Appendix

Appendix

The following narrative we have thought proper to insert in the very words of the sufferer, as taken from his own mouth. The candid reader will easily excuse the simplicity of its style, and the plainness of its expressions. It is the more like the man, and carries the greater evidence of the honesty and integrity of the relater, viz.

‘_An account of the sufferings of Richard Seller, of Keinsey, a fisherman, who was prest in Scarborough-Piers, in the time of the two last engagements between the Dutch and English, in the year 1665._

‘I was pressed in Scarborough-Piers, and refusing to go on board the ketch, they beat me very sore on the sand, and I refusing to go on board, they hoised me in with a tackle, on board of the ketch that pressed for the ship called the Royal Prince, and they bunched me with their feet, that I fell into a tub, and was so maimed, that they were forced to swaddle me up with clothes: from thence we sailed into Bridlington bay, where Thomas Swales and Mary Stranger hearing of me, sent me victuals on board of the ketch; then we sailed to the Buoy and Nore, where they hauled me in at a gunport, on board of the ship called the Royal Prince. The 1st day of the third month they commanded me to go to work at the capstane; I refused, and told them, that ‘As I was not free to do the king’s work, I would not live at his charge for victuals;’ then the boatswain’s mate beat me sore, and thrusting me about with the capstane till he was weary. Then the captain sent for me upon the quarter deck, and asked me, ‘Why I refused to fight for the king, and why I refused to eat of his victuals?’ I told him, ‘I was afraid to offend God, for my warfare was spiritual, therefore I durst not fight with carnal weapons.’ Then he fell upon me and beat me with his small cane, then called for his great cane and beat me sore, and felled me down to the deck three or four times, and beat me as long as his strength continued. Then came one Thomas Horner, (who was brought up at Easington) and said, ‘I pray you, noble captain, be merciful, for I know him to be an honest man, and a good man.’ Then said the captain ‘He is a Quaker, I will beat his brains out;’ then falling on me again, he beat me till he was weary; then called some to help him; ‘for,’ said he, ‘I am not able to beat him enough to make him willing to do the king’s service.’ Then came out the commander’s jester, and told the captain, ‘He would lay a guinea with him that he would make me work, and haul the king’s ropes,’ and told the captain, ‘he was a fool;’ so two guineas were thrown down upon the deck: then the jester called for two seamen, and made them make two ropes fast to the wrists of my arms, and reeved the ropes through two blocks in the mizen-shrouds, on the starboard side, and hoised me up aloft, and made the ropes fast to the gunnel of the ship, and I hung some time. Then the jester called the ship’s company to ‘behold and bear him witness, that he made the Quaker haul the king’s ropes;’ so veering the ropes, they lowered me half way down, then made me fast again: ‘Now,’ said the jester, ‘Noble captain, you and the company see that the Quaker hauleth the king’s ropes,’ and with that he commanded them to ‘let fly the ropes loose,’ where I fell upon the deck. ‘Now,’ said the jester, ‘Noble captain, the wager is won, he hauled the ropes to the deck, and you can haul them no farther, nor any man else.’ Then the captain called the boatswain’s mate, and bid him take the Quakerly dog away, and put him to the capstane, and make him work, and beat him, and spare him not. So the boatswain’s mate had me down to the geer-capstane, and thrust me about with the men at the capstane, and beat me withal, when he could get time; then he went and sat him down upon a chest-lid, and I went and sat down upon another chest-lid beside him, then he fell on me and beat me again, then called his boy to bring his two seizings, and he seized my arms to the capstan’s bars, caused the men to heave the capstane about, and in three or four times passing about, the seizings were loosed, no man knew how, nor when, nor could they ever be found, although they sought them with lighted candles: then the boatswain’s mate, seeing what was done, caused all the men to come from the capstane, and took a bible, and commanded them all to swear, that they neither loosed me, nor knew how I came loose, (they all being willing to swear,) he then searched their pockets for the seizings, but could find none, so he let them go; then he called them all again to him, and said, ‘Hear what I shall say to you; you see this is a wonderful thing, which is done by an invisible hand, which loosed him, for none of you could see his hands loosed, that were so near him: I suppose this man,’ said he, ‘is called a Quaker, and for conscience sake refuseth to act, therefore I am afflicted, and do promise before God and man, that I will never beat, nor cause to be beaten, either Quaker, or any other man that doth refuse for conscience sake to act for the king; if I do, I wish I may lose my right hand.’

‘Then on the third-day came the admiral, sir Edward Spragg, on board of his own ship, called the Royal Prince, and hearing of a man that was pressed on board, that was called a Quaker; also hearing that the boatswain’s mate had beaten me much, and had given me over, and had denied to beat me any more, he was therefore called to come before the admiral, to answer for himself, why he would not beat the Quaker? He said, ‘I have beat him very sore, and I seized his arms to the capstane’s bars, and forced them to heave him about, and beat him, and then sat down, and in three or four times of the capstane’s going about, the seizings were loosed, and he came and sat down by me; then I called the men from the capstane, and took them sworn, whether they had loosed him or no, but they all denied that they either loosed him, or knew by what means he was loosed, neither could the seizings ever be found; therefore I did, and do believe that it was an invisible power that set him at liberty, and I did promise before God and the company, that I would never beat a Quaker again, nor any man else for conscience-sake.’ The admiral told him, ‘He must lose his cane:’ he willingly yielded it. And told him, ‘He must also lose his place:’ he was willing. He also told him, ‘He must lose his right hand:’ he held it out and said, ‘take it from me if you please.’ So they took his cane from him, and displaced him. So the commander gave order to the seven yeomen, to beat me wherever they met with me, for seven days and nights, and make me work. They being called to an account, what they had made me do? told the commander, that ‘They were weary, and could not make me work, so they desired to be excused.’ Then the eighth yeoman was called, who promised ‘he would beat me, and make me work;’ and he did beat me for a day and a night, when he met with me, and being weary, he desired to be excused. Then the commander sent for me upon the quarter-deck before him, and caused my clothes to be stript off, shirt and all, from my waist downward, then he took a view of my body to see what wounds and bruises I had, but he could find none, no not so much as a blue spot in my skin. Then the commander was angry with them for not beating me enough: then captain Fowler answered him, and said, ‘I have beat him myself, as much as would have killed an ox.’ The jester said, ‘He had me hung a great while by the arms up aloft in the shrouds.’ The men said, ‘They also had beat me very sore, and they might as well beat the main-mast,’ Then said the commander, ‘I will cause irons to be laid upon him, during the king’s pleasure and mine.’ Then the boatswain was called, and commanded to call the ship’s company together, and make ready the irons: the commander, sir Edward Spragg, said, ‘You gentlemen sailors and soldiers, whosoever serves here under me for the king, on board of his majesty’s ship called the Royal Prince, the admiral of the blue, you are to take notice, that there is a man on board called a Quaker, he is to be laid in irons during the king’s pleasure and mine, for refusing to fight, and eat the king’s victuals, therefore I charge you all and every man, that none of you give or sell him any victuals, meat, drink, or water, for if you do, you shall have the same punishment that he hath.’ So this being called three times over, he commanded the boatswain to take me away, and put me in irons. So I being kept in irons six days and nights, and falling sick of a fever, I grew very weak, insomuch that when I was set out to ease myself, (which was but once in twenty-four hours) I could neither stand nor go: so the officers that let me out, called some of my countrymen to carry me into the ship’s-head to ease myself, and bring me back again to the irons. Then the officer took pity of me, and bid me lay down upon the bilboes that night, and he would hap me with a coverlid, so I lay there that night, and next day till evening; then the officer desired me to go by the way a little, seeing all was quiet, and see if I could get a little rest: so I being lame of a leg with the irons, was creeping over the larboard-side of the ship, the lieutenant coming down, said, ‘Thou damned rogue, (and many other wicked words) hast thou broken the irons?’ and with that drew his rapier, and swore he would stab me, and so drove me back again to the irons, and called the yeoman, and would have known who let me out, and said he should be punished, and I would not tell him; but the same yeoman came in the crowd, and I put my hand out to him, and he locked it, and none knew how: I then being the king’s prisoner, I bid them ‘begone, they had nothing to do with me.’ So I remained in irons six days more, and recovered very well of my weakness: then on the seventh day at night, several, all seamen, fell to drinking of brandy, and playing at cards, and became very loud, the boatswain’s mate hearing of them, came down, and desired them to leave; they being full of drink would not, so a quarrel arose, and the boatswain’s mate cried out ‘murder,’ and immediately there came assistance to him, but the men ran away and hid themselves, only two were taken, and put in irons with me.

‘Now I shall speak a little of the carpenter’s mate’s kindness to me: when I had been in irons some days, and my food being taken from me, which was three day’s victuals, that I had left of that which Thomas Swales and Mary Stringer sent me in Bridlington bay, he came in the crowd, and joined himself so near me, that he put about a pint of brandy into my pocket, and no man knew; likewise some meat, and none knew; and told me he would supply me daily, ‘for,’ said he, ‘I have meat of my own, which is not at the king’s charge;’ and said farther, ‘that he had a strict charge given him by his wife and his mother, before he came on board, that if any Quaker came on board with him, he should be kind to him;’ and that he had lately received a letter from them, wherein they charged him to ‘remember his promise, and be kind to Quakers, if any were on board.’ But there being some occasion more than ordinary, he was taken off on board, and I had nothing for three days and three nights; and the two men before spoken of, that were in irons with me, while the commander was with us, the men would lie no where but upon me, and as soon as he was gone, they laid off me, and gave me brandy to drink, and promised me they would not hurt me. Then the lieutenant came at the middle of the night, and found them lying upon me, he asked ‘Why they did lie upon me?’ they said, ‘You would have him killed, so now we will kill him for you;’ then he came down the third time in the morning, and found them lying upon me, for they sat one to watch his coming, and found them lying very close upon me, so that he could see nothing but my feet, I being so pressed and weak, that he could scarce hear my voice.

‘Then the lieutenant went to Sir Edward’s cabin door, and knocked; the boy answered, ‘Who was there?’ He told him, ‘It was the lieutenant that would speak with Sir Edward, for there had been a mutiny in the ship by some men playing at cards, and they had beat the boatswain’s mate.’ He told him, ‘He should have laid them in irons, and not called on him.’ He said, ‘They are already in the bilboes.’ He also said, ‘If it please your highness, Sir Edward, to remember that there is a poor Quaker in yet, that was laid in two weeks since, and they will lie no where but upon him, and they will kill him for us.’ He bid him ‘go to the yeomen that had the keys, and take him out of the bilboes, and put up a flag at the mizen-mast’s head, and call a council of war;’ which was done. Then the captains of the other ships all came on board, to answer the council of war, before eight o’clock in the morning, (it being the first day of the week.) So I being brought before the council of war, the commander asked me, ‘If I would go on board of a hoy that was a tender, and had six guns?’ I refused, and desired to stay on board, and bear the punishment that I had to abide. Then he bid the council of war go on with their business; so they did proceed, and I being set on a bulk head, being so lame with the irons that I could not stand, and hearing them pass sentence of condemnation upon me. The judge was a Papist, being governor of Dover castle, and went to sea on pleasure. So they could not tell at present, what death to put me to. The judge said, ‘I should be put into a barrel or cask driven full of nails, with their points inwards, and so rolled to death.’ But the council of war taking it into consideration, thought it too terrible a death, and too much unchristian-like, so they agreed to hang me. And I hearing them speak several things against me, which I was clear of, had a desire to arise from my knees, where I was set to answer for myself, but I had not any power to arise or open my mouth, but was condemned within myself, insomuch that I had not power to breath unto God. Proffering to rise again the second time, there came a motion within me, and bid me ‘Be still, be still, be still,’ three times; which I obeyed, and was comforted; then I believed God would arise: and when they had done speaking, then God did arise, and I was filled with the power of God, and my spirit lifted up above all earthly things, and wonderful strength was given me to my limbs, and my heart full of the power and wisdom of God, and with glad tidings my mouth was opened to declare to the people the things that God had made manifest to me. With sweat running down, and tears trickling from my eyes, I told them, ‘The hearts of kings were in the hand of the Lord, and so are both yours and mine, and I do not value what you can do to this body, for I am at peace with God and all men, and you my adversaries; for if I might have an hundred and thirty years longer, I can never die in a better condition, for the Lord hath satisfied me, that he hath forgiven me all things in this world, and I am glad through his mercy, that he hath made me willing to suffer for his name’s sake; and not only so, but I am heartily glad, and do really rejoice, and with a seal in my heart to the same.’ Then there came a man and laid his hand upon my shoulder, and said, ‘Where are all thy accusers?’ Then my eyes were opened, and I looked about me, and they were all gone; and one said, ‘There goeth thy chief friend, the judge.’ Then it arose in my heart, that I had news for him from the power of God, and I said, ‘Man, come back, I have news for thee better than ever thou heardst in any coffee house, or elsewhere; and answer for what thou hast done.’ Then came a lieutenant, and said, ‘Sir Edward, this is an hypocrite Quaker.’ I said, ‘Commander I intreat thee to look upon me a little.’ So I loosed my kneestrings and put down my stockings and let him see how the blood and rotten stuff ran down my leg round about. He said, ‘Put up thy stocking, there is enough.’ Then presently came an ancient soldier, and loosed down his knee-strings, and put down his stockings, and put his cap under his knees, and begged his pardon three times. Then said he, ‘Arise up soldier, and speak;’ and he intreated him, and said, ‘Noble Sir Edward, you know that I have served his majesty under you many years, both in this nation, and other nations, by sea, and you were always a merciful man; therefore I do intreat you in all kindness, to be merciful to this poor man, who is condemned to die to-morrow, and only for denying your order, for fear of offending God, and for conscience-sake; and we have but one man on board, out of nine hundred and fifty, but one which doth refuse for conscience-sake, and shall we take his life away? Nay, God forbid; for he hath already declared, that if we take his life away, there shall a judgment appear upon some on board within eight and forty hours, and to me it hath appeared; therefore I am forced to come upon quarter-deck before you, and my spirit is one with his; and therefore I desire you in all kindness, when you take his life away to give me the liberty to go off on board, for I shall not be willing to serve his majesty any longer on board of ship: so I do intreat you once more, to be merciful to this poor man: so God bless you, Sir Edward, I have no more to say to you.’

‘Then came the chief gunner, that had been a captain, and loosed down his knee-strings, and did beg his pardon three times, being upon his bare knees before Sir Edward. Then he said, ‘Arise up, gunner, and speak.’ So he said, ‘If it please your worship, Sir Edward, we know you are a merciful man, and therefore I intreat you in all kindness, to be merciful to this poor man, in whom there remains something more than flesh and blood, therefore I intreat you, let us not destroy that which is alive, neither endeavour to do it; and so God bless you, Sir Edward, I have no more to say to you.’ Then he went away. Then the commander desired me to go down, and take leave of my friends (this day) that were on board; so he gave order, that any that had a mind to give me victuals might, and that I might eat and drink with whom I pleased, and that none should molest me that day. Then came the lieutenant, and sat by me while they were at their worship, and he would have given me brandy, but I refused. Then the dinner came up to be served, and several gave me victuals to eat, and I did eat freely, and was kindly entertained that day; and night being come, a man kindly proffered me his hammock to lie in that night, because I had laid long in irons, and I accepted of his kindness, and laid me down and slept well that night. The next morning being come, it being the second-day of the week, on which I was to be executed, about eight of the clock in the morning, the rope being veered upon the mizen-yard’s arm, and the boy ready to turn me off, and boats having come on board with captains of other ships that were of the council of war, who came on purpose to see me executed. I was thereupon called to come to be executed, then I coming to the execution place, the commander asked the council, ‘How their judgment did stand?’ So most of them did consent, and some of them were silent. Then he desired me freely to speak my mind, if I had any thing to say before I was executed. I told him I had little at present to speak. So then came a man, and bid me go forward to be executed, so I stepped upon the gunnel to go towards the rope; the commander bid me stop there, if I had any thing to say. Then spake the judge, and said, ‘Sir Edward is a merciful man, that puts that heretic to no worse death than hanging.’ Sir Edward turned him about to the judge, and said, ‘What saidst thou?’ ‘I say,’ replied he, ‘you are a merciful man, that puts him to no worse death than hanging,’ ‘But’ said he, ‘what is the other word that thou saidst, that heretic:’ I say, said the commander, ‘he is more a christian than thyself; for I do believe thou wouldst hang me, if it were in thy power.’ Then said the commander unto me, ‘Come down again, I will not hurt a hair of thine head, for I cannot make one hair grow.’ Then he cried, ‘Silence all men,’ and proclaimed it three times over, that if any man or men on board of the ship, would come and give evidence, that I had done any thing that I deserved death for, I should have it, provided they were credible persons. But nobody came, neither opened a mouth against me then. So he cried again, ‘Silence all men, and hear me speak:’ then he proclaimed that the Quaker was as free a man as any on board the ship was. So the men heaved up their hats, and with a loud voice cried, ‘God bless Sir Edward, he is a merciful man.’ The shrouds, tops, and decks being full of men, several of their hats flew overboard, and were lost.

