after the meeting, (where she was not present, that so her servants might have a more free access,) she expressed much satisfaction in having had that good opportunity. And then so earnestly invited William Penn and Robert Barclay, (who lodged at an inn,) to sup with her, that they not being well able to refuse the invitation, yielded to it. There was then with her a French woman of quality, who having had before a very slight opinion of the Quakers, now became deeply broken, and very affectionately kind and respectful to William Penn and Robert Barclay. The next day was the first of the week; and it being agreed with the princess to have another meeting, William Penn desired that not only as many of her own family, but as many of the town as would willingly be there, might be admitted. To this she yielded. And thus William Penn and Robert Barclay had a large opportunity to preach effectually, and to discharge themselves. After the meeting was done, the princess came to William Penn, and taking him by the hand, she spoke to him of the sense she had of the power and presence of God that had been among them; and thus going on she broke forth into an extraordinary passion, crying out, ‘I cannot speak to you, my heart is full,’ clapping her hand upon her breast. This affected William Penn not a little, yet he spoke a few words to her by way of admonition; and then taking his leave of her, she said, ‘Will you not come hither again? Pray call here as ye return out of Germany.’ To this he returned, ‘We are in the hand of the Lord, and being at his pleasure, cannot so fully dispose of ourselves.’ Solemn leave then being taken, Robert Barclay returned to Amsterdam, and William Penn went to Paderborn, and so by the way of Cassel, (where he spoke with the aged and learned Dureus,) to Frankfort. Here he found several persons of note, with whom he had several times a meeting, and once at the house of a young gentlewoman, noble of birth, called Johannah Eleonora Merlane, who said to him, ‘Our quarters are free for you, let all come that will come; and lift up your voices without fear.’

Departing thence William Penn came to Chrisheim, a village near Worms, where then lived some of his friends, who afterwards went to Pennsylvania, and settled themselves there. Whilst William Penn was in the Palatinate, he wrote an exhortatory epistle[45] to Elizabeth princess Palatine, and Anna Maria countess of Hornes; and then went to Heidelberg, the chief city of the Palatinate, to speak with the prince Elector, Charles Ludowick, brother of the said princess Elizabeth; but the said prince then happened to be out of town: and since this chief message was to desire the prince that the Quakers at Chrisheim might be treated more mildly, for tithes were exacted from them not only by the parson of the village, but also by the popish priests of Worms; and the vaught, or mayor of the town, endeavoured to restrain their due liberty of religious meeting together, he from thence took occasion to write a letter in their favour to the said prince,[46] because he had not been able to speak to him. Returning afterwards to Chrisheim, and preaching there in a meeting of his friends, he was overheard by the vaught, or chief officer, who stood at the back-door that he might not be seen, who was so well pleased with what he heard, that he afterwards told the parson, that it was his work, if the Quakers were heretics, to discover them to be such: ‘But for my part,’ continued he, ‘I heard nothing but what was good; and therefore I would not meddle with them.’ For the parson had busied himself to persuade the vaught that it was his duty to suppress heresy: but the vaught made it appear that he had no mind to persecute for religion’s sake. W. Penn having now cleared his conscience, returned by way of Frankfort, Cologne, Cleves, &c. to Amsterdam, where at Cologne he received a letter from the princess Elizabeth, in answer to that he had written to her from the Palatinate: the said letter was as followeth:

[45] See Penn’s Travels in Holland, &c. 3d impression, p. 77.

[46] Ibid. p. 84.

‘The 4/14 of September, 1677.

‘DEAR FRIEND,

‘I have received your greetings, good wishes, and exhortations, with much joy, and shall follow the latter as far as it will please our great God to give me light and strength. I can say little for myself, and can do nothing of myself; but I hope the Lord will conduct me in his time, by his way, to his end, and that I shall not shrink for his fire. I do long for it; and when he assures my ways, I hope he will give me power to hear the cross I meet therein; I am also glad to hear the journey hath been prosperous both in the constitutions of your bodies, to withstand the badness of the weather, and in the reception you had in Cassel, Frankfort, and Chrisheim. Nothing surprised me there but the good old Dury, in whom I did not expect so much ingenuousness, having lately wrote a book, intitled, Le vêritable Chrétien, that doth speak in another way. I wish to know what reception you have had at Fredericksburg, and if this find you at Cleves, I wish you might take an occasion to see the two pastors of Mulheim, which do really seek the Lord, but have some prejudice against your doctrine, as also the countess there. It would be of much use for my family to have them disabused; yet God’s will be done in that, and all things else concerning

Your loving friend in the Lord Jesus, ELIZABETH.’

Whilst William Penn made this journey into Germany, George Fox was gone to Hamburg and Frederickstadt, to visit his friends there; and Penn being returned to Amsterdam, went from thence to Friesland, and met George Fox as he was coming back to Holland, at Leewarden; from whence he made a step to Wiewart, where a society of the Labadites dwelt. Here he spoke with the famous Anna Maria Schurman, the gentlewomen Somerdykes, the French pastor Peter Yvon, and others. After some discourse from both sides, when Yvon had given a relation concerning John de Labadie, how he was bred among the Jesuits, and deserted them, and embraced the Protestant religion, and how becoming dissatisfied with the formal Protestants, he with some that adhered to him, had separated themselves from the vulgar assemblies, Anna Maria Schurman began to speak, and gave an account of her former life, of her pleasure in learning, and her love to the religion she was brought up in, but confessed she knew not God or Christ truly all that while. And though from a child God had visited her at times, yet she never felt such a powerful stroke, as by the ministry of John de Labadie: and then she saw her learning to be vanity, and her religion like a body of death; and therefore resolved to despise the shame, desert her former way of living and acquaintance, and to join herself with this little family, that was retired out of the world. This and much more she spoke in a sensible frame, and with a serious mind, not without some trembling. And then one of the Somerdykes gave also an ample relation, concerning her inward state, and how she had been reached by the preaching of Labadie; and how before that time she had mourned because of the deadness and formality of the vulgar Christians, and said within herself, ‘O the pride, the lusts, the vain pleasures in which Christians live! Can this be the way to heaven? Is this the way to glory? Are these followers of Christ? O no! O God where is thy little flock? Where is thy little family that will live entirely to thee, that will follow thee? Make me one of that number.’ Then she told how being pricked to the heart, when she heard Labadie preach, she had resolved to abandon the glory and pride of this world; and further said, that she counted herself happy to have joined with this separated family. After some others had likewise given an account of their change, William Penn also gave a circumstantial relation, how he had been gradually drawn off from the vanity and pride of life; what adversities he had met with in the university at Oxford, because of his not joining with the debauchery committed there; and how, after having lived some time in France, he had been convinced by the effectual ministry of Thomas Loe, and so came to be joined with the despised Quakers. This his relation he concluded with a serious admonition how they ought to go on, and to grow in the true fear of God. At parting, one of the pastors asked him if the truth rose not first amongst a poor, illiterate, and simple sort of people. ‘Yes,’ answered William Penn; ‘and it is our comfort that we owe it not to the learning of this world.’ To which the pastor returned, ‘Then let not the learning of this world be used to defend that which the Spirit of God hath brought forth; for scholars now coming among you, will be apt to mix school learning amongst your simpler and purer language, and thereby obscure the brightness of your testimony.’ W. Penn, having answered to the purpose, took his leave, and travelled by way of Groninghen to Embden, where the Quakers at that time were persecuted severely with imprisonments and banishments: but I wave the relation thereof, because it hath long ago been published in print, and the magistrates there, being afterwards moved to pity by the persecution the protestants suffered in France, came to a better resolution, as may be mentioned in the sequel.

When W. Penn came to Embden, he went to speak with the burgomaster André, at his house, and asked him if he and the senate had not received a letter in Latin[47] from an Englishman about two years since, concerning their severity towards the people called Quakers? The burgomaster said he had. W. Penn then replied, ‘I am that man, and am constrained in conscience to visit thee on their behalf,’ &c. The burgomaster deported himself with more kindness than was expected, and gave some faint hope of alteration; but it appeared sufficiently that the senate was not as yet so disposed, for persecution continued there yet a long while.

[47] Which being translated into English, runs thus, and deserves the serious consideration of all magistrates.

To the Council and Senate of the City of Embden.

The King of kings, and Lord of lords, who is God of all the families of the earth, incline your hearts to justice, mercy, and truth.

The noise of your severe treatment of several persons that are inhabitants of your state, reproachfully termed Quakers, hath reached these parts, and filled several with compassion and surprise; compassion to hear of the [48]miseries of men innocent and upright, against whom you have nothing to object, but the pure exercise of their conscience to God; surprise, that you, a Protestant state, should employ your civil power to deter, punish, and grievously afflict men for answering the convictions of their consciences, and acting according to the best of their understanding. Methinks you should not be oblivious of your own condition in the loins of your ancestors, who, you think, with great reason and justice, strenuously advocated the cause of liberty of conscience against the pope’s bulls and the Spanish inquisition; how did they antichristian all force on conscience or punishment for non-conformity? Their own many and large apologies, and particularly their demands at the diets of Nurimburg and Spire, are pregnant proofs in the case; and your practice doth not lessen the weight of their reasons; on the contrary, it aggravates your unkindness, let me say, injustice.

[48] Our account says, some were cruelly beaten by order; others banished; some put in a dungeon, and fed with bread and water only; several fined greater sums of money, it is thought, than they had to pay.

Protestants, (and such you glory to be thought,) got their name by protesting against imposition; and will you turn imposers? They condemned it; and will you practise it? They thought it a mark peculiar to the beast; and can you repute it the care of a Christian magistracy? I mean, that persons must not live under your government, unless they receive your mark in the forehead or right hand? Which in plainer terms is, to submit their consciences to your edicts, and to ask your leave what religion they should be of. Remember, that faith is the gift of God; and, that what is not of faith is sin: nothing can be more unreasonable, than to compel men to believe against their belief, or to trouble them for practising what they believe, when it thwarts not the moral law of God.

You doubtless take yourselves to be Christians, and would esteem it no little injury to be otherwise represented; yet what more unchristian, than to use external force to sway the consciences of men about the exercise of religious worship.

Christ Jesus, the Lord and author of the Christian religion, censured his own disciples, that would have had fire from heaven to destroy those that conformed not to what their blessed Master taught: are you surer of your religion? Are you better Christians? Or, have you more Christian authority, than they that were the chosen witnesses of Jesus? However, remember, they called but for fire from heaven; and can you kindle fire on earth to devour them? Them, I say, that are of your own people, merely for their religious dissent from you? Doubtless, if that was then thought no fit argument to induce men to conformity by him that was wiser than Solomon; it reflects greatly upon your modesty and prudence, that you should find out new ways, or rather old exploded ones to effect so ill a design. Besides, you do not say you know all you ought to know, or that there is nothing further to be revealed; have a care therefore, that you persecute not angels, by being harsh to that which you call strange; think not ill, much less speak, and least of all act, that which is so against what you do not perfectly understand. I am well persuaded, that those you inflicted such severe penalties upon, mean well in what they believe, (to be sure much better than you think they do, or else you are extremely to blame,) and that the reason of their present distance from you, is not to introduce or insinuate dangerous or exotic opinions, but to live a life of more holiness, purity, and self-denial, than before: they do not think that you walk up to your own principles; and have reason to believe the power of godliness is much lost among you; and having long lain under a decay and languishing of soul for want of true spiritual nourishment, they have now betaken themselves to that heavenly gift and grace of God in themselves for divine satisfaction, even that holy anointing that is able to teach them all things necessary for them to know; as the blessed apostle speaks; and they find the joys of the Holy Ghost in so doing: and I am persuaded they are not less peaceable, sober, just, and neighbourly than formerly, and altogether as consistent with the prosperity of civil society; and I am sure it is both found and confest among us here by some men of quality, learning, and virtue. Further, be pleased to consider with yourselves, that you justify the ancient persecutions of the Christians and first reformers, whose superiors thought as ill of them, as you do of these men; nay, you show the Papists what to do in their dominions to your own brethren. Do as you would be done by: if you would have liberty, give it; you know that God’s witness in your hearts dictates this to you as an immutable law.

Could you give faith, it were more excusable for you to punish such as should resist; but since that is impossible, the other is unreasonable; for it is to afflict men for not being what they cannot be unless they turn hypocrites: that is the highest pitch your coercive power can arrive at; for never did it convert or preserve one soul to God; instead thereof it offers violence unto conscience, and puts a man either upon the denial of his faith and reason, or being destroyed for acting according to them: but what greater disproportion can there be, than what lieth between the intellect of man, and prisons, fines, and banishments? They inform no man’s judgment, resolve no doubts, convince no understanding: the power of persuasion is not to be found in any such barbarous actions, no more than the doctrine of Christianity. This course destroys the bodies and estates of men, instead of saving their souls: were they in the wrong, it would become you to use God’s weapons, his sword of the Spirit, that saveth the creature; and slayeth the evil in him; this course tends to heart-burnings and destruction; I am sure it is no gospel argument.

I beseech you for the sake of that Lord Jesus Christ, that suffered so patiently for his own religion, and so sharply prohibited making other men to suffer for theirs, that you would have a care how you exercise power over men’s consciences. My friends, conscience is God’s throne in man, and the power of it his prerogative: it is to usurp his authority, and boldly ascend his throne, to set lords over it. Were their conversation scandalous, and destructive to the good of your state, you were to be held excusable: but verily, no man of mercy and conscience, can defend your practice upon poor men so peaceable and inoffensive. Gamaliel will rise up in judgment against you, if you persevere in this course. Do not you help to fill the catalogue of persecutors: in much love I intreat you; but as becomes Christian men and true Protestants, leave men to their particular persuasions of affairs relative of the other world, which have no ill aspect on the affairs of this: but vice hath an evil consequence as to both: therefore punish vice, and affect truth and righteousness, and bend not your civil power to torment religious dissenters, but to retrieve good life, lamentably lost amidst the great pretences that are made to religion. Doubtless magistracy was both ordained of God, and elected by men, to be a terror of evil-doers, and not to them that do well, though of different judgments. You oppugn the Roman church for assuming infallibility to herself, and yet your own practice maketh you guilty of the same presumption or worse: for either you do exercise that severity upon an infallible knowledge, or you do not; if you do, you take that to yourselves your principle denies to any church whatever, which is a contradiction; if you do not, you punish people for not conforming to what you yourselves deny any certainty about: and how do you know but you compel them to that which is false, as well as that which is true? Verily, this dilemma is not easily avoided, as well as that this inhuman practice will stain your profession, infame your government, and bring a blot upon your posterity.

Remember that they are men as well as yourselves, born free, and have equal plea to natural and civil common privileges with yourselves: the different persuasion of their consciences about things relating to another life, can no ways render them unfit for this; it neither unmans nor uncivilizes them. They have the same right to their liberty and property as ever, having by no practice of theirs in the least forfeited any of those human advantages, the great charters of nature and Scripture have conferred upon them: and the opulency of your neighbours and prosperity of their affairs, prove to you that indulgence is not inconsistent with policy; howbeit, you have now tried the sincerity of their procedure by what you have already inflicted, and they sustained; let the time past suffice, and make them not sacrifices for their conscientious constancy. If they are in the wrong, it is more than they know; will you persecute men for being what they must be, if they will be true to themselves; this were great violence; rather commiserate than thus violently compel them. I beseech you, seek some cheaper way to accommodate yourselves, than by their destruction, who are so very remote from seeking yours. Oh! the day will come, wherein one act of tenderness about matters of conscience, shall find a better reward, than all the severity by which men use to propagate their persuasions in the world; and there is great reason for it, since the one flows from the Saviour, the other from the destroyer of men. In fine, let your moderation be known unto all men, for the Lord is at hand, whose reward is with him; and he will recompense every man, family, state, kingdom, and empire, according to the nature of their works, committed in his mortal body; at whose bar it shall never be laid to your charge, that out of fear of taking God’s office out of his hands, and being unmerciful to tender consciences, you admitted men of differing judgments to dwell quietly among you: truly, you cannot be too tender in this point.

Imitate the God of nature and grace, by being propitious to all; his sun shineth on all; his rain falls on all, he gives life and being to all; his grace visits all, and in times of ignorance he winketh: and though such you may repute ours, I hope you cannot think you wink at it, who make such broad tokens of your displeasure. Oh! how forbearing and merciful is he towards you? Have you so lately escaped the wrath of enemies, and can you already thus sharply treat your friends? Had he entered into judgment with you, what had become of you? Let his goodness to you prevail with you, to express clemency to others, that so the great God of the whole earth, even the God of the spirits of all flesh, who respects not the persons of the rich, poor, or powerful in judgment, may show you mercy in the day of his righteous judgments. Amen.

Your friend with the greatest integrity in the universal principle of love and truth, W. PENN.

London, December 14, 1674.

After W. Penn had staid some time at Embden, he took a turn again to Herford, where he was received very kindly by the princess Elizabeth, and the countess of Hornes; and more than once he had a meeting in her chamber; and the princess was so reached and affected by his speaking, that she said, ‘I am fully convinced; but oh my sins are great!’ this gave occasion to W. Penn to speak to the princess and the countess apart, with respect to their particular conditions; which made a deep impression on their minds, especially the countess’s. Being much pressed by the princess to stay and sup with her, he yielded: and the countess from a serious sense of her compliance with the world, told him, ‘Il faut que je rompe, il faut que je rompe,’ i. e. ‘I must break off, I must break off.’ And at another time with a weighty countenance she cried out, ‘O the cumber and entanglements of this vain world; they hinder all good.’ Once the princess said to them, ‘It is a hard matter to be faithful to what one knows. I fear that I am not weighty enough in my spirit.’ At another time she told him, ‘Among my books I have records that the gospel was by the English first brought from England into Germany; and now it is come again.’ Thus this excellent princess signified how highly she valued the preaching of the gospel to her by W. Penn, and how much she esteemed his labour and ministry. When he took his leave of these eminent persons, having taken the princess by the hand, which she received with a weighty kindness, being much broken in spirit, he wished the blessing and peace of Jesus with and upon her; and then exhorting the countess, she frequently besought him to remember her, and implore the Lord on her behalf.

Next taking wagon for Wesel, from thence he travelled to Duisburgh, Dusseldorp, and Cologne, and then back again to Dusseldorp, to see if he could get an opportunity at Mulheim, to speak with the countess of Falkenstein, who was reported to be a very religious person, and therefore in his former journey he had endeavoured to visit her, but in vain; for the count of Bruch and Falkenstein, her father, kept her as it were under a confinement, because she was of a religious temper; and therefore he called her a Quaker, though she did not at all converse with any of the Quakers. He had also used W. Penn very roughly, when, being necessitated to pass by his castle, he being lord of that country, asked him and his friends from whence they were, and whither they went? to which they answered, that they were Englishmen come from Holland, and going no further in those parts than his town Mulheim: but they not pulling off their hats, the count called them Quakers, and said, ‘We have no need of Quakers here. Get you out of my dominions, you shall not go to my town.’ And he commanded some of his soldiers, to see them out of his territory. Thus W. Penn, and those with him, were necessitated to lie that night in the open air. But the next day he wrote a letter to the said count, and therein told him, ‘For thy saying, we want no Quakers here, I say, under favour, you do; for a true Quaker is one that trembleth at the word of the Lord, that worketh out his salvation with fear and trembling.’

W. Penn being come to Mulheim, could now no more find opportunity to speak with the countess than the first time he was in those parts; and therefore he went to Duisburgh, Wesel, and Cleves, where having had conferences with some religious people, he returned by way of Utrecht to Amsterdam, where G. Fox was also come back again.

Here W. Penn and G. Fox had a conference and dispute with Dr. Galenus Abraham, an eminent Baptist teacher, and some of that persuasion. Galenus asserted, that nobody now-a-days could be accepted as a messenger of God, unless he confirmed his doctrine by miracles. W. Penn wanted no arguments to contradict this, since the Christian religion had been once already confirmed by miracles, and that therefore this now was needless among Christians. G. Fox now and then spoke also something to the matter; but he being somewhat short breathed, went several times away, which some were ready to impute to a passionate temper; but I well know that therein they wronged him. This dispute was indeed a troublesome business; for the parties on both sides were fain to speak by an interpreter, which generally was performed so imperfectly, that at last the conference was broke off, without coming to a decision, although many weighty arguments were objected against the position. Certainly it cannot be denied that John the Baptist was sent of God to preach repentance; and yet in sacred writ it is said positively, John did no miracle; and yet many believed in him. And although there were some among the prophets that wrought miracles, yet we do not find in the holy Scriptures that Jonah, who was indeed a notable preacher of repentance, did any miracle, and nevertheless the Ninevites believed him, and deprecated those judgments he denounced, unless they repented. Of several other true prophets we find not the least mention of any miracles they did; but on the contrary, the Scriptures signify, that possibly false prophets might arise, and give signs or wonders; and that the doing of miracles could not always be a proof, or sure evidence, that any one was sent of God, appears plainly from what our Saviour himself said, viz. that among those to whom he should one day say, “Depart from me,” would be such that should say, “Have we not in thy name cast out devils, and in thy name done many wonderful works?” And what shall we think of the sorcerers of Egypt; did not they seem to do the same wonders as Moses and Aaron did? And yet those wonders wherewithal they deceived Pharaoh and his men, were in no ways wrought by a divine power. Now, since it appears plainly from the holy Scriptures, and Christ himself said, “There shall arise false prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders,” we might with good reason suspect the doctrine of one, who now-a-days wrought miracles, on purpose to make what he denounced, pass for truth.

This being duly considered, it seems to be very absurd, to require miracles again for confirmation of the same gospel which once hath been confirmed by miracles; and to desire that the truth of what once hath been declared by the apostles, and strengthened by wonderful works, should be sealed anew with outward wonders. But it would indeed have been another case, if a new gospel was preached, and that any pretended to give forth new holy Scriptures; for then it might be said with some reason, that it was necessary that this new gospel should be made credible, and confirmed by visible miracles. But where no other gospel is preached, than what hath been once delivered to the Christians by the first promulgators of the Christian religion, and where this is not done amongst heathens, but amongst Christians, or at least such as hear the name, there it cannot in justice be required to confirm this doctrine once more with miracles, the rather because, as hath been showed already, the doing of miracles may not always pass for an irrefragable proof of one’s being really pious and godly. To this may be added, that the miracles which Christ and his apostles wrought, to give credit to the appearing of the Son of God in the flesh, may be considered as types and figures of those spiritual wonders which should be wrought in the souls of people, when Christ was to be seen the second time, and to appear by his spirit, to the salvation of those who wait for him; for the eyes of the mind being blinded, must be opened and enlightened by him; and many that are dead in sin and trespasses, shall by him be raised, and made alive. This I think may suffice to show, that the position of Dr. Galenus could not stand the test; but whatever was objected, he continued to maintain his opinion.

Not long after this dispute, G. Fox and W. Penn returned to England, where, having sustained a violent tempest at sea, they arrived safely at Harwich: passing from thence to London, W. Penn there received the following letter from the princess Elizabeth, in answer to his:

Herford, Oct. 29, 1677.

‘DEAR FRIEND,

‘Your tender care of my eternal well-being doth oblige me much, and I will weigh every article of your counsel to follow it as much as lies in me, but God’s grace must be assistant, as you say yourself; he accepts nothing that does not come from him. If I had made me bare of all worldly goods, and left undone what he requires most, I mean to do all in and by his Son, I shall be in no better condition than at this present. Let me feel him first governing in my heart, then do what he requires of me; but I am not able to teach others, being not taught of God myself. Remember my love to G. F. B. F. G. K. and dear Gertrude.[49] If you write no worse than your postscript, I can make a shift to read it. Do not think I go from what I spoke to you the last evening; I only stay to do it in a way that is answerable before God and man: I can say no more now, but recommend to your prayers,

[49] This was Gertrude Dericks, who had visited the princess, and afterwards came to live in England, and was married to Stephen Crisp.

