Out of their own mouths; utterances of German rulers, statesmen, savants, publicists, journalists, poets, businessmen

Front matter

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The book which follows gives the best possible statement of the principles by which Prussian monarchs and ministers were governed, of the World Empire which they hoped to establish, and of the means by which they expected to destroy Civilization and to set up in its place the Dominion of the Hun. Observe that these statements do not come from me or from any other partisan of Civilization, but from the Germans themselves. Truth is revealed not only in wine, but in those expressions which we make unconsciously, — in grief, in anger, in exultation. So when you find, in the passages which follow, the writer exulting over a policy which seems to you to be damnable, you can be sure that he is wearing no mask. The same is true when he lays before you, and gloats over it, a scheme of perfidy; or when he exposes, quite naively, his unbounded self-conceit and the vast proportions of the national swelled head, for which not merely Germany but Europe was too small, and only the world could suffice.

Considering the mass of testimony which had been accumulating during the twenty-five years between the accession of William II and his launching of war in 1914, considering also how openly the Germans talked of their "Destiny," their superiority, their fitness to rule the world, it is surprising how blind other nations and we were. We wrapped ourselves in incredulity. We took complacent ease in the thought that the day of Napoleon

xiii and Caesars had passed; that the world was too civilized to indulge in great wars of conquest; that commerce and banking and Socialist interactions, not to mention the unprecedented growth in humane standards had created an interdependence which would make war, not merely improbable, but unthinkable. We saw, indeed, that William II was neither a Napoleon nor a Caesar; but we did not sufficiently allow for the effect of the inordinate ambition and monstrous vanity of even a neurotic monarch working upon a people like the German. The size of the fetish never measures the strength of the tribe that worships it.

The War for World Power was no sudden conception; but only after the victories of Prussia fifty years ago did it become the definite aim of the military Junker ring. Having beaten Austria, Prussia dominated the German States, whether they would or no; and by defeating France, she united Germany as an Empire in which she was dominant. During the next twenty years, Bismarck, the real ruler of Germany, dismissed the propagandists of Pan-Germanism as half-baked theorists. He declared that Germany was "a satisfied nation." He planned to keep Germany at the head of Europe, but not to destroy France, England or Italy, nor to cripple Russia. He took little interest in colonies, nor does he seem to have been humbugged by the plea that Germany must go to war in order to win a place in the sun. He knew that Germans had migrated to all parts of the earth, and that in each place they were prospering by their thrift and industry.

William II became Kaiser on June 15, 1888, and he soon let the world know that he regarded himself as a bigger man than Old Bismarck. Having dropped Bismarck, he chose as advisers mediocre men — bureaucrats, militarists, Junkers, who, with captains of industry, shaped the policy of the country and completed the

xiv

Prussianization of the non-Prussian Germans. , Spurred on one side by an unscrupulous and a merciless Militarist caste and on the other by an equally unscrupulous and merciless Capitalist class — there have been no modern money-hunters like the Germans — German international policy took the road desired by the Army and by the Capitalists. Both classes flattered the Kaiser into supposing that he originated their policies, and that these were essential to the welfare of Germany — an easy task, for he was a megalomaniac of colossal proportions. ' About 1895 the dream of World Dominion solidified into something more than a dream. Officials of the Army, Navy and State Departments began to formulate the steps required to attain it. France and Russia — the competing Land Powers — could easily be smashed; but England, whose Empire stretched round the earth, could be reached and overcome only on the sea. So Germany started to build a great Navy, and the Naval officers at their mess drank regularly their toast ''Auf den Tag" — "To the Day" when they should be strong enough to meet the hated English, but for whom the Germans pleasantly assumed they would already be supreme. Now Pan- Germanists, official and unofficial, raised their paean to the superiority of the Germanic race. Historians expounded the manifest destiny reserved for them. Parsons bade them heed the word of God and slay the degenerate peoples. A mad philosopher glorified the Superman — a creature whom they at once assumed was German. Men of science found a warrant in biology for the destruction of the weak by the strong. The Kaiser himself spoke freely of his partnership with ''der alte Gott" — a connection which of course sealed with sanctity the Imperial utterances and designs. '

Everything being ready, and the enemies of Germany being reported by the Kaiser's spies as too unprepared to fight, the Prussian Military Ring forced the War.