‘Then I had great kindness showed me by all men on board, but the great kindness of the Lord exceeded all; for the day I was condemned to die on, was the most joyful day that ever I had in my life-time, and so remained exceeding joyful, until the very time that I was proclaimed a free man. But soon after troubles came upon me again; for I being laid upon the deck one night, as it was my usual lodging-place, there was something appeared to me, and struck me as it were dead; and I being in great dread and fear, believed our ship was to engage such a day of the month, with the wind at south-east; then appeared also a small cloud to me, about as big as a hat. After being engaged, the same cloud spread, and became a great one, insomuch that it darkened part of the ship; then I stepped over on the starboard side of the ship, into the shrouds, and looked aft, and I saw a thick water arising in the wake of the rudder, then I feared the ship was near ground. This appeared to me three times that night, and I would gladly have put it from me, but I could not. Then I did believe, and was satisfied of the truth of it, then I was at peace and quiet in my mind, but then I was to make it known to the pilot, and I did believe it was death by law to discourage them; so I thought, then I should give them an occasion that they should take away my life; but I could not rest, eat, drink, or sleep, until I had declared it. So I breathed unto God, and desired that he would find me a way to reveal it. So it remaining with me two days and two nights, and being walking upon the deck, and taking notice of the chief gunner of the ship, I was ordered to go to him, and walk with him. Very solitary were both of us, and he perceived I had something to say to him of some weighty matter, so he desired me to speak my mind to him, and I told him, I had such a weighty matter to declare, that it was death by the law to declare it, I desired that he would stand true to me in that respect, and he promised me fidelity in the presence of God, before whom we were, that he would be true to me in all respects, and if one suffered, both should suffer. Then we espied the mate of the ship walking, he being a sober man, we drew near to him, and he perceived we were both afflicted, and desired to know what was the matter? So we told him, we had a weighty matter, and if he would be as faithful to us as we were one to another, we would declare it to him; so he promised to be faithful to us, for he did believe it did concern him. Then we told him the matter; and he was fully satisfied of the truth of it. ’But,’ said he, ‘it doth belong most of all to the pilot;’ so we must speak to him, and he being such a brickle, high-spirited man, we scarce knew how to speak to him, but calling him to us, and walking with him, he took notice of our heaviness, and asked our business with him; we told him, ‘We had a matter to declare to him of great concern, therefore we desired him to be faithful to us, and we would declare the matter to him,’ and he promised to be as faithful to us, as he supposed we were one to another. So they told him the matter; then he asked, ‘Who saw it?’ I told him, ‘I see it.’ Then he fell into a rage, and seemed to fly from his promise, and said, ‘He would go and tell the commander.’ So away he went, and said, ‘He would have me executed speedily.’ I said, ‘Let him do; better I die, than the whole company perish.’ But they said, ‘If thou die, we will all die.’ Then he came to us again near weeping, and told us, that when he came before the commander, his mouth was stopt, that he could not speak a word good or bad. He was very tender, and praised God that he had such a messenger. Then he took me by the hand, and desired me to tell him the name of the sand. I told him I did not know, I never came there; but at that time I looked up with my eyes, and told him whereabouts the sand laid: so he desired me to go to the compass, and he asked me, if I knew the compass? I told him, very well; so I showed him upon what point of the compass the said land laid, and he took a book out of his pocket, and found the sand, and the name of it. Some days after we were engaged on that very point with the Hollanders, and as soon as we were engaged, the cloud appeared to me, and came and darkened the ship. Then I stepped into the main shrouds, and I saw the thick water, which I showed to the pilot, and he called two of the best men to the lead. They called, ‘Five fathom and a quarter.’ Then the pilot cried, ‘Starboard your helm.’ On which the commander cried ‘Larboard your helm, and bring her too.’ The pilot said, ‘He would bring the king’s ship no nearer, he would give over his charge.’ The commander cried, ‘Bring her too.’ The pilot cried to the lead-men, ‘Sing aloud, that Sir Edward may hear;’ (for the outcry was very great amongst the officers and seamen, because the ship was so near aground, and the enemies upon them) so they cried, ‘A quarter less five.’ The commander cried, ‘We shall have our Royal Prince on ground, take up your charge, pilot.’ Then he cried hard, ‘Starboard your helm, and see how our ship will veer;’ so she did bear round up. The men at the lead cried, ‘Five fathom, and a better depth.’ Then the commander cried, ‘God preserve the Royal Prince.’ Then the pilot cried, ‘Be of good cheer, commander.’ They cried, six fathom, then nine fathom, then fifteen fathom, then sixteen fathom. The Hollanders, then shouted, and cried, ‘Sir Edward runs.’ Then he cried, ‘Bring her too again;’ and the fight continued till the middle of the day was over, and it fell calm. The ships being engaged ahead of us, we could see nothing but fire and smoke; so out of that smoke I espied a fire ship designed to lay us on board of the larboard bow. Then I cried to the chief gunner to come to me quickly, and I showed him the fire ship coming to board us on the larboard bow. Then he fired a chace-gun with a ball in her; and as soon as the smoke was gone from the gun, we espied the fire-ship all on a fire, blown up, and what remained of her sallied on board of the Cambridge, and only burned her ancient. The fight continued, and my employ was to carry down the wounded men, and look out for fire-ships, and the commander was mightily pleased with my service, and said ‘It would have been a great pity that my life should have been taken away before the engagement;’ and the chief gunner said, ‘I was instrumental, through mercy, not only for giving notice of the ship coming on ground upon the sand, but also for preventing of the fire-ship that was near to board us, who gave me the first notice, whereof I am witness.’ And the lieutenant said to the commander, that ‘There was not a more undaunted man on board, except his highness.’

‘Eight days after, we were engaged again with the Hollanders, and the officers sent for me upon the quarter deck, and asked me, What I would do that day? I told them, I was willing to do as I had done before; they desired I would do that service, and take that care upon me, only to look out for fire-ships coming on board. I told them I was free to do it, likewise to carry down the wounded men, if there was occasion; so presently we engaged, but not one fire-ship troubled us that day, but we lost about two hundred men. The lieutenant meeting me, he asked me, If I had received any wounds? I told him, I had received none, but was well. He asked me, How came I to be so bloody? Then I told him, It was with carrying down wounded men. So he took me in his arms, and kissed me; and that was the same lieutenant that persecuted me so with irons at the first. Then we came to the Buoy and Nore again, and then went up near Chatham, and the king coming on board, the lieutenant desired me to go and walk upon the deck with him, in sight of the king, that haply some might give him notice of me, hoping I might be brought to a trial, and have my liberty: but I did not understand that he had any intelligence of me. The next day the same lieutenant came to me, and desired me to walk along with him upon the quarter deck. I being somewhat unwilling, told him, I did not use to go upon the quarter-deck, unless I was called by the officers. He said, ‘My uncle hath much business, and doth forget you; so walk along with me, I desire you.’ And I did as he desired me, and he being with me, walked away and left me alone. The commander being there, and several captains with him, he came from his company to me, and laid his hand upon my head, and said ‘Thou hast done well, and very well too:’ so he walked by me, and I blushed. Then he asked me, Why I blushed? I told him I desired to know wherein I had done so well. He said, ‘By encouraging them which should have encouraged both thee and me.’ Then said he, ‘Thou shalt have thy liberty to go on shore.’ I asked him, If I might go on shore to recruit, or go to my own being? He said, ‘I should choose whether I would.’ I told him, I had rather go to my own being. He said, ‘I should do so.’ Then I told him, there was one thing that I requested of him yet, that he would be pleased to give me a certificate under his hand, to certify that I was not run away. He said, ‘Thou shalt have one to keep thee clear at home, and also in thy fishing;’ for he knew I was a fisherman. So he called the captain, and ordered him to write me a certificate, and bring it to him; which he did with speed, but he did not like it, but flung it him again, and ordered him to make me one more legible. Then he brought another, and he signed it, and gave it me, and wished me well, and said, ‘He desired to hear from me if I got well home;’ and I told him, I would send him a letter, and so I did. But soon after I got into London, two press-crews came to me, and said. ‘This is Sir Edward’s Quaker; you are welcome to shore, will you please to go to the tavern with us?’ I told them I would not go, nor drink any thing. Then they wished me well home.

‘Also they proffered me my pay, before I came off on board, and said, ‘I deserved it as well as any man on board.’ But I refused, and told them, I had of my own, that I hoped would serve me home. And the lieutenant was troubled because I would take nothing; he would have given me twenty shillings, but I would not take it.’

Thus ends the remarkable narrative of the sufferings of this faithful sailor, who rather than violate his conscience by being instrumental to destroy other men’s lives, endured with much patience many and sore trials, persevering faithful in his testimony against war and fighting, even to death; to which he was wholly resigned, and from which he was preserved by a singular providence attending him, in those moments of time which he thought would have been his last. But the virulence of the popish judge against him as an heretic, gave the commander, Sir Edward Spragg, who professed himself a protestant, such disgust, that scorning to be made a tool to execute the vengeance of a papist in this case, he delivered the innocent man from the death he was condemned to: being thus preserved alive, he was made instrumental to the saving of the ship, and the lives of many therein: and by the exercise of an undaunted Christian courage and constancy, triumphed over the malice of his adversaries, who conscious of his innocence, at length became his friends and favourers.

* * * * *

_A narrative of the Sufferings of John Philly and William Moore, in the Inquisition of Hungary, from the first month 1662, to the seventh month 1663. Taken from a letter written by William Moore to William Caton, dated Amsterdam, 11th month, 1663._

‘On the 29th of the first month, 1662, John Philly and William Moore, being refreshed with the overflowings of the love of God through thee, we took our leave of thee and the rest of our dear friends in Germany; and what a cross it was to my flesh and blood to leave thee and them, and to take such an unknown journey, is best known to him that seeth the secrets of all hearts, and what a capacity I was in, is pretty well known to thyself, yet we passed according to the information thou hadst procured for us of the way, together with what we got elsewhere, and we prospered in our journey, and arrived the 16th of the second month at Cutshort, by the Hottersche[113] brethren, about a day’s journey from Presburgh in Hungaria, where we were pretty kindly entertained by some of them, and there I dealt some books among them, which I had carried with me, and the next day I went alone to another family of them: and in my going thither the Lord preserved me out of the hands of a wicked man which I met withal, who seeing me a stranger, would, it’s like, have laid violent hands on me, or have knocked me on the head for my money, had not the Lord restrained him, and the brethren (so called) wondered I was preserved, for they could not go so far as to the next village, but were in danger. After we had some pretty good[114] service among them, we got the names of some more of their families, and one of them was three hundred miles farther, at a city called Pattock, in Upper Hungaria, but some of them would have dissuaded us from going any farther, but rather only to have visited the families thereabouts, which I could have been free unto, but John was pressed to go forward, and I had not freedom to leave him, he not having their language, which I had.

[113] These Hottersche brethren were a kind of Baptists, who lived in a community, having, like the primitive Christians, their goods and possessions in common. They also refused to swear or fight, and dwelt by hundreds of them together in one family.

[114] Their service was that of preaching to those communities, and endeavouring to promote and advance their growth in the doctrines of christianity.

‘After that we returned to Presburgh, where the Danube divideth itself, and it meets at Comora, where we were taken, which happened as followeth: we finding a boat going with meal to the garrison at New-Hausell, which lies in the way to Pattock, we went to her, and when we came near unto the place, the boatmen asked me, ‘Whether I had acquaintance there?’ I said, ‘No.’ ‘Whether we had a pass?’ I said, ‘No.’ Then said they, ‘It is dangerous going thither,’ because they would be suspicious of us, and to travel farther in that land, they being tributaries to the Turk, we should be in danger of being killed either by the countrymen, or by some of the Turks, and at that garrison they did use to put men to cruel deaths, which have been found, without leave, on the tributary ground. Yet John was desirous to be at that village which was near there, but said the boatmen, ‘He will not take counsel before ye shall remember our words, and repent it when ye cannot help it;’ and their words had the more impression on me, because I had seen a night or two before in my sleep, that which afterwards came to pass at Comora, where we arrived, and were brought to an Hungarian’s lodging, but we could not understand one another; but the next night they sent for a student from the college, who asked me in Latin, ‘Whence we were, and whither we were intended?’ I told him, ‘We came from Great Britain, and desired to be at Pattock.’ Afterwards we entered into a discourse about religion, and when we parted, he said, ‘He wished us well, though there was a vast difference in our judgment,’ &c.

‘The next day we endeavoured to get over the river, and made signs to a countryman with some money, who began to make his boat ready to help us, but an old Dutchwoman came forth, and said, ‘What do ye?’ And told me, ‘The governor would presently cause him to be hanged, if he set us over;’ so we let it rest, and we returned to our former lodging, and the next day I went over the water on the south-side of the town, where I heard there were many Dutch people and soldiers, hoping to find some countrymen to speak with, and some books I took with me, which I would willingly have sent to Pattock; and coming to the soldiers, asked for countrymen, but finding none, I asked leave of the guard, and walked out into the field, where a trooper sat sentinel, discoursed a little with him, and passed on farther, where some were ploughing. And as I returned back, there did meet me a soldier of captain Fusch’s company, with two other, and having a book in my hand, called, ‘A paper sent forth into the world, to show the grounds and reasons why we denied the priests of the world.’ He looked on the title, and began voluntarily to tell me, that ‘Such a place was in Turkey, and if a man went thither, he might have good days there,’ &c. But I said, ‘I will go from whence I came,’ and intending to return to John on the other side the water, the aforesaid soldier came to me again at the water-side, and told me, ‘I must come to the captain,’ and when I came before him he asked for the book, and looking on it, asked, ‘If I was a Quaker?’ I said, ‘Yea.’ And he being in a rage, said, ‘These rogues show no respect;’ and said, ‘I was a young Hus come forth to seduce the people, and make uproars, &c.’ And he caused the soldiers to pull off my clothes, and to search me for letters, and took my money from me: and I spake something to them, to give them to understand they would not be so done by. But he said, ‘When you get clear, you shall have your money again.’ But he did not think that should be, so he sent me to the guard a while, and sent for me again, and searched me more narrowly, and found the books which were inclosed between the linings of my breeches: then I was sent to the guard again, and the marshal was to put iron shackles with a chain upon my foot and hand; and there was a talk as if I should be stuck upon a wooden spit, as some had been who had but gone to the next village without their order; but I turned my mind inward, and was pretty well resigned up to the lord. So they having sent over to the chief officer to inform him, there were two soldiers sent with their burning matches to fetch me, and I little expecting less than present death, had told some soldiers, ‘I had a companion in the inn on the other side, and he would marvel what was become of me if he did not hear.’ Afterwards I was carried to the officer aforesaid, who asked me, ‘If Mary had continued always a virgin?’ To which, when I had answered, ‘Thou rogue,’ said he, ‘if I had but power over thee, I would presently drown thee in this water.’ Afterwards they went to our lodging, and apprehended John also, howbeit free of that crime they imputed to me, which was for going over, and into the garrison. I was put in the Dutch prison, called the Stock-house, and John into the Hungarian’s vault, which was twenty foot long, where they rack people, and there was a private gallows, a pair of stocks, and a filthy tub of excrements; and the aforesaid officer took our portmantle, but afterwards it was given to the marshal, who took what pleased him out of it, with the Bible and papers, and left the rest to another officer, who feignedly, after our commitment, seemed to be troubled that we had no bread, and asked me, Whether John had no money, which I could not deny, and then he went to the other prison, and threatened him to give it him. So John gave him a ducat, which he got changed, and brought us the money, and desired we would give him some of it, and he would be worth it at our hands. John afterwards expecting they would search him for gold, did afterward hide some, and kept some by him.

‘The day following, we were first examined by the inquisitor, Whence we were? Whither we intended? How old we were? Who was the author of our coming forth? What money we had taken up? And John was searched, and the gold found which he had left by him: and I was examined concerning the books, and told, It was a capital crime, and would cost me my life. But I said, ‘What I had done therein, I had done in simplicity,’ &c. And he asked, ‘Who had spoke with us in our lodging?’ I told him, ‘A student,’ with many more words.

‘And after the first examination, one colonel Fusch desired to have me brought forth before him, and he asked me several questions concerning the books; and ‘Who was the first bringer up of this doctrine?’ I told him, ‘George Fox was one of the first preachers of it in this generation,’ and because I owned the books aforesaid to be wrote by the motion of the Spirit of God, he was very bitter against me, and several cunning questions did he ask me, as thereby to ensnare me, but it did not avail. Something he read in one of the books concerning their steeple-houses, as advice to people that they should go no more to them, &c. which seemed to be very odious to him; and he told me, that ‘He would cause all those books and writings to be copied and sent to his prince at Mentz, and when he could spare them the inquisitor should have them.’ Afterwards I was taken to the deputy governor, (a cruel old fox) who asked me several questions, and said, ‘He would send me with a message to the devil;’ and he said, ‘I had done more than if I had killed an hundred men;’ and because I would not take off my hat, he judged that to be a Turkish principle, and I not being free at that time to drink wine, he asked me, ‘Why?’ I said, ‘because I would bring my body into subjection.’ ‘How long,’ said he, ‘will you abstain?’ I said, ‘till night at least.’ ‘That,’ said he ‘is another Turkish point, to fast till night.’ He had also sent for the Hungarian student, and commanded him to tell him in Latin, all what had passed between us in our lodging, which the inquisitor afterwards took to read when we were examined, but he would not read it openly, lest the sitters by should have heard and owned the truth thereof. Afterwards they brought our attempt to go over the water, as a mighty crime against us, and the aforesaid soldier was called to testify against me, whose testimony being false, I withstood him, and told the inquisitor, who did much seek occasion against me, that ‘He should beware what he did, for if he should cause my blood to be shed under such a pretence, it would cry to the Lord for vengeance, and thereby he might draw the wrath of God upon him and others.’ And I desired the other soldiers might be examined, who also had heard what I said; which after some time was granted, and I was put forth, and my adversary and accuser he was kept within, and one of the other was called; and then I thought, ‘Now if the Lord doth not assist me, they may persuade him to speak the same thing.’ But when he came forth, he told me, ‘He did not speak as the other, for that which the other had affirmed, was not true;’ then I thanked the Lord that this pretence failed them. But afterwards the inquisitor told me, ‘The books were enough, though there were nothing else;’ and asked me, ‘Whether I knew not that the catholics had laws to burn and torment heretics, and such as carried such books?’ I said, ‘I should not have expected such dealing among good Christians,’ and so did not tell him. Howbeit, I knew well, that they were cruel and bloody enough.

‘Then he opened a book of the corrupt popish laws, and read therein, how that such persons as carry such books and papers are to be racked, &c. And about this time was John searched yet farther for gold, by the command of the inquisitor, and having taken so far off as one of his shoes and stockings, he was slow in taking off that where the gold was, and the marshal thinking it tedious, and thinking there had been no more, bid him put them on again. And upon a certain time he gave it me in half a little white loaf, when we stood with the soldiers waiting to be called. And they seeing the book called ‘The way to the kingdom,’ that it was printed at Amsterdam, asked me, ‘What books I brought from thence to Paltz, and how many?’ And one morning having sent for one of the priests. He got that written book of George Fox’s of the Apostacy of Christendom, who looking on it, began to be hot and wrathful, saying, ‘How are we (meaning the papists) apostatized, and how can that be proved?’ I said, ‘Friend, it becometh not a spiritual man to be so furious, but gentle, meek, peaceable,’ &c. Then was his countenance dashed, and he had little more to say. The inquisitor asked me farther concerning the sacrament, &c. And I told him how Christ said, ‘The flesh profiteth little, it was the spirit that quickened,’ &c. which seemed strange to him, and he asked the priest, ‘Sir, father, how is that?’ who bethought himself, and said, ‘He did remember there was such a saying;’ and more words passed between us, which would now be too long to relate. Farther, the inquisitor asked me, ‘If I would be a catholic?’ I said, ‘If I should be so for fear or favour of them, the Lord not requiring it of me, I should not have peace in my conscience, and the displeasure of the Lord would be more intolerable than theirs; and as for compelling people, that did but make them hypocrites, and doth not truly change the heart.’ Which the priest could not deny but that it was true. And notwithstanding our innocence, the governor would have us racked, which seemed to me, according to relation, a cruel torment; and in those days I often poured forth my supplication to the Lord with tears. And being almost every day examined until the eighth day, they made ready benches to sit on, lighted the candle, and put John out of his room, and sent for me. The inquisitor sitting there with two more officers, and the marshal and the hangman by them.