Your true friend, ELIZABETH.’

‘P. S. I almost forget to tell you, that my sister writes me word, she had been glad you had taken your journey by Osenburgh, to return to Amsterdam. There is also a Drossard of Limbourg near this place, (to whom I gave an examplar of R. B.’s apology,) very desirous to speak with some of his friends.’

Yet another letter W. Penn received from the said princess, in answer to one he wrote from the Briel, at his passage towards England, which was as followeth:

To the princess Elizabeth, Salvation in the Cross, Amen.

‘Dear and truly respected friend,

‘My soul most earnestly desireth thy temporal and eternal felicity, which standeth in thy doing the will of God now on earth, as it is done in heaven. O dear princess, do it! Say the word once in truth and righteousness, “Not my will, but thine be done, O God!” Thy days are few, and then thou must go to judgment.[50] Then an account of thy talent God will require from thee. What improvement hast thou made? Let it prove and show its own excellency, that it is of God, and that it leadeth all that love it, to God. O that thou mayest be able to give an account with joy!

[50] She died about four years after.

‘I could not leave this country, and not testify the sentiments I hear in my mind, of that humble and tender entertainment thou gavest us at thy court: the Lord Jesus reward thee: and surely he hath a blessing in store for thee. Go on, be steadfast, overcome, and thou shalt inherit. Do not despond; one that is mighty is near thee; a present help in the needful time of trouble. O let the desire of thy soul be to his name, and to the remembrance of him. O wait upon the Lord, and thou shalt renew thy strength! The youth shall faint, and the young men shall fail, but they that trust in the Lord shall never be confounded.

‘I wish thee all true and solid felicity, with my whole soul. The Lord God of heaven and earth have thee in his keeping, that thou mayest not lose, but keep in that divine sense, which by his eternal word, he hath begotten in thee. Receive, dear princess, my sincere and Christian salutation: grace, mercy, and peace, be multiplied among you all that love the Lord Jesus.

‘Thy business I shall follow with all the diligence and discretion I can, and by the first give thee an account, after it shall please the Lord to bring me safe to London. All my brethren are well, and present thee with their dear love; and the rest with thee that love Jesus, the light of the world, in thy family. Thou hast taught me to forget thou art a princess, and therefore I use this freedom; and to that of God in thee am I manifest; and I know my integrity. Give, if thou pleasest, the salutation of my dear love to A. M. de Hornes, with the inclosed. Dear princess, do not hinder, but help her. That may be required of her, which, (considering thy circumstances,) may not yet be required of thee. Let her stand free, and her freedom will make the passage easier unto thee. Accept what I say, I intreat thee, in that pure and heavenly love and respect, in which I write so plainly to thee. Farewell, my dear friend, and the Lord be with thee. I am more than I can say,

Thy great lover, and Respectful friend, W. PENN,’

‘I refer thee to the inclosed for passages. We visited Gichtel and Hooftman, and they us: they were at one or two of the meetings at Amsterdam. Vale in æternum.’

To this letter the princess returned the following answer.

‘This 17 November, 1677.

‘DEAR FRIEND,

‘I have received a letter from you that seemeth to have been written at your passage into England, which I wish may be prosperous: without date, but not without virtue to spur me on to do and suffer the will of our God. I can say in sincerity and truth, Thy will be done, O God, because I wish it heartily; but I cannot speak in righteousness, until I possess that righteousness which is acceptable unto him. My house and my heart shall be always open to those that love him. Gichtel has been well satisfied with the conferences between you. As for my business, it will go as the Lord pleaseth, and I remain in him

Your affectionate friend, ELIZABETH.’

G. Fox now being come to London, received there letters from New England, with an account of the cruel proceedings of the magistrates against his friends there: for persecution being hot in Old England, it made those in New England the worse; insomuch that they did not only whip the Quakers that were there, but also some masters of ships that were no Quakers, only for bringing some of that persuasion thither. But about that time the Indians made an inroad upon the English, and slew three-score of their men; and having taken one of their captains, they flead off the skin of his head, while he was alive, and carried it away in triumph.

Now since the people called Quakers were also much persecuted in Scotland, they drew up an account of their sufferings, and delivered it to the king in the beginning of this year; but whether they got any ease thereby, I cannot tell.

In the latter part of this year, G. Fox travelled through many places of England. In the meanwhile I will again make some mention of the persecution there. At Plymouth about this time, those called Quakers were generally kept out of their meeting-house, and then performing their worship in the open street, as a duty they owed to God, and for the omission of which they judged no man could be dispensed with, they suffered exceedingly, not only in winter, by the sharpness of the weather, but also in summer; for it was more than twelve months that they thus kept their meetings in the open street, being grievously abused by the rabble and the soldiers; for beating and punching seemed not sufficient; fiery squibs and burning coals were thrown among them, and filthy excrements cast down upon them out of a window: besides, fines were extorted for their having been at the meeting, on the account of one Richard Samble, who was fined as preacher, for having been on his knees at prayer, which fine was laid upon four of them that were at the said meeting.

At Frenchay in Gloucestershire, the justice, John Merideth, behaved himself exceedingly furious in disturbing the Quaker’s meetings; for he himself did not only beat them, but more than once drew his knife to mark them, as he called it, had he not been restrained by his servants, who for all that could not prevent his taking some by the hair of the head, and pulling them away, nay, the havoc and spoil which was made, was so extravagant, that from one Thomas Holbrow, an ancient blind man, they took his bed from under him, so that he and his wife lay about a quarter of a year on straw; and when his friends provided him with some clothing against winter, part of that was also taken from him: for such plundering now went on with a full career; and the basest men were authorized to deprive others of their goods, if there was but a justice that favoured such.

At Buyton, in Suffolk, Edmund Bally was by warrant from justice Burwel, despoiled of what he had, both within doors and without, his goods having been distrained five times; and though he was fain to lie on straw, yet he was not left unmolested, for they came in the night, armed with pistols, and broke open his door, threatening to destroy him. It happened there also, that a poor blind widow, on her sick bed, was visited by some persons; and this was made a conventicle, and they were fined, and warrants issued out by the aforesaid justice to make distress on their goods. In many other places things went no better; but I may not detain my reader with every particular.

This year died in prison William Dobson, of Brightwell in Berkshire, having been spoiled of his goods from time to time, during the space of thirteen years, and almost always in prison too, till his hard sufferings ended with his life.

It was also in this year that William III. prince of Orange, came from Holland into England, and there entered into matrimony with the princess Mary, eldest daughter of the duke of York, which in process of time made way for him to the throne of Great Britain. He accomplished his marriage there on the 4th of November, being his birth-day; and not long after returned to Holland with his spouse.

1678.

About the beginning of the year 1678, G. Fox came to London, and the parliament sitting at that time, he and G. Whitehead presented to them an account of the grievous sufferings of their friends, by laws made against the Papists; and they were not without hopes of obtaining some ease, because several of the members of that august assembly seemed to favour them; but the parliament was suddenly prorogued, whereby a stop was put to their endeavours.

G. F. then travelling through many places, came home to Swarthmore in the latter part of the year; and since many of his friends at this time were under great persecution, and in prison, he wrote the following epistle to them:

‘My dear Friends,

‘Who are sufferers for the Lord Jesus’ sake, and for the testimony of the truth, the Lord God Almighty with his power uphold you, and support you in all your trials and sufferings; and give you patience, and content in his will, that ye may stand valiant for Christ and his truth upon the earth, over the persecuting and destroying spirit, which makes to suffer, in Christ, (who bruises his head,) in whom ye have both election and salvation. And for God’s elect sake the Lord hath done much from the foundation of the world; as may be seen throughout the Scriptures of Truth; and they that touch them, touch the apple of God’s eye, they are so tender to him. And therefore it is good for all God’s suffering children to trust in the Lord, and to wait upon him; for they shall be as mount Sion, that cannot be removed from Christ, their rock and salvation, who is the foundation of all the elect of God, of the prophets and the apostles, and of God’s people now, and to the end: glory to the Lord and the Lamb over all. Remember my dear love to all friends; and do not think the time long, for all time is in the Father’s hand, his power. And therefore keep the word of patience, and exercise that gift; and the Lord strengthen you in your sufferings, in his holy Spirit of faith. Amen.

GEORGE FOX.’

Swarthmore, the 5th of the 12th month, 1678.

Persecution was now very hot in many places. At Bawnasse, in Westmoreland, it happened that those of the society called Quakers being religiously met together, were much abused by the rude people; and besides other insolencies that were committed, a dog being thrown among them, one John Thompson said to this wicked crew, that they ought to behave themselves civil and moderate; and for saying so he was informed against as a preacher, and on that account fined twenty pounds. Mary Tod, a poor ancient widow in Yorkshire, having had a meeting at her house, was also fined twenty pounds by justice Francis Driffield; and when the informers told him that her goods were not worth so much, he ordered them to take all that they could find: this they did, and did not leave her a bed to lie on; nay, took away all her clothes.

This year the ambassadors of the king of France, and those of the United Netherlands, with those of several other potentates, were met at Nimeguen, to treat about a general peace; and therefore Robert Barclay wrote an epistle to them in Latin, to exhort them to this good work: the epistle, together with his Apology for the true Christian Divinity, in Latin, was delivered to each of the said ambassadors, viz. a book for every one of them, and one for their principals. George Fox also wrote an exhortatory epistle to them, which being translated and printed in Latin, was also sent to them. And before this year came to an end, the peace was concluded.

1679.

In the meanwhile persecution went on in England, and those that were envious did not want a specious pretence to gild their malice; for about this time a plot of the Papists being discovered, there seemed a necessity to watch against seditious assemblies; insomuch, that those who had no mind to persecute, were in a manner constrained to it; of which an instance was seen in the year 1679, at Castle Dumington in Leicestershire: for John Evat having been fined for a meeting at his house, and goods enough to answer not being found, the constable, and three other officers were fined each five pounds, because they had been backward to take away the said Evat’s goods. But the ecclesiastics showed themselves more covetous, to get what they pretended to be their due; and one Michael Reynolds, at Farringdon in Berkshire, was this year despoiled of cattle, barley, and beans, for tithes, to the value of more than ninety-seven pounds, and all this only for one year.

Thus honest men were oppressed, which gave occasion to a certain writer of that time, (who in print gave many instances of this nature,) to say, ‘Truly the Papists may laugh because of their victory, now they have got a law, whereby one Protestant fights against another.’ This was chiefly levelled against conventicles; for thereby many families were impoverished, because often they were robbed of thrice as much as the fine amounted to; and the basest means that could be thought of were used to enrich the persecutors with the spoil of the innocent: for it happened that four of those called Quakers travelling on the way, this was deemed a transgression, by adding a fifth to their number who was not of their society. And thus the informers, (some of whom were often whores, or wives of informers,) made a meeting of it, and this passed; so great was the power of these profligates; and on this account the goods of the said four persons were distrained. More abominable actions of that kind I could mention, if I did not think it might seem tedious. Such despoiling was permitted now to any naughty fellow, and this made them so insolent, that one John Hill, constable at Walsingham in Norfolk, when he was showed the injustice of the warrant he had, said ‘Justice or no, I will take it for all that.’

At Norwich lived one William Wat, who for several years had carried on the trade of informing, but whatever he got by it turned to no account; and often he was seized with such fits of weakness, that he could not stand on his legs; but this year, in October, the hand of God fell so heavy upon him, that it put a period to his life. He had supped at night, and was as well, according to his wife’s relation, as ever; but on a sudden he sunk down to the ground, and his daughter crying aloud, he seemed to look at her, and so died without more ado: but what was looked upon as a very strange thing, his corpse stunk so grievously, that none were willing to carry it, and the overseers of the poor were necessitated to hire four men to hear it to the grave.

Far otherwise was the exit of Isaac Pennington, an eminent minister and author among those called Quakers, and a man of an acute wit, and great endowments, who in the year 1658, on Whitsunday, so called, being in a meeting at the house of John Crook in Bedfordshire, was so reached by the preaching of G. Fox, that he, who before that time, had contradicted the Quakers with his natural wisdom, now embraced their doctrine as truth, and did not stick to make public profession of it, for which he afterwards several times suffered imprisonments during the space many of years; but he continued steadfast to the end without fainting, and died piously in October, at his house near Goodnestone in Kent, from whence his corpse was carried to Buckinghamshire, where he formerly lived, and was honourably interred there.

Some time before, G. Fox had written some queries to the pope and the Papists, which being translated into Dutch, and printed, I was desired by him to translate into Latin, and to send them to Rome to the pope.[51] This I did at his desire, but never received or heard of any answer to them.

[51] These queries in Latin, with what the author W. S. wrote to the pope on that occasion, are to be seen in the Appendix to the Dutch history, which being translated into English, the reader may take as follows.

To Innocent XII. Pope of Rome, S.

‘GREAT PRELATE,

‘Thou wilt perhaps at first sight admire that the writing inclosed should be sent to thee; but know it was done at the command of the author; and not undeservedly; for if thou rightly weighest and considerest the matter, thou must with us acknowledge, that it would be very unworthily done to keep this little treatise from thy view, which hath been already printed in the Dutch language, and carries the pope’s name in the frontispiece. Nor wilt thou be able to deny, that thou art not only not injured hereby, but that we have also performed a duty that we owed thee, in transmitting these questions which properly belong to thee. But if thou pleasest to read them and return an answer, thou wilt both oblige the author, and also remove the suspicion of error from your religion, in the sight of all Christendom, provided thou canst give a clear answer to the objections, not only in word, but in deed also.

I write this at the request of certain of my friends called Quakers.

W. SEWEL.’

Amsterdam, the 23d day of the month called April, 1679.

* * * * *

_Some questions presented to the Papists, and the pope of Rome, as the supreme head of their church, and commended to their consideration by George Fox._

‘FRIENDS,

‘1. How comes it to pass, that the pope and cardinals grant not to the Protestants living in Spain, Italy, and at Rome, that liberty of meeting together for the right performing of divine worship, which ye yourselves enjoy in England, Holland, and other places, where the Protestants have the chief power?

‘Would not the pope and his ministers persecute, deliver to the inquisition and burn them, if they should at any time set up as many meetings in Spain, Italy, and at Rome, as ye yourselves enjoy in many places in Protestant countries?

‘Is the royal law of God thus fulfilled, which teacheth, to do to all men whatsoever we would have done to ourselves? Matt. vii. 12. Would ye have those things done to you by Protestants, which ye have done to them? But if not, where then are the royal law and gospel among you? God forbid, that we should deny liberty to any one that acknowledgeth God, and believeth in his Son, the Lord Jesus Christ. It seems therefore very strange to us, that the pope and papists do deny the same liberty in the pre-mentioned places, which they themselves enjoy among the protestants; because it is not only contrary to reason, but always to law and gospel; for the apostle affirmeth, “That he that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was born after the Spirit.” Gal. iv. 29. Have not the papists therefore openly showed in themselves the fleshly birth, which is contrary to reason, law, and gospel.

‘2. Where did Christ or his apostles ever command men to bow themselves to images, and to worship them, and keep holydays? Where did they command holydays to be appointed in remembrance of themselves, and the same to be honoured? Why do ye not tell us where in the gospels, epistles, or in the revelation, any such thing was commanded those churches, which were in the time of the apostles and primitive Christians?

‘Where, I say, did Christ or his apostles give command to whip, hang, or burn men; or, to speak as gently as may be, at least to imprison any because they dissented from them, and could not adhere to their religion?

‘3. Where ever did Christ or his apostles in the primitive churches command that candles should be lighted at noon-day? Well, show us where it is written, whether it be in the gospels, or epistles. Is not therefore the Roman church degenerated from the church of the primitive times? Is she not fallen from spiritual weapons to carnal; hath she not revolted from that purity and virginity, wherein she witnessed in time past Christ to be the head of the churches?

‘4. Did the churches of ancient time make choice of a private man, and account him for head of the universal church? Where ever did the primitive church command infants to be sprinkled with water? Did not Christ say, “Teach all nations, baptizing them,” &c. Mat. xxviii. 19. Ought they not therefore to be taught before they were baptized? Are ye not degenerated from that faith which Christ is the author and finisher of, and which purifieth the heart, and giveth victory over sin, and evil, which separate from God, and by which we have access to God, and wherewith he is well pleased? Are ye not degenerated from the light, truth, grace, power and spirit, wherein the apostles were?

‘5. Have ye not degenerated from the ancient church, because ye suffer not the people to read the holy Scripture in their mother-tongue? For doth not the apostles say, “And when this epistle is read amongst you, cause that it be also read in the church of the Laodiceans,” Col. iv. 16, and elsewhere, “I charge you by the Lord, that this epistle be read unto all the holy brethren,” 1 Thess. v. 27. Yea, did not Christ also say, “O fools, and slow of heart, to believe all that the prophets have spoken.” Luke, xxiv. 25.

‘How can it possibly be, that your common people should believe those things which Christ, the prophets, and apostles have spoken, unless it be granted them to read or recite the same in their own tongue, to the end they might both hear and understand them by the Spirit which gave them forth? Why then do ye take away the use of the holy Scriptures from the common people? Are ye afraid lest the truth should appear manifest, whereby they might see and believe what is written in the law and prophets, and by Christ and his apostles? Had not the Jews the law and the prophets in their mother-tongue, that their children might read them? Ought not therefore all Christians likewise to have the New Testament, that makes mention of Christ and his apostles, in their mother-tongue? But if not, why do ye not show us where Christ or his apostles have forbidden it?

‘But what do ye say of the sacrament of the altar, as it is called? Why have ye slain many, and burnt others alive in England, France, the Low Countries, and other places, because they could not approve or receive it? Ye assert it as a thing certain, that the bread and wine, as soon as ye have consecrated them, are made Christ, yea, whole Christ, consisting of soul, spirit, flesh, blood, and bones. Besides ye boldly affirm, that all who receive that sacrament do receive whole Christ, and that after your consecration, that very thing becomes immortal and divine.

‘Wherefore come, O pope, cardinals and priests, let us take a bottle of wine and a loaf of bread, and equally divide the wine into two basons, and cut the bread into two parts: then let the pope, cardinals, or priests consecrate one part, which they please; which being done, let us lay up the consecrated and the unconsecrated together, in some close place, and secure the same with seven locks and keys on your part, and with as many on ours, both papists and protestants keeping watch over it. But if it plainly appear, that the consecrated bread and wine are immortal and divine, and lose nothing of their virtue and savour, nor grow mouldy or sour, as though they had been unconsecrated, then we will come over to you: but if they lose their property, quality, and savour, and both parts of the bread do alike grow mouldy, then it will be reasonable for you to come over to us, and confess that your sacrament of the altar, so called, is neither Christ nor his flesh, nor anything immortal or divine; for his flesh saw no corruption, Acts, ii. 27. 31.--xiii. 35. 37, and his precious blood, which delivers from sin and corruption, cannot be corruptible.

‘Let trial then be made hereof; but let judgment be left to just and equal arbitrators, both papists and protestants, and that in a place where the protestants may have the same power that ye have: for it would be unjust to make this trial or experiment, where ye have the whole administration of the commonwealth, and an equal liberty is denied the protestants. This thing will make the truth manifest, and turn to the honour of God: for ye have shed much blood upon this occasion.

‘Wherefore suffer your Christ, whom ye have made, to be tried, that it may be seen whether he be the true Christ, or antichrist; whether he be the true God, or a false one? For it would be somewhat hard that Baal’s prophets should outdo you, for they were willing to have their god tried, though they had before slain many of the people of God, because they would not worship their god; as ye also have often done.

‘Come ye forth therefore publicly, and make trial; that it may appear at length to all Christendom, whether yours be the divine and immortal Christ and God, or no? Or is not rather that mortal and corruptible Christ, which ye yourselves have made, and for whose sake ye have slain multitudes of the people of God, because they could not believe or comply with you?

‘7. Further, where did Christ or his apostles ever speak to the saints of purgatory, wherein men should be purged from their sins after death. Show us where it is written in the New Testament. Is it not therefore a plain denying that Christ’s blood purgeth from all sin, to tell the people a fable of a certain purgatory to purge them from sins after death? Is it not likewise a denying of Christ’s baptism with the holy Spirit, and of spiritual circumcision, and faith in Christ, which purgeth in this life, and giveth the victory?

‘Did not Christ answer some that desired fire might come down from heaven and consume those that would not receive him; “Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of?” Did not he rebuke them, saying “That he came not to destroy men’s lives but to save them?” Luke, ix. 54, 55, 56.

‘Ye therefore who have destroyed such a vast number of men and women for their dissenting from you about rites and ceremonies, and taken away their lives by such kind of instruments, racks and fires, as were never sent down from heaven, but devised and invented by yourselves; are ye not worse than they, who desired fire to be called from heaven to destroy men’s lives? And seeing Christ told them, that they knew not what manner of spirit they were of, do ye know what manner of spirit ye are of, who have devised so many ways and torments for the killing of men, and have actually made use of them?

‘With what front can ye persuade us to commit our souls, bodies, and lives, to you, who know not of what spirit ye are children, neither have the mind of Christ who said, “He came not to destroy men’s lives, but to save them?”

‘Are ye not all therefore, as many as take away men’s lives for worship devised by you, obnoxious to the rebuke of Christ? For when did Christ or any of his apostles ever give command, or by their example teach, that any one that was disobedient to them, or rejected their doctrine and religion, should be persecuted and imprisoned, or punished by any carnal weapons? Tell us where any thing of this kind is contained, either in the four evangelical histories, or in the epistles written to the Christian Churches? ‘Did ever Christ or his apostles go to the rope-makers to buy whips and halters, to whip and hang men for dissenting from them as ye have done? Did they ever go to the blacksmiths to make chains, fetters, bolts and locks? Or to the gunsmiths to buy guns and muskets; or to the sword-cutlers to buy swords and halberts? Did they ever build prisons, or get holes and vaults dug, to force men by such means to their religion? Show us an example and precept given by Christ or his apostles, which commands and makes the use of such weapons and instruments lawful.

‘But if ye cannot make proof thereof, it is necessary for you to confess and acknowledge, that ye are fallen and degenerated from the true Christian weapons, which the apostles and primitive Christians used, saying, “The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God,” that is, spiritual, 2 Cor. x. 4.

G. FOX.’

To Innocent XI. Pope of Rome, S.

‘Behold, great prelate, a few questions written for the sake of thee, and thy adherents, a copy whereof we sent thee by the post, about three months ago; but being uncertain whether it was delivered into thy hands or no, we thought good to write the questions over again, and send them to thee, that it might not belong to us, that thou dost not read them. For we think it convenient, that thou shouldst earnestly concern thyself to inspect what was printed in Dutch, and inscribed to the pope and his adherents, which if thou shalt please to do, and also vouchsafe thy pains in answering them both by fact and writing, it will satisfy the author’s desire, and remove a doubt or scruple out of many persons’ minds. Farewell.

This I have written in the name of some of my friends called Quakers.

WILLIAM SEWEL.’

Amsterdam, the 24th of the month called July, 1679.

This year there was a great commotion in England about a plot carried on by the Papists against the life of the king, who made his brother, the duke of York, go beyond sea for some time; for the parliament suspecting him, a motion was made in the house of commons to exclude him from the succession to the crown; but this project was quashed.

1680.

