The history of the Reformation of the Church of England

Preface

JL HE favourable reception which the former Part of this work had, together with the new materials that were sent me from noble and worthy hands, have encouraged me to prosecute it, and to carry down the History of the Reformation of this Church till it was brought to a complete settlement in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign ; which I now offer to the world.

The great zeal of this age for what was done in that about religion, has made the History of it to be received and read with more than ordinary attention and care : and many have expressed their satisfaction in what was formerly published, by contributing several papers of great consequence to what remained. And since I found no part of the first volume was more universally acceptable, than that wherein I was only a transcriber ; I mean the Collection of Records and authentic Papers, which I had set down in confirmation of the more remarkable and doubtful parts of the History ; I continue the same method now. I shall repeat nothing here that was in my former Preface ; but refer the reader to such things as concern this History in general, and my encouragement in the undertaking and prosecution of it, to what is there premised to the whole work : and therefore I shall now enlarge on such things as do more particularly relate to this volume.

The papers, that were conveyed to me from several hands, are referred to, as the occasion to mention them occurs in the History, with such acknowledgments as I thought best became this way of writing, though far short of the merits of those who furnished me with them. But the storehouse from whence I

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drew the greatest part both of the History and Collection, is the often celebrated Cotton library, out of which, by the noble favour of its truly learned owner, Sir John Cotton, I gathered all that was necessary for composing this Part, together with some few things which had escaped me in my former search, and belong to the first Part; and those I have mixed in the Collection added to this volume, upon such occasions as T thought most pertinent. But among all the remains of the last age, that are with great industry and order laid up in that treasury, none pleased me better, nor were of more use to me, than the Journal of King Edward's reign, written all with his own hand ; with some other papers of his, which I have put by themselves in the beginning of the Collection : Of these I shall say nothing here, having given a full account of them in the History of his reign, to which I refer the reader. I find most of our writers have taken parcels out of them, and Sir John Heyward has transcribed from them' the greatest part of his book ; therefore I thought this a thing of such consequence, that upon good advice I have published them all faithfully copied from the originals.

But as others assisted me towards the perfecting this Part, so that learned divine, and most exact inquirer into historical learning, Mr. Fulman, Rector of Hamton-Meysey in Gloucestershire, did most signally oblige me, by a collection of some mistakes I had made in the former work. He had for many years applied his thoughts with a very searching care to the same subject, and so was able to judge more critically of it than other readers. Some of those had escaped me, others had not come within my view ; in some particulars ray vouchers were not good, and in others I had mistaken my authors. These I publish at the end of this volumej being neither ashamed to confess my faults, nor unwilling to acknowledge from what hand I received better information. My design in writing is to discover truth, and to deliver it down impartially to the next age ; so I should think it both a mean and criminal piece of vanity to suppress this discovery of my errors. And though the number and consequence of them had been greater than it is, I should rather have submitted to a much severer penance, than have left the world in the mistakes I had led them into : yet I was not a little pleased to find that they were neither many, nor of importance to the main parts of the History ; and were chiefly about

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dates, or small variations in the order of time. I hope this Part has fewer faults, since that worthy person did pursue his former kindness so far as to review it beforehand ; and with great judgment to correct such errors as he found in it : those I had formerly fallen into made me more careful in examining even the smallest matters. Yet if, after all my care, and the kind censures of thosawho have revised this work, there is any thing left that may require a further retractation, I shall not decline to make it so soon as I see there is need of it ; being, I hope, raised above the poor vanity of seeking my own reputation, by sacrificing truth to it.

Those to whose censure I submitted this whole History in both its parts, were chiefly three great divines, whose lives are such examples, their sermons such instructions, their writings such unanswerable vindications of our Church, and their whole deportment so suitable to their profession, that, as I reckon my being admitted into some measure of friendship with them among the chief blessings of my life, so I know nothing can more effectually recommend this work than to say, that it passed with their hearty approbation, after they had examined it with that care, which their great zeal for the cause concerned in it, and their goodness to the author, and freedom with him, obliged them to use. They are so well known, that, without naming them, those of this age will easily guess who they are ; and they will be so well known to posterity by their excellent writings, that the naming them is so high an-advantage to my book, that I much doubt whether it is decent for me to do it. One of them. Dr. Lloyd, is now, while I am writing, by His Majesty's favour, promoted to the bishoprick of St. Asaph : a dignity to which how deservedly soever his great learning, piety, and merit, has advanced him, yet I particularly know how far he was from any aspirings to it ; it was he I described in my former Preface, that engaged me first to this design, and for that reason he has been more than ordinary carefial to examine it with that exactness that is peculiar to him. The other two are the reverend, learned, and judicious Deans of Canterbury and St. Paul's, Dr. Tillotson and Dr. Stillingfleet, too well known to receive any addition from the characters I can give of them.