‘The inquisitor said, ‘William, that you may not think we deal with you as tyrants, we will lay it before you, that you may tell what you know in time, for if you be racked, you will be but a miserable man, and must have your head cut off besides.’ But I told him, ‘I knew no evil, nor had any such thing in my heart against them.’ Then he read a few lines to this purpose. ‘We, Leopoldus, &c. Emperor, &c. having understood of two impeached persons, John Philly and William Moore, found by our frontier garrisons, our desire is they should be racked, to know their intent.’ And then the hangman, according to order, put on an iron screw hard upon my thumbs, and bid me, ‘Tell out.’ Then he slacked them and screwed them harder again; but that not availing, he was commanded to proceed farther, and so he tied a small cord about my wrist behind my back, and drew me up some degrees on the ladder, and tied my hands to one of them, and another cord about my ancles, with a battel of wood between my feet, lifted up my body quite from the ladder, and at the first pull my left arm gave a pretty loud crack out of joint, being shorter tied above that wrist; then he was bid put it in joint again. So he slacked, and they asked me, having three things especially to ask. 1st. Why did I ask the student, if one should come to them, and say, He intended to buy somewhat of them, if they would then kill him? 2d. Why we had desired to be set over the water at the town, and who was the author? 3d. Why I had written up some of the names of the garrisons, and other places, notwithstanding I had them in the maps?

‘And though he mentioned but three questions at the first, yet he would have forced me to have told, whether J. Philly was an engineer, a gunner, or a minister? Now this suspicion of his being a minister, had an Irishman, it seems, put into their heads, who had almost an irreconcileable hatred or malice in him against Englishmen, as I afterward out of his mouth plainly understood, especially against ministers, as authors of their ruin and exile: and this man was interpreter between me and them. But I answered, and kept to this, that he was an husbandman and a maltman, and I knew him not till he came to Amsterdam. He asked me, ‘If I had a mind to go to the Turks, and to be one?’ I said, ‘I had rather die than be one.’ In the mean time I was so racked, that my chin was so close to my breast, and closed my mouth, that I was almost choaked, and could not well speak any longer, and I should not wish any to experience how painful it was, and yet they would be questioning me. Then I asked them ‘Where is now the Christian love, and do ye now as ye would be done unto?’ And I cried the louder, that the people without might hear and bear witness what they were a doing to me, for the door was shut and guarded, and sometimes when I was slacked, it was almost as painful as the pulling: but something they would have out of me, and I told them, how that they might by such means force one (as I believed many had done) to say more than they knew, to be out of their pain; for I had rather they had proceeded to have beheaded me according to their threatenings, than to have tormented me; but yet that they would not do then, for he (the inquisitor) would have me say yea to it, which it’s likely would have been enough to them, though they had known us to have confessed a lie: howbeit finally I confessed, it was for love to our religion that we were come to those places. Then they left off, as thinking there was crime enough: yet he spake as if I should be racked again on the third day.

‘Then they fetched John, who not seeing me, but having heard me crying out before, he thought I had been hanged on the private gallows, and put out of the way. But he was given up, being confident in the Lord, who had sealed to him (he said) that he should have his life for a prey before he came forth: so they laid four things to him chiefly to answer, and his thumbs were screwed, and he was drawn on the ladder twice, and he cried out, ‘Innocent.’ And they asking the interpreter, What that was? He said, ‘they were smitten in their consciences, and they left off:’ I judge the sooner, because if there had been any evil, they would have got it out of me, with whom they had more delight to meddle, because they could understand me, and I them: and then it was afternoon, and they hungry, it’s like, for they had begun early with me, and when all was done, and they could find no contradiction, they invented a lie, and the marshal came unto me, and told me, John had said, I had no money by me, but what I had was his; and bade me tell how it was? But I knew it was otherwise: but they sought occasion against us, that they might yet have tormented us more, but I kept to truth, which he also had spoken, and their expectation failed them.

‘Afterward a priest with the marshal came, and felt my ears to see whether I had been a rogue, or some one of account, which they would have concluded, if they had been either cut or bored.

‘When they had done all this, they told me, There would be twenty or thirty men of note appointed out of the quarters round about, to hold a court of justice upon us, and to determine what deaths we should die, and to make new laws for our sake; but in the mean time the inquisitor came, and would have me first write some of the heads of my religion, so I did write many particulars, which I cannot now set down word by word, at some of which he raged very much.

‘About that time John Philly, feeling much of the wickedness of the inquisitor and priests, and being sensible how they plotted to take away our lives, did once cry out to the governor when he was in his coach, and he sent to know what he would have, which was to acquaint him with the particulars laid, before him in his racking, and what his answers were, and how there was no contradiction found in our answers, for he was jealous, that the inquisitor and priests would prevent our words to the governor, and afterwards he got pen and ink, and wrote to the governor, but the inquisitor got it, and sought to keep it from the governor, for it is like, he was convicted in his conscience of his dealing so evil with us. But John perceiving he would smother it, called to the governor again, who commanded him to give me it to translate for him, which was done; so not long after came the inquisitor to me, having been sick three days upon the bed, and told me, he was sent by the governor, that we might go forth and fill a little earth in the wheelbarrow, whereby we might earn near two pence a day to buy us bread; ‘for,’ said he, ‘that which remains in my hands of the money is little for my pains, and the marshal and hangman will have some for their pains.’

‘This was about five weeks after our coming to Comora, and we were willing to accept of the governor’s proffer, that we might thereby have the benefit of the fresh air, and that our bonds might be manifest to such as might somewhat take it to heart; for there were both Lutherans and Calvinists that did partly commiserate our conditions, but durst not venture to come and see us in the castle, and sometimes was some small thing given us by some, and the papists marvelled, and others were glad we had obtained the favour as to be suffered to work; yet sometimes the marshal would not suffer us to go out, and sometimes he kept back of our wages, and on saints days, so called, and rainy days, we had no wages. Howbeit the Lord provided for us, for there were some women that remembered us on these days, and pretty much we could have gotten, had we spoken to rich people, and to officers, but we were not free to beg of any, whereupon the marshal was angry. And as for that gold which John had hid in the prison-wall, some had found it, and taken it away. And when we had been about seven weeks asunder, John obtained that favour as to be with me, but one night he was in danger of being murdered by a student, who privily got to him when he was asleep, and took him by the neck, and might have choaked him, had not the Lord preserved him.

‘After that John wrote again to the governor, and commended his wisdom in forbearing to proceed so severely against us as some would have had him, but that paper the inquisitor did also intercept, and he sent for me, and threatened that he would help us to the gallows himself, howbeit I have spared and helped you before, said he; and about that time I did eat but little, that I might be the better prepared to die the sooner, if they should have been suffered to have hung me upon an hook by the ribs, as it was their manner with some, who lived in a most miserable pain for three or four days.

‘After that I wrote something to the governor, but the inquisitor did also intercept that, and I spoke with the governor’s secretary and his chamberlain, who were two pretty discreet young men, and one of them told me, how the inquisitor was made to give his lord our papers which he had intercepted; and it appeared, that he was come into disfavour with the governor, and the chief-priest, our great adversary, was in danger of being punished, but for what cause we did not yet certainly know; however that evening the chain was taken off from each of us, and but a little left upon one leg.

‘After that came down the general-president with the deputy-chancellor and others, to view the garrison, and they came riding by us where we were at work, and one looking out of the coach, and seeing us not take off our hats, cried ‘These are the Quakers;’ and the same day was a new gallows made, and we were called in, and by the way the marshal said, ‘We were to go before a general, and if we did not take off our hats, we should see what would become of us, for the gallows was ready.’

‘And coming before them, there sat a priest at the table, and said, ‘We had forfeited our lives by desiring to go over the river,’ &c. But I told him, ‘They thirsted after blood, and the potentates of the earth hearkened unto them.’ And as for us, we had no man but God to plead for us; and many sophistical arguments he produced, as thereby to ensnare me, but some of the rest desiring to speak with me, I regarded what he said the less, and with much boldness I spake unto them. And as for the president, who seemed to be the wisest among them, he called John to him, and spoke French with him, and afterwards called me, and spake with me. The deputy-chancellor asked me, ‘Whether I would rather turn papist, or be hanged?’ I said, ‘I did not desire to have them put it to my choice.’ The president asked, Whether I would not that all people were as I was? I answered, and said, Whatsoever is good in me, I wish them like me in that. He asked, Whether I would not they were all of my religion? I said, I wished all might be faithful to that which they knew already to be good. Then he caused them to bring us our hats again, which some had thrown off, and when they had dined, they desired us to write for certificates, and so went their way.

‘And upon a certain time colonel Fusch came riding by where we were at work, and some Italian lords with him, who were intended for Rome, and he proffered to send me with them if I pleased, or if I would be a Papist, or Calvinist, (i. e. Presbyterian) he would procure my liberty, &c. And many more temptations we had daily, which would be too long here to relate. And often there came officers and asked us, What saith the Spirit now? Hath the Spirit sent you to work? And had he not done better to have counselled you to stay at home? And doth he not yet tell you that you must be Catholics? And when I had done speaking to them, and they not knowing how to defend themselves, they would say, ‘Such heretics ought to be burned;’ and more bad words to the same purpose.

‘And when sixteen weeks were expired of our imprisonment, the Hungarian deputy-governor, a bitter old man, came where we were at work, and said, ‘He must send us to Cæsar;’ for John had before in his paper appealed unto him.

‘Then we went into the garrison, until four soldiers and an interpreter, and letters, were ready, that went along with us, and there were iron-bolts put upon our feet, and we put into a waggon. And the interpreter told us, how he had heard the letter which was come concerning us, but nevertheless, he said, we should not come into England. So that whole night we rode, and arrived the third day at the house of one called his excellency, lord Francis of Nadasti, &c. Judex Curiæ Hungariæ, the Emperor’s majesty’s active privy counsellor and lord chamberlain, &c. to whom the governor of Comora had given us over, it was supposed, partly to make friendship with him, for they had been formerly at variance; and when he came from his worship he caused us to be called, and asked me, If we were Quakers? I said, ‘Yea:’ He said, ‘Very well.’ And in the afternoon his wife looked out of a window, and asked me several questions, and I had much freedom to answer her, which she interpreted to some Hungarians that were with her: and the next morning we were taken to the vice-king’s parlour, where the lords of that kingdom and of the other dominions were set about the table, and John was ordered to go to one end by the secretary, who seemed to be an understanding man, and he was partly reached by John’s answers, and he was forward to repeat them aloud to the archbishop and the rest; and Nadasti asked me several questions, but hastily, about our religion, of which we gave friends an account formerly.

‘And though they had little or nothing to say against our answers, yet they passed sentence upon us, that we should be burned, if we would not be instructed, and embrace their religion; for they had a law, they said, which tolerated but three religions, viz. theirs, the Lutherans, and the Calvinists, and whosoever brought a new religion there, was according to their law, to be burned; and upon that we were sent away. And John told me, The power of the Lord would divide them in their council, as an Irish priest did afterwards tell him, who was sent to require an account of our religion in writing, and when it was done, the Irishman got an English copy of it, and said, ‘He would tell them the contents of it, and help us what he could;’ but we thought it would be the best that I translated it, which accordingly I did, and I gave it Nadasti in his hand.

‘Afterwards they sent the priest to convert us, and there he read out of his catechism, and asked John concerning the creed, pater-nosters, seven sacraments, mass, faith, hope, love, patience, and more such like things, to which John answered him. After that came down some priests, and asked us, If we were come forth to sow our seed? O, said the Irish priest, ‘they cannot speak Latin;’ yet he and others know that I could. And seeing they could not prevail with us there, we were sent to another place, five Dutch miles from [115]Wien, (the Emperor’s seat) with two soldiers, by Nadasti’s command, and when we were come thither, the priests gave order to put us in the hole with the Turks, because they suspected us to be preachers, and by their instigation, and with the consent of the court-master, (who told me, that there should be wood and straw fetched to burn us) did the soldiers take off our coats, and searched our pockets, and took our books and papers, and the next day, because we would not speak Latin, nor take off our hats to their images in their churches (so called) they set others upon us to ensnare us in words, and strove to do it themselves, that they might have occasion to take away our lives, which they often threatened to do, and when they could not prevail with all their cunning baits, nor make us bow to their worship, they manifested their cruelty farther, in causing iron-shackles to be put upon our hands; and though they were so little that I was forced even to cry out, by reason of the extremity of pain, yet with force they thrust on the lock, and beheld it with joy.

[115] Vienna.

‘And in the hole we had scarce room to put forth our feet without touching the Turks, whose feet were in the stocks, and hands in irons, and necks and feet in iron-bands tied to the walls with strong chains. Afterwards the priests being drunk at their feasts, sent for us to examine us farther, and they said ‘They could not believe but John was a preacher, for an husbandman could not answer so readily.’ And one of the chief of them told us, that they had several instruments of cruelty, which they could also let us taste of; that they could burn men under their arms, and put hot iron or copper-plates upon their breasts: and he also told us, that we should be sent down into Hungaria to be burned. I spoke to one of the priests, and desired we might be dealt withal as men or Christians, and might have a little straw or hay to lie upon, for we were worse used than the Turks. ‘Yea,’ said he, ‘we prefer them before you.’ And about that time they proffered us a drink in an urging manner, which it was supposed was made to poison us; and John refusing to take it, one of the priests said, ‘Suspectum est nos.’ One of the priests asked me, If I had a wife? I said, ‘I never knew woman-kind.’ He said, ‘The heretics had not that grace of chastity, neither had I any grace from God.’ The Turks, he said, had some grace, they were good soldiers, and somewhat else he said of them. Another priest asked me, ‘How I had lain in the hole, and how the iron-shackles pleased me?’ And threatened we should be put into the miry-dungeon in the tower, and called me filthy names in the Hungarian tongue, before the people.

‘Howbeit, blessed be the Lord, we had slept well in the shackles, upon the besoms in a corner; yea, better than could be expected, though at the first my wrist-band pained me much. And when the priests and others were seeking much to discourage us, I was upon a time setting musing upon a bench, and thinking Lord help us, what will be the end of this, and whether they shall have power to murder us here, where few may know of it, for in this place are no other sects to be witnesses, as at Comora and Presburgh, and then my mind was turned inwards, and I was as if I had slept; and on a sudden it was as if I had seen a man all clothed in white, sitting on a milk-white horse, riding in post-haste to me-wards, as if he were hastening to rescue me; then I looked up and was pretty much comforted, thinking it was from the Lord to encourage me, lest I should be too much cast down. And the very same day there came tidings from the earl, that he was displeased at what they had done, as he told his barber, to whom he showed the papers which John had writ; and the barber hearing of us, together with his perusing the aforesaid papers, the witness of God was reached in him, which had stirred much in him in the time of his youth, by which he was stirred up to declare against the darkness and deadness of the brethren’s forms aforesaid, among whom he had been educated; neither could he be well satisfied in himself until he came to see me, and after some discourse with us, was yet more convinced, and he told us, how that the earl did judge that the priests had been drunk, which was true, both with rage and wine. Then did the streams begin to turn, and some desired our favour, both the officer and priest began to flatter us, with others who had been high against us; and then they had no more power to put us into the hole to exercise their cruelty upon us, as they had done before, which was no small cross to their wills.

‘After that there came a spiritual lord (so called) an Englishman, from Wien, and he asked John, If we were come to plant our religion? saying, ‘Sects had occasioned much mischief in England, but now they would be rooted out.’ But John said, ‘The love of God can reconcile them again.’ ‘A pox o’ God, take that love,’ said he, with other such unsavory words, whereby he showed himself to be carnal indeed, although he was called spiritual. Another came to us, who was called Frater Valentine, and speaking with us concerning the bible, he said, ‘It had brought many thousands into hell,’ and reading a paper of John’s, which he had writ to the earl and council, wherein John showed, how he was an Englishman, and forasmuch as there was no discord betwixt England and the Empire, he knew not why an Englishman coming into any of the emperor’s dominions, to visit a sort of people, and to spend his money, should be so used, &c. But said the aforesaid Frater, ‘They ought to be beheaded, for if they had done so to Luther at first, said he, there had not been so many Lutherans or heretics at this day.’ Farther he said, ‘We were forerunners of Antichrist;’ and this rumour went through the kingdom and elsewhere, that Antichrist was taken, and was at Nadasti’s court. However, soon after it was thought we might have been set at liberty, but that the priest did so much incense the earl against us, and we having writ according to order for certificates, which in due time came to hand, from friends in Holland, and they were of good service, with the king’s proclamation for setting Friends at liberty; but the earl was taken exceeding sick at Wien, so that the thing was not then effected.

‘In the mean time Adam Bien, the earl’s barber, had desired, unknown to us, that we might have the liberty to come forth, and be in his house, the winter being cold, and we in a cold guard, where the doors stood open all day, and much of the night; and he proffered his own person in our stead, if we should run away. Howbeit, we were not free to be so burdensome to him, though he had obtained the thing, but chose rather to content ourselves where they had appointed us, that the burden might come the heavier upon them, that they might be the sooner weary of us; and what storms and assaults we had from the priests and soldiers, and others with them, and how they sought to ensnare us, would be too long here to relate: but in the mean time we were often refreshed through Adam’s and his wife’s love, together with a sense of the love of God, and of friends who were afar off; and our adversaries might have been the worse to us, but that many of them there stood in pretty much awe of Adam, who stood in his integrity over them, for he having such daily access to the earl, and knowing most of them at court guilty of more or less, they did therefore dread him the more. And sometimes we did go to his house, and had sometimes opportunity to speak with some of the aforementioned brethren, who were warned of that sore desolation which is since come upon many of them. For of nine families there is but one remaining, and the rest were burned, with the value of many thousands in them, and above two hundred of the men were slain and taken captive.

‘And about that time there was a gentleman (so called) appointed for to bind and carry me away, whose waiting-man came to me, and gave me two big glasses, as if I should have gone with him to have fetched some wine or something else; but presently I was sensible all was not right or well, for he had a great cudgel in his hand, and that same morning he had given me very bad words, and when I had followed him into the fields, there came many sleds, (for the snow was so deep that wagons could not travel,) and when the first came at us, the man that had given me the bottles, caused me to lay them down, and get upon one of the sleds, and he returned back again. The other, who had so much threatened me formerly, came towards me, and then I was very sensible of mischief intended by them, and then I was troubled for John and Adam, lest they should have avenged themselves on them, through pretending I had been run away, (for they were become full of envy against Adam for his love to us,) so I resolved to endeavour to get back to the town; thinking, that if they did stop me, it might be the better manifest I was not run away. But when I essayed so to do, that wicked man caught me by the hair in a great fury, and shed pretty much of my blood, and I thought he had quite struck out one of my eyes, and he pulled me down in the snow, and did sorely abuse me, and bound my arms with thongs, as also my feet, and bound me so in the sled, that I hung also by the arms and feet with my face in the hay, neither knew I to the contrary, but that they would have murdered me in that wood which was close by; but O, thought I, that I might but live one quarter of an hour, that peradventure some might pass by and see me, whereby Adam and John might come to know what was become of me; afterwards we came by a gallows, where I thought they might have executed me, but there we passed by, and people coming that way, they muzzled me with a cloak, and one sat upon me till the people were passed by. Howbeit, I hearing their feet in the snow, called to them and desired them to acquaint the aforesaid barber that I was there; but then did the soldier beat me sore again, the other having charged him not to suffer me to say any thing. Then where we came at night, the irons were put on my feet, and a long big chain, tied on high about a beam, was put about my neck all night. Next morning we came to a village, when I would gladly have spoken with one, but they caused me to lie down until we were passed both village and castle, and so we travelled towards a place in the wilderness, as I was informed, and finally we came to a place where they were building a new cloister; but the prior not being at home, the other priests would not take me in without his order, so that night I was put in chains as before, and the next morning was led up to the castle, and was ordered to be put in a dark hole where no light was, for he that came along with me bade them blindfold me, and put me in a deep dungeon, and give me but little bread and water, and that none should tell of me, and there being a Jew, he was forbidden on pain of death to say any thing; and I was soon after put into an hole where there was but little light, and there I was four days and four nights in cold frosty weather, and it was much I was not starved. But after the prior wrote home to the monks, I was sent for; and when they used their ceremonies, and sprinkled their infants, &c. I did not conform to them in their kneeling and the like, at which they marvelled, but said not much in my presence, but when I went to my lodging, they said, I was a bad dog, and a stubborn rogue; and sometime they sent for an armed soldier to guard me, or rather to affright me. And when I had been there about twelve days, the prior came home, and it seems he had some orders to rack me for writing letters at Puttendorf: then did the prior send for me, and asked me concerning our coming into the country, and to what end, and concerning some points of our religion, to which I answered him according to truth; but he said, ‘That was not enough, we must believe that the Pope was Christ’s Vicar, and that he and they had power to bind and loose,’ &c.