In the beginning of the year 1680, it happened that George Whitehead and Thomas Burr coming to Norwich, and preaching there in the meeting of their friends, were taken prisoners, as it was said, under a frivolous pretence, as if G. Whitehead might have been a Jesuit: and being brought before justice Francis Bacon, who then was recorder of the city, he after some odd examination, demanded of them, as preachers, the fine of twenty pounds a man; which they refusing, he asked them, whether they would take the oath of allegiance; and they answering, that they could take no oath for conscience-sake, he said, if they would neither pay the fines, nor take the oath, he would commit them to jail. They having showed that they were no vagrants, but men of competent estates, that had settled habitations, as was well known, Bacon said, De non apparentibus, & non existentibus eadem est ratio: i. e. Of things not appearing, and things not in being, there is the same reason: just as if he had said, your estates that are at London, where G. Whitehead lived, and Ware, where T. Burr dwelt, appear not at Norwich, and therefore they are not in being. Now though they showed the absurdity of this strange kind of logic, yet Bacon would not hearken to it, but called them seducers, and seditious, and told them, there was a statute yet in force, that was made in queen Elizabeth’s days, to hang such persons as they were. And they asking him, if he could prosecute them upon that law, or execute it upon them, he answered, ‘Yes, if the king should give order to have it put in execution, I would do it, and have you hanged, if you would not quit the realm.’ From this it may appear what a violent man this recorder was, and that the prisoners could not expect any good treatment from him. So night being come, he sent them to the jail.

About a month after, at the quarter-sessions, they were called into the court of judicature to be tried; and being brought to the bar, George Whitehead said, ‘We have been five weeks in prison; it is meet the court should know for what; pray let our mittimus be produced.’ But the recorder who sat as judge in the court, said, ‘There is no need of your mittimus to be read here: I will give an account of the cause.’ And then he told the court, ‘how they had gathered together a company of about two hundred, and that officers went from him to dissipate them, but could not; that thereupon he sent the sheriff, who took them away; and that they being brought before him, he proffered them, if they would pay their fines, he would not commit them; and that they refusing, he tendered the oath of allegiance to them; which they not being willing to take, he sent them to jail.’

And though G. Whitehead with good reason said, that they being Englishmen had a right to travel in any part of the nation: and T. Burr added, that he being a person that was concerned in trading in corn, by the law of England he might travel from place to place about his concerns; yet this so displeased the recorder, that he said, ‘Had not you better have been turning your malt at home, than to come here to preach? The Scripture says, God added to the church such as should be saved; but ye draw from the church: and,’ said he further, ‘the church of England will never be at quiet till some of you be hanged.’ G. Whitehead then showing how unreasonably the recorder behaved himself, and that a judge ought not thus to inveigh against the prisoners, and threaten them, alleged to that end a notable instance, how, in the case of Humphrey Stafford, an arch traitor, the chief justice Hussey had been unwilling, (in compliance with the king’s desire,) to declare his opinion concerning him before he was judicially proceeded against. The recorder then asked, what king’s reign was that in? ‘In king Henry VII.’s’ replied George Whitehead. ‘I perceive you are read,’ returned the recorder. And so he was indeed; and he defended his cause so well in the court, that the magistrates seemed at a loss; for he showed so evidently that he was unjustly committed to prison, that the mayor, (to whom, and to the justices he had appealed,) said, ‘You have appealed to me; truly we are tradesmen, and no lawyers: we leave matters of law to the recorder; he knows the law, and we must acquiesce in his judgment.’ If I should repeat here all that was spoken pro and contra, so as I find it extant, I should be fain to be almost as large as I have been in the relation of the trials of John Crook and William Penn: and therefore I will only say briefly, that, after much reasoning, the recorder tendered the oath of allegiance again to them, that so by their refusal he might get occasion to premunire them. But this recorder, before the whole process came to an end, being turned out by the magistrates, it did not come to that pitch; though it was a good while yet before the aforesaid George Whitehead and Thomas Burr were released, after they had shown the illegality of their imprisonment; first, by more than one warrant from the recorder, and afterward, to colour the error the better, by an order from the quarter-sessions.

This year those called Quakers, at London, published a brief relation of the sufferings of their friends, since the king’s restoration, and presented it to the king and parliament, showing therein, how many had been fined by the bishops’ courts, robbed of all they had, put into prisons, and there died; the number of which was computed to be two hundred and forty-three persons, many whereof had been so grievously beaten and wounded because of their frequenting religious assemblies, that they died of their hurts and wounds. There came forth also a printed account of the unjust proceedings of the informers, and how at their instance, without a juridicial process, the accused were bereaved of their goods, the unlawfulness of which was plainly shown from the books of eminent lawyers.

G. Fox now travelled through many places, and came to London about the time of the annual meeting; and travelling afterwards again into the country, he returned into the said city, and staid there the most part of the winter.

The parliament was then very busy with enquiring into the plot carried on by the Papists; and the house of commons especially were very active in the case, so that a bill to exclude the duke of York from the succession to the crown, passed after a third reading: but this was opposed in the house of lords; for by a majority, among which were the bishops, who would not consent to the exclusion, the bill was rejected. Now since some ill-natured Episcopalians were very forward to place the Quakers amongst the plotters, G. Fox gave forth the following declaration.

‘It is our principle and testimony, to deny and renounce all plots and plotters against the king, or any of his subjects; for we have the Spirit of Christ, by which we have the mind of Christ, who came to save men’s lives, and not to destroy them: and we would have the king and all his subjects to be safe. Wherefore we do declare, that we will endeavour, to our power, to save and defend him and them, by discovering all plots and plotters, which shall come to our knowledge, that would destroy the king or his subjects: this we do sincerely offer unto you. But as to swearing and fighting, which in tenderness of conscience we cannot do, ye know, that we have suffered these many years for our conscientious refusal thereof. And now that the Lord hath brought you together, we desire you to relieve us, and free us from those sufferings: and that ye will not put upon us to do those things, which we have suffered so much and so long already for not doing? for if you do, ye will make our sufferings and bonds stronger, instead of relieving us.

GEORGE FOX.’

1681.

Not long after he also wrote a paper to all rulers and magistrates in England, Scotland, and Ireland, to dissuade them from persecution for religion. His labour seemed not altogether ineffectual with the parliament, for about the beginning of the year 1681, the house of commons resolved,

That it is the opinion of the house, that persecution of Protestant dissenters upon the penal laws, is at this time grievous to the subjects; a weakening of the Protestant interest, an encouragement to popery, and dangerous to the peace of this kingdom.

But though the house of commons came to this resolution, yet it did not stop persecution; for as long as the laws, (by virtue whereof they persecuted,) were not repealed, which could not be done without the concurrence of the house of lords and the king, those that were malicious continued in their old way, which lasted yet three or four years.

George Fox now also came into some trouble; since he and his wife were sued for tithes, though she had lived three and forty years at Swarthmore, and in all that time no tithe had been paid nor demanded. Of this George Fox had certificates; but since they would not accept them without an oath, it made his case the more difficult. He proposed the matter to four judges at London, and found one more moderate than the others; which put a stop to what her enemies designed. And the judges wondered when they heard he had made a promise in writing, not to meddle with his wife’s estate.

This year the king dissolved the parliament, and called a new one, to sit at Oxford, and so it did; but for all that he could not make it comply with his demands, and so he dissolved this also. Some time after he desired the prince of Orange to come over, who thereupon came from Holland into England, and after a short stay, returned to the Hague.

It was also in this year that the king gave a country or great tract of land in America to William Penn, with a patent under the great seal, to him and his in perpetuum, since the king owed him still a considerable sum for the services of his father the admiral sir William Penn. This tract of land on the river Delaware, from the fortieth degree to the three and fortieth, with all the isles belonging to it, the king gave to W. Penn, with full power to erect a new colony there, to sell lands, to create magistrates, to make laws, not contrary to the laws of England, and power to pardon crimes: and in the patent, the king declared that this tract of land henceforth should hear the name of Pennsylvania. This favour of the king, William Penn chiefly owed, I think, to James, then duke of York, who being chief admiral of England, sir William Penn, the father, on his dying bed, desired him to protect his son against his enemies, who, because of his religion, were like to fall hard upon him. This the duke promised, and performed; and it was not without reason that William Penn afterwards, when the said duke had ascended the throne, showed himself ready to be serviceable to him in all that he thought might be beneficial to the kingdom. William Penn now went with much company to America. And having seen the land given him, he founded there the chief city Philadelphia, and some other towns. And that he might the more peaceably enjoy the country, he purchased from the Indians so much land that he became proprietor of a country twice as big as all the United Provinces, as he himself once told me: and this colony increased so suddenly, that after a few years, at Philadelphia, there were built six hundred brick houses.

William Penn’s father was deceased long before, and on his dying bed he declared that he had a gracious God, and he gave marks of a true Christian disposition of mind: he also gave his son several wholesome admonitions how to behave himself in this world. He complained much of the wickedness of the times, and was heard at sundry times to say, ‘Wo to thee, O England! God will judge thee, O England! Great plagues are at thy door, O England!’ He also said, ‘God hath forsaken us. We are infatuated; we will shut our eyes. We will not see our true interest and happiness: we shall be destroyed.’ When he was near death, and took his leave of his relations, he said to William Penn, ‘Son William, if you and your friends keep to your plain way of preaching, and keep to your plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the end of the world. Bury me by my mother, live all in love, shun all manner of evil; and I pray God to bless you all; and he will bless you.’ Thus died the valiant admiral Penn, father of William Penn, proprietor of Pennsylvania: and now I return to other matters.

1682.

I left George Fox at London, and since he continued there and thereabout a good while, I will take a turn to Bristol, where in the year 1682, a dismal scene of persecution was opened: for the meetings of those called Quakers were disturbed, not only by grievously abusing and imprisoning them; but they were also vexed by breaking into their houses, and committing all manner of violence, as among the rest in the house of Richard Marsh, an eminent merchant in that city: for, to get of him the fine that was pretended, first a cask of wine, worth twenty pounds, was taken, and sold for four pounds; as often it happened, that the goods thus taken, were sold for less than the half, because honest people being unwilling to buy such goods, they were sold to any one that would but bid some money, how little soever: for what was wanting of the fine was taken anew from the fined person, and so they did here also; for they broke open his counting-house, sought for money, and took away his ledger, journal, cash-book, and other books and accounts, besides many household goods; and several chambers were rifled, though the wife, of the said Marsh lay in child-bed at that time. The chief actors of these insolencies were the sheriff John Knight, and John Helliar an attorney, who, with his companions Lugg, Tilley, Casse, Patrick, Hoar, and Watkins, served for informers. Knight and Helliar came frequently with a multitude of boys and rude rabble to disturb the meetings of the Quakers; and then they carried them to the prisons, which grew so full, that about fifty persons were crowded into one room, which was so nasty, that one of the aldermen, viz. sir Robert Cann, said, if he had a dog which he loved he would not put him there. And though sir Thomas Earl, mayor of the city, and some justices and aldermen, at the request of others, showed themselves inclined to allow the prisoners a better place, yet the power of the aforesaid sheriff John Knight, was such, that he hindered it.

The meetings of other Protestant dissenters were now also disturbed, but they fainted and gave way; whereas the Quakers stood firm, how much soever vexed; which often was done in a very outrageous manner: for their meetings were not only disturbed often with the noise of drums and fiddles, but liberty was given to the vilest fellows to commit all kind of insolency without showing any regard to those of the female sex, whose hoods and scarfs were torn; and Helliar, to give the boys a sign to attack the women, was used to say to these, ‘have a care of your hoods and scarfs;’ for then the boys fell upon them, and both aged women and ancient men were carried to prison, and forced to go faster than they well could, by pushing them, and pinching their arms black and blue; and when once a girl spoke a word against this cruelty, she was pulled by the hair, and hauled to prison; nay, little boys were beaten on the head till they grew giddy, and then they were carried to Bridewell, where Helliar charged the keeper to get a new cat of nine tails, endeavouring to terrify the children, by making them believe they should be whipped, unless they would promise to come no more to meetings: but this succeeded not; for his extravagant malice did not subdue the constancy of these children.

With such diabolical rage they persecuted this people at Bristol, and not a stone was left unturned to afflict them. Once they were nailed up in their meeting-house, and thus kept about six hours; which could not but be very hard to nature, since there were also women of no mean families, and among these the widow of the upper sheriff Lane. So many also were taken prisoners, that at length there was no more room in the jails. By these proceedings many families were ruined: for their goods were taken from them, not only on the account of meeting, but when any were believed to be of good estates, the oath of allegiance was tendered to them. At court it seems they were the more offended against the Quakers, because in the election of members of parliament some had voted for such as they believed to be moderate, and no favourers of popery; and therefore it was said underhand, that if Mr. Penn or Mr. Whitehead would undertake for the Quakers not to vote at elections of parliament-men, there should be no further persecution of them.

In the meanwhile the behaviour of the persecutors in the meetings was brutish in the highest degree; insomuch that a certain woman, seeing that the attorney Helliar lifted up her child by the hair of his head, and asking him, why he so abused her child, was therefore ill treated herself by him. And by order of the said Helliar a lass was committed to Bridewell, because she gave an impudent boy, that would have turned up her coats, a box on the ear; for which defending of her modesty, this brutish Helliar called her a rioter and seditious person: for he was, as hath been said already, a leader of insolent and saucy boys, which he from time to time took along with him to disturb the meetings of the Quakers. And sheriff Knight did often with his cane very violently beat those that were met together, and once grievously abused an ancient man called Britton; and some women were pinched violently in their arms. Susannah York, an aged woman, was thrown down to the ground; Mary Hooper was very roughly handled by Helliar, had her scarf torn off her back, and was so thrust and flung about, that she was much out of order long after; and Mary Page, being big with child, was so violently hauled out of the meeting, that her life was endangered by it. With Helliar it became customary to call men rogues, and the women whores, jades, carrions, and damned bitches: he also bid the boys to tear their scarfs and take up dirt, and throw upon them. Of this his beastly rage there were many witnesses; for these abominable dealings displeased many people of other persuasions: but it seems these enraged fellows had encouragement at court, whereon they durst rely: for the sheriff John Knight was knighted, and therefore grew more insolent. Once it happened that Helliar having disturbed a meeting, drove the women along the streets as if they had been cattle; and being asked whether he made beasts of them, he answered, ‘Ye are worse than beasts; for beasts will be driven, but you will not.’

This disturbing of meetings continued till almost all the men belonging thereto were clapped up in prison; and some of them sending a petition to the mayor and justices of the city, that they might be pleased to let them have larger rooms, since not only their health, but their lives also were endangered, the said magistrates showed themselves inclined to allow the prisoners some ease or enlargement: but the power of sheriff Knight was such, that whatever they said or did, all proved in vain. The mayor also signified to the sheriff, that he would have all convictions made above board, and not in ale-houses and taverns; and that he would have the distrained goods brought into a public warehouse, and not in a by-lane. But though the mayor ex officio might have commanded the sheriff, yet this officer was so countenanced, that he did not care for whatever the mayor said; nay, so exorbitant was he, that his adherents began to threaten the mayor, he should not be a parliament-man; insomuch that he was forced to comply in some degree. In the meanwhile the havoc and spoil was so enormous, that generally twice as much was taken as the fine amounted to. The prisoners, some of whom lay on the floor, others in hammocks, and some in a cold and open room, exposed to the wind, and injury of the weather, suffered great inconveniences, and the jailer Isaac Dennis imagining that nothing could be too bad for them, would not show them any favour, but at a very unreasonable rate; and his wife showed herself no less unreasonable than he, so that one extortion was at the heels of another. Four physicians of Bristol, viz. John Griffith, William Turgis, J. Chauncy, and T. Bourn, seeing how straitly the prisoners were penned up and thronged together, gave a certificate under their hands, in which they declared, that they resenting their condition with compassion, and considering what dangerous consequence such close confinement might be of, were moved to certify, that the prisoners being destitute of room for rest, it had a ready tendency to breed infectious distempers, to the endangering of their lives, &c. But all this did not avail them, it being not counted worth the while to be concerned for them. Nay, so desperately wicked was the jailer, that when the prisoners complained for want of room, he said to his man, if he could but shut the door, it would be well enough. But in due time we shall see what anguish and horror befel him.

After most of the people called Quakers at Bristol were in prison, the women who continued to keep up their religious meetings, were also seized, and confined to that degree, that at length few or none but children, that staid with the servants in the houses of their parents, were left free. The number of the prisoners for the sake of their religion amounted now to one hundred and fifteen, and some of them were confined in Bridewell, among whom were also Barbara Blaugdone, (several times mentioned before,) and Catharine Evans, who had learned at Malta what it was to suffer a tedious and hard imprisonment. It is very remarkable that children under sixteen years of age now performed what their parents were hindered from: for these children kept up their religious meetings as much as was in their power. But though they were not within the reach of the law, yet once nineteen of these youths were taken and carried to the house of correction, where they were kept for some time. And though they were threatened with whipping if ever they returned to the meeting, yet they continued valiant without fainting, although they suffered exceedingly from the wicked rabble. But so great was their zeal, that they despising all reproach and insolence, remained steadfast; and thus showed in spite of their enemies, that God would not suffer that the Quakers’ meeting should be altogether suppressed, as it was intended. This persecution continued till the next year, as it did in several other places also; for there wanted no informers, who continually lay in wait for prey, even to such a degree, that I find that some of those called Quakers, being come from other places to market, and being gone into an inn to refresh themselves, a snatching informer did not stick to declare upon his oath, that the Quakers had kept a meeting there.

But before I leave Bristol, I must give some account of a ridiculous act, performed on one Erasmus Dole, who bore the name of a Quaker. He having said that he scrupled not to declare the contents of the oath of allegiance, it was contrived that he should speak after the clerk, and skip over such words he disliked, and pronounce another in its room, as I declare, instead of I swear. This went on, and whilst he was thus speaking, the jailer held his hand to the book, and when Erasmus had said all, put it to his mouth, to make this pass for kissing it. With this the court seemed satisfied; and the bishop of Bristol seeing these apish tricks, told the court, that altered it not from being an oath, at which they gloried, as having obtained a conquest. But this was but a pitiful one; for Erasmus being a man of an irregular life, the Quakers had but little cause to regret the loss of such a member, who grew so dissolute, that in process of time they found themselves necessitated to deny him, because of his offensive conversation.

In Gloucestershire the people called Quakers were also under great sufferings by imprisonment, for keeping their meetings; and the wife of one John Boy, being at a peaceable meeting at Little Badmanton, was through instigation of the priest of the parish, in a violent manner dragged out of the meeting by the lord Herbert’s footmen; through which abuses the woman fell sick and miscarried, to the endangering of her life; and her husband, who was also taken prisoner at the same place, was not suffered at his request to see his wife.

In Leicestershire it went no better: one Elizabeth Hill being in a meeting at Broughton, was by the rude boys dragged out, and so abused, that she was seemingly quite spent, and near dead; and laying in the dirt, one of the boys, to try whether she was still alive, put his finger into her mouth, and perceiving her to breathe, said, ‘Let us at her again. The devil is yet in her, and we will squeeze him out.’ These cruel abuses made a neighbourly woman cry out, ‘What, will you kill the woman?’ To which the boys said, ‘What care we? Mr. Cotton bid us do so.’ ‘Did he indeed?’ asked the woman. ‘Aye, indeed,’ replied the boys. ‘Then,’ said she, ‘he may be ashamed of it.’ Thus these boys openly said, that it was the parson, viz. Thomas Cotton, who was the priest of the parish, encouraged them to this excessive wickedness; and his man said in plain terms, his master was one of the best men in England; for if every one would serve them so, this heresy would be rooted out. And this man, whose name was Thomas Ambrose, did not stick to say, that nothing would drive the Quakers away, but either fire or water; and if the house was his, (meaning the house where they met together,) he would burn it on their heads. More instances of such exorbitant wickedness which happened at sundry places, I could mention, if I did not study brevity.

George Fox being this year at London about the time of choosing new sheriffs for the city, he wrote a few lines to those who, standing candidates for that office, desired his friends to give their voices for them. And he said in the conclusion, ‘Shall we be free to serve and worship God, and keep his commands, if we give our voices for you? For we are unwilling to give our voices for such as will imprison and persecute us, and spoil our goods.’ The constables now at London were sent sometimes with warrants to disturb the Quakers’ meetings; but it was easily seen that they would rather have been freed from such a commission: for coming there, they would bid George Fox or others that preached, to give over speaking; but they and the soldiers who sometimes came along with them, generally behaved themselves moderate, sufficiently showing that they were not for persecution, and that what they did was for the sake of their office. Sometimes indeed they hindered the friends going into their meetings; but these then being thus kept out, the number notwithstanding increased.

Once it happened that George Fox was stopped by the constables from going into Devonshire-house meeting; and after having stood awhile in the yard, till he was weary, one gave him a stool to sit on; after awhile he stood up and preached, and in his declaration said, ‘Ye need not come against us with swords and staves, for we are a peaceable people, and have nothing in our hearts but good-will to the king and magistrates, and to all people upon the earth. And we do not meet under pretence of religion, to plot against the government, or to raise insurrections; but to worship in spirit and in truth.’ When he had spoken what was upon him at that time, he sat down, and after a while concluded the meeting with prayer, at which the constables and soldiers as well as others put off their hats; and when the meeting was finished, a constable putting off his hat, seriously said, ‘The Lord bless you;’ and all were suffered to pass away unmolested.

Thus this year came to an end. All other Protestant dissenters were now suppressed; for they were restrained from exercising any public worship; and some there were, who, in their nocturnal meetings, would pray God, that it might please him to keep the Quakers steadfast, that so they might be as a wall about them, in order that other dissenters might not be rooted out. And yet these, to render the Quakers odious, formerly had been very active in setting them forth in very ill colours. But the said people continued now so valiant, and without fainting, that some of their persecutors have been heard to say, that the Quakers could not be overcome, and that the devil himself could not extirpate them.

1683.

In the year 1683, persecution continued in many places; and by computation it appeared that above seven hundred of those called Quakers yet suffered imprisonment in England. I could mention several instances of persecution in Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, and elsewhere; but to avoid being prolix, I will only take a turn again to Bristol, where persecution continued still; for if sometimes any of the people called Quakers came to a meeting, they presently were committed to prison; among these was one Richard Lindy, a blind man, of about fourscore and ten years of age, who was carried to jail, and forced to sit up three nights in a chair, though others offered to pay for his lodging, if some convenient place to lie down on had been allowed him. Some of the prisoners, being tradesmen, would willingly have worked in prison, to earn something for their sustenance: but the jailer Isaac Dennis, would not permit them that liberty. Other prisoners fell sick of the spotted fever, and some died of it: yet all this did not soften the said hard-hearted jailer. But at length a heavy stroke fell from heaven upon him. About the middle of the month of October he fell sick, and was seized with terrible anguish of mind. Then he wished he had never seen the inside of the jail; and he desired some of the Quakers to pray for him, and to forgive him for what he had done. To which they answered, that they forgave him; but he should ask forgiveness of God. But still his anguish increased; and when the physicians ordered him to be let blood, he said, no physic would do him good, his distemper being another thing: and that no man could do him good, his day being over; and there was no hope of mercy from God for him. Some of those called Quakers seeing him in this woful condition, signified, that they desired, if it was the will of the Lord, he might find a place of repentance. And it was told him, they hoped his day was not over, because he had such a full sense of his condition. To which he answered, ‘I thank you for your good hope; but I have no faith to believe.’ And he further said, ‘Faith is the gift of God.’ Whatever was spoken to him, he continued in saying, that his day was over, and there was no mercy for him. Such a gnawing worm is the guilt of conscience; and in this desperate state he continued above a month, and died the last of November, without any visible signs of forgiveness; but the judgment thereof we must commit to God.

Although the people called Quakers were oppressed by sufferings all over the country, yet generally they continued valiant; and as George Fox did not omit from time to time to encourage them by letters to faithfulness and steadfastness, so several others of their teachers did not neglect to exhort them to perseverance both by word and writing: and what was indeed remarkable, those who travelled to and fro in the country, and publicly preached in the meetings of their friends, generally went free; and the informers were often disappointed of catching a preacher. I find it left upon record by Charles Marshall, who was none of the least, that though in the time when persecution was most hot, he travelled through the nation, yet none laid hands on him, or fined him for his preaching, which was the more remarkable, because he being a very zealous man, was used to lift up his voice in a very powerful manner.