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III

When you read the testimony which follows, therefore, you will understand that the War was the culmination of plans extending over a quarter of a century — more than that, that it sprang from the Prussian nature, which had proclaimed for a hundred years that war is the normal state of nations. You will see that the horrors, the hideous cruelties, the diabolical devastation, were not exceptional crimes, but carefully worked out parts of the Prussian military system in action.

There is a beast in every man. Prussian war experts long ago made it their duty to unchain this beast and to give it free play during war. They discovered how to excite its fury, and how to train that fury so that it should be damnably efficient. How well they have succeeded Belgium can tell, and Serbia and Poland and Armenia, whose two million and a half of dead were victims of massacre arranged by Prussians and carried out by Turks. . The sinking of the Lusitania, and of hundreds o£ other merchant ships — not enemy ships only but also neutral ships — the execution of Edith Cavell and of Captain Fryatt, the slaughter of hostages, the outrages on women and girls of all ages, the deportations, the starving of foreign civilians in prison pens, the sinking of hospital ships, the poisoning of wells, the shooting of Red Cross ambulance drivers and nurses — these are all deliberate manifestations of the Satanic system of Cruelty which the Prussians long ago adopted as the guiding principle of their war-making.

Cruelty has been an attribute of the Germans since earliest times. The Goths and Vandals and their kindred barbarians practiced it as a matter of course. The Huns — the spiritual ancestors of the Prussians — raised it to such a bad eminence that for fourteen centuries they stood unchallenged as foremost in cruelty.

The second pillar of the Prussian system is Mendacity. Frederick the Great gloried in his use of it ; what he wrote about it might form a Manual of Treachery. Bismarck was an expert in it. What can be expected of a nation whose national heroes are Frederick, who held no oath sacred, and Bismarck, who doctored the Ems dispatch? Mendacity, as practiced by the Prussians, includes hypocrisy, downright lies, treachery, and the debasing spy-system which has been employed since 1914 to undermine the United States. Deceit belongs properly to the savage, and we need not wonder, therefore, that it has been made a specialty by the modern Barbarians. President Wilson, whose opportunities for knowing details have, of course, surpassed those of any other American individual, has carefully distinguished between the German people and the German Imperial Government. With that clue we can, in all this terrible affair, assign responsibility for the wicked plans and their carrying out.

What I may call official German collective mendacity has reached its climax since 1896, when the Germans began secretly to plant colonies abroad; taking care that the new immigrants should go to strengthen German influence in chosen countries, and that the earlier settlers should be won back by blandishments and bribes of allegiance to German Imperialism. This was Prince Billow's way of "redeeming" German emigrants. No American, with our experience of the past three years before him, needs to be told the abominable methods employed or the results achieved.

Cruelty and Mendacity! These two words sum up military Prussianism. Humanity means the victory of human qualities and ideals over those of the beast. Prussianism, in exalting Cruelty, denies Humanity and voluntarily accepts the standards of the Beast. So Prussianism is an outlaw from Humanity. In like fashion, by practic-

xvii ing and glorifying Mendacity, Prussianism denies the primal trust of man in man, of tribe in tribe, which is the cornerstone of Civilization. Prussianism flouts the sanctity of treaties, and laughs at all other obligations which might check or hamper it ; and thereby it denies international faith, and makes itself an outlaw from Civilization.

You who read this confession of such ideals, you who remember how ruthlessly they have been put into practice, cannot plead ignorance in making your decisions between Civilization and Prussianism. You are American; can you picture Washington or Lincoln as supporting any of these devilish doctrines? You are American, and in the light of what the Teutons have done and still hope to do, you cannot doubt that if they got a foothold here they would shoot down you and your friends as hostages, destroy your home and your town, outrage your wife and daughters, devastate the country, and try to terrorize it into submission. They would have no more respect for Americans than they have had for Belgians or for French. Like the wolves and the hyenas they do these things because it is their nature to do them. Do not allow any specious argument to lure you to the side of the wolf and the hyena.