‘And when we had reasoned a while together, he said, ‘I must have my habitation again in the castle, and that he would come sometimes by me and bring the bible.’ And afterwards he came up sometimes to see his corn and provision, but had little delight to speak with me; but once he called me where he sat, and told me, ‘The earl had desired him to inform me, that I should not marvel that he sent me thither, for it was not for my sake alone, but for seducing so many souls, and if it could be proved I was come on such purpose, I should be laid on an heap of wood, meaning, I should be burned. In the mean time I bore my testimony against their fruits of covetousness, pride, persecution, &c. and against their weapons, which were not like Christ’s, nor his apostles; and with this some that stood by were affected; and many things passed betwixt us at that time, which I shall not now rehearse; and afterwards I was told, how he had said to some, he had spoken to many learned men, but never did any answer him as I did. And afterwards I had more liberty and more respect showed me, and the report went, how that none that dealt with me could gain at my hand.

‘And after I was so treacherously taken away, as before mentioned, from Adam and John, the earl told Adam, I was run away, and he might see where to find me; he said, ‘He could not believe that,’ but afterward he got intelligence where I was, and writ some lines by the officer of the castle, but he was unwilling to give it me, but gave me bad language, saying, ‘He had appointed an hangman to flea off my skin, if I did not turn papist;’ but finally, I got a sight of it, and he told me how closely the design of my removal was carried on, insomuch that but three did know of it at first. He also told me, how he had longed for an opportunity to send me bodily necessaries, which he afterwards did, and gave orders to give me bread enough on his account: and finally, the earl being sick, nigh unto death, Adam obtained a promise of him to let us have our liberty. But after that he in whose custody I was had set me free, he kept me six weeks to help the masons, and promised to tell me a good message when he returned, if I would be diligent. And afterward he took me aside, and told me, ‘The Earl would have me informed, that if I would be a catholic I should have good service and preferment, but if not, however he could not detain me, for he had prisoners enough besides.’ But this was concluded, if I was found afterwards in Hungaria or Austria, I should be burned, and my companion also.

‘And before I was brought from thence he did try me many ways, for he would have me learn to shoot, and hath tied match about my fingers, and hath struck me to make me hold the musket. But I was like a fool, and they made themselves sport with me, and several times would put pistols in my hands and bid me shoot, sometimes in seeming earnest, and sometimes to make sport before strangers.

‘Afterwards I was examined about my religion, and they thinking such a liver would adorn their profession, they did threaten to have my tongue cut out if I would not be a papist; and afterwards a priest was sent for to instruct me, and convert me, but when he could not prevail a tub was made ready, and a rope put through the ears of it, and I was set in it, and they said, I should be let down into a well thirty-six fathoms deep above the water, and I knew not but that it might have come to pass, howbeit they drew the rope but over a beam to affright me, and I falling out of that, they laid me cross over the saddle of an ass, and drew me up, and turned me hard about, and then let it go with a whirl to make my head dizzy; but I was silent, and valued it little, whereat they marvelled, as if I had been past all feeling. And from thence they carried me to another place, and there they locked my neck and feet near together, and my hands spread abroad, and locked in a thing wherein they torture the Turks to make them confess of what ability they are, or their friends, whereby to get great ransom, and some asked, if it was painful? and others said, they committed more sins than they did profit thereby.

‘And at another time I was put in a wheel which was made for the well, and they caused the soldiers to turn it about, that I might tumble to and again in it, which might have done me much hurt, but that I held fast on the side of it, yet however one of my elbows was in great danger of being sorely harmed, and afterwards I was much threatened, as if they would have racked me again.

‘And about that time I was told by the secretary and others, that the emperor, by reason of the hot wars that were in the country, had given orders to set all the Christian prisoners at liberty, so that it was thought they could not detain us much longer.

‘And about the 4th of the seventh month, 1663, I was carried into the country with the prior and a priest from Rome, and others, and when we came to the water which parts the two countries, we parted; and the aforesaid Adam had ordered one of them to give me some money to bear my charges, and he gave me but five groshees, which is about the value of ten-pence. After that I came to a place called Pinkfield, where several Lutheran barons, and others, came to see me; and many things they asked me, to which, according to freedom, I answered. And I had a desire to have gotten to Wien, but they told me, ‘It was impossible for me to pass, that would not take off my hat, besides there were abundance of soldiers that way;’ and one desired me to stay by him till I could have opportunity. Afterwards I was directed to go through Stoyermack to Gratz, a great city, where there were merchants from Noremberg at the fair, and one of them it was thought, might be somewhat of my opinion, and thither I went, but going in at the gates was called back, and was not suffered to go in, for they were fearful of the enemy, and suspicious of strangers.

‘The next day, when I saw I could not meet with the aforesaid merchant, I resolved to travel on my journey, and to trust to the Lord to take care for my sustenance, who had often done it, when as to the outward there was little appearance of relief. And in my journey I inquired for the privatest ways, which I found to be most peaceable. Howbeit, when I came to the west-end of Austria I was twice stopped, as if I might have been sent from the Turks to spy out and burn towns, but when I produced my certificate I was suffered to pass, but charged not to tarry at their town, and after that I avoided coming into cities and villages as much as I could, and so got forward, though not without difficulty. And I have great cause to thank the Lord for his goodness, for I did not much want food, but through mercy got either bread or fruit, or something; for in those countries they are accustomed to give travellers and tradesmen bread, and lodging in their barns, and sometimes I told them how I had been robbed by soldiers and abused, and then their hearts were moved so much the more with pity towards me.

‘And I proceeded on my journey, and through mercy got about the 2d of the eighth month into some part of the Paltz in Germany, and came through Heidelberg and Manheim, and upon the 7th of the same month I arrived at Christein among friends, and being there kindly entertained, and abundantly refreshed, I tarried there some weeks, waiting to have heard of John or from Adam.

‘Now the last news which I had of John was by dear Adam’s [116]letter, which I hope may be come to thy hands before this. Several more passages might be set down, and what we suffered together, and since we parted, but this for the present may suffice till another opportunity. Farewell.

[116] That letter signified that John Philly was set at liberty, and departed toward Germany on the 6th of the seventh month, 1663.

‘Thy dear friend in the love and light of God, ‘WILLIAM MOORE.’

Amsterdam, the 11th month, 1663.

The narrative contained in the preceding letter, exhibits many instances of that protecting Providence of God, which supports and accompanies those who in an holy obedience to the commands of his spirit are devoted to answer its requirings. The many dangers and trials through which they passed, the despitefulness and tortures with which their enemies were suffered to prove their meekness and patience, the cruel and shameful deaths wherewith they were threatened, give the clearest demonstrations of their steadfastness in the faith from which they could not be moved; for they looking unto Jesus, the author and finisher of their faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God, and considering him that endured such contradiction of sinners against himself, were not weary, nor did faint in their minds. See Heb. xii. But in all their afflictions were supported by the consciousness of their integrity, and the consolations of the Spirit of God, raising their spirits above the fear of man, and enabling them to persevere in a steady confession of their faith, and supplying them with that wisdom which is from above, whereby they were enabled to withstand the subtil devices and snares of those who sought their ruin and destruction: from which they were preserved by the power of the Lord, the only preserver of those that put their trust in him, whom he delivereth out of the hand of the wicked, and out of the hand of the unrighteous and cruel man. Psal. lxxi. 4.

INDEX.

A.

ABRAHAMS, (Dr. Galenus,) his comparison of Ames and Stubbs, vol. i. p. 157.

---- disputes with G. Fox and W. Penn, vol. ii. p. 168.

Acts of Parliament against conventicles, vol. i. p. 355. vol. ii. p. 98.

---- against Quakers’ meetings, and to enforce oaths, vol. i. p. 355.

---- to suppress seditious conventicles, vol. ii. p. 98.

---- to restrain non-conformists from living in corporations, vol. ii. p. 60.

---- allowing the affirmation of Quakers to be accepted instead of the oath, vol. ii. p. 267, 284, 325.

Adderton, (Major-General,) a New England persecutor, vol. i. p. 304.

---- his remarkable death, vol. i. p. 371.

Address of the Quakers to king Charles II. vol. ii. p. 191.

---- to king James II. on the toleration, vol. ii. p. 212.

---- from the Yearly meeting to ditto on the toleration, vol. ii. p. 213.

---- to king William upon the peace of 1697, vol. ii. p. 277.

---- to ditto on discovery of a plot, vol. ii. p. 283.

---- to queen Anne on her succession to the throne, vol. ii. p. 297.

---- to ditto on her promise to maintain the toleration, vol. ii. p. 298.

---- to ditto, from the yearly meeting on the Union, vol. ii. p. 312.

---- to ditto on the renewal of her promise to maintain the toleration, vol. ii. p. 320.

---- to king George, on his accession and declaration for the toleration, vol. ii. p. 324.

---- to ditto on suppression of the rebels, vol. ii. p. 327.

Affirmation, an act obtained for its acceptance, ii. 267.

---- made perpetual, and the form more easy, ii. 325.

Aldam, Thomas, imprisoned in York Castle for preaching, &c. i. 66.

---- ditto for not paying tithes, &c. i. 141.

---- predicts the fall of O. Cromwell, i. 208.

Algiers, some Quakers’ slaves there allowed to hold meetings, i. 421.

Ames, William, convinced at Dublin by the ministry of E. Burrough and F. Howgill, and becomes a minister, i. 128.

---- banished Amsterdam, i. 189.

---- kindly entertained by the elector Palatine, i. 225.

---- several Baptists convinced by him near Worms in Germany, i. 225.

---- imprisoned in Rotterdam, and is dismissed, i. 226.

---- ---- in London, and ditto, i. 380.

---- dies at Amsterdam, i. 408.

Amsterdam, some pretended Quakers there, i. 190.

Austin, Anne, travels with Mary Fisher, (see Mary Fisher,) i. 181.

Armorer, Wm. a justice, his cruelty to the Quakers, ii. 69.

Audland, John, convinced by G. Fox, i. 69.

---- his testimony received by many at Bristol, i. 101.

---- brief account of his life and death, ii. 12.

---- some account of his wife and others, ii. 309.

Atherton, Oliver, dies in prison for tithes, i. 432.

B.

Baily, Wm. convinced by G. Fox, i. 146.

---- his exhortation against persecution, ii. 33.

---- marries M. Fisher. Dies at sea, coming from the West Indies, ii. 136.

Baker, Daniel, account of his being at Malta, i. 348.

---- imprisoned in London, and writes his travels, i. 349.

---- is illegally and barbarously abused, i. 380.

Baptism, water, discourse concerning, i. 146.

---- the principle of Quakers respecting it, and the outward supper, ii. 304.

Baptists, several convinced, i. 27.

---- some at Barrow in Leicestershire, silenced by G. Fox, i. 36.

Baptist, a teacher at Carlisle, convinced, i. 83.

---- another in Cumberland who gives up an impropriation of tithes, i. 90.

Barbadoes, Quakers suffer much there by the priests, i. 373.

---- negroes prohibited by law from going to Quakers’ meetings, ii. 142.

---- Quakers petition king William for relief--his order thereupon, ii. 234.

Barclay, his education and character, ii. 74.

---- writes to Adrian Paets concerning the immediate revelation of the Spirit, ii. 142.

---- writes in Latin to the ambassadors at Nimeguen, ii. 155.

---- his death, ii. 235.

Barnadiston, Giles, convinced by G. Fox, becomes a minister, and a sufferer, i. 416.

Barrow, Henry, and two more, put to death by instigation of the clergy, i. 18.

Battledoor, a book published by G. Fox and others, i. 315.

Baily, George, dies in prison in France, i. 189.

Bennet, a Justice, said to be the first who in scorn gave Friends the name of Quakers, i. 39.

---- strikes G. Fox as he was kneeling down to pray for him, i. 47.

Benson, a justice convinced by G. Fox, i. 79.

---- his wife imprisoned at York, i. 85.

---- refused leave to visit G. Fox in Carlisle dungeon, i. 90.

Beraudin, a martyr, spoke after his tongue was cut out, praising God, i. 15.

Birkhead, Christopher, sent to prison, i. 106.

---- ditto at Rochelle, i. 188.

---- confined in the house of correction at Middleburgh, and discharged, i. 189.

Bishop, George, convinced at Bristol, i. 101.

---- author of an account of the persecution in New England, i. 305.

---- his prophetic caution to the king and parliament, ii. 40.

---- same fulfilled, ii. 49.

Bishops, their zeal for ceremonies, i. 17.

---- cruel sayings of the bishop of Peterborough, ii. 111.

Blasphemers in Coventry prison, confounded by G. Fox, i. 36.

Blasphemy often charged upon the Quakers, but not proved, i. 160.

Blaugdone, Barbara, convinced by John Audland and John Camm, i. 101.

---- imprisoned at Bristol, Marlborough, Exeter, and several other places, i. 109, 110, 111.

---- arrives in Ireland, and pays a visit to the deputy, i. 128.

---- goes to Cork, returns to Bristol, after to Ireland, imprisoned at Dublin and Limerick, i. 129.

---- committed to Bridewell in Bristol, ii. 184.

Blome, Richard, author of the Fanatic History, which seems chiefly designed against the Quakers, i. 175.

Boston, in New England, some Quakers arrive there, are ill-treated, imprisoned, and sent back again, i. 181.

---- a law made to prohibit bringing Quakers there, i. 182.

---- cruelties practised there, i. 193, 194, 217.

---- the country round will not now yield wheat, though formerly fertile, i. 373.

---- the jailer to whip the Quakers twice a week, beginning with 10 lashes, and increasing 3 every time till they would work, i. 218.

---- Quakers banished from, i. 222.

---- an address of the general court of, to king Charles II. to justify their cruel proceedings, which is answered by E. Burrough, i. 296.

Bourignon, Antonia, her writings, &c. ii. 278.

Bowing and scraping censured by G. Fox, i. 32.

Bowing at the name of Jesus, what it is, &c. i. 336.

Boyes, a priest, invites G. Fox to his pulpit, i. 60.

---- goes with him, i. 61.

---- refuseth tithes from some who proffered them, i. 62.

Brend, William, imprisoned and used barbarously at Boston, i. 217.

Briggs, Thomas, convinced by G. Fox, i. 79.

---- is cruelly treated at Warrington, Yarmouth, Lynn, and other places, i. 85, 86.

---- goes to America, i. 86.

---- foretells the destruction of London, ii. 64.

---- dies, ii. 193.

Briscoe, William, a justice, is so seized and struck by the dread of the Lord, that he recalls his warrant for imprisoning R. Widders, i. 91.

Bristol, dismal persecution there, ii. 182.

---- meetings kept up by children, ii. 184.

---- R. Lindy, a blind man, used severely, ii. 186.

---- dreadful death of the jailer, ii. 187.

Brown, Richard, alderman of London, his character and cruelty, i. 377.

Brownists, whence their name, i. 17.

Bugg, Francis, an apostate, charges the Quakers with Socinian notions, ii. 257.

Bull-and-Mouth meeting-house in Martin’s-le-Grand, i. 101.

Burden, Ann, a widow, cruelly treated in New England, i. 193.

Burial of the dead, practice of the Quakers respecting, ii. 304.

Burnet, Dr. remarkable sayings against persecution, &c. ii. 325.

Burrough, Edward, convinced by G. Fox, i. 70.

---- becomes an eminent minister, i. 75.

---- preaches in the fields near London, i. 98.

---- goes with F. Howgill to Ireland, and are banished thence, i. 128.

---- writes to the Protector on different subjects, i. 142, 184, 188, 208, 216.

---- writes to his wife and children, i. 210.

---- meets the funeral of O. Cromwell, &c. i. 212.

---- a remarkable prophecy of his, i. 209.

---- goes to Dunkirk, i. 232.

---- message to the rulers of England, i. 235.

---- writes an apology for Quakers, and against persecution, i. 357.

---- has the foreknowledge of his death, imprisoned in Newgate with six or seven score more. The king sends an order for his release, but it is stifled, i. 405.

---- his death, i. 406.

---- his eulogium, by F. Howgill, i. 406.

C.

Calvin, John, admits the indwelling of God’s spirit in man, i. 15.

Camm, John, a zealous preacher, i. 75, 101.

---- goes to Bristol, and persecuted there, i. 102.

---- short account of his life and death, ii. 11.

Caton, William, convinced by G. Fox, i. 72.

---- his early piety when in judge Fell’s family, i. 119.

---- is moved to go to warn people to repentance, i. 119.

---- at 17 years of age, travels to divers places, visiting Friends, at London meets with J. Stubbs, i. 120.

---- confined at Maidstone and cruelly whipped, i. 122.

---- goes by himself to France, and afterwards with J. Stubbs to Holland--Goes to Scotland, i. 123.

---- returns to England, i. 123.

---- goes again to Scotland, thence to Holland, secured at Middleburgh, and sent to England, i. 124.

---- goes to Amsterdam, i. 157.

---- imprisoned six months in Yarmouth, i. 429.

---- his death and character, ii. 60.

Charity doth not impoverish, verified in the Quakers, i. 93.

Charles II. his declaration at Breda for liberty of conscience, i. 265.

---- this promise renewed to the Quakers, i. 281.

Cheevers, Sarah, travels with C. Evans, see C. E.

Christening of Children, no Scripture for it, ii. 78.

Christison, Wenlock, banished Boston, appears in court there, and is sent to jail, i. 299.

---- brought again to court, i. 303.

---- receives sentence of death, his prophetical speech, is set at liberty with 27 more of his Friends, i. 304, 305.

Church, what a church is, i. 29, 65, 67, 68, ii. 16.

Church Faith, a paper so called, answered by G. Fox, i. 213.