William Dewsbury, who was now grown ancient in his imprisonment at Warwick, had wrote an epistle of consolation to his suffering friends, which was thought fit to be reprinted, and is as follows:

‘Dear Brethren and Sisters,

‘Hear the word of the Lord. Thus saith the Lord, ‘Though you now drink the cup of adversity, and eat the bread of affliction, and are trampled upon, as though you were not worthy to live upon the earth, yet notwithstanding all the fury of men, you are resolved in the strength of my Spirit for ever to be deprived of the sweet enjoyments of wife, husband, tender children, parents, and outward possessions, liberty, and life, before you deny the testimony of my name before the sons of men. Oh! you dear and tender children, who love not your lives unto death this day, that you may furnish a good testimony for the glory of my name, saith the Lord God; lift up you heads in the light of my covenant, and believe in my name, for I am near unto you, saith the mighty God of safety; and let not any weight or burden lie upon you: for I will be more than husband to wife, and more than wife to husband, or parents to children, or children to parents; yea, I will be a husband to the widow, and a father to the children who are deprived of their tender parents for my name’s sake: I will enlarge your borders in the life of my righteousness: you that suffer in true innocency, will I refresh with the depth of my mercies, yea, I will guard you with the angel of my presence, and all that devise mischief against you shall be confounded before the glory of my power, with which I will keep and preserve you in the word of my patience, and safety, in my presence,’ saith the Lord God.

‘Therefore, you dear children, who drink the deepest in sufferings, think it not hard, for it is my purpose unto you all that have not an eye to self, but alone seek my glory in all you do; I will make you more and more honourable in the glory of my life, and double my blessings upon you and yours; for I have beheld your integrity, and my bowels are mightily moved with compassion towards you; therefore am I risen for your sakes this day, to declare unto you, my suffering people, that not an hair of your head shall perish, neither shall you be detained in prisons and desolate holes any longer than I have determined shall be for your eternal good, and the glory of my name for ever; therefore in my life stand faithful, in resistance of every evil thought, or whatever would cause you to murmur, or desire any thing but what you know will advance the glory of my name, and the exaltation of my truth, over all that riseth up against it, in your being truly subject to the measure of my light and life, that will not let any seek a pre-eminence or esteem amongst men; neither let self-striving nor self-serving have power in any; but in true humility, love, and meekness watch one over another; and let the strong take the weak by the hand, that you may all gently, in love, meekness, and holy fear, dread my name, and serve one another; that your love may be manifest unto me, saith the Lord your God, and one unto another in the naked simplicity of your spirits; then will I make my dwelling amongst you, and with you; and my dreadful and glorious presence you shall all feel mightily in you, and amongst you, moving in the exercise of my Spirit, to the renown of my name, and the comfort of one another; and I will crown you with heavenly blessings, and the glory of my powerful life; and you shall praise my name for ever, that I made you my jewels, and counted you worthy to suffer for the testimony of my name. I will go before you through all the waters and floods of afflictions; and I will appear with you before all the councils of the sons of men; and my saving power shall compass you about in your hot and sharp afflictions, all you who have your confidence alone in me, the Lord your God. Therefore, trust in my name, ye my dear children, and cast all your care upon me; and if any of you joyfully suffer the spoiling of your goods, I will supply with what is needful for you and yours; and if any of you seal your testimony in the word of my patience with your blood, I will take care of your tender wives and children, or parents, for whom your souls have been poured forth in prayers unto me for their good.

‘Therefore hear my word, which is sounded unto you from the throne of my grace and eternal glory: rejoice not too much in spirits being made subject, but throw down your crowns before me, that there be not a self-seeking, self-serving spirit in the family of my people, but all feel the birth immortal raised up in the resurrection of my life in you all, which truly makes self of no reputation, so that all loftiness be laid low, and all haughtiness bowed down in every one, that I the Lord God in you all may be loved, obeyed, and exalted; who is taking, and will take to me my great power, to exalt the meek upon the earth, and reign over all the pride of the children of men, (that is exalted above my witness in their conscience,) that so my sons may be brought from far, and my daughters from the ends of the earth, in the sight of all people, whom I will make to confess, in subjection to my power, that you are the beloved people of the most high God, and of the righteous seed which the Lord hath blessed; and not any weapon formed against you shall prosper, but come to nought, which will be hastened to your comforts, and certainly performed according to what is here declared, to your eternal joy; and you shall assuredly know the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it.

‘The word of the Lord, before expressed, came to me in the prison-house at Warwick, the 13th day of the First-month, 1664, which constrained me to send it to be read amongst you, dear, faithful, and suffering people of the Almighty God, in whom I remain your brother and companion in tribulation and kingdom of patience in the Lord Jesus Christ.

WILLIAM DEWSBURY.’

Whilst persecution was on foot in England, there was some division among those called Quakers, which had its rise some years before. Those who first appeared to head it, were John Wilkinson and John Story, preachers among them, who showed themselves discontented against George Fox, chiefly about the management of church affairs, because things went not always so as they would have it: and since George Fox had been the first institutor of good order amongst his friends, he was the chief object of the envy of the malcontented. And because in the beginning there were no such meetings, or discipline, and yet they had lived in mutual peace and unity; it was asserted, that such meetings were needless, and that every one ought to be guided by the Spirit of God in his own mind, and not to be governed by rules of man. By which it appeared, that they were against the establishing of any order of government in the church. But they were greatly bent against the women’s meetings, who as deaconesses, met together at set times, to provide for poor families, and sick people that were in want. It is true, it was objected that in those meetings sometimes was debated what was not so convenient in every respect; because young women were admitted there also, to see and learn how matters were treated by the grave and ancient women: and what if some had been a little too forward to meddle with affairs properly belonging to the men? The creeping in of a wrong use can by no means justify the abrogating what is really useful; and that honest and ancient women took care for the poor and indigent members of the church, was indeed laudable. But as in great communities generally are found some men who love to govern, without being fit for it; so some of these soon adhered to Wilkinson and Story: besides several others, who in time of persecution, rather would have met privately, than have come into public meetings, and so be exposed to the fury of their enemies; and such also as rather would pay tithes to the priests, than suffer spoil or imprisonment for the refusal thereof.

Hence rose a schism or rent first in the north of England, and some who went under the denomination of Separatists, began to keep meetings by themselves, and so to leave their former friends, though they pretended to agree with them in matter of doctrine. To these Separatists afterwards resorted such as were not strict livers, and therefore were unwilling to submit to church discipline: for this was now become the common saying of these people, that every one having received a measure of the Spirit of God, ought to regard that leader, without minding any rules prescribed by others.

In process of time William Rogers and Thomas Crisp appeared in print against their quondam brethren, and upbraided them with every imprudent behaviour, or inconsiderate act: besides that, on mere hearsay, they published a multitude of untruths, and decried even lawful things; an instance of which appeared when Rogers in paltry verses scornfully reviled them, that some sustenance had been given from the public cash to indigent preachers, who, to shun the neglect of their public ministry, could not duly mind their private affairs; though this supply never exceeded necessary provision. To this it was answered, that if it pleased God to call to his ministry persons of mean estate, the church was not warranted to hinder it, and let such suffer want; since he, as Sovereign of the universe, could not be limited in the distribution of his gifts. Rogers would continually appeal to the primitive times, and to give some colour to what they asserted, he and his adherents published a paper with Edward Burrough’s name to it, who had been dead above twenty years; but G. Whitehead and others gave good proofs, that the apostate John Perrot, had been the author of that so much applauded paper. At length this rent appeared also in London, where likewise malcontents were not wanting, who not being strictly conscientious, would rather live without any restraint; and even some that were honest, were by fair words persuaded to separation; for among the Separatists one Charles Harris preached, who was pretty fluent in speech, and not unelegant in his expressions, as I have seen and heard myself. But how specious soever the pretence of these Separatists was, and whatever endeavours were made, yet they were not able to continue and subsist firmly; but at length they decayed and vanished as snow in the fields; for the best among them came in time to see that they had been deceived; and the less honest grew worse, for among themselves, they were not free from division: and though George Keith, (whose apostacy will be mentioned in the sequel,) endeavoured to skulk among them, yet he got no adherents there. I have often wondered how Wilkinson, Harris, and Keith, (all of whom I have known,) could apostatize to such a degree as they did: but yet this is not so exceeding strange as some may think it to be; for we find on record, that even in the primitive apostolical church, was an Alexander the coppersmith, and Hymeneus and Philletus, who made shipwreck of the faith, and caused a rent, insomuch that it is said, their words would eat as did a canker.

At London the meetings this year were often disturbed; but the magistrates themselves seemed not to approve of it, for they clearly saw there was nothing to be feared from the Quakers, and yet they were loth to give offence to the court party which then prevailed. G. Fox coming once to the meeting in Gracechurch-street, and being kept out by the constables, stood up in the court and preached to the people; but a constable plucked him down, and afterwards let him go free. At another time having been in the meeting at the Savoy, and being brought to a justice, there was one Gabriel Shad, an informer, who was so full of impertinent talk, that the justice grew angry; and yet he thought himself bound to do something; and so asked G. Fox if he did not preach in the meeting; to which he warily answered, that he did confess what Christ had done for his soul, and did praise God; and that he thought he might have done that in the streets, and in all places: and this he was not ashamed to confess, neither was this contrary to the liturgy of the church of England. To this the justice said, the laws were against such meetings as were contrary to the church of England; and at length spoke of sending G. Fox to Newgate, and said, he would make a mittimus after he had dined; but the constable coming then, the justice bid him come again after the evening service; which the constable doing, the justice told him, he might let G. Fox go: and next day he signified to one of G. Fox’s friends, that by some accident he had been disappointed of fining him.

Thus G. Fox was freed, and was now much at London, where a plot was said to be on foot against the king and the duke of York, of which the duke of Monmouth was said to be the head. This design, whatever it was, cost the lives of several persons, among whom was the earl of Essex, who unfortunately perished in the Tower, and the lord Russel, who was fain to stoop to the axe.

Now since persecution continued with some colour of justice, those called Quakers drew up the following address to the king:

TO THE KING.

The humble Address of the people commonly called Quakers.

‘O KING,

‘The King of kings, and Lord of the whole earth, incline thy heart to that which is just and merciful in his sight, and to make such clear and equal distinctions, as that the innocent may not suffer in any case for the guilty; that it may ever redound to thy honour and safety, and the peaceable subject’s comfort.

‘Our innocency, love, and good-will to thy person and government that God has committed to thee, encourage us in this our humble address and application.

‘Whereas the plot against the king, and his brother the duke of York, &c. is made an occasion to persecute many of us for our religious meetings, more severely than formerly; we do solemnly declare that it is known to the Divine Majesty, and the all-seeing wisdom whereby kings reign, and princes decree justice, that our manifold, extreme, and continued sufferings, being only on a religious account, have not been the least motive or provocation to us to desire, much less to contrive the least hurt, either to thy person or government, or to the person of thy brother the duke of York, &c. We are clear in the sight of God, angels, and men, from all hellish plots, traitorous conspiracies, and from all murderous designs and undertakings against the king, his brother, or any person on earth whatsoever, being works of the devil and darkness; having contrariwise learned of Christ Jesus our Lord, by his light and grace in our hearts, not so much as by force to defend, much less avenge ourselves from the injuries done us, but to commit the cause to him that judgeth righteously, as peaceable followers of our Saviour and Redeemer, in his patient example and sufferings, who is the Prince of Peace.

‘O king, we do further declare, that God Almighty hath taught and engaged us to acknowledge, and actually to obey magistracy, as his ordinance, in all things not repugnant to his law and light in our consciences, which is certainly agreeable to the holy Scripture, and admits not of any immoral or injurious actions, and that even where, through tenderness of conscience we cannot conform, it is our duty patiently to suffer, and not to rebel, nor seek revenge; and we hope, by his divine grace, ever to demean ourselves as peaceable minded Christians, in our conversations, under the civil government; and as we do sincerely and with reverence, confess to Divine power and Providence in thy restoration and preservation of thy person hitherto; so our prayers and supplications are to the Almighty for thy future safety and peace, and that in a thankful remembrance of God’s great mercies towards thee, thou mayest be thereby obliged to show mercy, and relieve the oppressed from these unmerited afflictions and persecutions, which a great number of us thy peaceable subjects do even at this day suffer under, in our persons and estates; not only by laws made against, but also by laws never intended against us; and which is more extreme, divers severities of late have been, and still are inflicted, for which no colour or pretence of law hath been, or can be alleged; several jails being so filled, as that they want air, and many innocent persons held under extreme distress, without regard to age, sex, or condition, to the loss of some lives already, and apparent hazard of many more; if not to the endangering infection in divers cities and places in this nation; and so many houses, shops, barns, and fields, ransacked and swept of goods, corn, and cattle; tending also to the great discouragement of trade and husbandry, and to the impoverishing of a great number of quiet and industrious people; and that for no other cause, but for their religious worship and exercise of their tender consciences towards Almighty God that made them, who is the sovereign Lord of all, and King in men’s consciences.

‘Therefore we humbly intreat thee, O king, in princely justice, Christian charity, and compassion, to open our prison doors, and take off our bonds, where the innocent and oppressed in thy land, that fear God, and, in conversation, truly honour the king; and suffer not the ruin of such as are quiet in the land, the widow and the fatherless for their peaceable consciences, to lie at the door of a prince professing the tender and compassionate religion of Christ.’

This address was presented to the king at Windsor, on the 8th of the month called August, in this year, by George Whitehead, Alexander Parker, Gilbert Latey, and Francis Camfield, in behalf of themselves and their friends; and it was read to him and his brother the duke of York, then present with some others; but no considerable ease followed: king Charles, it seems, was not to be the instrument thereof: and though that prince by nature was not hard-hearted, yet there were some that could persuade him to severity.

I find about this time, that one Gabriel Shad, who had made it his business to serve as informer against the Quakers, and who had lately informed also against G. Fox, as hath been said, being confined in Newgate at London, for stealing goods from one William Leman, to the value of three hundred pounds, had been found guilty of felony at the Old Bailey; but he had such friends, that he was freed from the gallows, and having obtained the benefit of the clergy, was discharged with being burnt in the hand. Such infamous persons were the informers; for honest people scorned to meddle with such a base and abominable work.

This year the princess Anne, daughter of the duke of York, was married to prince George of Denmark. The duke of Monmouth having been under disgrace, came into favour again; for the king his father indeed loved him, though he was loth, in prejudice of his brother the duke of York, to declare him his legitimate son, as some great men wished he had. But the king persisted in his declaration, that he never had been married to Monmouth’s mother.

1684.

In the next year, viz. that of 1684, G. Fox and Alexander Parker, came into Holland to visit their friends there; and after some stay, they returned to their native country.

In this year died Thomas Stordy of Moorhouse in Cumberland, a gentleman who twenty-two years before had been condemned to a premunire, because for conscience-sake he could not swear; for which sheriff John Lowther seized his estate, real and personal, for the king’s use, and kept him prisoner eleven or twelve years, till discharged by the king’s declaration in 1672, or 73, and his real estate restored. After which, he suffered under great fines and spoil for meeting, and after that was prosecuted on the act for twenty pounds a month for not coming to their worship; on which he continued prisoner several years, till he died in December, having been made willing rather to lose all for Christ’s sake, than to be disobedient to him. This Thomas Stordy released to the land-owners, and their heirs for ever, an impropriation of ten pounds per annum, which descended to him from his father and grandfather, making conscience as well of receiving as paying tithes. Not long before his decease, he exhorted those that were come to visit him, to faithfulness; ‘For,’ said he, ‘if ye continue faithful to the Lord whilst ye live in this world, he will reward you, as now he rewardeth me, with his sweet peace.’ Thus piously Thomas Stordy departed this life, showing forth that he was really a gentleman, whose chiefest nobility consisted in virtue. I could mention some other instances, or cases of persecution; but to make the more speed towards a conclusion, I will not detain my reader with the relation thereof.

1685.

Thomas Briggs, who also had suffered very much, having been one of the first preachers among the Quakers, and being become old and weak, about this time wrote a letter to G. Fox, in which he signified his perseverance in godliness; and not long after, viz. about the beginning of the year 1685, he died.

It was about this time also, that the king was seized with such violent fits of convulsion, that he died in the month called February. The throne by his death being become vacant, was filled again by his brother James the Second, who succeeding him, was the same day proclaimed king. Now I cannot but take notice, that persecution went on to the death of king Charles, and continued hot to that very instant; and he being gone off the stage, many seemed to fear that worse times were at hand, and that burning of heretics would come in vogue again, as in the former age: yet some there were who imagined that ease was like to follow; and that they guessed not amiss, time showed.

King James had not been long at the helm of the government, but the dissenters applied to him for liberty of worship, and among these were also the Quakers, who made the following petition:

_To the King and both houses of parliament, the suffering condition of the peaceable people called Quakers, only for tender conscience towards Almighty God, humbly presented._

‘Showing, that of late above one thousand five hundred of the said people, both men and women, having been detained prisoners in England, and part of them in Wales, (some of which being since discharged by the judges, and others freed by death, through their long and tedious imprisonment,) there are now remaining, according to late accounts, about one thousand three hundred, eighty and three; about two hundred of them women. Many under sentence of premunire, both men and women, and more than three hundred near it; not for denying the duty, or refusing the substance of allegiance itself, but only because they dare not swear: many on writs of excommunication and fines for the king, and upon the act for banishment: besides above three hundred and twenty have died in prison, and prisoners, since the year 1660, near one hundred whereof, by means of this long imprisonment, as it is judged, since the account delivered to the late king and parliament, in 1680; thereby making widows and fatherless, and leaving them in distress and sorrow: the two last hard winters restraint, and the close confinement of great numbers in divers jails, unavoidably tending towards their destruction, their healths being evidently impaired thereby.

‘And here in London, the jail of Newgate hath been from time to time crowded, within these two years, (sometimes near twenty in one room) to the prejudice of their health; and several poor innocent tradesmen, of late, have been so suffocated by the coldness of the prison, that they have been taken out sick of a malignant fever, and died in a few days after.

‘Besides these long-continued and destructive hardships upon the persons of men and women, as aforesaid, great violences, outrageous distresses, and woful havoc and spoil have been, and still are frequently made upon our goods and estates, both in and about this city of London, and other parts of this nation, by a company of idle, extravagant, and merciless informers, and their prosecutions upon the conventicle act; many being convicted and fined, unsummoned and unheard in their own defence. As also on qui tam writs, at the suit of informers, who prosecute for one-third part for themselves, and on other processes, for twenty pounds a month, and two-thirds of estates, seized for the king; all tending to the ruin of trade, husbandry, and farmers, and the impoverishing of many industrious families, without compassion shown to widows, fatherless, or desolate: to some not a bed left to rest upon; to others, no cattle to till their ground, nor corn for bread or seed, nor tools to work withal: the said informers and sheriffs bailiffs in some places being outrageous and excessive in their distresses, and seizures, breaking into houses, and making great waste and spoil. And all these and other severities done against us by them, under pretence of serving the king and the church, thereby to force us to a conformity, without inward conviction or satisfaction of our tender consciences, wherein our peace with God is concerned, which we are very tender of.

‘The statutes on which we, the said people, suffer imprisonment, distress, and spoil, are as followeth:

‘The 5th of Eliz. ch. 23. De excommunicato Capiendo.

‘The 23d of Eliz. ch. 1, for twenty pounds per month.

‘The 29th of Eliz. ch. 6, for continuation.

‘The 35th of Eliz. ch. 1, for abjuring the realm, on pain of death.

‘The 1st of Eliz. ch. 2, for twelve pence a Sunday.

‘The 3d of K. James I. ch. 4, for premunire, imprisonment during life, and estates confiscated.

‘The 13th and 14th of K. Charles II. against Quakers, &c. transportation.

‘The 22d of K. Charles II. ch. 1, against seditious conventicles.

‘The 17th of K. Charles II. ch. 2, against non-conformists.

‘The 27th of Hen. VIII. ch. 20, some few suffer thereupon.

‘Upon indictments at common law, pretended and framed against our peaceable religious assemblies, for riots, routs, breach of the peace, &c. many, both men and women, thereupon fined, imprisoned, and detained for non-payment, some till death. Instance, the city of Bristol, what a great number have been these divers years straitly confined and crowded in jail, mostly above one hundred on such pretence, about seventy of them women, many aged. And in the city of Norwich, in the years 1682 and 83, about seventy kept in hold, forty-five whereof in holes and dungeons for many weeks together, and great hardships have been, and are in other places. So that such our peaceable meetings are sometimes fined on the conventicle act, as for a religious exercise, and other times at common law, as riotous, routous, &c. when nothing of that nature could ever be proved against them, there being nothing of violence or injury either done, threatened, or intended, against the person or property of any other whatsoever.

‘The during and tedious imprisonments, are chiefly on the writs de excommunicato capiendo, upon the judgment of premunire, and upon fines, said to be for the king.

‘The great spoil and excessive distresses and seizures, are chiefly upon the conventicle act, and for twenty pounds a month, two-thirds of estates, and on qui tam writs. In some counties divers have suffered by seizures and distresses above eight years last past, and writs issued out for further seizures in several counties, for twenty pounds a month, amounting to the value of many thousands of pounds, sometimes seizing for eleven months at once, and making sale of all goods and chattels, within doors and without, both of household goods, beds, shop-goods, moveables, cattle, &c. and prosecution hereupon still continued, and in divers counties much increased; so that several, who have long employed some hundreds of poor families in manufacture, and paid considerable taxes to the king, are greatly disabled from both, by these writs and seizures, as well as by long imprisonments. So many serge-makers of Plymouth, as kept above five hundred poor people at work, disabled by imprisonment. Many in the county of Suffolk, under a long imprisonment, sentenced to a premunire, one whereof employed at least two hundred poor people in the woollen manufacture, when at liberty. Omitting other instances, that we may not seem too tedious, these may evince how destructive such severities are to trade and industry, and ruinous to many poor families.

‘On the conventicle act, within these two years last past, many in and about this city of London have been extremely oppressed, impaired, and spoiled in their estates and trades, upon numerous convictions and warrants, made against them in their absence, upon the credit of informations sworn by concealed informers, divers of them impudent women, who swear for their profit in part of the fines and seizures, their husbands being prisoners for debt through their own extravagancies. The warrants commonly made to break open and enter houses, which is done with rigour and great spoil, not sparing widows, fatherless, or poor families, who are sustained by their daily care and industry, not leaving them a bed to rest upon. The fines upon one justice’s warrants amounting to many hundreds of pounds; frequently ten pounds a warrant, and two warrants at once for twenty pounds, executed upon one person; and three warrants at once from another justice, for sixty pounds upon another person, and all his goods carried away in about ten cart loads; and five warrants at once for fifty pounds upon another, &c. besides what we have suffered by others in the like kind. And in this destructive course the informers have encouragement, and are suffered still to go on, to the ruining many families in their trades and livelihoods; divers so discouraged and disabled, that they are forced to give over their shops and trades.

‘These informers being accepted for credible witnesses, yet parties, swearing for their own profit and gain, in the absence of the persons prosecuted; this we think is very hard, and undue proceeding, and not consistent with common law or justice.

‘As also convicting and fining us upon their depositions, unsummoned and unheard in our own defence, and so keeping us ignorant of our accusers, unless upon traverse of our appeals. This procedure appears contrary to the law of God, common justice, and equity, and to the law and justice of the ancient Romans, and of nations.

‘And although it has been openly manifested, upon trial of appeals, at several quarter-sessions, both for Middlesex and London, and other places, that the depositions of divers informers have been false in fact: yet the great trouble and charge in the traverse of appeals, and the great encouragement informers have from him who grants the most warrants, hath been a discouragement to many from seeking such difficult remedy, considering also the treble costs against the appellant, in case he succeeds not, or is not acquitted upon trial: whereas there is no costs nor restitution awarded nor given against the informers, for unjust prosecution. Some also have refused to grant appeals, others denied copies of warrants to prevent appeals: which, whether this be equal or just, pray consider, ye that are wise and judicious men: and whether it be for the king’s honour, and the people’s interest, that idle, drunken, extravagant informers, should either be encouraged or suffered to go on thus to ruin trade, husbandry and families, or to command and threaten justices of peace, with the forfeiture of an hundred pounds, if they do not make convictions, and issue out warrants upon their late informations, and uncertain depositions, frequently in the absence of the accused.