Those who are not with us are against us.

William Roscoe Thayer.

Cambridge, July 14, ipiy.

Chapter I Utterances Of Rulers

Political Philosophy of Frederic II (p. i). Justification of the Silesian War. "Scraps of paper/' The word of an Emperor (p. 2). Instruments of Providence. The sole pillar of the realm (p. 3). Imperial menaces (p. 4). Germany's destiny as a World Power (p. 5). Demands for annexations (p. 6).

Chapter II Utterances Of German Ministers And Chancellors

I. FROM BISMARCK TO BETHMANN-HOLLWEG

''Blood and iron." The "Editing" of the Ems Dispatch (p. 8). Why Paris should not be destroyed. Countess Bismarck's hatred of the French' (p. 14). Bismarck's regrets. A promise, a threat and a prophecy (p. 15). Value to Germany of the neutralization of Luxemburg and of Belgium (p. 16). Cutting off sea trade lawful warfare. Concerning the Polish expropriation laws (p. 17). The invasion of Belgium a "wrong." Germany had no grievance against Belgium (p. i8). "Strategical reasons" versus "scraps of paper" (p. 19). A retraction retracted (p. 21). Threats of annexation (p. 22).

II. Bismarck's unheeded warnings

Against German Jingoes (p. 25). Against supporting Austria's Eastern ambitions (p. 26). Against war with Russia. Against attacking France (p. 27). Against making war in anticipation of war (p. 28). Against military domination and personal autocracy (p. 31).

Chapter III Utterances Of Philosophers, Historians And Men Of Science

I. BEFORE THE OUTBREAK OF THE WORLD WAR

Prevalent attitude of German professors towards the peace movement. Peace a means to war (p. 33). German and French traits (p. 34). The philosophy of war (p. 35). "Dictates of prudence" (p. 37). Intervention. Treaties (p. 38). Little States and weak peoples (p. 39). "Culture" versus civilization. The State is power (p. 41). Absurdity of little States. Destiny of little States (p. 42). Prussia and Germany. Political morahty (p. 43). Value of treaties (p. 44). Necessity and sublimity of war (p. 45). Importance of an "irritable sense of honor." World power (p. 46). Confessions (p. 47). Warnings? (p. 48).

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II. SINCE THE OUTBREAK OF THE WORLD WAR

war of anticipation. Stepping-stones to world power (p. 48). A pax Germcmica (p. 51). Cultured correspondence (p. 52). German plans and ''atavistic instincts" (p. 54). Europe under German hegemony (p. 55). Aggressive Belgium (p. 56). German historical claims in the Netherlands. A lawyer's brief for Germany against Belgium (p. 57). The duties of the chosen people (p. 59). Annexationist petition of 352 professors (p. 60). A "decent form of death" for Belgium. Land wanted for 200,000,000 Germans. What Germans need "belongs" to them (p. 66). "No annexations, no indemnities" means Germany's defeat. Government of new "outer territories" (p. 6y). A pastor on the sinking of the Lusitania. Professorial f rightfulness (p. 68).

Chapter IV Utterances Of Publicists, Men Of Letters And Journalists

I. BEFORE THE WORLD WAR

Superiority and mission of the Teutons (p. 69). Especial superiority of the Germans (p. 71). Plans of expansion in Europe (p. 72). Philosophy of expansion (p. 74). Christ and Darwin (p. 75). "Precautionary war." Forecasts of the German World War (p. '^6). Schemes of World Empire (p. 78).

II. WHEN WAR WAS IN SIGHT

"A golden Teutonic opportunity" (p. 79). A war of expansion. Who willed the war? The anticipated fruits of victory (p. 81).