Church government, amongst the Quakers, account of, ii. 308.

Clarendon, Edward earl of, his saying of O. Cromwell, i. 212.

---- supposed to propose queries to the Quakers, i. 271.

Clark, Mary, cruelly whipped and imprisoned 12 weeks in New England, for warning against persecution, i. 194.

Clayton, Richard, in Suffolk, fixes some queries to a steeple-house door, i. 138.

---- is with two others taken up, examined and whipped, i. 138.

Christ, i. 22, 26, 27, 34, 53, 58, 65, 322, 323.

Coale, Josiah, convinced by J. Audland and J. Camm, i. 101.

---- committed to Newgate in Bristol, i. 105.

---- goes with T. Thirstone to Virginia, thence with T. Chapman to New England, i. 298.

---- writes a warning against persecution, ii. 194.

---- his exhortation to constancy under sufferings, ii. 33.

---- his warning to the king, ii. 66.

---- answers a Popish book, ii. 72.

---- his death and character, ii. 83, 84.

Colchester, cruel and bloody persecution there, i. 415.

Coleman, Ann, with two more women, sentenced to be whipped through eleven towns, i. 362.

---- again cruelly whipped with some others, i. 365.

Conjuror, one so reputed, baffled by G. Fox, i. 55.

Conventicle, vide Acts of parliament.

Convincement, some convinced by dying penitents, &c. ii. 292, 294.

Copeland, John, his right ear cut off at Boston, i. 221.

Corbet, counsellor, gains reputation by his defence of G. Fox’s cause, ii. 304.

Creatures, virtues of them opened to G. Fox, i. 30.

Crisp, Stephen, convinced by J. Parnel, i. 125.

---- becomes a minister and goes to Scotland, i. 246.

---- a brief account of him, i. 430.

---- goes to York, ii. 49.

---- his epistle to Friends concerning the present and succeeding times, ii. 69.

---- imprisoned at Ipswich, ii. 77.

---- declines being made a magistrate at Colchester, ii. 217.

---- his epistle of advice to all the churches of Christ, ii. 235.

---- some of his dying expressions, death and character, ii. 249.

Crisp, Samuel, his letter to a relation after he became a Quaker, ii. 313.

Croese, Gerard, some of his history noted, i. 25, 39, 315.

Cromwell, O. his speech for liberty of conscience, i. 103.

---- yet suffers the Quakers to be persecuted, i. 103.

---- connives still at the grievous persecution of the Quakers, i. 165.

Crook, John, a justice, convinced by G. Fox, i. 118.

---- a yearly meeting kept at his house, i. 199.

---- apprehended at a meeting in London, i. 377.

---- brought to trial, i. 386.

---- sentenced to a premunire, i. 399.

---- his advice to his children and grandchildren, ii. 279.

---- his death and character, ii. 281.

---- his letter to Isaac Pennington, ii. 291.

Cruelties exercised on the Quakers in New England, i. 193, 216, 223, 247 to 259, 362 to 372.

---- at Warborough in Oxon, ii. 111.

---- at Horslydown, ii. 112.

---- at Long Clawton, in Leicestershire, ii. 134.

---- at Norwich, ii. 138.

---- in Wales, ii. 141.

---- in Plymouth and Gloucestershire, ii. 172.

---- in Berkshire, ii. 174.

---- in Leicestershire, ii. 174.

Curtis, Anne, has access to the king, and obtains her request in favour of G. Fox, i. 275.

D.

Deceivers, who are the greatest, i. 31.

Declarations of fidelity and Christian Faith, to be subscribed to by Quakers, instead of oaths of allegiance, and supremacy, ii. 233.

Derby, countess of, her cruelty and death, i. 433.

Dewsbury, William, convinced, i. 58.

---- begins to preach, i. 66.

---- is beaten till almost killed, but healed by the power of the Lord, i. 90.

---- imprisoned with others at Northampton, about half a year, i. 140.

---- examined by judge Atkins, &c. born near Hull, in Yorkshire, i. 138.

---- his letter to his oppressed Friends, ii. 187.

---- short account of his life, and convincement, ii. 224.

---- was 19 years prisoner at Warwick, besides other places, ii. 225.

---- his speech to Friends in his sickness, his death, ii. 227 to 230.

Dispute about the resurrection and Christ’s body in heaven, ii. 82.

---- between the Baptists and the Quakers, ii. 127.

---- at Aberdeen, where four young students are convinced, ii. 133.

Distress often made for two or three times the value, i. 417.

Downer, Ann, the first woman Quaker that preached publicly at London, i. 101.

---- goes to Launceston to attend G. Fox, and two companions in jail, i. 152.

---- is married to B. Greenwell, after to George Whitehead, her dying words and death, ii. 210.

Drayton in Leicestershire, the birth place of George Fox, i. 19.

Dreams, some believers in, convinced, i. 24.

---- a remarkable one of C. Evans at Malta, i. 342.

Dring, Robert, first meeting in London held at his house, i. 98.

Drummer, a priest, his rash expression, i. 363.

Drury, Captain, a remarkable passage concerning him, i. 117.

Dundas, Wm. a Scotchman, convinced, ii. 56.

---- is excommunicated, ii. 57.

---- goes to France, returns to England and joins the Quakers, ii. 59, 60.

Dyer, Mary, banished New England, i. 251.

---- returning is taken up, i. 252.

---- sentenced to death, i. 252.

---- writes to the magistrates of Boston, i. 253.

---- reprieved when ready to be turned off, i. 256.

---- her character, returns to Boston, i. 258.

---- is sent for by the general court, examined again, sentenced and executed, i. 259.

Dennis, I. jailer at Bristol, his dreadful death, ii. 186.

E.

Eccles, Solomon, for his bold and zealous actions becomes a sufferer, ii. 89.

---- severely whipped at Cork, his sincerity, ii. 113.

Education in universities, not sufficient to made a minister of Christ, i. 23.

Election and reprobation, i. 61.

Elizabeth’s, princess of the Palatinate, letter to Wm. Penn. ii. 161.

---- her answer to G. Fox’s letter from Amsterdam, ii. 162.

---- other of her letters to Wm. Penn, ii. 163 to 171.

Embden, Quakers persecuted there, ii. 164.

---- Wm. Penn writes to the senate, ii. 165.

---- the Quakers are invited to reside among them, ii. 202.

Endicot, John, governor of Boston, his cruelly, i. 181, 182, 297, 305, 365, 367.

---- his barbarous ingratitude, i. 367.

---- dies of a loathsome disease, i. 371.

Error, not to be conquered by the arm of flesh or carnal weapons, i. 175.

Evans, Catharine, and Sarah Cheevers, visit Scotland, i. 111.

---- travel towards Alexandria, embark for Leghorn, arrive at Malta, and have some sense of their ensuing trouble, are some time entertained by the English consul, i. 319, 320.

---- are put into the inquisition, i. 321.

---- the English consul grieves for being accessary to their confinement, i. 323.

---- their great sufferings, &c. i. 324 to 327.

---- endeavours for their liberty prove vain, i. 327.

---- they are not idle in prison, i. 336.

---- instance of friendship in an Englishman towards, i. 330.

---- they continue steadfast, i. 331.

---- after four years confinement, are set at liberty at the instance of lord d’Aubigny, and go on board an English vessel, i. 341.

---- C. Evans is committed to Bridewell, in Bristol, ii. 184.

---- her death, ii. 249.

F.

Faith, who have the true, i. 323.

---- not to be forced, ii. 17.

---- its genuine effect, ii. 78.

---- whether it comes by outward hearing, ii. 154.

---- historical, how far essential to the Christian Religion, ii. 143.

False prophets, who are such, i. 71.

Fanatic history, written chiefly against the Quakers, i. 175.

---- some citations in answer to it, i. 176.

Farmer, Ralph, a priest, stirs up persecution at Bristol, i. 102, 106.

Farnsworth, Richard, convinced by the preaching of G. Fox, i. 58.

---- becomes a minister, i. 58.

---- writes against Muggleton and Reeves, i. 430.

---- his death, ii. 74.

Fast, remarkable one of a woman in Lancashire, i. 26.

Fasts, G. Fox’s letter concerning, i. 204 to 207.

Felon, one convinced, i. 54.

Fell, Henry, taken out of a meeting and whipped, i. 279.

Fell, Margaret, and most of her family convinced by the preaching of G. Fox, i. 72.

---- sends forth an information against H. Porter, mayor of Lancaster, goes to London and applies to the king, i. 275, 276.

---- acquaints him with Friends’ sufferings, i. 286.

---- is premunired, ii. 52.

---- a short account of her life and death, ii. 299.

---- she wrote the Call of the Jews out of Babylon, and other pieces, ii. 300.

Fell, Thomas, a judge in Wales, i. 73.

---- entertains G. Fox, and is convinced by him, and offers his house for a meeting place, i. 74.

---- defeats the design of justices Sawrey and Thompson against G. Fox, i. 77.

---- death and character, ii. 299.

Fifth monarchy-men, some are put to death, but acquit the Quakers of having any hand in the plot, i. 275.

Fines, exorbitant extorted from the Quakers, i. 248.

Fisher, Samuel, a priest, afterwards a Baptist teacher, convinced by J. Stubbs, i. 121.

---- the purport of his intended speech before the parliament, i. 154.

---- goes to Dunkirk with E. Burrough, i. 232.

---- goes to Rome with J. Stubbs, i. 282.

---- his death, ii. 48.

Fisher, Mary, goes to Boston with Ann Austin, barbarously used, and after five weeks imprisonment, sent back to England, i. 181.

---- goes to Turkey, delivers a message from God to Mahomet IV. in his camp, which he favourably received, she returns to England, i. 282, 283.

---- is married to William Bayly, ii. 136.

Fletcher, Elizabeth, so cruelly abused at Oxford as to occasion her death, i. 108.

Floyd, Morgan, priest of Wrexham, sends two men into the North to inquire after the Quakers, who are both convinced, but one of them falls off, i. 95.

Fox, G. birth, parentage, and education, and various occurrences relating to him, i. 19 to 28.

---- powerful effects of his preaching at Nottingham, where he is imprisoned, i. 34.

---- a distracted woman quieted and convinced, i. 35.

---- confounds blasphemers, i. 36.

---- is six months in the house of correction at Derby, i. 38.

---- writes to the priests, magistrates, &c. i. 40.

---- the keeper of the prison a bitter enemy, becomes his friend, i. 43.

---- a remarkable passage of a soldier convinced by him, i. 53.

---- is offered his liberty and a captain’s place, but refuses it, for which he is put among felons; here he writes several letters, and some are convinced by him, i. 53 to 58.

---- is set at liberty after a year’s confinement, i. 58.

---- goes to Yorkshire, is befriended by captain Purslow and justice Hotham, speaks in steeple-houses, and holds meetings, where many are convinced, i. 58, 59.

---- at Patrington being refused lodging, is forced to lie in the fields, i. 63.

---- speaks in the meeting-house unmolested, and has a great meeting, and many are convinced, i. 64, 65.

---- is barbarously treated at Warnsworth, Doncaster, and Tickhill, i. 66.

---- malicious reports spread of him, i. 67.

---- has a meeting near Firbank chapel, many convinced, i. 67, 68.

---- many are convinced at Kendal and Underbarrow, i. 69.

---- preaches at Ulverstone, Aldenham, and Ramside, where priest Lawson is convinced, i. 71, 72.

---- preaches at Lancaster, where he is stoned, i. 74, 75.

---- at Ulverstone is dragged out of town, and is barbarously used, and suffers greatly at Cockan, i. 75.

---- is wonderfully preserved, accused of blasphemy at Lancaster sessions, where forty priests appear against him, but is cleared, i. 76, 77.

---- foretells the dissolution of parliament by force, which fell out accordingly, i. 82.

---- at Carlisle, convinces the Baptist teacher, i. 83.

---- is committed to jail, among thieves and murderers, as a blasphemer, i. 84.

---- is at length released, i. 90.

---- travels through many places in the North, i. 92.

---- disputes with several priests at Drayton, i. 114, 115.

---- is taken at Whetstone, sent prisoner to the protector at London, with whom he has a conference, and is in a friendly manner dismissed, i. 115 to 117.

---- writes to the protector respecting the oath of abjuration, i. 141.

---- sent to Launceston jail, i. 148.

---- his trial at the assizes, i. 149.

---- fined and recommitted, i. 149.

---- after great suffering, is released, i. 153.

---- going to London, he speaks with the protector on the road, showing him the evil of persecution, goes with E. Pyot to Whitehall, and talks with the protector, i. 183.

---- his success in Wales, i. 191.

---- travels in Scotland, i. 192.

---- disputes with a Jesuit, i. 199.

---- writes to the protector, dissuading him from becoming king, i. 202.

---- writes to the protector’s daughter Claypole, under trouble, i. 202.

---- speaks with the protector at Hampton Court, is invited to his house, but sees him no more, i. 209, 210.

---- foresees the restoration, i. 215.

---- travels through divers places, labouring in the gospel, i. 264, 265.

---- exhorts king Charles II. i. 270.

---- sent to Lancaster jail, i. 274.

---- what ensued thereupon till his release by the king, i. 274 to 278.

---- taken again at London, and released, i. 285.

---- discourses with some Jesuits, i. 315, 316.

---- imprisoned at Leicester, i. 351.

---- tried and found guilty, yet released, i. 353.

---- performs many signal services, i. 411.

---- again apprehended, i. 412.

---- brought to the assizes, ii. 3.

---- proves his indictment erroneous, ii. 6.

---- again indicted and brought in guilty, ii. 7.

---- recommitted, writes to the emperor, kings of France and Spain, and to the pope, ii. 7, 8.

---- prisoner in Lancaster castle, ii. 53.

---- removed to Scarborough castle, ii. 54.

---- released by order of king Charles II. ii. 64.

---- travels in America, ii. 114.

---- travels in England, goes to Holland, ii. 161.

---- to Hamburg and Frederickstadt, ii. 164.

---- his sickness, death, and character, ii. 245.

---- his character by T. Ellwood, ii. 245.

---- an epistle of his, left sealed up, ii. 246.

---- another, concerning his first mission, ii. 286.

Fox, George, the younger, convinced, i. 58.

---- writes an exhortation to the army, and prophetically to the long parliament after its restoration, i. 245, 246.

---- imprisoned at Harwich, i. 267.

---- sent for by parliament, and committed to Lambeth Gatehouse, with R. Grassingham, who after fourteen weeks are discharged, i. 268.

---- abstract of a book wrote to the king while there, and delivered to him by R. Hubberthorn, and afterwards printed, i. 270.

---- writes to the king against popery and the abomination of the times, i. 310.

---- his behaviour in his last sickness and at his death, i. 313.

---- foresees approaching calamities, ii. 49.

Friends, the name whereby the Quakers are called among themselves, ii. 309.

Friars at Rome, acknowledge the truth contained in books given them by S. Fisher, and J. Stubbs, but dare not publicly profess it, i. 282.

Furnier, Isaac, ringleader of some unruly people pretending to be Quakers, but disowned by them, turns Papist, debauched and dissolute, i. 157.

G.

Gardner, Hored, a woman being whipped, with a girl, kneels down and prays for her persecutors, i. 217.

Gibbons, Sarah, and Dorothy Waugh, kept six days in the house of correction without victuals, and whipped, i. 217.

Glin, Christopher, priest at Burford, a persecutor of the Quakers, is struck blind in the pulpit, ii. 135.

Glyn, lord chief justice, has a long discourse with G. Fox at his trial, i. 148.

God: some people who denied his being, refuted and convinced by G. Fox, i. 29.

---- teaches his people by his Spirit, i. 72.

---- how good men know they are in his favour, ii. 148.

Goodyar, J. imprisoned, i. 140.

Goldsmith, Sarah, testifies against pride in a remarkable way, and is sent to prison, i. 106.

Goodair, Thomas, and Benjamin Staples, imprisoned at Oxford, outlawed, and stripped of all, for refusing to swear, i. 353.

Goodridge, Wm. thirteen years a prisoner, suffers severely, ii. 247.

Gospel not established by the sword, or law of man, but by the might, power, and spirit of God, i. 100.

Government and Governors, principles of the Quakers, with relation to them, i. 99.

Grace of God, that hath appeared to all men, able to bring them to the favour of God, i. 31.

---- it brings salvation, and the universality of it, ii. 78.

Gracechurch-street meeting-house built, ii. 78.

Green, Thomas, faithful pastor, suffers severe distresses on his goods, ii. 112.

Green Theophilus, servant to O. Cromwell, convinced by F. Howgill, i. 100.

---- set in the stocks and severely fined, and sent to Newgate by justice Hawtrey, with a remarkable mittimus, ii. 112.

---- see his sufferings, ii. 221.

Greetings, G. Fox is forbid to use them, i. 32.

---- the principles of the Quakers concerning them, ii. 303.

Gwin, Paul, a Baptist, finds fault with G. Fox, who soon puts him to silence, i. 183.

H.

Hacker, col. Francis, sends for G. Fox, from whom he has a prophetical warning, i. 116.

---- his wife and marshal convinced by G. Fox, i. 141.

---- he is hanged and quartered for high treason, i. 283.

Hale, sir Matthew, discharges G. Fox by proclamation, ii. 127.

Halhead, Miles, a zealous preacher, i. 75.

---- he is beaten by the order of justice Preston’s wife, and two very notable occurrences respecting her at Skipton; he is beaten till he is nigh unto death; miraculously healed; at Doncaster meets with like treatment; a remarkable occurrence concerning his wife, i. 86.

---- at Stanley chapel he is thrown over a wall, and wonderfully recovered of his bruises, i. 87.

---- goes to Newcastle, he is there imprisoned, and released again; many by him are convinced, i. 89.

---- goes to Ireland with James Lancaster and Miles Bateman, where they proclaim the truth, they return to England, from thence with James Lancaster, he goes to Scotland, are in danger of being stoned at Dumfries, visit several places in Scotland, and returns to England, i. 111, 112.

---- is imprisoned at Berwick, where some remarkable occurrences happen, i. 112.

---- he tells the question the priest designs to ask him, and answers it, is released and goes home, i. 112.

---- goes to London, from thence with T. Salthouse to Exeter and Plymouth, where he is much persecuted and imprisoned, and remains so for many months, i. 133, 135.

---- the fate of some of his persecutors, ii. 75, 76.

---- has a long conference with general Lambert, ii. 118.

---- his letter to G. Fox, ii. 120.

Hamilton, Alexander, erects a meeting-house at Drumbowy and Heads in Scotland, and is convinced, i. 112.

----- is one of the first Scotch preachers of that persuasion, a remarkable passage concerning him, i. 112.

Hammersley, Thomas, foreman of a jury without an oath, his verdict commended by the judge, i. 114.

Harris, Charles, joins with the separatists, ii. 190.

Harrison, a priest in Dublin, assents to the truth of B. Blaugdone’s speech to the deputy, i. 130.

Harwood, John, taken at Bures in Suffolk, examined and sent to jail, i. 138.