‘And lastly, one-third part of the fines being assigned to the king, he can only remit that; but the informers and poor being assigned two-third parts, seems not to allow him to remit them, how much cause soever may appear to him, to extend his favour in that case. Is not this against the king’s prerogative, to restrain his sovereign clemency? And how far it reflects upon the government, and is scandalous thereto, for beggarly rude informers, some of them confident women, not only to command, threaten, and disquiet justices, peace-officers, &c. but to destroy the king’s honest, industrious and peaceable subjects, in their properties and estates, is worthy of your serious considerations: and whether the said conventicle act ought not therefore justly to be repealed. A noted instance of the like case, we have, concerning the statute of the 11 Hen. VII. ch. 3, for determining certain offences and contempts only upon informers’ prosecutions, being repealed in the first year of K. Hen. VIII. ch. 6, though that, in some respects, was more tolerable than this.

‘Be pleased to make our case your own, and do to us as you would be done unto; as you would not be oppressed or destroyed in your persons, or estates, nor have your properties invaded, and posterities ruined for serving and worshipping Almighty God, that made all mankind, according to your persuasions and consciences, but would, no doubt, enjoy the liberty thereof, so we intreat you to allow the same liberty to tender consciences, that live peaceably under the government, as you would enjoy yourselves; and to disannul the said conventicle act, and to stop these devouring informers, and also take away all sanguinary laws, corporal and pecuniary punishments, merely on the score of religion and conscience; and let not the ruin and cry of the widow, fatherless, and innocent families, lie upon this nation, nor at your door, who have not only a great trust reposed in you for the prosperity and good of the whole nation, but also do profess Christianity, and the tender religion of our Lord Jesus Christ.

‘And notwithstanding all these long-sustained extremities, we, the said suffering people, do solemnly profess and declare in the sight of the all-seeing God, who is the searcher of hearts, that as we have never been found in any seditious or treasonable designs, they being wholly contrary to our Christian principle and profession, so we have nothing but good will, and true Christian affection to the king and government, sincerely desiring his and your safety, prosperity, and concurrence in mercy and truth, for the good of the whole kingdom.

‘Having thus given you, in short, the general state of our suffering case, in matter of fact, without personal reflection, we, in Christian humility, and for Christ’s sake, intreat that you will tenderly and charitably consider of the premises, and find out some effectual expedient or way for our relief from prisons, spoil, and ruin.’

The following application was likewise presented.

TO KING JAMES THE SECOND.

The humble application of the people called Quakers.

‘Whereas it hath pleased Almighty God, by whom kings reign, to take hence the late king Charles the Second, and to preserve thee peaceably to succeed; we thy subjects heartily desire, that the Giver of all good and perfect gifts, may please to endue thee with wisdom and mercy in the use of thy great power, to his glory, the king’s honour, and the kingdom’s good; and it being our sincere resolution, according to our peaceable principles and conversation, by the assistance of Almighty God, to live peaceably and honestly, as becomes true and faithful subjects under the king’s government, and a conscientious people, that truly fear and serve God; we do humbly hope that the king’s tenderness will appear and extend, with his power to express the same; recommending to his princely clemency, the case of our present suffering friends hereunto annexed.

TO THE KING.

The distressed Case and request of the suffering people commonly called Quakers, humbly presented.

‘SHOWING,

‘That according to accounts lately given, above fourteen hundred of the said people, both men and women, are continued prisoners in England and Wales, only for tender conscience towards Almighty God that made them; many under sentence of premunire, and many near it, not for refusing the duty or substance of allegiance itself, but only because they dare not swear; others under fines upon the act of banishment, many on writs of excommunication; besides some hundreds have died prisoners; many by means of this long imprisonment since the year 1680, (as it is judged,) thereby making widows and fatherless, and leaving poor innocent families in distress and sorrow; these two hard winters confinement, tending also to the destruction of many in cold holes and jails, their healths being greatly impaired thereby; besides the violence and woful spoil made by merciless informers on the conventicle act, upon many, convicted unsummoned and unheard in their own defence, both in city and county, as also on qui tam writs, and other process, on twenty pounds a month, and two-thirds of estates seized for the king, all tending to the ruin of trade, husbandry, and industrious families; to some not a bed left; to others no cattle to till their ground, or give them milk; nor corn for bread or seed; nor tools to work withal. And also these and other severities done under pretence of serving the king, and church, thereby to force us to violate our consciences, and consequently to destroy our souls, which we are very tender of, as we are of our peace with God, and our own consciences, though accounted as sheep for the slaughter: and notwithstanding all these long extremities, we the said people do solemnly profess and declare in the sight of the heart Searcher, that we have nothing but good-will and true affection to the king, praying for his safety, and the kingdom’s peace. We have never been found in any seditious or treasonable designs, as being wholly contrary to our Christian principles and holy profession.

‘And knowing that where the word of a king is, there is power, we in Christian humility, and for Christ’s sake, intreat, that the king will please to find out some expedient for our relief in these cases, from prison, spoil, and ruin, and we shall, as in Christian duty bound, pray God for the king’s welfare in this world, and his eternal happiness in that which is to come.’

_An account of the number of the said prisoners called Quakers, in the several counties._

Prisoners. Bedfordshire 30 Berkshire 37 Bristol 103 Buckinghamshire 19 Cambridgeshire 8 Ely 11 Cheshire 9 Cornwall 32 Cumberland 22 Derbyshire 1 Devonshire 104 Dorsetshire 13 Durham 39 Essex 10 Gloucestershire 66 Hertfordshire 18 Herefordshire 1 Huntingdonshire 10 Kent 16 Lancashire 73 Leicestershire 37 Lincolnshire 12 London and Middlesex 66 Norfolk 52 Northampton 59 Nottinghamshire 6 Oxon 17 Shropshire 18 Somersetshire 36 Southampton 15 Staffordshire 1 Suffolk 79 Surry 29 Sussex 17 Warwickshire 31 Westmoreland 5 Wiltshire 34 Worcestershire 15 Yorkshire 279 Wales 30 ---- Sum of Prisoners 1460

Delivered to the king the 3d of the First month called March, 1684-5.

This list, with the aforesaid petition to the king and parliament, was not altogether ineffectual: for there was much talk now of liberty of conscience; but since all the liberty that was enjoyed was only precarious, it could be but little depended upon; yet many seemed to be in expectation that some grant of that liberty would be published in print, and thus it became a common saying that liberty of conscience was in the press, which being of an equivocal signification, sometimes afforded matter of sport. But many of the Episcopal church were so strongly bent to withhold that liberty from other Protestants, that there were no ill-grounded reports, that some in authority had promised the king, to give their vote for liberty of conscience to the Papists, provided it was not granted to other dissenters. Nevertheless the abovesaid petition of the Quakers had such effect, that the king resolved to ease them from the burden of their oppression, by way of pardon; for thus far his power reached; but the abrogating of laws could not be done without the consent of the parliament, which grew jealous that by the repeal of those laws, the Papists, who now had a king of their own religion, would become too powerful. In the meanwhile the king published the following proclamation:

‘James R.

‘Whereas our most entirely beloved brother, the late king, deceased, had signified his intentions to his attorneys general for the pardoning such of his subjects who had been sufferers in the late rebellion for their loyalty, or whose parents or nearest relations had been sufferers in the late rebellion for that cause, or who had themselves testified their loyalty and affection to the government, and were prosecuted, indicted, or convicted for not taking, or refusing to take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, or one of them, or had been prosecuted upon any writ, or any penalty, or otherwise, in any of the courts of Westminster Hall, or in any of the ecclesiastical courts, for not coming to church, or not receiving the sacrament:

‘And whereas the several persons, whose names are mentioned in the schedule annexed to this our warrant; have produced unto us certificates for the loyalty and sufferings of them and their families:

‘Now in pursuance of the said will of our said most dear brother, and in consideration of the sufferings of the said persons, our will and pleasure is, that you cause all process and proceedings, ex officio, as well against the said persons mentioned in the said schedule hereunto annexed, as against all other persons as shall hereafter be produced unto you, to be wholly superseded and stayed; and if any of the said persons be decreed or pronounced excommunicated, or have been so certified, or are in prison upon the writ de excommunicato capiendo, for any of the causes aforesaid, our pleasure is, that you absolve and cause such persons to be absolved, discharged, or set at liberty, and that no process or proceedings whatsoever be hereafter made in any court against any of the said persons for any cause before mentioned, until our pleasure therein shall be further signified.

‘Given at our Court at Whitehall, this 18th of April, 1685, in the first year of our reign.

‘To all archbishops and bishops, to their chancellors and commissioners, and to all archdeacons and their officials, and all other ordinaries and persons executing ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

By his majesty’s command, SUNDERLAND.’

This was the king’s first step towards liberty of conscience, as well for Papists, as other persons mentioned in the schedule annexed, which put an effectual stop to persecution, and the power of the informers was thereby much broken. And since the most of these were generally base fellows, and profligate persons, who did not care what they did, provided they might enrich themselves, they often dealt treacherously even with the persecuting justices; who also were eager for having part of the prey, and yet by the artifices of these rapacious wretches were deprived of it, which some of them now smarted for. Among the rest, I find that one John Hilton was committed to jail, as may appear from this warrant of the recorder.

To the keeper of Newgate.

‘Receive into your custody the body of John Hilton, herewith sent you, being charged upon oath before me, for compounding several warrants under my hand and seal, for levying of several sums of money on persons convicted for being at several conventicles in Kent, London, and Middlesex; and being also indicted for the same in the several counties aforesaid, and the bills found against him; and also that he the said John Hilton, hath refused to obey the right honourable sir Edward Herbert, lord chief justice’s warrant. And him safely keep, until he shall be discharged by due course of law. And for so doing this shall be your warrant. Dated the 23d of December, 1685.

THO. JENNER, Recorder.

‘Let notice be given to me before he be discharged.’

Thus the informers met with a stop, and the persecuted Quakers got some rest; for persecution not only ceased, but many, who for religion’s sake had been several years kept in prison, obtained liberty by the favour of a popish prince, which they had not been able to get from his brother, king Charles the Second. Now many of the fierce persecutors came to shame, some to poverty, and others to a miserable end, of which no small number of instances might be produced, if I were minded to enlarge; however I will mention one or two.

One Edward Davis, who once professed to be a Quaker, but not being sincere, found that way too narrow for him, and so left his friends, whom afterwards, being become keeper of the jail of Ivelchester in Somersetshire, he vexed most grievously; and from mere malice fettered some, saying to John Whiting, and another, whom he had hand-bolted together, those bolts should not be taken off if lice did eat them up. And his comrade Joseph Newberry was but little better, for when somebody told him, that their hands did swell with the irons, he said, he did not care if their hearts did swell also. And when one John Dando once asked Davis, what he thought would become of him when he came to die; he answered, that he knew what would become of him then, and therefore he would make the best of his time now. Also, that he knew where he went out, and where he must come in again, if ever he was saved; and if he thought he should never return again, he would be as wicked as he could. Truly a most desperate saying, just as if the door of mercy always continued open for man, and the day of the visitation of God’s love never passed over his head, though he persevered in rebellion. But this Davis came to a most pitiful state, so that he fell into poverty, and was himself imprisoned for debts, of which more hereafter. And Newberry fell into a sad condition, being taken with a severe palsy, and yet he did not leave off cursing and swearing, talking of the devil in a dreadful manner. And by lying long in bed, the flesh rotted on his back, and he who had formerly said concerning the hand-bolted prisoners, he did not care if their hearts did swell, got now such a sore tongue, that it swelled out of his mouth, and grew black, and so he died miserably on the 10th of December. Thus God sometimes punisheth the wicked even in this life. And though persecutors come not always to such a miserable end, yet many of these fell into poverty, and others were discontented because they saw that those whom they had cruelly persecuted, now enjoyed an undisturbed liberty; for the king who was now on the throne, continued to give liberty to those that had been oppressed for religion.

But before I say more of this, I cannot but mention something of the design of the unhappy duke of Monmouth, who at the death of his father king Charles the Second, was gone to Brussels, and being come from thence into Holland, he was spurred on so vigorously by some hot-headed Englishmen, that having got money and assistance of malcontents, he went over to England with three men of war and some forces, having given forth a declaration against king James, which vented a fiery passion toward that prince, and was written, as I have been credibly told, by the violent Robert Ferguson. Monmouth being landed with his forces in the West of England, near Lime, and afterwards routed by the king’s troops, was taken prisoner by the perfidiousness of a certain lord, who thereby obtained pardon for himself; but Ferguson escaped by a cunning artifice, crying along the road where he came galloping on horseback, ‘The rebels are routed, the rebels are routed!’ Just as if he had been a courier sent on purpose to court and elsewhere. But thus he escaped, and come again into Holland, he told this crafty trick to his acquaintance. Monmouth having been declared guilty of high treason by a bill of attainder, as soon as the news came of his design, was but two or three days after his arrival at London, beheaded. I count it not unworthy to be mentioned, that he undauntedly received the news of the death-warrant being come; and on the scaffold on Tower-Hill, he told the bishops that accompanied him, ‘If I had no true repentance, I should not be so free from the fear of death.’ And when it was objected, that he ought not to rely too much on that, since that might be the effect of natural courage, he said, ‘No; I do not ascribe this to my nature; for naturally I am more fearful than others; but now I am freed from fear; because I feel something in me, which gives me assurance that I shall go to God.’ The executioner gave him several strokes with the axe, before the head was severed from the body; and some ecclesiastics afterwards said, he died an enthusiast: for not showing himself very ready to comply with their service, and his saying that something within him assured him that he should go to God, seemed to them an enthusiastical tenet. But whatever it was, yet it seems very probable to me, that he was a true penitent, and so he died in peace; for though I cannot but disapprove his design, yet by true repentance he might not only have obtained forgiveness of God, but also have had a full assurance of it.

The earl of Argyle, who rebelled in Scotland against king James, had no better lot; but I will not detain my reader therewith, neither with a relation of the dismal execution of many, who having been found guilty of high treason, either for actual rebellion, or having been abetters of Monmouth, were sentenced to death by the infamous Jeffries, who then was lord chief justice, and afterwards chancellor; the fierceness of cruelty of this judge being such, that some lost their lives only for having given some hay or victuals to Monmouth’s soldiers. But this not being within my circuit, I will pass it by, and go over to the year 1686.

1686.

Therefore leaving England, I will take a turn to Embden, in East Friesland, where a small company of those called Quakers had been under a severe persecution for several years, as I have hinted before. But the magistrates having persecuted by the instigation of their preachers, the citizens began to be displeased with it. And since the Protestants in France were now persecuted violently, and the Popish prince had mounted the English throne, those at Embden grew more inclined to moderation. Probably the decay of trade also contributed a little to this change; for it appeared that the magistrates were for getting more inhabitants into their town, though they should be Quakers: and this was counted a matter of such moment, that the common council deliberated on the subject; and two of the members of that board, viz. Polman and Bonhuyren, were sent to Magdalena van Loar, an inhabitant of Embden, desiring her to write to England and Holland, that the magistrates of the city had resolved to give liberty to the people called Quakers, to live, trade, and traffic there; which grant they proffered to confirm by the city seal. According to their desire notice was given to those of that persuasion at Amsterdam, from whence an answer being returned to the said Magdalena van Loar, she gave it to the counsellor Polman, and he delivered it to the senate. After some deliberation, the magistrates with the council of forty, and the ecclesiastical court met together, and came to a resolution, of which a copy was sent to Amsterdam. In this writing were mentioned some conditions on which the magistrates at Embden were willing to grant liberty to the Quakers, to live in their city. But those of that society at Amsterdam, having weighed and duly considered the thing, found that the proposal contained some expressions, which by others, who afterwards might come to the helm, and not be so moderate as these at present, might be used as snares against the Quakers, if they now should enter upon such terms as were prescribed. Therefore it was thought more safe not to enter into any engagement, whereby great inconvenience might afterwards attend their friends, when the magistracy came to be in other hands. Yet the conclusion was, to acknowledge the good intention of the magistrates of Embden, by drawing up the following letter, and sending it to them.

_To the Lords, Burgomasters, Counsellors, and Rulers of the city of Embden._

‘These are to acquaint you with due respect, that a scheme or plan of yours, dated the 16/26 of February, 1686, is come to our hands, which having been perused by us, we have thought it convenient in the fear of the Lord, to send you the following answer.

‘First, we thank God Almighty for the ease and liberty which our friends at present enjoy under your government, and are like to enjoy in the future. And, secondly, we cannot but acknowledge very acceptably your clemency and meekness, which ye show by taking notice of the state of a despised and oppressed people, who because of their way and worship, differing from the many ways in the world, are gainsayed every where. And therefore it is that we are the more stirred up in our minds to pray fervently to the Lord God for your peace and prosperity, and the continuance of your good resolution; that so all those who serve the Lord in uprightness of heart may lead a peaceable and godly life among you, by showing forth the fruits of true Christianity in truth, sincerity, and righteousness. Now as to what ye have been pleased to declare, that ye were willing to confirm the aforesaid your good resolution by a public act, we let you know, that we are so well satisfied with your word and oral declaration concerning the aforementioned thing, that this is more to us than any thing we could further desire, as knowing that good men think themselves bound by their good words to perform what is good. And since ye are sensible on what ground ye came to the aforesaid resolution, and declared yourselves thus, we doubt not but the same persuasion and reason continuing with you, will prove a more strong engagement to you to perform the same, than any outward seal can be. And in that engagement we were willing to acquiesce, and should not have mentioned any other, unless some among you, as we have been informed, first had made mention thereof. And as to what ye demand of us, we declare in the nakedness and simplicity of our hearts, that in regard of our temporal conversation and deportment, we desire no further protection, than when we deal righteously to all, and walk according to that golden rule, that we do unto all men, what we desire should be done to us. And concerning our religion and worship, which we believe we owe to Almighty God, it is thus: That since it differs from other persuasions, it makes us obnoxious not only to the mockings and revilings of ignorant people, but exposeth us also to the malice and envy of many, who hate us without a just cause; and therefore it is that we stand in need of your favourable interpretation, and your best construction of what we do, and what we leave undone. And if we should err in those matters, we shall be the greatest losers by it; and if truth be on our side, then our adversaries shall not be able to prevail; for truth is the strongest, and it is not good for any to fight against it. Howsoever then it may be with us in this matter, yet we hope that ye will be pleased, if we behave ourselves peaceably and honest towards you and all men, to let us be partakers with our peaceable neighbours, of your general protection. And though ye might please to give us a public act of your aforesaid resolution, yet we clearly foresee, that it would be hardly possible to use such expressions, that our enemies, by some wresting or other of the words, or a wrong interpretation of the expressions contained therein, should not be able to make us esteemed guilty of transgression, and so find matter against us. And therefore we think it very safe, to rely on your word and good resolution, in which it hath pleased you to declare, that we shall enjoy liberty to live and trade in your city, provided we pay custom and taxes, which other citizens are subject to; and that then we shall be at liberty to meet together to worship God in such a way as he hath convinced us we ought to do, and to call upon him, and to exhort one another to love and good works, and a Christian conversation. And on your behalf it will tend to the praise of the magistrates, that ye favour us in this. And it will also be to the promoting of God’s glory: and will oblige us to pray for you, that the Lord God may be pleased to preserve you, and to make you continue in such a good, wholesome, and well-grounded resolution. We are, and rest,

Your true friends and well-wishers, Barent van Tongeren, William Sewel, Jacob Claus, Stephen Crisp, John Roelofs, John Claus, Peter Hendriksz.’

Amsterdam, the 9/19 of the Third month, alias March, 1686.

In answer to this, the senate sent the following resolution to the subscribers of the aforesaid letter, being, as appears by the contents, the decree of the senate, so as it was entered into their records, of which the authentic copy, signed by the city’s secretary, is in my custody.

Lunæ 15/25 Marti, 1686.

‘Received a letter on the 12/22 instant, written at Amsterdam the 9/19 of the same month, and signed by Barent van Tongeren, William Sewel, Jacob Claus, Stephen Crisp, John Roelofs, John Claus, Peter Hendriksz, in answer to our resolution of the 16/26 of February last, with thanks for the promised admission and protection of this city, in their free trade, and the exercise of their religion, without offending any; signifying thereby also, that they will be content without an act under our seal, and willing to rely on our words. This having been under deliberation, it was thought meet, and resolved, that our word shall effectually be kept to the rescribers, and all others of their persuasion, and that the promised protection shall be really performed.

Ad mandatum senatus speciale, O. HILLINGS, Sec.’

Thus it pleased the senate of Embden to give to those called Quakers, liberty to dwell among them, with the free exercise of their religion. Sometime after it happened, that the burgomaster Andrews, coming to the house of Magdalena van Loar, and the preacher Alardyn, to the house of her daughter Magdalena Haasbaant, desired both that they would cause what the senate had resolved, to be written to England, that so it might be known there, that if any of the Quakers’ persuasion would come over, and settle at Embden, they should be well received there.

Hereby we see how God hath the hearts of all men in his hands, and that he turneth them whithersoever he will: for the magistrates of Embden, had some years before from a blind zeal, kindled by those who ought to have stopped it, given forth very severe edicts against the Quakers, and persecuted them fiercely; but now they allowed them an entire liberty.

But leaving Embden, I turn again to England, where persecution by this time also came to a stand, insomuch that the king ordered that all such imprisoned Quakers as it was in his power to release, should be set at liberty; for those that were in prison, for not paying tithes, &c. were under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which was out of the king’s reach. But many others who had been in custody several years, appeared now at London in the annual meeting of their friends, to the great joy of their brethren; and when some of these went to thank the king for his favour, they were kindly admitted; and thereby he drew their inclination towards him; for his endeavours were now, as he said, to bring about a complete liberty of conscience. What his aim was, I am not to investigate, for he never attained to it. In the meanwhile he made persecution generally to cease, not only in England, but also in other places of his dominions: for having heard that the Quakers in the isle of Barbadoes, in the West Indies, were very much molested, because for conscience-sake they could not hear arms, he ordered some of the members of his council to write the following letter:

‘After our hearty commendations, his majesty having been pleased to refer unto us the petition of the Quakers inhabiting in the Barbadoes, we have thought fit hereby to pray and require you to examine the allegations of the said petitions and papers hereunto annexed. And in as much as his majesty, having lately extended his favour to those people here, may be inclined to continue the same towards them in this particular, we desire you to report unto us what ease may be given them in reference to the militia act, and the penalties thereby imposed, as far as it may consist with the safety of the island, and the preserving of the militia, according to the intention of the said act. And so we bid you heartily farewell.

Your loving friends, Jefferies, Craven, Albemarle, Middleton.’

From the Council chamber, Whitehall, the 23d July, 1686.

From this letter it appears plainly that the king endeavoured to relieve the Quakers from that burden of persecution they were under. The following letter is also a proof of it, written by the earl of Sunderland, then, as I think, president of the privy council, to the earl of Huntington, to stop the persecution in Leicestershire and Nottinghamshire, where one John Smith had acted most grievously:

‘Whitehall, Dec. 7, 1686.

‘MY LORD,

‘The king being informed that one John Smith, a common informer, doth very vexatiously persecute the Quakers in the county of Leicester, and in the town and county of Nottingham; and his majesty being pleased to extend his favour to those of that persuasion, his majesty would have your grace direct the justices of peace to give no sort of countenance to the said John Smith, and his prosecution, against the Quakers.

‘My lord, I am for his grace the duke of Newcastle, one of his majesty’s most honourable privy council, &c.

Your grace’s most faithful and humble servant, SUNDERLAND, P.’