III. SINCE THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR

Germany's right and Germany's aims (p. 83). Germany willed the war (p. 85). Germans "no persecuted innocents" (p. 86). "The will topower." "A Holy German Empire" (p. 87). "Kultur." Retaliatory lying. Spirit and form of German Imperialism (p. 88). Germany's peculiar qualification for World Power (p. 90). The French and the English (p. 91). German must become the language of the world. How new territories may be Germanized (p. 92). Moral and immoral policies of power. Imperialism and Socialism (p. 93). Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg interpreted (p. 94). Dr. Dernburg disavowed (p. 95). Frederic's "pedants" at work (p. 96). . Germany's "needs" in Europe summarized (p. 97). Either ransom or loot. Loot already under cover (p. 98). The tender mercies of terrorism (p. 99). "Belgium does not exist." Germany must keep her soldiers' graves (p. 100). Germany needs Russian soil (p. loi). German military colonies. Proposed frontiers of "Middle Europe" (p. 102). Organization of "Middle Europe" (p. 105). Outlines of the German World Empire (p. 106). Germany's African Empire (p. 107). German aims in China (p. 109). The Achilles' heel of the British Empire (p. no). The taking of London (p. 112). How Germany will xxii negotiate peace. The severest of Germany's terms (p. 113).

Chapter V

Germans and Prussians (p. 114). A prophecy fulfilled. A prophecy not yet fulfilled. Vierordt's song of hate (p. 115). The poet's reply to a Swiss critic (p. 117). Lissauer's song of hate (p. 119). Song of the German sword (p. 121).

Chapter VI Utterances Of Captains Of Industry And Commerce And Of Economists

Annexationist memorial of six great industrial associations (p. 123). Chambers of Commerce for annexations. Annexationist desires of iron and steel manufacturers (p. 126). Rhenish manufacturers and landowners want Belgium. Chemnitz Unions demand annexations (p. 127). World plans of a Saxon manufacturer (p. 128). Calais as a center of the German lace industry. Exploitation of the new; "Duchy of Belgium" (p. 129). "Raw materials for war industry" (p. 131). The cure for "land shortage" (p. 133). "Pressure to the Ocean." Naval bases (p. 134). A German settlement in South China (p. 136). xxiii

Chapter VII Utterances Of Party Leaders

I. PARTY DECLARATIONS

Annexationist utterances of party ■ committees (p. 138). Joint declaration favoring annexations (p. 140).

II. UTTERANCES OF SINGLE LEADERS

"Mistakes need not be repeated" (p. 140). "German blood manure" not to be wasted. Why Belgians should desire German protection. Territorial indemnities. No plebiscites (p. 141). What territories Russia must cede (p. 142). Channel ports required. Annexations West and East (p. 143). A misinterpreted Imperial utterance (p. 144). A German protectorate of Belgium. The correct idea of "a lasting peace" (p. 145). A peace "made in Germany." "The line of the Naref" (p. 146). The German nation's divinely appointed goal. Strategic demands. "Ideals kindle no enthusiasm" (p. 147). Practical uses of history. Bethmann-Hollweg's implications (p. 148). Landmarks must be removed (p. 149).

Chapter VIII Utterances Of Military Writers

I. GLORIFICATION OF WAR

"A radiant crown." The army the basis of civilization (p. 150). War instituted by God. Biology,

xxiv civilization, idealism and Christianity demand war (p. 151). The diffusion of ^'culture" by war (p. 152).

II. WAR, LAW AND HUMANITY

Laws of war "hardly worth mentioning" (p. 153). "A spirit of benevolence" dangerous. Errors of the seventeenth century (p. 154). Reversion of war toward "its absolute perfection." Military necessity versus the laws of war (p. 155). War must be conducted much more ruthlessly (p. 157). A wide field for "arbitrary judgment" (p. 158). "Grow hard, warriors!" Application of the Theory (p. 159).

III. CONDUCT OF WAR

Right and duty of aggression (p. 160). Objects of invasion (p. 161). Terrorizing occupied territories (p. 162). Living on the country (p. 163). Military requisitions: theory versus practice (p. 1,64). Drastic methods of obtaining services (p. 165). Civilian "hostages" (p. 166). Devastation of abandoned enemy territory (p. 167).