Hat-honour forbid to G. Fox, i. 32.

---- disused by W. Caton, being convinced, i. 119.

Haydock, John and Roger, convinced, and both become preachers, ii. 75.

---- the death of Roger, his character by his widow, ii. 275, 276.

Heavens, Elizabeth, and Elizabeth Fletcher’s cruel sufferings at Oxford, i. 108.

Helliar, John, and sir John Knight, two violent persecutors at Bristol, ii. 182.

Heresy, what punishment belongs to it, i. 309.

Hide, judge, an active persecutor, ii. 31.

---- dies suddenly, ii. 47.

Hide, Matthew, an eminent opposer of the Quakers for about 20 years, dies penitent, ii. 137.

Hignel, Jeremy, taken from his shop, and sent to prison without a mittimus, for being a Quaker, i. 105.

Hignel, Temperance, so violently abused, that she died in three days, i. 106.

Hire, those who teach for hire, not ministers of Christ, ii. 18.

Hirelings and false prophets preach for wages, i. 115.

History, the design of this, i. 19.

---- and to stir up others to improve it for the benefit of posterity, i. 79.

Hodshone, Robert, the cruelties practised on him by the Dutch in America, at the instigation of the English, i. 248.

Holder, Christopher, and John Copeland, cruelly whipped and imprisoned, &c. at Boston, i. 194.

---- they with John Rous had their right ears cut off, and were afterwards whipped, i. 221.

Hooton, Elizabeth, one of the first convinced, i. 26.

---- preaches publicly, i. 54.

---- cruelly used in New England, i. 366.

House of Commons pass the Bill of Exclusion. Their resolution against executing the penal laws on Protestant dissenters, ii. 180.

House of God, a building of lime and stone, absurdly so called, i. 75.

Hotham, justice, entertains G. Fox in a friendly manner, i. 59.

Howard, Luke, convinced by W. Caton, i. 120.

---- S. Fisher, a priest, in endeavouring to convince him of the lawfulness of singing psalms, is by him convinced to the contrary, i. 121.

Howgill, Francis, convinced by G. Fox, i. 68.

---- a short account of him: becomes a minister, and is imprisoned at Appleby, i. 69, 70.

---- goes to London, and is one of the first who preaches there at a Quakers’ meeting, i. 98.

---- goes to Court, and speaks to O. Cromwell, i. 99.

---- writes to him in a prophetical spirit and style, i. 99.

---- is six months in Ireland, and afterwards banished, i. 128.

---- writes a paper for encouragement in time of hot persecution, i. 384.

---- is imprisoned for not swearing, i. 432.

---- appears at the assizes at Appleby, ii. 9.

---- is recommitted, ii. 11.

---- his trial: he is outlawed and imprisoned, ii. 19.

---- dies in Appleby jail, ii. 85.

---- his advice to his daughter, ii. 86.

Hubberthorn, Richard, a zealous preacher, i. 75.

---- he with others, hauled out of a meeting, and left bound in the fields in the winter, i. 86.

---- goes to Norwich, where he is imprisoned, and writes epistles of exhortation to his friends, his birth, parentage, former life and character, i. 106, 107.

---- he has a long discourse with king Charles the Second, i. 280, 281.

---- he is violently hauled from Bull-and-Mouth meeting, and sent to Newgate, where he dies, i. 405, 406.

Huchin, John, imprisoned without cause or warrant, i. 141.

Huss, John, his martyrdom, i. 13.

Hutton, Thomas, entertains G. Fox after he had been sorely abused, i. 77.

Historical knowledge of Christ not commonly manifested to us but by the holy Scriptures, though God can impart it otherwise, ii. 146.

I./J.

Jackus, a priest, remarkably confounded by G. Fox, i. 78.

Jailer of Derby prison enraged against G. Fox, i. 43.

---- his vision and repentance, i. 44.

---- Launceston prison, his inhuman treatment of G. Fox and two companions, i. 153.

---- he is turned out and put into the dungeon, where he ends his days, i. 153.

Jailer of Boston in New England, his barbarous cruelty to W. Brend, i. 218.

---- of Lancaster Castle, his cruelty to G. Fox, soon after which he dies, ii. 53.

---- of Ilchester, Davis and Newberry, their miserable condition, ii. 202.

---- under jailer at Carlisle, his cruelty to G. Fox, i. 84.

James the Second proclaimed king; the dissenters petition him for liberty of worship, ii. 194.

---- by his proclamation puts a stop to persecution, ii. 200.

---- his order for ease to Quakers at Barbadoes, ii. 205.

---- publishes his declaration for liberty of conscience, ii. 213.

---- his order to the Lord Mayor to admit Quakers to offices, ii. 215.

---- suffers a Quaker to be covered in his presence, ii. 215.

Ibbitt, Thomas, denounces the judgment of fire against London two days before it began, ii. 64.

Jefferies, lord chief justice, infamous for the many dismal executions in the west, ii. 202.

Jesuit, one challenges the Quakers to dispute at the Earl of Newport’s house, some of whom met him, i. 199.

Jevans, Evan, his account why he became a Quaker, ii. 318.

Imprisonments, more than 4200 Quakers in prison in England, and many die there, i. 375.

---- account of the number of prisoners in the several counties, ii. 199.

---- king James sets all at liberty, except those for tithes, ii. 205.

Indian prince, his kindness to a persecuted Englishman, and saying concerning the English, i. 182.

Indictment of several persons taken at a meeting in Southwark, i. 385.

---- of John Crook, with some remarks on it, i. 400.

---- G. Fox proves his erroneous, ii. 5.

Informers, their baseness and cruelty, ii. 98.

---- the sudden death of one of them, ii. 101.

---- wicked persons encouraged to become informers against dissenters, ii. 110.

---- sudden and remarkable end of one at Norwich, ii. 174.

---- Shad burnt in the hand, ii. 192.

---- Hilton committed to Newgate, ii. 200.

Inspiration of the Spirit of God; by it we believe the words and writings of the prophets to be divine, ii. 144.

John-ap-John, sent by a priest in Wales to inquire concerning the Quakers; is convinced; becomes a preacher, i. 95.

---- is imprisoned, i. 191.

Jury, trial by jury refused the Quakers in New England, i. 220.

---- strange advice to a jury on the Conventicle Act, ii. 196.

---- barbarous usage of Penn and Mead, who are fined and imprisoned, ii. 106.

K.

Keith, George, with others disputes with the Baptists in London, ii. 131.

---- disputes at Aberdeen with some of the scholars, four of whom are convinced, ii. 133.

---- goes with W. Penn, &c. into Holland, &c. ii. 161.

---- some account of his apostacy, ii. 249.

---- returns to England, ii. 249.

---- preaches at Turner’s-hall, conforms to the church of England, and is ordained, ii. 249.

---- charges the Quakers with heterodoxy; challenges them to meet him at Turner’s-hall, which they decline for reasons assigned, ii. 271.

---- charges Quakers with such points as he had notably defended, ii. 272.

---- is much in favour with the clergy, ii. 282.

---- is sent to America, and returns with little success, and gets a benefice in Sussex, ii. 300.

Kingdom of Christ is setting up by his own power, i. 187.

Kirby, colonel, his cruelty to G. Fox, ii. 7.

Knight, sir John, and J. Helliar, two violent persecutors at Bristol, ii. 182.

L.

Labadie, John de, a noted teacher in Holland, ii. 164.

Lambert, Major General, dissuades Cromwell from assuming the crown, for which he is made to resign his commission, i. 184.

---- is sent general by the parliament against sir George Booth, whom he defeats, i. 235.

---- he is tried and condemned, but obtains his life, and is confined to a small island near Plymouth, i. 355.

Lampitt, William, priest at Ulverstone, opposed by G. Fox, i. 71.

---- put to silence by G. Fox, i. 74.

---- Friends barbarously used by his hearers, i. 75.

---- he with another priest are silenced, when Miles Halhead went into the house where Lampitt was preaching, i. 89.

---- his death, ii. 138.

Lancaster, James, his wife throws stones at G. Fox, i. 74.

---- she repents, and becomes one of his friends, i. 77.

---- he accompanies Miles Halhead into Ireland, and afterwards into Scotland, i. 111.

Launceston, mayor of, a cruel persecutor, i. 153.

Languages and sciences not requisite to make a minister of Christ, i. 198.

Laws originally designed against Papists executed against Protestant dissenters, i. 290.

---- an abstract of them interspersed with cases, i. 287, 288, 289.

Laws in equity should extend no further than there is power in man to obey, ii. 52.

---- made in New England against the Quakers, i. 217, 222.

Lawson, Thomas, convinced by G. Fox, and becomes a preacher, i. 72.

Lawson, Wilfrey, high sheriff, a great enemy to G. Fox when in Carlisle prison, i. 84.

Lawyers are without justice and equity, for want of the true knowledge and wisdom, i. 31.

---- an expostulation with them, i. 170.

Le Clerc, John, his constancy in martyrdom, i. 14.

Leddra, William, taken up at Newberry, and sent to the house of correction at Boston. Was kept five days without food, and had twenty lashes with a three-corded whip, i. 217.

---- though banished on pain of death he returned to Boston, is taken up, and chained to a log of wood day and night, i. 296.

---- is thus brought to court and examined; receives sentence of death; writes to his friends, i. 300.

---- his execution, i. 301.

Letchford, Leonard, a cruel persecutor; his sudden death, i. 354.

Liberty of conscience, the protector’s speech for it, i. 103.

---- the pretended assertors of it persecute more fiercely than the Episcopalians had done before, i. 107.

---- promised by king Charles the Second in his declaration, i. 266.

---- the court seems inclined to it, but prevented it, i. 284.

---- a little book concerning it presented to the king, i. 318.

---- expected from king James the Second, ii. 200.

---- but is settled by king William in his first parliament, ii. 233.

Licentiousness of the press, a bill for restraining it brought into parliament, ii. 278.

---- considerations relating to it offered by the Quakers and given to the members, ii. 278.

Light of Christ, vide i. 73, 133, 187.

Lilburn, John, lieutenant-colonel, reproves the protector, i. 142.

---- his character; imprisoned, tried for treason, acquitted, yet kept prisoner during the protector’s life, and afterwards convinced, i. 143, 144.

Lockhart, governor of Dunkirk, i. 232.

---- sends for E. Burrough and S. Fisher, and discourses with them in a friendly manner, i. 234.

Lodowick, Charles, elector palatine, his kind entertainment of W. Ames, and his friends, i. 225.

Loe, Thomas, a zealous minister of the gospel; his dying words; W. Penn convinced by him, ii. 81.

London, F. Howgill and A. Pearson, the first of the Quakers who held a meeting there, i. 98.

---- meeting-houses built and meetings settled there, i. 101.

---- Quakers are severely persecuted; about 509 of them imprisoned, i. 374.

---- Many instances of barbarous cruelties, i. 375, 376, 382, 383.

---- pestilence increases; above 8000 people die in one week, ii. 48.

---- fire breaks out, by which above 1320 houses were burnt, ii. 64.

Love, mutual Christian love amongst friends, i. 229.

Love, John, travels to Leghorn, Venice, Rome, where for his testimony he is put in the inquisition, and dies, i. 282.

Lower, Thomas, convinced by G. Fox in Launceston jail, i. 153.

---- imprisoned with him at Worcester, ii. 117.

---- set at liberty, pleads for G. Fox, and smartly reprimands Dr. Crowder, ii. 122.

Lucerne, valley of, protestants there much persecuted, i. 204.

Lurting, Thomas, a fighting sailor, becomes a peaceable Christian, meets with many troubles by being pressed into the king’s service: is taken by an Algerine; retakes the ship without fighting; lands the Turks on the Barbary shore; on his return, the king being informed of the circumstance, went and discoursed with the master and mate about it, i. 418 to 428.

Lindy, a blind man of 90, severely used at Bristol, ii. 186.

M.

Magistracy, the end and design of it, i. 212.

---- its degeneracy, i. 212.

---- the Quakers’ opinion concerning it, i. 281.

Magistrates of Boston, in New England, encouraged by the priests in persecution, i. 219.

Magistrates, make a cruel order, which is cruelly executed, i. 219.

---- good and bad, our duty to each respectively, i. 281.

---- how far their power extendeth, i. 309.

Magna Charta, proceedings against Quakers contrary to it, i. 381.

Malta, English consul accessary to the putting two English women in the inquisition, i. 324.

---- his death, i. 333.

---- C. Evans writes to its rulers, i. 340.

---- a dreadful tempest and earthquake, i. 341.

Mansfield-Woodhouse, people fall upon G. Fox, in the steeple-house, and strike him down, &c. a distracted woman quieted, i. 35.

Marriage, the principle of the Quakers relating thereto, ii. 204.

Marsh, ----, esq. one of the king’s bed-chamber, a friend to G. Fox, i. 285.

---- his extraordinary respect for him, ii. 64.

---- is made justice of peace, continues kind to G. Fox and other friends, ii. 78, 79.

Marshal, Charles, convinced, i. 101.

---- travels through the nation in the heat of persecution, yet none lay hands on him, neither is he fined for preaching, ii. 187.

Marshal, Henry, a persecuting priest, his presumptuous saying from the pulpit, and sad death, ii. 72.

Marshal, priest, spreads false and slanderous reports of G. Fox, i. 66.

Marshall, Elizabeth, imprisoned at Bristol, i. 104.

Mass-houses not the houses of God, i. 75.

Meekness and patience, notable instances of them, i. 415.

Meeting, the first great one kept in Nottinghamshire; an extraordinary one at Mansfield; of professors and others visited in several places, i. 29, 30.

---- a general, at Swanington in Bedfordshire, and at Skipton, i. 114, 199.

Meetings settled, i. 67.

---- frequently disturbed at London and elsewhere, and persons cruelly abused, i. 374.

---- Friends beaten and grievously wounded, some even to death, and when kept by force out of their meeting-houses they meet in the street, i. 376.

---- a yearly meeting at London, ii. 89.

---- some convinced in silent meetings, ii. 294.

---- meeting-house at Ratcliffe pulled down, ii. 100.

Military employment testified against, i. 107.

Miller, Philip, a volunteer in persecution, disturbing meetings without authority, i. 377.

Ministers of Christ are made by himself, who gives them gifts, i. 199.

---- so called, in this nation a great grievance to it, ii. 182.

---- of the word, above 60 of them raised among the Quakers, go out in the service of the gospel; the names of several of them, i. 98.

Monk, general, gives an order against soldiers disturbing Friends’ meetings, i. 365.

Motions of the body and mind distinguished, ii. 131.

Muggleton, Lodowick, and John Reeves, their monstrous blasphemies, a book published against him by R. Farnsworth, i. 430.

---- to which he replies, i. 430.

Murder, strange account of one at Dublin, i. 130.

Musgrave, sir Philip, a persecutor of Friends, and a violent prosecutor of F. Howgill, ii. 9.

N.

Nayler, James, convinced by G. Fox, becomes a preacher, i. 58.

---- reproved by G. F. and friends at Bristol, i. 158.

---- his birth and education, &c. i. 159.

---- the beginning of his fall, i. 160.

---- his procession into Bristol, taken up there, examined, and sent to London to be examined by the parliament, their resolution and sentence, i. 160, 161.

---- petitions on his behalf, i. 162.

---- public preachers prevail with the Protector not to stop his punishment, i. 163.

---- sentence executed at London, i. 164.

---- he comes to a true repentance of his transgression, and publishes several books and papers by way of recantation, i. 165, 166.

---- extract from the preface of his works.--See Appendix, vol. i.

---- his crime not owing to the doctrine of which he made profession, but to his being exalted in his own opinion, i. 179.

---- his dying words, i. 181.

Newcastle, mayor of, troubled for imprisoning M. Halhead; sets him at liberty, i. 89.

New England, persecution there, i. 181.

---- cruel laws made, i. 217.

---- Nicholas Davis banished on pain of death, i. 251.

---- their deputies come to England to defend their cruelty, but fearing danger, retreat, i. 314.

---- impious expressions of some of the magistrates, i. 369.

---- a relation of their proceedings published, i. 371.

Nimeguen, the Congress there. The apology and a letter written in Latin by R Barclay, delivered to each ambassador, &c. ii. 174.

Norton, John, priest at Boston in New England, encourages the magistrates in persecution, i. 219.

---- he with other priests petition for a law to banish Quakers on pain of death, i. 222.

---- his sudden and remarkable death, i. 372.

Norwich, R. Hubberthorn and G. Whitehead go thither, by whose ministry a meeting is settled there, i. 98, 107.

O.

Oaths, reason why the Quakers refuse to take them, &c. and petition parliament for an affirmation instead of an oath, vide acts of parliament, ii. 259.

Oath of fidelity to O. Cromwell refused by his soldiers convinced of the Quakers’ persuasion, who thereupon are disbanded, i. 97.

---- of abjuration of the pope, refused and why, i. 134.

---- of supremacy, i. 290.

Oaths, on gospel ordinance, a book written by F. Howgill against oaths, ii. 86.

---- doctrine of the Quakers concerning oaths not absolutely necessary to government, ii. 302.

Oaths of allegiance and supremacy tendered to Quakers, and by them refused, the general pretence for persecuting them, i. 351, 352.

Oppressed, God hears them, and brings distress on their persecutors, i. 283.

Orange, prince of, king William III. the glorious instrument of establishing liberty of conscience by law, ii. 233.

---- plot against him, and associations thereupon, ii. 274.

---- testimony of the Quakers respecting these associations, ii. 274.

Osborn, Wm. one of the first Scotch preachers of the Quakers, i. 112.

---- from a lieutenant colonel becomes a zealous minister, i. 124.

Oxford, cruel and barbarous usage of Elizabeth Heavens and Elizabeth Fletcher, so that the latter of whom died soon after, i. 108.

P.

Paets, Adrian, his argument against revelation, ii. 143.

---- answered by R. Barclay and others, ii. 144 to 160.

Page, John, mayor of Plymouth, his unjust treatment of M. Halhead, and T. Salthouse, i. 134.

---- makes excuse for it in a letter to general Desborough, who is little satisfied with it, i. 134.

Papists endeavour to make proselytes of Quakers, i. 315.

---- statutes made against them, executed against Quakers, ii. 19.

Parker, Alexander, an early minister, i. 118.

---- his death and character, ii. 235.

Parnel, James, a youth of sixteen visiting G. Fox in Carlisle dungeon, is convinced, and afterwards becomes a powerful minister of the gospel, i. 85.

---- born at Retford, and trained up in literature, i. 124.

---- imprisoned at Cambridge; disputes with the scholars, and is rudely treated; goes to a fast at Coggeshall; reasons with and confounds priest Willis, though but about eighteen years of age; he is sent to Colchester prison, and from thence to Chelmsford sessions, chained night and day with felons and murderers, i. 125, 126.

---- is indicted, fined, and sent back to Colchester castle; i. 126.

---- cruelty exercised towards him there, proves the cause of his death, i. 127.

Pastor, independent, preaching against the Quakers, falls down as dead, brought again to life, but never to his right senses, i. 192.