‘To the right honourable the earl of Huntingdon, one of his majesty’s most honourable privy council, chief recorder of Leicester, custos, rotulorum of the county of Leicester.’

The king being thus inclined to give liberty to prisoners, those who were in custody for religion, neglected no opportunity to obtain it; of which the following petition is an evidence.

‘_To chief Justice Herbert and judge Wright, assigned to hold assizes, and jail-delivery for the western circuit, at Wells for the county of Somerset, the thirtieth of the month called March, 1686._

‘Several of the people called Quakers, now prisoners in the jail at Ivelchester, in the county of Somerset, on behalf of themselves and many others of the same people, in humility show,

‘That since the wise Disposer of all things, hath ordered your employment in this honourable service, to relieve the oppressed, and deliver the captives; and since king James II. that now is, hath committed part of his clemency to your custody, to distribute the same according as the Lord hath inclined his heart; and having taken particular notice of our sufferings, and signified his will and pleasure, that we, the people commonly called Quakers, should receive the full benefit of his general pardon, with all possible ease; which grace and favour we with all thankfulness, acknowledge to God as the chief author, who hath the hearts of kings at his disposal; and to the king, as being ready herein to mind that which the Lord inclined his heart unto; and not without hope to find the like opportunity to render to you our hearty thanks, for the full accomplishment of that which our God allows, and the king so readily grants us; and also hearing the report of your nobility and moderation, in managing this weighty trust committed to you, we are emboldened thus to address ourselves, though in plainness of speech, yet in sincerity of heart, to lay before you, that we have for several years been prisoners in the jail aforesaid, not for any plotting against the king or government, or harm done to his subjects; our peaceable lives have manifested our fidelity to the king, and love to our neighbours, it being contrary to our principles to do otherwise; but only for conscience-sake, because in obedience to Christ Jesus we dare not swear at all, or forbear to worship God, as he hath ordained, nor conform to those worships which we have no faith in; which to omit the one, or practice the other, we should therein sin, and so wound our consciences, and break our peace with God: and what good then shall our lives do us, if we might enjoy never so much of the world’s favour and friendship.

‘Our humble request therefore to you is, to consider and compassionate our suffering condition, and improve the power and authority that God and the king hath entrusted you withal, for our relief and liberty; we still resolving, and hoping, through God’s assistance, for the future, to manifest our fear to God, honour to the king, and honesty to all his subjects, by our godly, humble, and peaceable conversation. The particular causes of our imprisonments are herewith attested, under our keeper’s hand. And we further pray, that mercenary informers, and envious prosecutors against us, only for conscience-sake, may, according to your wisdom and prudence, be discouraged from prosecuting such actions; by which many industrious and conscientious families and persons are in danger of being ruined; and we encouraged in our diligence in our respectable callings, and may enjoy the benefit of our industry; and so shall we be the better enabled to perform with cheerfulness the duties we owe to God, the king, and all men. The Lord guide you in judgment, and more and more incline your hearts to love mercy, and do justice, and grant you the reward thereof; which is truly our desire and prayer.’

This petition was signed by sixteen persons, some of which had been imprisoned fifteen, others ten, and some fewer years; and to the time of their imprisonment was added, on what account, viz. on premunire, excommunication, and for tithes, &c. And it had such effect, that chief justice Herbert discharged these prisoners; but before this was done, several of those that had been imprisoned there, died. Many also were set at liberty by the king’s proclamation; and it was indeed an unusual thing to enjoy such a free liberty, that the malicious persecutors were restrained by the higher power.

George Fox was now mostly in and about London, endeavouring to bring all things among his friends into good order; and therefore he wrote several papers since he could not be every where in person, and discharge himself by word of mouth. And lest carelessness should creep in, by reason of the liberty that was now enjoyed, he wrote the following epistle to his friends:

‘Friends,

‘The Lord by his eternal power hath opened the heart of the king, to open the prison doors, by which about fifteen or sixteen hundred are set at liberty; and hath given a check to the informers: so that in many places our meetings are pretty quiet. So my desires are, that both liberty and sufferings, all may be sanctified to his people; and friends may prize the mercies of the Lord in all things, and to him be thankful, who stilleth the raging waves of the sea, and allayeth the storms and tempests, and maketh a calm. And therefore it is good to trust in the Lord, and cast your care upon him, who careth for you. For when ye were in your jails and prisons, then the Lord did by his eternal arm and power uphold you, and sanctified them to you, and unto some he had made them as a sanctuary; and tried his people, as in a furnace of affliction, both in prisons and spoiling of goods. And in all this the Lord was with his people, and taught them to know that the earth was the Lord’s, and the fulness thereof; and that he is in all places; who crowneth the year with his goodness, Psalm lxv. Therefore let all God’s people be diligent and careful to keep the camp of God holy, pure, and clean; and to serve God, and Christ, and one another, in the glorious peaceable gospel of life and salvation; which glory shines over God’s camp; and his great prophet, and bishop, and shepherd is among or in the midst of them, exercising his heavenly offices in them: so that you his people may rejoice in Christ Jesus, through whom you have peace with God. For he that destroyeth the devil and his work, and bruises the serpent’s head, is all God’s people’s heavenly foundation and rock to build upon; which was the holy prophets’ and apostles’ rock in days past, and is now a rock of our age; which rock and foundation of God standeth sure. And upon this the Lord God establish all his people. Amen.

GEORGE FOX.’

London, the 25th of the Seventh month, 1686.

In this year David Barclay died at Ury in Scotland. Before his departure he uttered many excellent expressions indeed. I may not omit to mention some particulars. In the latter end of September, being past the 76th year of his age, he was taken with a fever, which continued two weeks; and being much troubled with the gravel, his sickness was accompanied with pain in making water. Two days before his death, feeling his weakness, and being in an agony, he said to his son Robert, who was with him, ‘I shall now go to the Lord, and be gathered to many of my brethren who are gone before me.’ On the 11th of October, very early in the morning, he growing weaker, the said Robert Barclay signified to him, that his travail was, that He that loved him might be near him to the end. To which he answered, ‘The Lord is nigh;’ and said further to those about him, ‘Ye are my witnesses in the presence of God, that the Lord is nigh.’ And a little after he said, ‘The perfect discovery of the day-spring from on high, how great a blessing it hath been to me and my family!’ Robert Barclay’s wife asking if he would have something to refresh him, he said it needed not; and laying his hand upon his breast, he said, ‘he had that inwardly that refreshed him.’ A little while after, he was heard several times to say, ‘The truth is over all:’ and taking his eldest son to him, he blessed him, and said, ‘he prayed God he might never depart from the truth.’ Then his son’s eldest daughter coming near, he said, ‘Is this Patience?’ (for that was her name,) ‘Let patience have its perfect work in thee.’ And after kissing the other four of his son’s children, he laid his hands upon them, and blessed them. His apothecary that attended him coming also near, he took him by the hand, and said, ‘Thou wilt hear me witness, that in all this exercise I have not been curious to tamper nor to pamper the flesh.’ To which the apothecary said, ‘Sir, I can hear witness that you have always minded the better and more substantial part; and I rejoice to see the blessed end the Lord is bringing you to.’ To this the sick man replied, ‘Bear a faithful and true witness: yet it is the life of righteousness, the life of righteousness it is, that we bear testimony to, and not to an empty profession.’ Then he called several times, ‘Come, Lord Jesus, come, come!’ And said also, ‘My hope is in the Lord.’ Afterwards he slept now and then for some hours; and seeing a carpenter coming into the room, he said to his son, ‘See thou charge him to make no manner of superfluity upon the coffin.’ In the afternoon several of his friends came to see him, which he having observed, said they were come in a seasonable time: and after some words were spoken, and that Patrick Livingston had prayed, which ended in praises, the sick old man held up his hands, and said, ‘Amen, amen, for ever!’ And after those that were present stood up, he said, ‘How precious is the love of God among his children, and their love to one another! thereby shall all men know that ye are Christ’s disciples, if ye love one another. How precious a thing it is to see brethren dwell together in love! my love is with you; I leave it among you.’ Several of his friends, pretty late at night, standing about the bed, and perceiving some of them to weep, he said, ‘Dear friends, all mind the inward man, heed not the outward. There is one that doth reward, the Lord of Hosts is his name.’ Next morning, after he had heard the clock strike three, he said, ‘Now the time comes.’ And a little after he was heard to say, ‘Praises, praises, praises to the Lord! Let now thy servant depart in peace. Into thy hands, O Father, I commit my soul, spirit and body. Thy will, O Lord, be done in earth as it is in heaven.’ These sentences he spoke by little intervals, one after another; and soon after five in the morning, the 12th of October, he slept in peace and quiet, there being present at his end above twenty persons, who were witnesses to what hath been here related. His corpse was attended to the grave by numerous followers; and though he had ordered not many to be called to his burial, yet a great number of the gentry came uninvited, from an esteem they bore to his memory.

In this year also Anne Downer departed this life, one of the first of those called Quakers at London: she had been married first to Benjamin Greenwell, and was afterwards wife to George Whitehead. Being taken ill, she removed to a place out of London, and her sickness increasing, she perceived it was like to take her away. Her ancient friend Mary Stout visiting her, asked her, if she knew her, she said, ‘Yes, very well, it is Mary Stout. I have my memory very well, and my understanding is clear, though I am very weak; but I am given up unto the will of the Lord, whether to die, or to live; for I have been faithful to him in what I knew, both in life and death.’ Perceiving some to be troubled concerning her, she said, ‘There is no cause for you to be troubled or concerned; for I am well, and in peace.’ Many Christian exhortations she gave on her dying bed, and said to some of her friends who came to visit her, ‘What, do you come on purpose to see me? I take it as an effect of the love of God, and I pray God bless your children.’ To another she was heard to say, ‘If I never see thy face more, it is well with me; God doth know my integrity, and how I have been, and walked before him.’ The evening before she died, she said to her husband, George Whitehead, &c. ‘The Lord is with me, I bless his name. I am well; it may be you are afraid I shall be taken away; and if it be, the will of the Lord be done. Do not trouble yourselves, nor make any great ado about me; but, my dear, go to bed; go to rest; and if I should speak no more words to thee, thou knowest the everlasting love of God.’ She was heard also to say, that she had done with all things in this life, and she had nothing to trouble her, but was at true peace and easy every way. And a few hours before she departed, she said, ‘Though I am in a dying condition, yet it is a living death; for though weakness seizes the body, yet my understanding is as clear as when in health.’ Thus she departed this life quietly, about the age of sixty-three years, having been a woman well gifted, and very serviceable to the church, not only with wholesome exhortations, but also by her Christian care for the sick and poor, and for widows, and orphans, who by her decease lost an eminent mother.

1687.

About this time George Fox wrote several general epistles, some of which were pretty large, to his friends, exhorting them to shun strife, to keep to mutual love and unity, and to mind true piety. He wrote many other edifying papers; and since the Papists now appeared barefaced, and performed their worship publicly, and there was much talk of their praying to saints, and by beads; in the year 1687, he emitted the following paper concerning prayer, not fearing to contradict openly that which he judged to be superstition, though the king himself was of the popish religion.

‘Christ Jesus when he taught his disciples to pray, said unto them, “When ye do pray, say, Our Father, which art in heaven, hallowed be thy name,” &c. Christ doth not say, that they should pray to Mary the mother of Christ; nor doth he say, that they should pray to angels, or to saints, that were dead. Christ did not teach them to pray to the dead, nor for the dead. Neither did Christ or his apostles teach the believers to pray by beads, nor to sing by outward organs: but the apostle said, he would sing and pray in spirit; for the spirit itself maketh intercessions; and the Lord, that searcheth the heart, knoweth the mind of the spirit.

‘To take counsel of the dead was forbidden by the law of God; but they were to take counsel of the Lord: and he hath given Christ in the new covenant, in his gospel-day, to be a counsellor and a leader to all his believers in his light. And men are not to run to the dead for the living: for the law and testimony of God forbids it. Those Jews, that refused the running waters of Shiloah, the floods and waters of the Assyrians and Babylonians came over them, and carried them into captivity: and they that refuse the waters of Christ, they are overflown with the flood of the world, that lieth in wickedness. They that asked counsel of stocks and stones, their state was in the spirit of error and whoredom; and they were gone a whoring from God, Hos. iv. 12. And they that joined themselves to Baal-Peor, and ate the sacrifices of the dead, provoked the Lord’s anger, and brought the Lord’s displeasure upon them, Psal. cvi. 28, 29. So here ye may see, the sacrifices of the dead were forbidden. “The living know that they shall die; but the dead know not any thing, neither have they any more a reward, for the memory of them is forgotten,” Eccles. ix. 5. “Wo to the rebellious children, saith the Lord, that take counsel, but not of me; and that cover with a covering, but not of my spirit, that they may add sin to sin.” Isa. xxx. 1.

GEORGE FOX.’

On the 20th of the month called March, being the 1st month, Robert Widders, one of the first preachers among those called Quakers, died; and G. Fox was now much at London; but he grew more and more weak in body, having endured many hardships in cruel imprisonments for the truth. Sometimes he went into the country to take the fresh air, and at other times he was awhile at the country-house of his son-in-law, William Mead, who married one of his wife’s daughters. In the meanwhile he wrote much, for he was of a laborious temper, and did not omit under all his business to visit the meetings of his friends, and to edify them by his admonitions and exhortations. For now they were suffered to keep their meetings unmolested, since the king in the month called April, published his long expected declaration for liberty of conscience to all his subjects, which contained, That henceforth the execution of all penal laws concerning ecclesiastical matters, for not coming to church, for not receiving the sacraments, or for any other non-conformity with the established religion, or for performing religious worship in any other way, should be suspended, &c.

It would indeed have been more acceptable if this liberty had been established by the king and parliament, this being granted as yet only by virtue of his royal prerogative: but however it was, liberty was enjoyed. The friends therefore of the church at London, seeing how those of other persuasions presented addresses of thanks to the king, for his declaration for liberty of conscience, which was now published, and whereby the Dissenters were permitted to perform their worship freely, provided their preaching did not tend to make the minds of people averse to the government, thought it convenient to draw up an address also, and present it to the king; which was as followeth:

TO KING JAMES II. OVER ENGLAND, &c.

The humble and thankful address of several of the king’s subjects, commonly called Quakers, in and about the city of London, on behalf of themselves and those of their communion.

‘May it please the king,

‘Though we are not the first in this way, yet we hope we are not the least sensible of the great favours we are come to present the king our humble, open, and hearty thanks for; since no people have received greater benefits, as well by opening our prison-doors, as by his late excellent and Christian declaration for liberty of conscience; none having more severely suffered nor stood more generally exposed to the malice of ill men, upon the account of religion; and though we entertain this act of mercy with all the acknowledgments of a persecuted and grateful people; yet we must needs say, it doth the less surprise us, since it is what some of us have known to have been the declared principle of the king, as well long before, as since he came to the throne of his ancestors.

‘And as we rejoice to see the day that a king of England should from his royal seat so universally assert this glorious principle, that conscience ought not to be constrained, nor people forced for matters of mere religion; (the want of which happy conduct in government, has been the desolation of countries, and reproach of religion,) so we do with humble and sincere hearts, render to God first, and the king next, our sensible acknowledgments; and because they cannot be better expressed than in a godly, peaceable, and dutiful life, it should be our endeavour, with God’s help, always to approve ourselves the king’s faithful and loving subjects; and we hope that after this gracious step the king hath made towards the union of his people, and security of their common interest, has had a due consideration, there will be no room left for those fears and jealousies that might render the king’s reign uneasy, or any of them unhappy.

‘That which remains, great prince, for us to do, is to beseech Almighty God, by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice, to inspire thee more and more with his excellent wisdom and understanding, to pursue this Christian design of ease to all religious dissenters, with the most agreeable and lasting methods: and we pray God to bless the king, his royal family and people, with grace and peace; and that after a long and prosperous reign here, he may receive a better crown amongst the blessed.

Which is the prayer of,’ &c.

This address was received favourably, and therefore those of the yearly-meeting, which some time after was held at London, also drew up an address and some deputies of that meeting went to Windsor, where the court then was, and where W. Penn, one of those that had been chosen to present the address, made the following speech to the king:

‘May it please the King,

‘It was the saying of our blessed Lord to the captious Jews, in the case of tribute, “Render to Cæsar the things that are Cæsar’s, and to God the things that are God’s.” As this distinction ought to be observed by all men in the conduct of their lives, so the king has given us an illustrious example in his own person that excites us to it; for while he was a subject, he gave Cæsar his tribute; and now he is a Cæsar, gives God his due, viz. the sovereignty over consciences. It were a great shame then for any Englishman that pretends to Christianity, not to give God his due. By this grace he has relieved his distressed subjects from their cruel sufferings, and raised to himself a new and lasting empire, by adding their affections to their duty. And we pray God to continue the king in this noble resolution, for he is now upon a principle that has good nature, Christianity, and the goodness of civil society on its side; a security to him beyond all the little arts of government.

‘I would not that any should think, that we came hither with design to fill the gazette with our thanks; but as our sufferings would have moved stones to compassion, so we should be harder, if we were not moved to gratitude.

‘Now since the king’s mercy and goodness have reached to us throughout the kingdom of England, and principality of Wales, our assembly from all those parts met at London about our church affairs, has appointed us to wait upon the king with our humble thanks, and me to deliver them: which I do by this address, with all the affection and respect of a dutiful subject.’

After W. Penn had thus delivered himself, he presented the address to the king, which that prince kindly receiving, gave it him again to read; which W. Penn did, and it was as followeth:

TO KING JAMES II. OVER ENGLAND, &c.

The humble and grateful acknowledgements of his peaceable subjects called Quakers, in this kingdom.

From their usual yearly-meeting in London, the 19th day of the third month, vulgarly called May, 1687.

‘We cannot but bless and praise the name of Almighty God, who hath the hearts of princes in his hand, that he hath inclined the king to hear the cries of his suffering subjects for conscience-sake; and we rejoice, that instead of troubling him with complaints of our sufferings, he hath given us so eminent an occasion to present him with our thanks. And since it hath pleased the king out of his great compassion, thus to commiserate our afflicted condition, which hath so particularly appeared by his gracious proclamation and warrants last year, whereby above twelve hundred prisoners were released from their severe imprisonments, and many others from spoil and ruin in their estates and properties, and his princely speech in council, and Christian declaration for liberty of conscience, in which he doth not only express his aversion to all force upon conscience, and grant all his dissenting subjects an ample liberty to worship God, in the way they are persuaded is most agreeable to his will; but gives them his kingly word the same shall continue during his reign; we do, as our friends of this city have already done, render the king our humble, Christian, and thankful acknowledgements, not only on behalf of ourselves, but with respect to our friends throughout England and Wales; and pray God with all our hearts, to bless and preserve thee, O king, and those under thee in so good a work: and we can assure thee king it is well accepted in the counties from whence we came; so we hope the good effects thereof, for the peace, trade, and prosperity of the kingdom, will produce such a concurrence from the parliament, as may secure it to our posterity in after-times; and while we live, it shall be our endeavour, through God’s grace, to demean ourselves as in conscience to God, and duty to the king, we are obliged.

His peaceable, loving, And faithful subjects.’

After William Penn had read the said address, the king spoke as followeth.

‘Gentlemen,

‘I thank you heartily for your address. Some of you know, I am sure you do, Mr. Penn, that it was always my principle that conscience ought not to be forced; and that all men ought to have the liberty of their consciences. And what I have promised in my declaration, I will continue to perform as long as I live; and I hope before I die, to settle it so, that after-ages shall have no reason to alter it.’

Here we see what the king declared to be his intention; but perhaps that prince did not consider, that if such a general liberty had been procured, he should not have been able to make it continue longer than the Popish clergy would have thought it convenient. For who is ignorant what an unlimited power the Roman prelates have usurped, not only in the ecclesiastical, but also in the political part? Insomuch, that though the king’s intention might have been really sincere, yet it is like it would have been thwarted, though he might have been willing that it should be otherwise. That his meaning was sincere, several I know that were not of his persuasion, have believed, and among these there were such, who thought that liberty of conscience might have been so established, that it should not have been in the power of the Papists to break it. But time hath shown that king James was not to be the instrument for settling such a liberty of conscience; and that the repealing of the penal laws was reserved for another prince. Yet the king was by some thought to do what he could to stop rapacious persecutors, and to restrain their power, with respect to imposing of oaths. It is true it was said, that the king might not do so; for by granting this liberty to the Quakers, he opened a door for the Romanists to bear offices, without taking the required oaths. Now that he discharged the Quakers from these oaths, may appear by the following order to the lord mayor of London:

‘Whitehall, Nov. 6, 1687.

‘MY LORD,

‘The king being informed, that Edward Brooker, Henry Jefferson, and Joseph Tomlinson, being Quakers, are by Mr. Barker, steward of Southwark, put upon several offices, as constables and the like, which they are willing to do; but the oaths being tendered to them, from which they think themselves exempted by the king’s declaration for liberty of conscience, they are threatened to be fined and otherwise molested, for their refusal to take them; his majesty commands me to let your lordship know, that his pleasure is, that the said Edward Brooker, Henry Jefferson, and Joseph Tomlinson, and all other Quakers, should now, and for the future, either be allowed to serve the said offices, without taking any oaths, or else that they be not fined or otherwise molested upon that account; and his majesty would have you give order therein accordingly.

I am, my Lord, Your Lordship’s most humble servant, SUNDERLAND.’

Now whereas in some places goods taken from the Quakers lay still unsold, the king ordered those goods to be restored to them, as may appear by the following letter, written to the mayor and aldermen of Leeds, in Yorkshire:

‘Whitehall, Dec. 14, 1687.

‘GENTLEMEN,

‘The King being informed, that some goods belonging to John Wales, and other Quakers of Leeds, which were seized and taken from them upon the account of their religious worship, do remain unsold in the hands of John Todd, who was constable at the time of the seizure, or in the hands of some other persons; and his majesty’s intention being, that all his subjects shall receive the full benefit of his declaration for liberty of conscience, his majesty commands me to signify his pleasure to you, that you cause the goods belonging to the said John Wales, and all other Quakers of Leeds, which were heretofore seized upon the account of religious worship, and are unsold, in whose hands soever they remain, to be forthwith restored to the respective owners, without any charge.

I am, gentlemen, Your affectionate friend and servant, SUNDERLAND.’

By such means some got their goods again, that had been taken from them upon the account of religious worship; for in many places they lay long unsold, because few would buy goods so taken. And that the king by these his favours, drew the love and affection of many of his subjects towards himself, none need to wonder; for whatever his religion was, he delivered them from that grievous burden, under which they had been oppressed so many years. To this may be added, that he used them kindly in all respects; and would not suffer his servants to molest any for not pulling off their hats, when they came near his royal person. Nay, so far went his condescension, that a certain countryman of the Quakers’ persuasion, coming to him with his hat on his head, the king took off his own hat, and held it under his arm; which the other seeing, said, ‘The king needs not keep off his hat for me.’ To which that prince returned, ‘You do not know the custom here, for that requires that but one hat must be on here.’ I have been told of more such like occurrences, which I pass by; but it appears from thence that the king endeavoured to have among the Quakers the repute of a mild and courteous prince. And this year he gave also full liberty of conscience in Scotland, and freed those that were still under sufferings, granting them the free liberty of their religious meetings. The said liberty he also allowed to the Presbyterians, provided they should not meet in the fields, or in sheds, as some did.

1688.

The king having thus granted liberty of conscience to people of all persuasions, did whatever he could to introduce popery in England; for he permitted the Jesuits to erect a college in the Savoy at London; and suffered the friars to go publicly in the dress of their monastical orders. This was a very strange sight to Protestants in England, and it caused no small fermentation in the minds of people, when the fellows of Magdalen College at Oxford, were by the king’s order dispossessed, to make way for Romanists. This was such a gross usurpation, that W. Penn, who had ready access to the king, and who endeavoured to get the penal laws and test abrogated, thinking it possible to find out a way whereby to limit the Papists so effectually, that they should not be able to prevail, did, for all that, not omit to blame this usurpation at Oxford, and to tell the king that it was an act which could not in justice be defended, since the general liberty of conscience did not allow of depriving any of their property, who did what they ought to do, as the fellows of the said college appeared to have done. But this could not cool the king’s zeal for popery, for he drove on so fast, without disguise, to that degree, that the pope’s nuncio, D’Ada, this summer made his public entry at Windsor in very great state.