IV. WAR FOR CONQUEST

Justification of conquest. "World power or downfall" (p. 168). Need of strengthening Germany's European position (p. 169). "France must be crushed." A Colonial Empire (p. 170). Two Teutonic Empires. Annexations in the West (p. 171). Annexations in the East (p. 172). Transfer of populations (p. 173). Militarist propaganda for annexations, 1917 (p. 174).

Chapter IX Utterances Of Commanders And Soldiers In The Field

I. MILITARY PROCLAMATIONS

Terrorism by indiscriminate punishment (p. 176). Constructive "espionage" (p. 178). Collection of contributions and indemnities (p. 180). Maintaining "tranquillity." Hostages (p. 181). Instruction in deportment. Deportation orders (p. 184). Order to kill prisoners (p. 186).

II. soldiers' diaries and letters

Slaughterings and burnings (p. 187). Civilians as^ fire screens (p. 190). "A day of honor for our regiment" (p. 191). "Something in what is said about German barbarians." More slaughterings and burnings (p. 193). No quarter to Turcos nor to EngHsh. Orders to kill v^ounded enemies (p. 194). Priests and women. Devastation (p. 195).

Chapter X Utterances Regarding America L Latin America

German emigrants and German exports (p. 197). How to extend German influence in Brazil (p. 200). German penetration of Rio Grande do Sul. German culture in Latin America (p. 201). Bright German spots in a dark picture (p. 203). German rule will be a blessing. Inixxvi dal control through treaties (p. 204). Map of Latin America, 1950 (p. 205). Teutonization of Latin America. Germans take the Monroe Doctrine too seriously (p. 206). A disclaimer and a confession. Hopes deferred, not abandoned (p. 207).

II. THE UNITED STATES

The outlook for American civilization (p. 208). Irish rabbits. Lost Germans (p. 209). Uses of the German and Irish elements. A plan to invade the United States (p. 210). A claim for indemnity (p. 215). Proposed coalition against the United States (p. 216).

Chapter XI Reactions And Protests

I. SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PROTESTS AND WARNINGS

Danger in victory. "This is not a defensive w^ar" (p. 218). A war for world dominion. "An imperialistic war of conquest" (p. 220). Obligations of honor as regards Belgium (p. 221). Protest against the annexationist propaganda (p. 222). Annexationist agitation officially promoted (p. 223). The Chancellor's military aims (p. 224). "A gang of robbers" (p. 225). Why Socialist journals rarely protest (p. 226).

II. PROTESTS OF ASSOCIATIONS

Petition of the "New Fatherland Alliance" (p. 22^^, Protest of the German Peace Society (p. 232).

III. INDIVIDUAL PROTESTS AND REACTIONS

Imperialism akin to megalomania (p. 233). Pan- Germanist responsibility (p. 235). Germany's future (p. '22i(i). Germany must not follow the Napoleonic road (p. 2.:>;j^. Annexations would ruin the nation (p. 238). The indictment against Germany (p. 239). Responsibility of the German Government (p. 241). Testimony in favor of the Belgians (p. 242). A discouraged Dernburg (p. 243). A softened Harden (p. 244). Germany an obstacle to freedom (p. 245).

APPENDIX "SCRAPS OF PAPER'*

I. TREATIES BETWEEN PRUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES

II. TREATIES NEUTRALIZING BELGIUM AND LUXEM-

BURG

Treaty of London, November 15, 1831. Treaty of London, May 11, 1867 (p. 249).

III. CONVENTIONS RESPECTING WAR ON LAND

The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 (p. 250). Regulations respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land (p. 251).

CHAPTER I UTTERANCES OF RULERS Political philosophy of Frederic II

If there is anything to be gained by it, we will be honest; if deception is necessary, let us be cheats. Frederic II, Letter to Minister Radziwill.

Do not be ashamed to make alliances with a view to gaining advantage from them for yourself only.