Pattison, M. imprisoned, i. 140.

Peace, the first step thereto is to stand still in the light that discovers sin and transgressions, i. 73.

Pearson, Anthony, convinced, i. 83.

---- refuses access to G. Fox in Carlisle dungeon, i. 90.

---- one of the first Quakers that preached at London, i. 98.

---- he and T. Aldam visit most of the jails, and get copies of Friends’ convictions to lay before O. Cromwell, i. 208.

Pembleton, Brian, a New England magistrate, persecutor and blasphemer, i. 369.

Penn, William, his education and convincement, ii. 77.

---- publishes a book, for which he is committed to the Tower, ii. 82.

---- is tried with Wm. Mead at the Old Bailey, ii. 101.

---- goes into Holland, and travels into Germany, with R. Barclay, ii. 161.

---- with whom he visits the princess Elizabeth, and travels further into Germany, ii. 162.

---- writes to the princess Elizabeth, the countess of Hornes, and to the elector Palatine, ii. 163.

---- goes to Wiewart where he speaks with Anne Maria Schurman, the Somerdykes, and Peter Yvon the French pastor; goes to Embden, where he speaks with the burgomaster André, ii. 164.

---- his letter to him against persecution, ii. 165.

---- revisits the princess and countess, ii. 267.

---- disputes at Amsterdam, ii. 168.

---- arrives at Harwich, thence goes to London, ii. 170.

---- writes to the princess, ii. 171.

---- Pennsylvania granted to him and his heirs by king Charles II. ii. 181.

---- his speech to king James II. on his delivering the address from the yearly meeting, and the king’s answer, ii. 213.

---- blames the turning out of the fellows of Magdalen College, ii. 216.

---- answers the reflection of his being a Papist, ii. 223.

---- presents an address to queen Anne, ii. 298.

Penn, admiral, sent by the Protector with a fleet to the West Indies, i. 145.

---- his dying sentiments and advice to his son, ii. 181.

Pennington, Isaac, a prisoner, writes to the king and parliament of the unreasonableness of persecution, ii. 50.

---- a question proposed by him to both houses of parliament, ii. 52.

---- short account of his convincement, death, and burial, ii. 175.

---- his account of himself, ii. 287 to 292.

Penry, justice, prosecuted on the act against occasional conformity, ii. 321.

People of God, a summary account of his raising to himself a people in this nation, of their great suffering, what he has done for them, and will do, with an exhortation to patience and steadfastness, i. 291 to 295.

Perfection, recommended by G. Fox, and defended against some professors, i. 93.

Perrot, John, travels into Italy with J. Love; is imprisoned at Rome, and released, i. 282.

---- gives way to vain imaginations, i. 316.

---- and abandons his profession, i. 317.

---- his answers to alderman Brown, i. 378.

---- said to be the author of a paper fathered by Rogers’s party on E. Burrough, ii. 190.

Persecution at Bristol, i. 102.

---- in New England, i. 180.

---- is contrary to Christ, his apostles, and Christianity, i. 183.

---- inexcusable in the professors of religion, i. 204 to 207.

---- protector and council warned against it, i. 208.

---- in London and elsewhere, i. 214.

---- some stop put to it by change of government, i. 287.

---- is very severe throughout England, i. 374, ii. 30, 40.

---- is at a stand, which displeases some churchmen, ii. 89.

---- is renewed, ii. 93, 98.

---- rages in the country, ii. 100.

---- many instances of it, ii. 110 to 114.

---- a stop put to it, ii. 230.

Persecutors, their dismal fate, ii. 76, 135, 186.

---- excellent advice to them, ii. 221.

---- J. Batt dies penitent, ii. 265.

---- wretched end of Alexander Ruddock, ii. 266.

Petition of the Quakers to king James II. ii. 194.

---- two papers presented to him, in one of which was the number of prisoners in every county, ii. 197 to 199.

Physicians should be in the wisdom of God, by which the creatures were made, if they would know their virtues, i. 31.

Pistol, one held to G. Fox’s breast would not go off, and the man went away trembling, i. 77.

Plain speech required of G. Fox, i. 32.

---- reasons for using it, i. 32, 315.

Plays, shows wakes, May-games, &c. testified against by G. Fox, i. 34.

Pope, Innocent XI. two letters to him, with queries to him by G. Fox, ii. 175.

Pope, Blanche, confuted by G. Fox, i. 410.

Popery, the parliament advise the king to suppress the growth of it, ii. 133.

Popish plot discovered, ii. 174.

Porter, Henry, commits G. Fox to Lancaster prison, i. 274.

Prayer, G. Fox’s paper concerning, ii. 210.

Preachers in 1652, are 25 in number, and every where meet with opposition, i. 79.

Preaching of the Quakers, at first of what it consisted, i. 26.

Press, Quakers considerations on the bill to restrain it, ii. 278.

Preston, Thomas, his wife makes her servant beat M. Halhead for passing by her without greeting: she sometime after dies in a miserable condition, i. 86, 87.

---- her servant much troubled with what he had done; three years after begs forgiveness, i. 87.

Presumption of the church of Rome, i. 315, 316.

Pretences for imprisoning Quakers groundless and frivolous, i. 135, 136, 148, and sequel.

Pride, a warning to young people against it, ii. 292, 293.

Priests endeavour to persuade people that there is no possibility of being freed from sin in this life, i. 38.

---- how they deceived the people, i. 55.

---- when they heard of G. Fox’s coming, they would hide themselves, i. 60.

---- they possess not what they speak of to others, i. 71.

---- have not the word of the Lord, as the prophets and apostles had, i. 74.

---- fruits of their ministry, i. 78.

---- they stir up to persecution, i. 102, 103, 213.

---- their lives and practices disagree with their doctrine, i. 137.

---- why they are sometimes treated a little roughly, i. 137.

---- their domineering pride and covetousness, ii. 56.

Prince, Thomas, governor of Plymouth, his barbarous expression concerning the Quakers, i. 248.

Prisoners to lie long in a jail dangerous to their morals, i. 54.

---- some very wicked ones are kind to G. Fox, and become converts, i. 84.

Professors of the light, Quakers were formerly so called, i. 39.

Prophesy of the priests, that the Quakers would be all gone in half a year, i. 76.

Prophetical warnings, sayings, and passages, i. 115.

---- of G. Fox to colonel Hacker, i. 116.

---- of B. Blaugdone to judge Pepes at Dublin, i. 131.

---- of a woman before the parliament, i. 207.

---- of Cromwell’s fall, by T. Aldam, i. 208.

---- by E. Burrough, i. 208, 209, 216, 231, 232, 235 to 245.

---- of G. Fox, jun. to the parliament and army, i. 262.

---- of W. Christison to captain Adderton, i. 304.

---- and to the court of Boston, i. 308.

---- of G. Fox, jun. to his friends, i. 307.

---- of C. Evans, i. 321, 329, 332.

---- of F. Howgill, i. 384.

---- of G. Bishop to the king and parliament, ii. 40.

Proselytes, Jesuits endeavour to make them from among the Quakers, but in vain, i. 316.

Puritans, when so called, i. 17.

Pursloe, captain, rejoices for the spreading of the truth, i. 63.

Pyot, Edward, fellow traveller with G. Fox, is taken into custody at Ives, i. 148.

---- was formerly a captain, writes to judge Glyn, i. 153.

Q.

Quakers, so called in scorn, i. 18.

---- the reasons for their plain carriage and speech, which prove the occasion of great trouble and persecution to them, i. 32.

---- some priests convinced, i. 37.

---- first so called at Derby, the origin of the name, i. 39.

---- given by the independents, i. 118.

---- are falsely charged with denying that Christ suffered at Jerusalem, i. 53.

---- their first meeting in Swarthmore was in judge Fell’s house, i. 74.

---- they meet with great and grievous sufferings, i. 77.

---- by patience surmount difficulties, and become numerous, i. 79.

---- they never resist their persecutors, in imitation of the primitive Christians, i. 86.

---- by what means they became so numerous in early times, and why they went so frequently to steeple-houses, &c. i. 91.

---- they at first lose their business, but it afterwards increases, i. 93.

---- meetings settled in most parts of the North, above sixty ministers are raised among them, they are imprisoned, whipped, &c. under various pretences, are branded for witches, i. 97.

---- many books are written against them, which are confuted by E. Burrough and F. Howgill, i. 101.

---- all manner of insolence and violence used against them at Bristol, i. 101.

---- charged with being of the Franciscan order, but refute it, i. 105.

---- O. Cromwell’s character of them, i. 117.

---- justices and other officers displaced for owning them, i. 117.

---- offer to lie in prison for their brethren, but refused and threatened, i. 207.

---- their tongues to be bored through with a hot iron, for returning a third time to New England, i. 217.

---- their great sufferings, and on what account, i. 230.

---- their charity to the poor commended, i. 274.

---- their mutual Christian love, i. 228.

---- some of their principles, i. 250, 258, 300, 309.

---- why they meet together, i. 281.

---- some of them had before the lords, 700 of them set at liberty by king Charles II. i. 284.

---- are persecuted afresh on the insurrection of the fifth monarchy-men, i. 285.

---- are not deterred from doing their duty by any sufferings, ii. 26, 30.

---- stand firm while other dissenters give way, ii. 182.

---- suffer unmoved the spoil of goods, ii. 247.

---- their perseverance and steadfastness till they obtain liberty, ii. 295.

---- name of Quakers not assumed but given, and how far used by them, among themselves they are distinguished by that of Friends, ii. 309.

---- reasons against the schism bill, ii. 322.

---- Yearly meeting Epistle, ii. 328.

Queries of E. Burrough to the friars and nuns at Dunkirk, i. 232.

---- mostly political, proposed to the Quakers, by an eminent royalist, supposed to be the earl of Clarendon, i. 271.

---- answered by E. Burrough, i. 271.

---- to the Pope and Papists, written by G. Fox, done into Latin by W. Sewel, and sent to Rome, ii. 178 et. seq.

R.

Rigge, Ambrose, convinced by G. Fox, i. 97.

---- imprisoned at Basingstoke, i. 156.

---- travels, imprisoned at Melcomb Regis, whipped at Southampton, afterwards imprisoned at Horsham, and premunired, i. 354.

Ranters, confuted by G. Fox; some of them convinced by him at Twy Cross, i. 114.

Rawlinson, capt. Wm. his cruelty to M. Halhead, i. 89.

Reckless, John, sheriff at Nottingham, convinced by G. Fox, and becomes a preacher, i. 35.

Recreations, the principle of the Quakers as to them, ii. 303.

Ree, Richard, one of the first Scotch preachers among the Quakers, i. 112.

Reformation, small at first, proceeds by degrees, began in England under king Henry VIII. i. 14, 15.

Regeneration the work of God’s spirit, i. 139.

---- a sermon concerning it, by W. Dewsbury, ii. 225.

Religion imposed by force fills the land with hypocrites, i. 215.

Religion, Christian, depends not alone on the historical knowledge of Christ, i. 230.

Remorse on a death-bed for cruelly smiting a Quaker, i. 85.

Resurrection, the belief of the Quakers concerning, ii. 308.

Revelation, divine, how it is known to be such, ii. 147.

---- by dreams, ii. 153.

---- in the minds of the prophets by inward inspiration, ii. 152.

---- certain without any outward miraculous demonstration, ii. 153.

Revenge, not desired but refused by the professors of the light, i. 372.

Rich, Robert, a merchant of London, writes to parliament in vindication of James Nayler from the guilt of blasphemy, i. 161.

---- his behaviour to him at the execution of his sentence, i. 164.

---- joins John Perrot in his extravagancies, and afterwards quits his former profession, i. 318.

Ripan, mayor of Lancaster, convinced by G. Fox’s speech at the sessions there, i. 78.

Robertson, Thomas, and Josiah Coale, imprisoned in Bristol for attempting to speak in a steeple-house, i. 105.

Robinson, justice, kind to G. Fox, i. 61.

---- colonel, a justice, and a cruel persecutor of the Quakers; his dreadful exit as he went fanatic hunting, i. 411.

---- George, travels to Jerusalem, his wonderful preservation, and safe return, i. 195.

---- Thomas refusing the oath of abjuration, is imprisoned and cruelly used; being released goes to Portsmouth, i. 156.

---- Wm. taken up at Boston, in New England, is cruelly whipt and banished, but not leaving the country, is again taken up and imprisoned, i. 250.

---- brought before the court, receives sentence of death, i. 251.

---- his behaviour and execution, i. 255.

---- his and M. Stevenson’s dead bodies used inhumanly, i. 257.

Rogers and Crisp, separatists, ii. 190.

Rome, church of, not led by the good, but by the evil spirit, i. 215.

Rouse, John, his right ear cut off in the house of correction in Boston, New England, and afterwards whipped, i. 219.

Rudyard, Thomas, a lawyer, is prosecuted for writing a book showing the right of juries, &c. for pleading the cause of the oppressed, ii. 109.

Rulers, an expostulation with them touching their duty, i. 169.

S.

Sacrament, that word not found in Scripture. The Quakers’ belief concerning bread and wine, i. 280.

Sale, Richard, so violently thrust into a strait hole, called Little Ease, in West Chester prison, that he soon after died, i. 228.

Salt, Wm. imprisoned at Ives, i. 148.

Salthouse, Thomas, travels with M. Halhead to Bristol; they are imprisoned there, i. 131.

---- the cause of it, and are brought to trial, i. 133.

---- fined and sent to Bridewell on false or frivolous pretences, i. 134.

Salutations. See greetings, i. 32.

Sanders, Mary, convinced, servant to the protector’s wife, i. 100, 183.

Sawyer, Sarah, at her house in Aldersgate street was the first settled meeting of the Quakers in London, i. 101.

Sawrey, John, a justice, the first persecutor in the north, his cruelty to G. Fox, i. 76.

---- G. Fox’s prophetical letter to him, i. 80.

---- he is drowned, i. 81.

Scarth, Philip, a priest convinced by G. Fox; becomes a preacher among the Quakers, i. 60.

Schism bill passed, ii. 322.

Schurman, Anna Maria, some account of her life, ii. 164.

Scoffer, a remarkable judgment upon one, i. 264.

---- others convinced and converted, ii. 294.

Scot, Patience, a girl of eleven years old sent to prison, i. 247.

Scotch priest, who had threatened G. Fox’s life, afterwards becomes a Quaker, i. 60.

Scotland, visited by M. Halhead and J. Lancaster, and by C. Evans and S. Cheevers, i. 111.

---- also by S. Crisp, i. 246.

---- meetings settled at Drombowy, Heads, Garshore, Edinburgh, and Aberdeen, i. 112.

---- first Scotch preachers of the Quakers, i. 179.

---- Quakers persecuted there, ii. 172.

Scriptures, vide i. 31, 78, 281.

Seal, Peter, mayor of Southampton, his cruelty to A. Rigge, soon after which he dies, i. 156.

Sedbergh, G. Fox preaches in a meeting of Separatists there, and convinces most of them, i. 67.

Semper Idem, a popish book, so called, answered by Edw. Burrough, i. 309.

Separation of Wilkinson and Story, the rise and progress of it; it disappears, ii. 189.

Separatists from the church of England persecuted, afterwards become persecutors, i. 18.

Several meeting-houses erected at London, i. 101.

Sewel, Jacob Williamson, the author’s father, and Judith Zinspenning, his mother, convinced by W. Ames, i. 190.

Shattock, William, a shoemaker in Boston in New England, hauled to the house of correction, cruelly whipped and kept to work, i. 216.

---- Samuel, banished New England on pain of death, afterwards carries the king’s mandamus to New England, to prevent further persecution of the Quakers, i. 306.

Sheriff of Lincoln contending against G. Fox is convinced and travels with him, i. 113.

Shipwrecks, G. Fox writes respecting the wickedness of making spoil of them, i. 264.

Signs, T. Aldam, a sign to O. Cromwell, and a broken pitcher to the parliament, i. 207.

---- R. Huntingdon to Presbyterians and Independents, i. 284.

---- an English woman to the French Protestants at Dieppe, ii. 58.

---- T. Ibbitt to London, ii. 64.

---- S. Eccles to Papists at Galloway, ii. 90.

Sin, a freedom from it, asserted by G. Fox, i. 37.

---- for which he is imprisoned six months, i. 38.

---- the guilt and power of it taken away by Christ, i. 44.

---- pleaded for by professors, i. 45.

Singing psalms scrupled by G. Whitehead, i. 107.

---- reasons against it, i. 108.

---- principle of Quakers concerning singing in churches, ii. 308.

Smith, Humphrey, and others abused and hauled to prison from a meeting, i. 154.

Snake in the Grass, an anonymous book, written chiefly against the Quakers, answered by G. Whitehead and J. Wyeth, ii. 279.

Soldiers, one at Nottingham, denying that Christ suffered at Jerusalem refuted by G. Fox, i. 53.

---- a remarkable passage of some of them, i. 75.

---- one at Ulverstone cruelly beaten for taking part with G. Fox, i. 76.

Somerdykes, gentlewomen followers of Labadie visited by and discourse with Wm. Penn, ii. 164.

Souls, some who asserted that women have none, refuted by G. Fox, i. 24.

Southwick, Laurence and Cassandra, their sufferings, i. 195.

---- two of their children ordered to be sold for their fines, i. 247.

Southwick, Josiah, his Christian magnanimity, is whipped through three towns and turned into the wilderness, i. 362.

Southwark, meetings disturbed there, i. 385.

Spirit of God wrought gloriously in the martyrs at the reformation, i. 15.

---- its teaching, &c. owned by them and other reformers, and by Calvin, i. 15, 16.

---- a measure of it afforded to all men, i. 32.

---- it must be in those who understand the Scriptures, i. 78.

---- who are guided by it, i. 139.

---- how to know if we are led by it, i. 280.

---- thereby we come to believe the Scriptures come from God, ii. 144.

Staples, Benjamin, see Thomas Goodair.

Stealing goods, &c. not punished with death by the law of God, i. 418.

Steeple-houses, why public churches are so called by Quakers, i. 75.

---- they are improperly termed churches, i. 289.

---- why the Quakers do not frequent them, ii. 16.

Stephens, Nathaniel, priest of Drayton, i. 21.

---- at his instance the people stone G. Fox and his friends out of the town, i. 37.

Stevenson, Marmaduke, imprisoned at Boston, and banished, i. 250.

---- again apprehended and imprisoned, i. 251.

---- receives sentence of death; his account of his call to Boston, i. 252.

---- his execution, i. 255.

Stoddard, Amos, convinced by G. Fox, i. 29.

Stordy, Thomas, resigns an impropriation; his sufferings and pious end, ii. 193.

Stranger, Hannah, writes extravagant letters to J. Nayler, i. 158.

Stubbs, John, convinced by G. Fox in Carlisle prison, and becomes a minister, i. 97.

---- meets with W. Caton, i. 120.

---- travels with him, i. 121.

Stubbs, John, and S. Fisher, are at Rome, i. 282.

---- J. S. having been in Turkey returns to England, i. 350.