Great endeavours were now made to repeal the penal laws and tests; for when this point was gained, then Papists might be admitted into the government as well as others; and such a general liberty of conscience making an alluring show, several dissenters, as Baptists and others, served the king with their pens on this account: and W. Penn, who always had been a defender of liberty of conscience, was also not inactive in this affair, though with a good intent, howbeit he might have failed in his expectation. I remember when in those days the patrons of the church of Rome asserted liberty of conscience to be a Christian duty, I heard somebody say, “Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the Leopard his spots?” The king laboured also to persuade the prince and princess of Orange, to give their assent to the repealing of the test and penal laws; but this could not be obtained of them. And since the king caused the advocate James Stuart, to write concerning this matter to the heer Fagel, counsellor and chief pensionary at the Hague; Fagel answered this paper in a letter to the said James Stuart, wherein he declared the judgment of the prince and princess in this case; and signified that they were willing to assent to the repealing of the penal laws, as far as they had any tendency to the exercise of worship; but as for those that debarred Papists from sitting in parliament, of which the test was not the least, they could not give their assent to the repealing of such limitations. This letter was generally approved by the Protestants in England, but the king for all that went on with the introducing of popery; and about the beginning of the year 1688, he not only put in several Romanists to be fellows of Magdalen College at Oxford, but endeavoured also to usher those of his persuasion into the magistracy; and the better to cloak this design, he would have other dissenters also chosen: but they generally rejected this offer, as did also Stephen Crisp, at Colchester, who was too circumspect to be caught thus, and therefore he declined the offer.

The king’s declaration for liberty of conscience was, on the 27th of the month called April, published again, to show that he was firm and constant in his resolution, and that his intentions were not changed since he issued it out, to excite his subjects to join in it, and to choose such members of parliament as might do their part to finish what he had begun. Hereto was annexed an order of the council, for reading this declaration in all churches and chapels throughout the kingdom; and ordering the bishops to send and distribute the declaration throughout their several dioceses, to be read accordingly. But they refused to do so, pretending it was not legal, (though some there were who thought it was,) because they were against liberty of conscience. Now the archbishop of Canterbury, and six other bishops, petitioned the king not to insist on the distribution and reading of his declaration; alleging that their great averseness to the distribution and publication of it in their churches proceeded neither from any want of duty and obedience to his majesty, nor yet from any want of due tenderness to dissenters; but because it was founded upon such a dispensing power, as had been often declared illegal in parliament.

This refusal the king so resented, that he sent these bishops to the tower. Whilst they were thus confined, there was much discourse every where about this matter; and since it was well known that some bishops had been the promoters of the former persecutions, some it seems spoke also in prejudice of these that were now in confinement. This being reported to them, they said that the Quakers belied them, and divulged that they, (the bishops,) had been the cause of the death of some. This gave occasion to Robert Barclay to visit the bishops in the tower; and speaking with them, he gave them undeniable proofs of some persons who, by order of bishops, had been kept in prison till death; though they had been told of the danger of those persons by physicians, that were not Quakers. This was so evidently manifested by R. Barclay, that they were not able to deny it: yet Barclay told them, that since they themselves were now under oppression, the intention of the Quakers was in no wise to publish such matters, lest thereby they should exasperate the king against them. And they were careful indeed not to do any thing that might aggravate the case of these prisoners; for it was not time now to rub old sores, since the bishops themselves seemed to be inclined to declare for liberty of conscience. And since this liberty was now enjoyed all over the kingdom, those called Quakers thought it convenient at their yearly meeting, which was held this summer at London, again to draw up an address to the king, and to acquaint him of one thing more, which continued to be troublesome to them. This address they presented to him, and was as followeth:

TO KING JAMES II. OVER ENGLAND, &c.

_The humble address of the People called Quakers, from their yearly-meeting in London, the 6th day of the month called June, 1688._

‘We, the king’s loving and peaceable subjects, from divers parts of his dominions, being met together in this city, after our usual manner, to inspect the affairs of our Christian society throughout the world, think it our duty humbly to represent to him, the blessed effects the liberty he has graciously granted his people to worship God according to their consciences, hath had, both on our persons and estates: for whereas formerly we had ever long and sorrowful lists brought to us from almost all parts of his territories, of prisoners, and the spoils of goods by violent and ill men, upon account of conscience; we bless God, and thank the king, the jails are every where clear, except in cases of tithes, and the repairs of parish churches, and some few about oaths; and we do in all humility lay it before the king, to consider the hardships our friends are yet under for conscience-sake in those respects; being in the one chiefly exposed to the present anger of the offended clergy, who have therefore lately imprisoned some of them till death; and in the other they are rendered very unprofitable to the public and themselves; for both in reference to freedoms in corporations, probates of wills and testaments, and administrations, answers in chancery and exchequer, trials of our just titles and debts, proceeding in our trade at the custom-house, serving the office of constables, &c. they are disabled, and great advantages taken against them, unless the king’s favour do interpose: and as we humbly hope he may relieve us, so we confidently assure ourselves he will ease us what he can.

‘Now since it has pleased thee, O king, to renew to all thy subjects by thy last declaration, thy gracious assurances to pursue the establishment of this Christian liberty and property upon an unalterable foundation; and in order to it, to hold a parliament in November next at furthest:

‘We think ourselves deeply engaged to renew our assurances of fidelity and affection, and with God’s help intend to do our parts for the perfecting so blessed and glorious a work; that so it may be out of the power of any one party to hurt another upon the account of conscience: and as we firmly believe that God will never desert this just and righteous cause of liberty, nor the king in maintaining of it; so we hope by God’s grace, to let the world see we can honestly and heartily appear for liberty of conscience; and be inviolably true to our own religion, whatever the folly or malice of some men on that account may suggest to the contrary.’

This address being presented to the king, was well received. Some have been ready to think, that the latter part of this address concerned the office of magistrates, which, not without reason, it is believed that a Christian might serve, with no more disparagement to an inoffensive life, than it is inconsistent for a pious father to give due correction to his rebellious child: for though our Saviour charges not to resist evil, but to love enemies: and that he reproving Peter, who from a forward zeal cut off the high priest’s servant’s ear, said to him, “Put up thy sword into the sheath:” and that also the apostle James disapproves war and fighting, yet we find in sacred writ, that the apostle Paul calls the magistrate, the minister of God, and a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil: and he saith in plain terms, that he beareth not the sword in vain.

But to return to my relation, and to take up again the thread of this history, from which I have been diverted a little by this digression; I know there were some in those days, who thought that if people of all persuasions in England had a share in the government, proportionable to their number, a means might have been found out to hinder any party, especially the Papists, from exalting themselves above the others. But to me it seems not improbable, that if this had effect, and a higher hand had not cut off the way thereto, it would have appeared that those men did not reckon well. But it never came to this pass, for the king’s power was tottering already, though he endeavoured to support it, even with good means; for to be helpful to his subjects, who, though free-born men, were deprived of their freedom, merely because for conscience-sake they could not swear; and to help them to this right to which they were entitled as well as others, could not be judged undue means, unless under it had been hidden an intent to introduce this liberty also in favour of the Papists, though they did not believe swearing unlawful.

There were now at Norwich, about forty of the people called Quakers, who having petitioned the king, that he would be pleased to cause them to be made freemen, obtained the following order from him:

To our trusty and well-beloved our Attorney-General.

‘JAMES R.

‘Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well: whereas we have received a good character of the loyalty of our well-beloved subjects, Thomas Howard, Peter Launce, William Booly, Henry Jackson, Edward Pears, John Jenn, Nicholas Comfit, John Harridence, John Gurney, Samuel Wasay, Edmund Cobb, Philip Pain, Josiah Sherringham, Anthony Alexander, Thomas Darmar, John Cadee, John Fiddeman, William Kiddle, James Pooley, John Defrance, jun. Daniel Sharpin, William Milchar, William Brown, John Sharpen, jun. Samuel Kettle, Stephen Ames, Richard Rose, Benjamin Stud, Edward Monk, John Cornish, John Hodson, James Polls, Michael Parker, Richard Brown, Daniel Dye, jun. John Elsegood, John Pike, and John Allen, we have thought fit hereby to require you forthwith to make all and every the persons above-mentioned, freemen of that our city of Norwich, with all the rights and privileges thereunto belonging, without administering unto them any oath, or oaths whatsoever, with which we are graciously pleased to dispense in their behalf; and for so doing this shall be your warrant; and so we bid you farewell. Given at our court at Whitehall, the 13th day of July, 1688, in the fourth year of our reign. By his majesty’s command.

SUNDERLAND.’

It was now said commonly that the king might not do thus; and those who grudged the Quakers this liberty, did not stick to set forth this dispensation in very ill-favoured colours; nay, they said that William Penn advised the king to do what he could not do without breaking his promise. Yet if the king had made no greater infringement, his reign it may be would have lasted longer: but the dispossessing of the fellows of Magdalen College at Oxford, the imprisonment of the bishops, and the public admittance of jesuits and monks, caused a ferment in the minds of people. Now the bishops were tried at the king’s bench bar, in Westminster-Hall; but they were acquitted, and so released. The king also had appointed some ecclesiastical commissioners; but many looked upon this as a kind of inquisition, and it seemed not well to agree with liberty of conscience, which if he had maintained justly, according to the advice of the Quakers in their address, it is not likely that he would have come to such a strait, as now he was put to.

Not long before this time, one Theophila Townsend, a woman of years, and understanding, published a book, wherein she gave a relation of the grievous persecution her friends in Gloucestershire had suffered, by imprisonment and spoil of goods, and how she herself had also undergone many sufferings, and had been imprisoned in the castle of Gloucester more than three years. Among other cases, she relates also, how some time before her imprisonment, it happened, that by order of the justices, Thomas Cutler and James George, she being seized in the street, said to the latter, that the Lord would plead her cause, and that what measure he meted, should be measured to him again. And it thus happened, that before she was released, the wife of the said George, who took her from her husband, was by death taken from him. Afterwards this George came with the bishop of Gloucester into a meeting, where Theophila was on her knees praying; at which the bishop asking him whether she was the woman he spoke of, and he answering, ‘Yes, my lord;’ the bishop took her by the arm with such violence, that he had almost pulled her down backward, saying, ‘Give over, woman, and obey the king’s officers.’ But such was her zeal, that it could not be stopped; for the more opposition she met with, the more she felt herself encouraged, and inspired, to praise God for his goodness: and though the bishop stirred up the justice, yet it seemed not in his power to break off the current of her speech; so that they let her alone, till she having discharged herself, stood up. Then the names of those that were met, were taken in writing: and sometime after, she, though aged and weakly, was in winter-season led three or four miles through the snow, and committed to jail at Gloucester, where she was kept three years and four months, and then released by king James.

Afterward she published a book, as hath been said already, in which she gave an account how some of her friends had been beaten, punched, and abused, to that degree, that they died of it, as she testified to have seen herself: ‘Yet,’ said she, ‘though many died who were stronger than I, it hath pleased the Lord to preserve my life, that I may speak to the praise of his name, and tell of his wonders, and put you, persecutors, once more in mind of what belongs to your peace. Blessed be the Lord, he is risen for Zion’s sake, which ye have ploughed long as a field; and when their enemies have done their worst, then the Lord shall make his Zion to be an everlasting glory, and Jerusalem the praise of the whole earth. And as ye see now in others that persecution is evil, so see it also in yourselves; repent in dust and ashes. Remember who it was that said, the wise man’s eyes are in his head, but the fool walketh in darkness. The eyes of fools look out for mistakes in others, and they blame in others what they are guilty of themselves. Methinks the eye-lids of the morning, that is now dawned and rising before you, ought to bring you to a true sight of your condition in this matter.’ Going on thus, she reproves the informers who had enriched themselves with the spoils of their neighbours; and she also relates how the priest of Gloucester had put his name to a petition to the king, in which, justice George, and others, desired that the meeting-house of the Quakers might be given to the town, to make a work-house of for the poor. ‘But,’ said she, ‘this is like Judas, who, when the woman came with an alabaster box of very precious spikenard, said, ‘Why was this waste made? Why was not this ointment sold, and the money given to the poor?’ But the scripture saith, that this he said, not that he cared for the poor, but because he was a thief, and had the bag. Thus the priest made it appear by what he did, that he was not a true minister of the gospel; for he came short of the works of the law, which saith, ‘Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house, nor any thing that is thy neighbour’s.’ And Christ commands to do unto men, what we would have them to do to us; by which it is plain that such doings are contrary to the law and the gospel. Those now who will have such blind sleepy watchmen to be their teachers, let them pay them, and not constrain others, who know them to be blind, to pay them also.’

Then speaking to those who had a hand in the spoiling of goods, and setting forth the odiousness of that work, she saith at last, ‘I do not write this from a spirit of revenge against any, but it is in the love of God, to warn you, and to exhort you to repentance, that ye may find mercy with the Lord, which is the real desire of my soul: I can truly say, in the presence of the Lord, that I have nothing in my heart but love and good-will to the worst of our enemies, and this in purity of heart, and in sincerity of mind. I desire really your eternal peace, and well-being, though ye have hardened your hearts against the Lord, and his truth and people. Turn to the Lord, I beseech you; bow before the Almighty, who will plead with all flesh, and shall call all to an account, and reward every one according to what he hath done in the body, whether it be good or bad. Consider this therefore whilst ye have time, and mind the things that belong to your peace, before they be hid from your eyes: for the long suffering of the Lord will come to an end, who said, “My spirit shall not always strive with man.” Therefore whilst the spirit of the Lord, his light, his grace, yet strives in your hearts, to turn you off from your evil ways, be willing to embrace it, believe in it, take counsel of it, submit to it with all your heart, be willing to be led and guided by it, and incline your hearts to follow it in all things, and then it will lead you to rest and peace with the Lord for ever.’ Yet more she said; but I break off. By such kind of emphatical speeches, sometimes persecutors have been so touched to the heart, that they themselves became harmless Christians.

I am come now almost to a conclusion of my relation concerning persecution; of which I could have written much more, but that I was unwilling to extend my work beyond what I should have been well able to complete. Yet before I altogether part with this matter, I will mention something concerning Theophilus Green, of whom mention hath been made before. He lived at Battersea, not far from London, and was a man beloved of his neighbours, because of his honest conversation; yet he was much persecuted, both for attending meetings, and for preaching. Once it happened that some officers came to his house to see whether there was a meeting, and they behaved themselves moderately: for what they did seemed against their mind, it being only in obedience to the order of justice Duke, who, on account of a former offence, had issued out warrants to make distress. The officers not satisfied in the case, and seeing no meeting, went their way, and returned the warrant; and T. Green went afterwards to the said justice, and speaking to him, said amongst the rest, ‘Consider what that mouth and tongue of thine hath said formerly, viz. that I had been ever kind to thee; and is this the way of requiting it? Know for certain, that that God whom I have served, and for whose cause I now suffer, will avenge me; for vengeance is the Lord’s, and he will repay it one way or other, except thou speedily repentest.’ At this saying the justice began to tremble, and crying out, said, ‘I will do you no more hurt than I will do my own soul. Pray go to the officers and tell them, I will never trouble them any more upon the account of you.’ Green did so; and they were glad of it. And Duke being upon some complaint dismissed, one Sir John Broadrick succeeded in his room; and he was so moderate, that he prevented the informers, by keeping Theophilus and his friends out of their meeting-house, which was for about two years and a half.

Afterwards they were suffered again to go into their meeting-house, but then justice Forster came once, and taking their names, fined Theophilus 10_l._ as a preacher. And afterwards he with others coming with a constable to seize for the fine, the constable being come to the door of the house, said, ‘Neighbour Green, where are you? We are come to seize your goods, if you will let us in.’ But this so displeased the justice, that going down the yard, and seeing some oars and poles, he required the constable to take them away. To which he answered, ‘I am no porter.’ ‘Then,’ said the justice, ‘command some others to do it.’ To which the constable returned, ‘I command you to do it.’ This so enraged the justice, that he fined him. Some time after the said justice coming again with an high constable, and another petty constable, seized a barge, and had it carried away, and several times offered it to sale, but none would buy it. And after it had been carried about from place to place for sale, at length it was found adrift by one who knew not of its being seized; and hearing that it was Theophilus’s barge, he brought it to him. But Theophilus went to the constables, and told them how it came to him, and where he had it, saying, since it was come to him again he was willing to keep it; but if they took it away again he would not hinder them. This account being given to the justice, he sent a warrant, and committed Theophilus to the Marshalsea prison. After three weeks the sessions was held at the Marshalsea; and the last day the said justice came to him in the prison, saying, he came out of love to see him, and to advise him for his good; which was, that he would have him pay his fine; ‘for,’ said he, ‘I am sure the grand jury hath found the bill against you; and if you should come off, I have such an influence with the judge, as to cause the oath to be tendered to you; and I know you will not take it; and then you will be run to a premunire, and are not like to come out as long as you live.’ To which Theophilus answered, ‘Thou saidst thy coming was in love, to advise me for my good; but by what thou hast said, it appears the contrary; for now I perceive thou hast devised as much mischief as thou canst against me. As to the fine, if it were but ten pence, nay ten farthings, I would not pay it. And if the Lord should permit thee to do as thou hast said, and so be the cause of bringing my grey hairs the sooner to the grave, my blood will be at justice Forster’s door, and it will cry vengeance against thee.’

The next day the two constables being called before the grand jury, were asked what they had against Theophilus Green, that stood there indicted; and the high constable answered, ‘As to Theophilus Green, he is as honest a man, though a Quaker, as lives about us; and he was lately in office for the poor, and behaved himself as well in it as any hath done these twenty years. And touching the barge he is indicted for, when it came to him he came to us, and told how it came, and where he had laid it, saying, if we would take it away again he would not hinder us. This is all we have to say.’ Some of the grand jury knowing Theophilus very well, and the cause too, did aggravate the matter very high against the justice: and as to the indictment they brought it in ignoramus. So Theophilus was cleared by proclamation: and sir Richard How, being one of the jury, advised him to arrest the justice, there being two good actions, as defamation and false imprisonment. But Theophilus said he owned their love, but would leave the thing to the Lord, for whose cause he suffered; for vengeance was the Lord’s, and he would repay it. And it was but some little time after that the said justice Forster died, as was reported, in great horror and misery. The time when this happened I do not know exactly, yet I take it to have been some years before the time I now describe. We see by this instance a very singular deliverance, such as did not befal every one, but which could not but encourage Theophilus the more.

Before I conclude this year I must mention something concerning W. Penn, who when the government of king James was sinking, not only bore the blame of many miscarriages; but by some was styled a Papist, though this was altogether false. But he had a great many enemies; and it was no new thing to brand the Quakers with the odious name of jesuits: for thirty years before this time at Bristol great endeavours were used to persuade people they were Franciscans. William Penn patiently bore the slander of being decried as a Papist, saying but little in justification of himself, till at length he made a return to a letter sent by one who seriously begged of him to give an answer to those accusations that had been forged in prejudice of his reputation. In this paper he ascribed his free access to the king, partly to the relation his father, as admiral, and to the service of the said king, and who was then duke of York, and high admiral of England; and his special favour also in releasing him out of the tower of London in the year 1669. To this he added, ‘My father’s humble request to him, upon his death-bed, was, to protect me from the inconveniences and troubles my persuasion might expose me unto; and his friendly promise to do it, and exact performance of it, from the moment I addressed myself to him: I say, when all this is considered, any body that hath the least pretence to good-nature, gratitude, or generosity, must needs know how to interpret my access to the king.--Is any thing more foolish as well as false, than that because I am often at Whitehall, therefore I must be author of all that is done there, that doth not please abroad. But supposing some such things to have been done; pray tell me if I am bound to oppose any thing I am not called to do: I never was a member of council, cabinet, or committee, where the affairs of the kingdom are transacted. I have had no office or trust, and consequently nothing can be said to be done by me; nor for that reason could I lie under any test or any obligation to discover my opinion of public acts of state: and therefore, neither can any such acts, nor any silence about them, in justice be made my crime. Volunteers are blanks and cyphers in all governments. And unless calling at Whitehall once a day, upon many occasions, or my not being turned out of nothing, (for that no office is,) be the evidence of my compliance in disagreeable things, I know not what else can with any truth be alleged against me. I am not without apprehensions of the cause of this behaviour towards me; I mean my constant zeal for an impartial liberty of conscience. But if that be it, the cause is too good to be in pain about it. I ever understood that to be the natural right of all men; and that he that had a religion without it, his religion was none of his own. For what is not the religion of man’s choice, is the religion of him that imposes it: so that liberty of conscience is the first step to have a religion. This is no new opinion with me, I have wrote many apologies within the last twenty years to defend it, and that impartially. Yet I have as constantly declared, that bounds ought to be set to this freedom, and that morality was the best; and that as often as that was violated under a pretence of conscience, it was fit the civil power should take place. Nor did I ever once think of promoting any sort of liberty of conscience for any body, which did not preserve the common protestancy of the kingdom, and the ancient rights of the government: for to say truth, the one cannot be maintained without the other.--And till I saw my own friends, with the kingdom delivered from the legal bondage which penal laws for religion had subjected them to, I could with no satisfaction think of leaving England, though much to my prejudice beyond sea, and at my great expense here, having in all this time never had either office, or pension, and always refusing the rewards or gratuities of those I have been able to oblige.’ From this little abstract of William Penn’s Apology, it appears sufficiently what kind of liberty he defended; and such a liberty afterwards took place in the reign of the next king.

Of George Fox I have been long silent, and I do not meet with any very remarkable transactions that concerned him, except that he wrote much, both for edification of his friends, and for the instruction and admonition of others; for he was continually occupied with the care of the church, and that things might be kept in good order, which to perform the better, he now staid a long while in and about London.

In this year died William Dewsbury, one of the first preachers among those called Quakers; having been a very zealous teacher, and an eminent instrument to the conversion of many. He was born in Yorkshire, and in his youth was a shepherd, and afterwards put apprentice to a clothier; but when the civil wars broke out, he became a soldier and joined with those who said they fought for the gospel. Now though he was religious according to his knowledge; yet growing more and more serious, and turning his mind inwardly, he saw there were inward and spiritual enemies to encounter with, according to the saying of the apostle, ‘We wrestle not against flesh and blood; but against spiritual wickedness,’ &c. And this state was inwardly manifested to him in the words of our Saviour: ‘Put up thy sword into the sheath. If my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight.’ This wrought so powerfully upon his mind, that he could no longer meddle with martial affairs, but left the army; and returned to his former calling, endeavouring to improve in true godliness, in which he so advanced gradually, that when George Fox in the year 1651, came to Balby in Yorkshire, and preached the gospel there, he could not but consent to the doctrine declared by him, as being the same of which he himself was already convinced in his mind, viz. that heed ought to be given to the inward Divine reprovings for that which is evil; which doctrine was preached by George Fox under the denomination of the true light, which enlighteneth every man coming into the world; and that heed must be given thereunto, as being the grace which brings salvation, of which the apostle speaks in his epistle to Titus, ii. 11, saying, “That it hath appeared to all men.” W. Dewsbury having heard such a sermon as this, agreed not only with G. Fox in this point of doctrine, but in process of time became himself also a very zealous preacher of it, for which he fell under great sufferings; insomuch that he was prisoner at Warwick nineteen years for religion’s sake, besides the imprisonments he suffered on that account in other places. But being now released, he came in the month called May to London, and preached a sermon there concerning regeneration, which was taken from his mouth in short hand, and afterwards printed as underneath.[52] His intention was to have been at the yearly meeting of his friends; but by illness he was prevented; and therefore before he grew worse, he returned to Warwick, where he lived. Being come thither, his disease increased, and lying very sick in bed, and being visited by some of his friends, he said to them in great weakness of body, as followeth:

[52] A Sermon preached by William Dewsbury, at Gracechurch Street, the 6th of the Third month, 1688.

