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A true republic

Albert Stickney · 1879 · Scanned text · Free in the US

86,224 words · about 6 h 2 min to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
About this edition

Scanned text — may contain errors · view original scans

Free in the US: this text is in the public domain in the United States; it may still be in copyright elsewhere.

Licence: PD-US · Published 1879 (before 1884; date from the PleIAs English-PD record). The dataset curator states the whole collection is public domain in all regions (curator assertion, not independently verified); treated as public domain in the US.

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About this book

Author
Albert Stickney
Language
English
Published
1879
Length
86,224 words · about 6 h 2 min
Sections
3 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public domain in the United States

 

Contents (3)
  1. II ~r about 3 min
  2. Chapter XII. Conclusion B,... 258 about 5 h 34 min
  3. Conclusion about 25 min

Continue:

II ~r

:/4

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1879. by

HARPER & BROTHERS,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

" God said, I am tired of kings, I suffer them no more ; Up to my ear the morning brings The outrage of the poor. * * * *

" I will have never a noble ; No lineage counted great ; Fishers and choppers and ploughmen Shall constitute a State."— Emerson.

"But a democratic nation may be imagined, organized differently from the American people. Is it, then, impossible to conceive a government really established upon the will of the majority, but in which the majority, repressing its natural instinct of equality, should consent, with a view to the order and stability of the State, to invest a family or an individual with all the attributes of executive power? Might not a democratic society be imagined in which the forces of the nation would be more centralized than they are in the United States ; where the people would exercise a less direct and less irresistible influence upon public affairs, and yet every citizen, invested with certain rights, would participate, within his sphere, in the conduct of the government ?"— De Tocqueville.

NOTE.

This book is not the work of a scholar. It concerns matters which lie outside of my profession, and which I have never studied with thoroughness. To its writing I have been able to give only such time from day to day as could be taken from professional practice. It is not what I wish I might make it ; no doubt it has many faults of which I have no knowledge or suspicion.

But it is written for a purpose. Its purpose must be the excuse for its existence.

The people of the United States have a new and great problem to solve. That they will solve it I make no doubt.

The immense growth of party which we have had in this country is something new in history. I do not think its evils have been duly weighed; nor do I think its causes have been carefully studied. It has been too readily assumed that political parties are desirable things in the State. We speak of the abuses of party government. Is it certain that party government now has its uses ?

Party and party rule, as they now exist with us, are, as I believe, great evils — evils which naturally and certainly result from certain features in our political system.

In private life we find in every profession and employment many men who do their work as well as they know how. We have at times such men in public life ; but, as a rule, our public men do their work, not as well as they know how, but only as well as the interests of party will allow them. Many of those men have good intentions, but they are bound

6 NOTE.

in the chains of party. Party controls the selection of our public servants ; it controls their actions.

I believe all this can be changed. There is somewhere a remedy for this state of things. That remedy can be found. And if the remedy can be found, it will be used. I have unbounded faith in the honesty and sound sense of the people of the United States. They made this Government because they thought wise to make it. They will change this Government if they ever think wise to change it.

This is the point to be determined. Is it, or not, wise to make some changes in our political machinery — and if so, what changes ?

The views here set forth may be mistaken. Whether they are or not will be easily shown. They may at least ]3rovoke the truth. To find out precisely the nature of the evils under which we suffer, and their remedies, we need only calm thought and discussion. To do yeoman's service in this discussion is the purpose in writing this book.

CHAPTER XL

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