Do not commit the gross blunder of not abandoning them when it suits your interest.

One takes when one can, and one is wrong only when obliged to give back.

I understand by the word "policy" that one must make it his study to deceive others; that is the way to get the better of them.

Works of Frederic II. Berlin edition (1848).^

No ministers at home, but clerks. No ministers abroad, but spies.

Form alliances only in order to sow animosities. Kindle and prolong war between my neighbors. Always promise help and never send it. I

There is only one person in the kingdom, that is myself.

Marginal notes in a copy of Tacitus, written by the King and cited by Diderot.

Justification of the Silesian War

The matter of right is the business of the ministers, it is your business. It is time to work it up in secret, for the troops have received their orders.

Frederic II, to Minister Radziwill, November 7, 1740.

All written constitutions are only scraps of paper.

Frederic William IV, Speech from the Throne, April II, 1847.

The word of an Emperor

In October, 1911, Emperor Wilhelm II conversed with the Belgian General Heimburger and with M. Delvaux de Fenffe, the governor of the province of Liege, who came to greet him on behalf of the King of the Belgians. He said to M. Delvaux:

You are the governor of a province with which we have always maintained good neighborly relations. Recently, I understand, you have felt in your country serious apprehensions. Believe me, these apprehensions were unnecessary.

At the luncheon that followed, the Emperor, answering General Heimburger, said:

You were quite right to trust us. 2

UTTERANCES OF RULERS

Instruments of Providence

' Providence has willed that we should be his instruments.

William I, Speech, March 3, 1871.

We shall conquer everywhere, even though we be surrounded by enemies on all sides; for there lives a powerful ally, the old good God in heaven, who . . . has always been on our side.

William II, Speech, March 28, 1901.

Here [in Konigsberg] my grandfather again, by his own right, set the Prussian crown upon his head, once more distinctly emphasizing the fact that it was accorded him by the will of God alone . . . and that he looked upon himself as the chosen instrument of heaven. . . . Looking upon myself as the instrument of the Lord, without regard to the opinions and intentions of the day, I go my way. . . .

William II, Speech, August 25, 1910.

I welcome with all my heart those who wish to assist me in my work, no matter who they may be, but those who oppose me in this work I will crush. William II, Speech at a Brandenburg banquet, 1890.

The sole pillar of the realm

/ Just as at that time [in the reign of William I], so now, too, distrust and discord are rife among the people. The only pillar on which the realm rested was the army. So it is today!

William II, Speech, October 18, 1894.

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Imperial menaces

You know very well that you are to fight against a cunning, brave, well-armed and terrible enemy. If you come to grips with him, be assured quarter will not be given, no prisoners will be taken. Use your weapons in such a way that for a thousand years no Chinese shall dare to look upon a German askance. Be as terrible as Attila's Huns.

William II, Speech to the Chinese Expeditionary force, July 2y, 1900. The last sentence appeared in contemporary reports but not in the official version.

It is my imperial and royal command that you concentrate your energies for the present upon the attainment of one particular object, that you employ all your skill and all the bravery of my soldiers to exterminate the treacherous English, to shatter and annihilate General French's contemptible little army.

William II, Order issued August 19, 1914./^;

. . . Remember that you are the chosen people! The Spirit of the Lord has descended upon me because I am the German Emperor!

I am the instrument of the Almighty. I am his sword, his agent. Woe and death to all those who shall oppose my will! Woe and death to those who do not believe in my mission ! Woe and death to the cowards !

Let them perish, all the enemies of the German people! God demands their destruction, God who, by my mouth, bids you to do His will!

William II, Proclamation to the Army of the East, 1914.

UTTERANCES OF RULERS

Germany's destiny as a World Power

Germany's greatness makes it impossible for her to do without the ocean; but the ocean also bears witness that, even in the distance and on its farther side, without Germany and the German Emperor no great decision dare be taken.

William II, Speech, July 3, 1900.