‘MY FRIENDS,

“_Except you be regenerated and born again, ye cannot inherit the Kingdom of God._”

‘This is the word of the Lord God to all people this day; this lies not in airy profession, and in vain imagination, and whatsoever else it is that you deck yourselves withal; you must every particular man and woman be born again, else you cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven. This was the doctrine of Christ in that prepared body wherein he appeared in the world, and preached to Nicodemus, that standing doctrine to this moment of time, and will be so while any man breathes upon the earth; there is no other way, no other gate to enter into life, but by this great work of regeneration. Now to enforce people to come to this great work, and to set forward from earth to heaven, all being driven out of Paradise by the cherubim set with a flaming sword, there is no returning to that blessed life, but by the loss of that life that did grieve the Spirit of God, and which did cause man to be driven out; there is no other way of return again but by this new birth. As you are all driven and forced out of Paradise, and the flaming sword and the cherubims are set to keep the way of the tree of life, so you must return into the favour of God again, by the light of Christ; and you have line upon line, precept upon precept, here a little, and there a little, to direct your minds to the light of Christ Jesus. As the first Adam was made a living soul, so the second Adam is a quickening spirit. This know for certain, no man or woman can be quickened, and raised up into the life of the second Adam, till the life of the first Adam be taken away from them.

‘So now, let every one of you deal plainly with your own hearts, how you came to be a slain people to the life of the first Adam, in which life there was a working of the mystery of iniquity in every part of man. One cries, ‘Lo here is Christ;’ another, ‘Lo there is Christ;’ and every one is following his own imagination about the letter of the Scripture; this is still but the vain spirit of man, running and striving to recover himself; and this is the cause there is so much profession of God, and so little of his nature appearing among the sons and daughters of men. Now all of you that come to be regenerated, you must come to the light of Christ; there is no other way to it. He will search your hearts, and try your reins, and set your sins in order before you, and trace out the iniquities that compass you about; therefore you must see yourselves a lost people, a sinful people, and so come to feel the weight of your sins upon your consciences, there is no other way to come to life; you will never complain of sin till you are burdened with it, till you have a trumpet sounding in your ears, to awaken you, that you may arise from the dead, that Christ may give you light: there is no other way, dear people, you must bring your deeds to the light of Christ, and abide in the sentence of condemnation; if you save your lives, you lose them; if you will lose your lives for Christ’s sake, there is no danger of your eternal life. John the Baptist, Christ’s forerunner, declared, “I indeed baptize you with water unto repentance, but he that cometh after me is mightier than I, the latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to unloose, he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire: whose fan is in his hand, and he will thoroughly purge his floor, and will gather his wheat into his garner, but the chaff he will burn with unquenchable fire.” What is it the better for you to read the Scripture, if you know not this fiery baptism, which all must know that are regenerated; deceive not yourselves, Christ will appear in flaming fire, and take vengeance on all them that know not God, and that obey not the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ.

‘I stand here as a witness of the Lord of life this day, there is no way for people to come to salvation, but they must know Christ revealed in all their hearts. What is he doing but rendering vengeance upon the carnal mind, self-pleasing, and all inordinate affections; he comes with vengeance to take away thy life; he will baptize thee with the Holy Ghost, and with fire. If thou knowest not this, thou art not a true Christian, thou wilt never look death in the face with joy, nor go down to the grave with triumph. If thou livest at home in the body, and flyest for thy life, and wilt not be willing to lose thy life for Christ if thou art called to it, and if thou wilt not have Christ to wash thee, (some for shyness and some for self-love will refuse this,) if Christ doth not wash thee, thou hast no part in him; you must come to Christ to purify you in the fiery furnace; the day of the Lord shall burn as an oven, (as the prophet speaks:) this is a dreadful day, a day of vengeance, the day of the Lord Jesus Christ, who redeemeth his people from their sins. Sion is redeemed with judgment, and established with righteousness. Do not make the way to heaven easier on your minds and imaginations than indeed it is, and think it not sufficient to live in an outward observance of the ways of God. If your own wills be alive, and your corruptions remain unmortified, the judgment of God will be your portion, therefore in the Lord’s name come along with me; I am come to declare what I have heard and seen of the Father. Come and examine thy conscience. Hast thou brought thy deeds to the light? Then thou hast received condemnation upon thyself, and thy haughtiness is bowed down, and laid low, and thou seest thyself a poor miserable wretch, before the eternal God. Whatsoever thou knowest of the mind of God, hast thou reformed thy ways? Come along with me, and tell me what is the ground of thy faith, and thy confidence. Is it thy obedience and qualifications? Because thy obedience is right, and thy qualifications right, what use dost thou make of them? Read the book of conscience; hast thou no ground for thy faith? Thou hast put on the reformed faith, and liveth an unreformed life: search and try thyself, man or woman. Dost thou watch over thyself, and keep in a sense of thy dissolution, notwithstanding all thy qualifications and partial reformation? Dost thou strive to enter in at the strait gate, and the narrow way? Here is the lost sheep thou seekest, the life of thy will, the life of the first Adam; the Justice of God will not suffer thee to make a saviour of thy duties and qualifications; and to take God’s jewels, and to deck thyself with them, thou canst not be saved without the righteousness of God in Christ Jesus. What saith thy conscience, art thou brought to this change of thy mind, and of thy conversation? Are you all willing to part with your sins, with your pride and haughtiness? Are you willing to part with your vile affections? This is the work of God’s grace upon you. Dost thou place thy confidence in thy duties and qualifications, and takest God’s jewels and ornaments, and deckest thyself with them? Thou tookest my jewels, saith the Lord, and didst play the harlot; if thou return to the Lord, and Humble thyself, and get through this difficulty, thou wilt be happy for ever. This judgment of God, this flaming sword that turns every way, will keep thee from returning to sin, and bring thee to Christ, and cut thee off from all hope of salvation but by him, and make thee to see the absolute need of a Saviour, and that thy life is hid with Christ in God.

‘It is God’s infinite goodness to men that he will hide pride from them, and humble them under his mighty hand. This is the condition of poor creatures that are slain by the hands of the Most High. How may I know when I am slain and baptized, and come to have sincerity? They that have this baptism enter into the heavenly life; if you love the light of Christ Jesus, it will be thus with you; God will make short work in the earth. He will set thy sins in order before thee, and make thee watchful unto prayer, and lead thee to holiness of life and conversation, and make thee abhor thyself, and despise all the pomps and pleasures and vanities of this world. When he hath adorned thee with his graces, then watch for the light, and in the light of Christ thou shalt see light, and that all thou hast done, and canst do, is but thy duty. All this thou oughtest to do; thou art God’s creature, and all this will not justify thee in order to thy eternal salvation, for these services thou owest unto God. If thou diligently wait, thou shalt see more light; then the sword that proceeds out of the mouth of Christ, who is called the Word of God, will cut thee off from all thy hopes of salvation from any thing thou hast done, from any of thy qualifications, from any thing that thou canst do; so that thou wilt be a hopeless soul, nothing in thine own sense and apprehension; the power of the first Adam must die before him, and thou wilt cry out, ’I am a dead, lost, and undone creature; but there is a life hid with Christ in God for me, but I can never have it till I be slain into the will of God, and become as a little child, and be stripped of all my own excellency that I have attained; I must come to a sense of my own misery, and fall down at the foot of God; when I am become as a little child, humbled and slain as to my own will, and confidence in my own righteousness; I will not then question but I shall live a holy life, but I will give all that life I had, for that life which is hid with Christ in God.‘ O! there is none come so far that ever miss of eternal life. All shuffling people that would have salvation by Christ, and will not let him exercise his heavenly power, his princely glorious power to baptize them into his death, it is they that come short of salvation; but all those that yield themselves up to Christ to be redeemed through judgment, and are become as little children, these are in a happy state. You know that our Lord Jesus Christ took a little child in his arms, and said, “Whosoever becomes not as a little child, cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven:” you must all of you become as little children, and depend upon the mercy and free grace of God; you must all come to a holy resignation of your wills to God’s disposal; if you come to Christ as little children, and depend upon him, you cannot miss of salvation; it is entailed upon such souls as hear the voice of Christ, they that hear the voice of the Son of God shall live.

’I stand here as a witness for the God of heaven, I never heard the voice of Christ, (as his follower,) till I was slain and baptized, and lay as a little child under his heavenly chastisements; as soon as ever my soul was brought to this in my humiliation, O then the dreadful judgment was taken away, and the book of life was opened unto me, and the Lord spake comfortable to me, I have loved thee with an everlasting love: and I was made a Christian through a day of vengeance, and of burning as an oven, and the haughtiness and pride of man in me was brought low. Now in this conformity to Christ’s death people may die into life, and blessed are the dead that die in the Lord, for they rest from their labours, and their works do follow them. Away with all your own wills, and your pride, and haughtiness, and your hypocrisy and deceit, and all dependency upon any qualifications of your own; you must come to have your life separated from you, else you will all perish. Those that will die with Christ, and be willing to die for him, he is revealed as a Saviour to them. He was before us in the days of his flesh, and complied with his father’s will: he was nailed to the cross. The Son of God, when he was come to the depth of his sufferings, what was his cry, “My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?” This was for thy sake, and my sake, and every man and woman’s sake that do believe in him: he drank the cup which his Father gave him to drink. If it was done thus to the green tree, what shall be done unto the dry? He went before us, and when he cometh again he will take up to himself, and take us from the filth of sin, that we may be made new creatures.

’Now except we be born again we cannot enter into the kingdom of God, and there is no becoming new creatures, till we be slain to the old man. Thou must be slain to thy pride and haughtiness, and the corruption of thine own will and all selfishness, thou must have God to burn it up in thee: the Holy Ghost will destroy, and burn up nothing in thee, but that which will bring an eternal fire upon thy soul. Show me thou whom my soul loveth; where is the path of life, the footsteps, of the flock of thy companions? Why should I be as one that goes aside? Now every one that lives at home in the bosom of self, take this with you, though you profess the truth, and live in an outward conformity thereunto, yet if you secretly indulge your corrupt wills, and live a flesh-pleasing life, and consult with flesh and blood, and are not rent off from your lusts, you cannot enjoy the Lord of life; while I am at home in the body, I am absent from the Lord.

’The body of sin is a loadstone to draw you from the life of God, and from glorying in the cross of Christ: this is flesh and blood, and flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God. For the Lord’s sake, for your soul’s sake, and for the sake of your eternal happiness, put not off this work, but pursue it, and it will be perfected. See how Christ is revealed in you by the Holy Ghost, and with fire. God will redeem you by the spirit of judgment and burning; it is not ranging abroad in your minds, but you must know Christ is in you except ye be reprobates; if he hath set your eyes and hearts upon himself, and made you to water your couch with your tears; if he hath broken your sleep, so as you have cried out, ‘I shall be damned, and never come to salvation;’ (this will be your cry, it was once my cry,) O let not your eyes slumber, nor your eye-lids take any rest, till you be sure the Lord is your God; if you find these qualifications, you are on your way, otherwise you will be like a deceitful bow, and never abide in judgment; if you reject the counsel of God against yourselves, and refuse to be crucified with Christ, and to be baptized with his baptism, you will never have life; but by his baptism, and through the heavenly operation of his Spirit, if thou hast faith in Christ’s name, thou shalt be married to him in everlasting righteousness; salvation shall be brought to us, and eternal life be bestowed upon us; even that life which is hid with Christ in God, he will give to every poor mournful soul that submits to his blessed will, and believeth in the Lord Jesus Christ: this is not a faith of our own making, nor a garment of our own embroidery, but that which the Lord hath given to us. O happy man or woman, that obtainest this gift of God! O, who will not lose their lives for this everlasting life? Who will not die for this eternal life? Now the matter lies in the death of your own wills; when you have done the will of God, then watch that your own wills be slain, and that your cursed self take not the jewels of God, and his bracelets and ornaments, and bestow them upon self, and paint and deck cursed self: and take not the members of Christ, and make them the members of an harlot; if you be dead to your own wills, you are risen with Christ, and shall receive a resurrection to eternal life: crucify self, and set the world at nought, and trample upon it, and all things of it, and count them as dross and dung in comparison of Christ; that the Father hath revealed to be our life, in the days of our sorrow and mourning, in the day of our calamity, in the day when we cried our hope is lost.

‘Thus it hath been with the holiest people on earth; it is not by works of righteousness of thy own that thou canst be saved; Christ comes to cut all these down, that thou mayest be ingrafted into him, and justified by his grace. Do not make this matter of talk, and say, I have heard this and that; but look into your own hearts, and see what heavenly workings are there; what there is of the power of the Lord Jesus, that hath made you to loathe this world, and the inordinate love of the creature, that you may enjoy all these things, as if you enjoyed them not. We cannot when we are slain and crucified to this world, but say, my life is in Christ, when we come to ascribe nothing to ourselves, and all to Christ: here is a blessed harmony, broken hearts, melted spirits, and yet joyful souls; poor creatures that were mourning and sighing, and crying before the Lord in retired places, and yet rejoicing in Christ Jesus, I am risen with Christ, I said, my hope is cut off, I will lie down in thy will, O God; do what thou wilt with me, it is in thy sovereign pleasure and free gift, whether thou give me life or deny it to me: there must be a resignation of ourselves to the will of God; it was so with the Lord Jesus, and it is so with every true saint of God; you must be humbled as little children before the judgment be taken away, and the loving kindness of God sealed up to your souls; if you seek this work of God, you will find it; if you seek it upon your beds, in all your labours and concernments, in all your stations and relations; if you press after the new birth, you must use this world as if you used it not, and live a married life, as if you were unmarried, for the fashion of this world passeth away. This is not rantism.

‘But let me tell you, a new world comes by regeneration; a man is not lifted up in his own mind, but laid low in his own eyes, he waits for the wisdom of God to govern him, and he is as a steward of the grace of God, to give to them that stands in need. When a man is regenerated and born again, he is as contented with bread and water, as with all the enjoyments of this world; what is the matter? His own will is gone, and put down under his feet, and whatsoever it is that gives life to all his vain desires and affections, there is a harmony of all within, a man praising of God, and blessing his holy name; there are no entanglements shall draw away the heart from serving of God, and seeking his glory; and if God shall call the husband from the wife, or the wife from the husband, for the glory of his name, there is no whining and complaining, and crying out, but giving them up, and a praising and blessing God, when they are called to such an exercise; and if they are not called to that, then they set their hearts to glorify God in their several places and stations; then they have a full content in a blessed resignation. Here their wills are slain, but they praise God they have no desire, but Lord thy will be done, always praising God, always having the fear and the glory of God before their eyes. All the mischief is hatched in pleasing men’s own wills: that is, the counsel of every heart that Christ doth not govern. Will you live as the Quakers? Then you must live contemptibly, the mistress and the maid are hail fellows well met. No, every one must walk in humility, and live in acquaintance with the God of heaven; she that is wrought upon by the same spirit, must with all diligence behave herself as becomes a servant of the Lord. Here is now a new world, and the fashions of the old world are gone; all pride, haughtiness, crossness, and trampling upon one another are all gone, all slain through the operation of Christ.

‘What remains now, Christ is in me, and we are all one in him; Christ laid down his life for thee and me; now he reigns in me, and he hath prepared my body to die for the truth, as his prepared body was laid down for my sin. It is a kind of foolish profession, to make profession of Christ, and live in covetousness, profaneness, sensuality, and the like; they that are come to this heavenly birth, seek the things that are above, thou canst do no other; make the tree good, and the fruit will be good. You must be ingrafted into the vine of God’s righteousness; O! slight not the day of your visitation. What was it to me to read of any being born again, till I was slain, and knew the heavenly baptism of Christ Jesus? Till I saw the flaming sword ready to slay me in every way, in every turning. The light of Christ convinced me of sin, and his righteousness justified me, and those works were abominable to me, that hindered my soul’s passage to Christ; Christ Jesus in marrying my soul to himself seized upon me, and did work effectually in me: there is the testimony of Christ in me, he hath sealed up my soul to the day of my redemption. Here is a certain passage, and a certain way which never any miss of, that lose their lives for Christ: if you be not ready and willing to lose your lives for Christ, you shall never come here; the gate is straight, and the way is narrow, none come hither but those that die into an heavenly oneness with Christ. O, friends, let us empty ourselves, that Christ may fill us; let us be nothing in our own eyes, that we may be all in him, and receive of his fulness.

‘Now I commend you to God’s witness, that you may remember what hath been spoken among you; but consider, if you do not hearken to it, it will follow you, and be a plague to you to all eternity; if you will not yield up ourselves to Christ this day that burns like an oven, this fire you must dwell with when out of the body, there will be no quenching of this fire for ever; but if you be so wise for your souls, as to resign yourselves up to Christ, and come to him as little children, this will not hinder your earthly concerns, though the world may account thee a fool, yet thou hast that part of heavenly wisdom to do what thou dost as unto God: thou carriest to thy wife, as in the sight of God, that she may be sanctified to thee, and thou to her; and thou carriest becomingly to thy children and servants, and thou wilt abound in grace, and in every good work, which will be for thine eternal welfare.

‘O, I beseech you people, for the Lord’s sake, wait for the light of Christ to guide you; learn of him to be meek and lowly, then happy are you; for he dwelleth with the humble, but he beholdeth the proud afar off. This new birth, which is a true work, a sincere and heavenly work, it will make you for ever. O make room for Christ in your hearts, or else he is never like to dwell with you; he loveth to dwell with the poor and humble and contrite spirit, he abhors the proud, he will empty your souls, that he may fill them.

‘And so I commend you to God. I have been long held in durance under great weakness; and I was restless, till I could come up to this great city of London, to preach the everlasting gospel among you, and you see I am among you here; pray every one of you turn inward; let not these words, passing through a mean vessel, be as a bare empty discourse of truth to you, which you only hear, and take no further care of your salvation. Take heed of despising the light that shines in the midst of you, and be pressing forward to the heavenly work that is laid in the power of Christ Jesus, even through judgment into death, and then he will give eternal life; the Lord confirm this, that it may rest upon your hearts, that you may be dead to the things of the world: we are not come to Mount Sinai, that genders to bondage, but we are come to Mount Sion, the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an innumerable company of angels, to the general assembly, and church of the first-born which are written in heaven, and to God the judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling, that speaketh better things than that of Abel. This is the inheritance of the redeemed of the Most High, blessed be the name of the Lord; let us rest in hope, till he bring us to humility and lowness of mind, that he may clothe us with heavenly glory, according to his promise, I will beautify my house with glory, saith the Lord. This is the portion of a poor people, that cast down themselves before the Lord, that he may lift them up, and be all in all to them, in whose blessed presence they shall have joy, and rivers of pleasures at his right hand for evermore.’

‘My God hath yet put it in my heart to bear a testimony to his name and blessed truth, and I can never forget the day of his great power and blessed appearance, when he first sent me to preach the everlasting gospel, and proclaim the day of the Lord to all people. Therefore, friends, be faithful, and trust to the Lord your God; for this I can say, I never since played the coward, but as joyfully entered prisons as palaces, and in the prison-house I sang praises to my God, and esteemed the bolts and locks upon me as jewels. And, friends, this I must once again testify to you, in the name of the Lord God, that what I saw above thirty years ago, still rests as a testimony to leave behind me, that a dreadful terrible day is at hand, and will certainly come to pass; but the time when, I cannot say; but all put on strength in the name of the Lord, and wait to feel his eternal power, to preserve you through the tribulations of those days that approach very near. This I have further to signify, that my departure draws nigh. Blessed be my God, I am prepared, and I have nothing to do but die, and put off this corruptible and mortal tabernacle, this flesh that hath so many infirmities; but the life that dwells in it, ascends out of the reach of death, hell, and the grave; and immortality and eternal life is my crown for ever. Therefore you that are left behind, fear not, nor be discouraged, but go on in the name and power of the Lord, and bear a faithful and living testimony for him in your day. And the Lord will prosper his work in your hand, and cause his truth to flourish and spread abroad. For it shall have the victory, and no weapon formed against it shall prosper.’

Thus fervent in spirit was W. Dewsbury in his latter end, and he prayed to God very earnestly for all his friends, especially those that were met at the annual assembly at London. And so he very piously departed this life at his house, in a good old age, in the month called June, in this current year. He was indeed a man of a remarkable zeal and perception. He spoke sometimes to young lads as to men, telling them that the blessing of the Lord would rest upon them if they lived a godly life: some of which being since come to man’s estate, have experienced the truth of his saying.

Two days before the decease of William Dewsbury, Rebecca Travers departed this life at about the age of seventy-nine years. She was a woman exceedingly well gifted; and spoke not only sometimes in public for edification of the church, but wrote also several books for the advancement of piety; in one of which she signified, that though she had been a reader of the Scriptures from a child of six years old; yet when by the power of the eternal gospel she was turned from darkness to light, the Scriptures then became much more plain to her, as not wanting interpretation. She was an excellent open-hearted woman, and took great care of the poor: she had several times been imprisoned for religion, but persevered constantly in the faith, and so piously entered into eternal rest.

As to state affairs, there now appeared a wonderful agitation in England, since it was reported that the queen was big with child. And the endeavours for introducing popery, besides the encroaching upon some rights and privileges, caused such a stir, that William the third, prince of Orange, and stadtholder, (or lord deputy,) of Holland, &c. was intreated and invited by the English Protestants, to come to their assistance. This at length he did, and came over with a fleet, and a considerable number of forces. What was the issue of this expedition, is very amply described by other pens, and not properly my province to relate; wherefore I think it sufficient to my purpose to say, that the prince after some difficulty at sea, came into England; where having many adherents, the king, many of whose forces deserted him, resolved to go to France, whither the queen with the young child was gone sometime before. Accordingly he went over, where he was well received by the French king, who provided him a court at St. Germain’s. In the meanwhile the prince of Orange came to London, and was saluted there by the great ones as the deliverer of England. The lord mayor of the said city, with the aldermen and the sheriffs, having congratulated him, the prince sent for some of the members of former parliaments to come to him, and signified to them that he had desired them to meet to advise him in the best manner how to pursue the ends of his declaration in calling a free parliament, for the preservation of the Protestant religion, the restoring of the rights and liberties of the kingdom, and settling the same, that they might not be in danger of being again subverted.

In answer to this, thanks were given to the prince for his care and pains in defence of the people, their religion, and laws. And all things took a favourable turn for him.

In Holland a good while before a paper was published in print, called, ‘A Copy of a Letter written by a Quaker at London to his Friend at Rotterdam.’ In which forged letter were mentioned several things that were not altogether untrue, and the prince’s going over to England, was also in a manner predicted. Who was the author of the said letter, I could never learn, but of this I am fully satisfied, that he was no Quaker; for it never was their way to ridicule princes, and to characterize them with ridiculous denominations, as in the said letter we find mentioned, of James of Great Britain, Mary of Modena, William of Orange, and Mary of England, his wife. This was no more the language of Quakers, than the following expressions that are found in this letter. ‘The Spirit hath inspired me to tell thee, I should not be able to declare my opinion, before the Spirit shall have revealed it to me. If the Spirit doth dictate it to thee, go and speak with him. Dentsch hath had a revelation, and the Spirit hath assured him,’ &c. This foolish language betrays itself, and serves for a palpable evidence, that it never proceeded from the pen of any of the people called Quakers. But perhaps the author of that letter knew a secret of state, whereof, (to remain unknown,) he would acquaint the world in a ridiculous way; that under the cloak of being a Quaker, he should best continue undiscovered, and that by this device the letter would spread the more, as indeed it did; for it had a very quick vent.

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