Sufferings of friends represented to the protector by G. Fox and S. Pyot, i. 183.

---- by E. Burrough in a letter, i. 184.

---- and by him to R. Cromwell, i. 212.

---- in New England unparalleled, i. 216.

---- account of, published and offered to the parliament, i. 228.

---- a relation of them since the restoration published and presented to the king and parliament, ii. 180.

---- in Barbadoes, ii. 263.

Sultan, Mahomet IV. favourably receives a message from Mary Fisher, and dismisses her with respect, i. 283.

Supper, Lord’s, so called, see water-baptism.

Swearing, unlawful for Christians, i. 113, ii. 3.

---- denied by the Waldenses and primitive Christians, ii. 17.

---- arguments against it, ii. 62.

---- a representation of the Quakers’ case of not swearing given to the members of parliament, ii. 258.

T.

Taylor, bishop, his thoughts respecting heresy, drunkards, &c. i. 318.

Teachers of the world preach for hire, i. 62.

---- described and expostulated with, i. 170.

Temples of God, not churches or steeples so called, but his people’s hearts, i. 23, 60.

Time-servers no ministers of Christ, ii. 18.

Tithes, R. Widders and thousands more suffer much in their estates for refusing to pay them, i. 91.

---- that they are now abolished; a dispute; about 100 suffer for not paying them, i. 140.

---- a motion to abolish them, i. 234.

---- a law concerning them, i. 287.

---- doctrine of the Quakers concerning them, ii. 303.

Tongues and languages, the beast has power over them, i. 198.

Travelling to and fro, the practice of Christ and his apostles in preaching the word and doing good, i. 140.

Trigg, Hannah, a maid of 15, sentenced to banishment, dies in prison, ii. 31.

Trinity, the word not found in the Scriptures, i. 133.

Trooper, one at Derby convinced by G. Fox; speaks boldly among the soldiers, is wonderfully preserved and lays down his arms, i. 53.

Truth of the Scriptures, how known, i. 281.

Triers of spirits, that know not of what spirit themselves are, silenced by G. Fox, i. 54.

Trial of John Crook, i. 387.

---- of many prisoners at Worcester, i. 417.

---- of G. Fox, ii. 3.

---- of F. Howgill, ii. 9, 14.

---- of eight friends at Hertford, ii. 26.

---- of W. Penn and W. Mead, ii. 101.

Tumults at Bristol, in which the Quakers suffer greatly, i. 101.

U./V.

Vane, sir Henry, chairman of a commitee where many friends are tried, i. 214.

---- he is tried, found guilty, and beheaded on Tower-hill, i. 355.

Vickris, Richard, imprisoned at Bristol, i. 290.

Unfaithfulness, the fruit of it, i. 370.

Upshal, Nicholas, member of the church of Boston, in New England, gives 5_s._ a week for the liberty of taking victuals to two Quaker women in prison, i. 182.

---- is fined, imprisoned, and banished, for speaking against persecution; kindness of an Indian prince to him, i. 182.

Usage of such as for conscience-sake could not follow the ordinary custom, i. 32.

W.

Wages, such as preach for, are hirelings and false prophets, i. 114.

Waldenses denied all swearing, see swearing.

Ward, captain, convinced by G. Fox, i. 67.

Warfare of a Christian spiritual, i. 224.

Wars, whence they proceed, i. 235.

Warrants, i. 104, 135, 147, 362, 367.

Wastfield, Daniel, a close prisoner 33 days, not suffered to see his dying child, i. 106.

Waugh, D. see S. Gibbons.

Weapons, carnal, not used by Quakers, i. 224, 235, 286.

West, colonel, G. Fox’s friend, i. 78.

---- refuses to grant a warrant for apprehending him, would rather hazard all, i. 80.

Whitehead, George, goes to Norwich, i. 107.

---- a short account of his former life, and convincement, i. 107.

---- apprehended, and examined, and imprisoned at Bures in Suffolk, i. 138.

---- writes against persecution, ii. 25.

---- disputes with W. Burnet and J. Ives about the resurrection, and with T. Vincent about the trinity, ii. 82.

---- with others, presents an address to king William, ii. 283.

---- another to queen Anne, ii. 297.

---- his speeches to the queen, on presenting an address, ii. 312.

---- another to king George, and his speeches to the prince, ii. 324.

---- another to ditto on suppressing the rebellion, ii. 327.

Whitrow, Susannah, a young woman, her warning to young people, ii. 292.

Widders, Robert, grievously abused at Coldbeck, dismissed by justice Briscoe, after a warrant to carry him to jail at Carlisle, i. 90.

---- goes to several steeple-houses, is sometimes imprisoned, and sometimes remarkably delivered, i. 91.

---- his death, ii. 211.

William III., see prince of Orange.

Wilkinson and Story, see separation.

Wilson, priest, his insolent behaviour at the execution of William Robinson and M. Stevenson, i. 258.

---- he makes a ballad on them, i. 258.

Witt, John and Cornelius, their miserable end, ii. 117.

Wits, a caution to conceited ones, ii. 290.

Witness of God within, awakens and reproves what is contrary to gravity and sobriety, i. 119.

Woman, one foretells the dissolution of parliament, i. 207.

---- miserable end of one who reviled W. Robinson and M. Stevenson at their death, i. 257.

Women’s preaching, the belief and practice of the Quakers concerning it, ii. 307.

---- monthly meetings, rise of, ii. 61.

Word, written and unwritten asserted by the Papists, i. 200.

Work of the Lord not to be opposed, i. 88.

Worship, Quakers think public worship an indispensable duty, i. 376.

---- their way of worship, ii. 329.

---- self willed, is barren and unprofitable, i. 92.

---- the end of true worship, ii. 16.

Wrath of God, how felt by profane men as fire, ii. 149.

Wright, Hannah, a girl of about fourteen years of age, travels some hundred miles to Boston and warns the magistrates to spill no more innocent blood, i. 370.

Y.

Young, Edward, mayor of Eversham, his cruelties towards the Quakers, i. 154.

---- his barbarous treatment of two women for visiting the prisoners, i. 155.

York, duke of, advises the king to severity against G. Fox the younger, for his letter. The king’s prudent answer, i. 311.

Z.

Zinspenning, Judith, the author’s mother, comes to England, and speaks in public by an interpreter, and writes a book of proverbs, i. 429.

---- brief account of her life, ii. 41.

---- her death, ii. 44.

---- her epistle to the friends of truth, ii. 44.

FINIS.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Unusual, obsolete, archaic and inconsistent spellings have been left in the book, however obvious misspellings have been fixed.

Where Greek appears in the book, I have supplied the original text, a transliteration and if there is no translation in the text, then a translation as well. I find this is necessary because many devices do not render the Greek alphabet. If you have such a device, ignore the little boxes where the Greek characters should be.

The year numbers that appear in the chapter (Book) titles and section titles were in the page headers in the original book. I did my best to place them appropriately in this e-book.

There is some confusion in the book about whether first month is the month commonly called January or the month commonly called March. Hence what any other numbered month refers to is also in question. It is not safe to assume one or the other, unless the text makes clear the common name of a numbered month. (That being said, in this book, first day is the day commonly called Sunday and the day numbering follows from that.)

In the index, I. and J. are mixed as well as U. and V. because this book is old enough that those letters had not yet been distinguished as separate letters.

Details of changes made to the text are as follows. This list contains the page number, the original text and context, and the change is shown inside square brackets. Minor changes to punctuation and hyphenization have not been recorded.

Volume 1:

001: BY WILLIAM SEWELL[SEWEL]. 003: matters as I believe are not easily paralelled[paralleled]. 004: this work, than to thee, O King of Great Britian[Britain], who, 006: Eccleston[Ecclestone], of London, who hath furnished me with 006: print. In the meanwhile I took acccount[account] of what seemed 011: though[thought] fit, since the said book is not easily to be got 013: worshiping[worshipping] of images, &c. nevertheless it is 014: his eyes by force, be endangered of loosing[losing] his sight, 037: the exciseman[excisemen], and warned them to take heed of 038: in the county of Nottingham; and John Fretwelll[Fretwell], late 038: mainprise[mainprize], or until they shall find sufficient 040: was not like that of a skiful[skilful] linguist. And albeit 057: him, and to help the widows and fartherless[fatherless] to their 063: wherewith they are enlightened. Going aftewards[afterwards] 064: carried before the justice. This taylor[tailor] came to ask him 071: the church. Thus much, for this time, of E. Borrough[Burrough]. 072: who having some notice of G. Gox’s[Fox’s] coming, preached in 075: that[than] the conceit of those, who think that in the gospel 081: the power, your derision, your bye-word[by-word], and your talk 088: it pleased the Lord to visit her. She had a litlte[little] son 089: Windermore[Windermere] steeple-house, and it was, as it were 090: and sent for to meet at Westminister[Westminster]. Into the 090: The parliament then caused a lettter[letter] to be sent down 092: thee scandalous. How often hast thou sate[sat] evening after 096: Lambert carried the sword before him to his couch[coach], in 098: Richard Hubberthorne[Hubberthorn] and George Whitehead, to 098: that E. Borrough[Burrough] passed by the place where they were 098: the man was not a little surprized[surprised], instead 098: combat. But it was quite another fight E. Borrough[Burrough] 110: to see whether she had either knife or scissars[scissors] 112: prophets any harm, least[lest] thou procure the anger of the 118: early ministers among those called Quakers. But leav-[leaving] (error on 118: remainder of word not on next line) 123: the congregration[congregation] of the English and Scotch, where 123: afternoon’s worship was ended, one of thom[them] began to speak 128: Now E. Borrough[Burrough] and F. Howgill were banished out of 129: that there was a women[woman] below that would speak with him; 136: JOHN PAGE, Muyor[Mayor].’ 138: ‘Dost thou say I deceive the the[(x2)] people? Make it manifest 149: mind,’ Then the judge make[made] a speech, how he represented 150: bail or mainprise[mainprize] could have been taken in that case. 155: themselves. And as to Humphry[Humphrey] Smith, and those with 160: Bloome’s[Blome’s] Fanatic History, in the said Collect, at 168: so lettting[letting] go that little of the true light which I 176: personal advantages, in mantaining[maintaining] the just 188: heart; least[lest] thou having forgotten God, and his many 191: Quakers in Wales, had preached the doctine[doctrine] of the 191: things,’ said the govenor[governor]: ‘Why then,’ said G. Fox, 200: they had for setting up cloisters for nuns, abbies[abbeys] and 204: ye take into your consideration the sad[said] persecution, 211: things in patience, truly desiring your retlrning[returning] and 211: not your destruction. But if these dolefu[doleful] sufferings 214: Jesus was the author of the apostles’s[apostles’] faith, and of 216: a statute[statue] was made to his quondam friend O. Cromwell. 228: whom whom[(x2)] was Richard Sale, near West Chester, who being 236: of great strengh[strength], and his dominion is from everlasting 264: So they took took[(x2)] off G. Fox’s hat, but not finding any 265: then at Westminister[Westminster], he showed that he would not 267: grants, sales, and purchases, shall be de-determined[determined] (error on 267: beginning of word not omitted on next line) 270: for they were tradesman[tradesmen], ploughmen, servants, and 285: him say, if they would not accept it, they might chuse[choose]; 288: ‘I A. B. do uttterly[utterly] testify and declare in my 288: other (his) highnesses[highness’s] dominions and countries, as 299: Whilst the trial of W. Leddra was thou[thus] going on, Wenlock 303: deny my master; but if I loose[lose] my life for Christ’s sake, 315: as well as J. Stubbs and B. Furley[Furly], yet I do not think 319: conversion by the apostles. Nowithstanding[Notwithstanding] my 327: eager, that he said he would loose[lose] one of his fingers if 328: out of the room alive. To which she couargeously[courageously] 332: and forwarned[forewarned] them. To which he said, ‘However it 334: of their victuals, and given them whole botttles[bottles] of 336: liberty to chuse[choose], she would rather do so, than return 340: in your cnnsciences[consciences], which convinceth of all evil, 349: to call Maunday[Maundy] Thursday. Being now landed, he went to 349: harm. Being no[on] shore, he delivered a paper, written in the 362: Dover, in New England, Anne Coleman, Mary Tompkins[Tomkins], and 365: yet; but she told him he was in the land[hand] of the Lord, who 369: he came to keep the wolves from his sheep. Wen-[Wenlock] (error on 369: remainder of word not on next line) 369: Pembleton was, may appear by the abomimable[abominable] answer 370: also one of the magistrates, asked Mary Thomkins[Tomkins] 376: especially at Abington[Abingdon], not far from Oxford; for this 382: Will you have any wallfleet[Wellfleet] oysters?’ And, ‘have you 388: inheritance derived to me as an Englishman, that[than] that 391: do justice, least[lest] you perish in his wrath. For sometimes 394: or else you run yourself into a premunire; be not you[your] own 400: milite, majore civilat[civitat]. London. Thoma Adams 401: ad faciend. ulterius. prout cur. con. Ac superiende[superinde] 401: superadicto[supradicto] coram præfat. Johe Frederick 401: decimo saprad’co[suprad’co]. apud d’cam paroch. sci Sepulchri 401: presen. existend. obtuler. (Anglice die[did] tender) 402: Contra debilam[debitam] quoadlibet eor. Legeanciam, ought 408: F. Howgill lamented his endeared friend E. Borrough[Burrough]. 410: to be seduced by Blanch[Blanche] Pope, a ranting woman, who had 419: than death itself; and by the subtility[subtilty] of Satan he 420: priest’s. Now, there was none abaord[aboard] that would abuse 425: to hide them in, that they[the] Spaniards coming aboard should 425: business, returned on board, not taking licence, least[lest] the 425: promise of silence, least[lest] the Spaniards should come and 427: rejected their invitation, will[well] knowing that the Scripture 432: at Kendal, in Westmorland[Westmoreland], about his business, was 433: that he had a narrow path to pass though[through]; and more than 435: it, nor mind it, least[lest] thou eatest condemnation; for that

Volume 2:

001: BY WILLIAM SEWELL[SEWEL]. 008: his limbs were much benumed[benumbed]. Here we will leave him 019: oath of witness, or notorious evidience[evidence] of the fact, 021: headboroughs, or tythingmen[tithingmen] of the respective 022: headborough or tythingman[tithingman], shall neglect to execute 042: live an unblamable[unblameable] life, not only before men, but 050: is of the Lord’s begetting in this[his] own life and nature. 051: is still able able[(x2)] to preserve them. Every power hitherto 054: then eat[ate] almost nothing but bread, and of this so little, 060: of if[it] to a burgomaster of the city, I think the lord 074: falsities which that annonymous[anonymous] author had belched 087: and abide not in Christ’t[Christ’s] doctrine; believe them not, 105: occasion to villify[vilify] them with opprobrious language. And 110: Nay, sometimes thay[they] swore only by guess, that in such a 111: year about midsummer, Thomas Bud[Budd] deceased at Ivelchester 112: the others did with the but-ends[butt-ends] of their muskets, to 115: no essoine[essoign], protection, or wager of law shall lie. Can 117: her other son-in-law John Rouse, accompained[accompanied] by 119: it were[where] the English army lay, how the sea was on one hand 122: parishoners[parishioners]; so that when he comes amongst them, 144: revelation, and of the certainly[certainty] of true faith from 157: repent themselves of their past mispent[misspent] life, and 175: otherwise was the exit of Issac[Isaac] Pennington, an eminent 183: prisoners some ease or enlagement[enlargement]: but the power 184: among whom were also Barbara Blaugdon[Blaugdone], (several 193: to be disobedient to him. This Thomas Story[Stordy] released 199: granted to other disenters[dissenters]. Nevertheless the 203: to this charge[change]; for it appeared that the magistrates 203: attend their friends, when the magistracy same[came] to be 210: Greenwel[Greenwell], and was afterwards wife to George 211: the law and testimony of God forbids it. Those Jews, tha[that] 219: thay[they] could not swear; and to help them to this right to 227: eternal happiness, put not of[off] this work, but pursue it, and 235: not only of a godly life and converstion[conversation], but also 236: wrought by the power of God? Did you[your] number, your policy, 248: Francis Mercurius, baron of Helmons[Helmont], concerning the 248: two hundred queries about that matter, [a] great part of which, 257: A Postcript[Postscript] relating to the doctrine of the 262: are exposed to great harships[hardships] as aforesaid; and not 266: and oppression he suffered, that so insensed[incensed] Ruddock, 272: broke of[off] with an &c. without adding the following words; 277: rightousness[righteousness] being that which exalteth a nation: 280: Holy Scriptures, prefering[preferring] them to all other books 282: George Keith, by villifying[vilifying] the doctrine of the 285: He was of a middle statute[stature]; his face lean and oblong; 285: signal proofs of it to the world. His corps[corpse] was interred 286: dogs, dragons, bears, lions, tygers[tigers], wild beasts, and 300: formerly, far[for] he seemed to be somewhat angry; and therefore 301: when in the mornings and evenings, and at others[other] certain 309: [Greek: Êros[Pros] tous Philous] and [Greek: hei[hoi] Philoi], 316: would choose this for the subject of his profame[profane] jests 321: of the perish[parish] himself gave a certificate that the said 322: and Christian interposition, in favour of presecuted[persecuted] 324: ‘May the wonderful Councellor[Counsellor] and great Preserver of 325: speeech [speech] was favourably heard by the prince. 327: may alway[always] attend the king’s councils and undertakings, 332: In the meanwhile we see what a see[sea] of confusion flows from 332: ignorance, and sometimes by subtility[subtilty] or wickedness, 339: bay, where Thomas Swailes[Swales] and Mary Stranger hearing of 341: to the seven yeomen, to beat me whereever[wherever] they met 344: and he he[(x2)] would have given me brandy, but I refused. Then 344: say, said the commander, ‘he is more a christain[christian] than 347: recruit, or go to my own being? He said, ‘I should chuse[choose] 349: out into the field, where a trooper sat centinel[sentinel], 355: Emperor’s majesty’s active privy councellor[counsellor] and lord 356: yet with force they thurst[thrust] on the lock, and beheld it 365: Blaugdon[Blaugdone], Barbara, convinced by John Audland and John 367: ---- imprisoned at Ispwich[Ipswich], ii. 77. 368: Drig[Dring], Robert, first meeting in London held at his house, 370: ---- preaches at Ulverstone, Alderham[Aldenham], and Ramside, 372: the king while there, and delivered to to[(x2)] him by R. 373: Hammersly[Hammersley], Thomas, foreman of a jury without an 373: to the truth of B. Blaugdon’s[Blaugdone’s] speech to the deputy, 379: his soldiers convinced of the Quaers’[Quakers’] persuasion, who 382: ---- their domineering pride and coveteousness[covetousness], 386: woman to the French Potestants[Protestants] at Dieppe, ii. 58. 386: Snake in the Grass, an annonymous[anonymous] book, written 387: Swearing, unlawful for Christians, i. 113, ii. 1[3]. 389: Woman, one foretels[foretells] the dissolution of parliament, i.

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