In spite of the fact that we have no such fleet as we should have, we have conquered for ourselves a place in the sun. It will be my task to see to it that this place in the sun shall remain our undisputed possession . . . for our future lies upon the water.

William II, Speech, June 18, 1901.

The Great Emperor (William I) with his great aides laid the basis, the cornerstone of the building; it is for us to build upon, it. ... A great future awaits us, if we are but determined to make it so.

William II, Speech, June 20, 1903.

God would never have taken such great pains with our Germ.an Fatherland and its people if He had not been preparing us for something still -'^ o-reater. We are the salt of the earth. . . .

William II, Speech, March 22, 1905.

The triumph of the greater Germany, which some day must dominate all Europe, is the single end for y which we are fighting.

William II, Proclamation, June, 1915.

Of the foregoing utterances of William II, the assurances to the Belgians, October, 191 1, and the proclamations and orders issued in 1914 and 191 5 are cited from "Juges par eux-memes" (pp. 79-81). The other citations are to be found in the collection of the Emperor's speeches made by Christian Gauss, "The German Emperor" (Scribner's Sons, 1915). Grumbach, in "Das annexionistische Deutschland," p. 5, gives the following extract from the Emperor's "Proclamation to the German People," July 31, 1915:

In heroic deeds and sufferings we hold out unwavering, until peace comes — a peace that affords us for the future the necessary military, political and economic securities and establishes the conditions for the unimpeded development of our creative forces. . . .

Demands for annexations

The declaration of war by Russia was followed by that of France (sicf), and when after this the Englishmen also assailed us, I said:

"I am glad of this, and I am glad because now we can have an accounting with our enemies, and because now, at last, we shall gain a direct outlet from the Rhine to the sea."

Since that time ten months have elapsed. Much precious blood has been shed. It shall not, however, have been shed in vain. A strengthening of the German Empire and its extension over its present boundaries, so far as this is necessary to secure us against future attacks — that must be the fruit of this war.

King Louis of Bavaria, Speech, June 7, 191 5. 6

UTTERANCES OF RULERS

The heavy sacrifices which the whole German people has made . . . call upon us not to make peace until the enemy is overthrown and we can secure a peace which, as far as we can see into the future, shall secure the free development of the whole people in every direction ; until we shall have boundaries which will discourage our enemies from again attacking us.

King Louis of Bavaria, Speech delivered after the occupation of Warsaw.

I share with you the hope and the firm conviction that after this great war ... a victorious and honorable peace will be won. In this peace I hope that we shall secure a great African colonial empire as well as a sufficient number of solid points of support over the surface of the globe for our navy and commerce. . . .

Duke John Albert of Mecklenburg, Telegram to the Colonial Society of Ruhrort; published in "Diisseldorfer General-Anzeiger,'' June 29, 191 5.

Chapter II Utterances Of German Ministers And Chancellors

L FROM BISMARCK TO BETHMANN-HOLLWEG

"Blood and iron"

Not by speeches and resolutions of majorities are the great questions of the time decided— that was the mistake of 1848 and 1849 — but by iron and blood.

Bismarck, in the Military Committee of the Prussian Chamber of Deputies, 1862.

The "Editing" of the Ems Dispatch

About great events a wreath of legend is always twined, and this is often a very good thing. There are legends which ought not to be destroyed.

The King was at Ems, I was at Varzin, when the uproar on account of the candidacy of Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern for the Spanish throne broke out in Paris. The French behaved most fatuously. Worst of all was the Government, with Emile Ollivier at its head. He was not in any way equal to the situation, and he had no idea how much harm he was doing in the French legislature with his imprudent blusterings.

At the moment the situation was extremely favorable for us. We were actually the challenged party; and since it had long been clear to us all that a settlement with France was necessary, this moment seemed to us suitable for unsheathing the sword. Accordingly I left Varzin in order to discuss all important questions at Berlin with Moltke and Roon. On the way, I received by telegraph the news: Prince Charles Anthony of Hohenzollern, moved by his love of peace, has withdrawn the candidacy of his son Leopold. Everything is satisfactorily arranged.