Others gave me supplies of another sort, to enable me to go through with an undertaking that put me to no small expence. I am not ashamed to acknowledge, that the straitness of my

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condition made this uneasy to me, being destitute of all public provision : but I should be much ashamed of my ingratitude, if I did not celebrate tlieir bounty who have taken such care of me, as not to leave this addition of charge on one who lives not without difficulties. I must again repeat my thanks for the generous kindness, protection, and liberal supplies of Sir Harbottle Grimstone, Master of the Rolls, this being the sixth year of my subsistence under him, to whom I must ever acknowledge that I am more beholding than to all men living. The noble Mr. Boyle, as he employs both his time and wealth for the good of mankind, (for which he considers himself as chiefly born, and which he has promoted not only in his own excellent writings, that have made him so famous over all the world, but in many other designs that have been chiefly carried on at his cost,) so hath he renewed his kindness to me in largesses suitable to so great a mind. Others were also pleased to join their help. The Right Honourable the Lord Finch, now Lord High Chancellor of England, whose great parts, and greater virtues, are so conspicuous, th3,t it were a high presumption in me to say any thing in his commendation, being in nothing more eminent than in his zeal for, and care of this Church, thought it might be of some importance to have its history well digested ; and therefore, as he bore a large share of my expence, so he took it more particularly under his care, and, under all the burdens of that high employment which he now bears, yet found time for reading it in manuscript, of which he must have robbed himself, since he never denies it to those who have a right to it on any public account ; and hath added such remarks and corrections as are no small part of any finishing it may be judged to have. The Lord Russel, the inheritor of that zeal for true religion, and the other virtues that have from the first beginnings of the Reformation, in a continued entail, adorned that noble family of Bedford, beyond most others of the kingdom, did espouse the interests of the Protestant religion in this particular, as he has done on all other more public occasions ; and by a most liberal supply encouraged me to prosecute this undertaking. That worthy counsellor, whose celebrated integrity and clear judgment have raised him so high in his profession, Anthony Keck, Esq. did also concur in easing me of the charge that searching, copying, and gathering materials put me to : and having received as much from these my noble benefactors

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as did enable me to carry on my design, I did excuse myself at other persons' hands, who very generously offered to supply me in the expence which this work brought with it. That was done in a most extraordinary manner by the Right Honourable the Earl of Halifax, whom if I reckon among the greatest persons this age has produced, I am sure all that know him will allow that I speak modestly of him : he indeed offered me the yearly continuance of a bounty, that would not only have defrayed all this expence, but have been an entire and honourable subsistence to me; and though my necessities were not so pressing as to persuade me to accept it, yet so unusual a generosity doth certainly merit the highest acknowledgments I can make for it.

But I now turn to that which ought to be the chief subject of this Preface ; to remove the prejudices, by which weak and unwary persons have been prepossessed in their judgments concerning the Reformation, during that period of it that falls within this volume. I know the duty of an historian leads him to write as one that is of neither party, and I have endeavoured to follow it as carefully as I could, neither concealing the faults of the one party, nor denying the just praises that were due to any of the other side, and have delivered things as I found them, making them neither better nor worse than indeed they were : but now that I am not yet entered into that province, and am here writing my own thoughts, and not relating the actions of other men, I hope it will be judged no indecent thing to clear the reader's mind of those impressions, which may either have already biassed him too much, or may, upon a slight reading of what follows, arise in his thoughts; unless he were prepared and armed with some necessary reflections, vvhich every one that may possibly read this history has not had the leisure, or other opportunities, to make to such a degree as were needful.

It is certainly an unjust v/ay of proceeding, in any that is to be a judge, to let himself be secretly possessed with such impressions of persons and things as may bias his thoughts : for where the scales are not well adjusted, the weight cannot be truly reckoned. So that it is an indirect method to load men's minds with prejudices, and not to let them in to the trial of truth till their inclinations are first swayed such a way. I deny not but in matters of religion most commonly men receive such notions, before they can well examine them, as do much detervi THE PREFACE.

mine them in the inquiries they make afterwards, when their understandings grow up to a fuller ripeness : but those preoccupations, if rightly infused, are rather such as give them general notions of what is good and honest in the abstracted ideas, than concerning matters of fact : for every wise and pious man must avoid all such methods of instruction as are founded on falsehood and craft: and he that will breed a man to love truth, myst form in him such a liking of it, that he may clearly see he would bribe him into no opinion or party by false or indirect arts. But since men are generally so apt to let some easy notions enter into their minds, which will preengage their affections,- and for most part those who set themselves to gain proselytes, do begin with such arts ; it will not be amiss to give the reader such an account of these, as may prepare him against them, that so he may with & clearer mind consider what is now to be delivered to him, concerning the reformation of Religion among us.

I shall begin with that which is most commonly urged ; that the whole Church being one body, the changes that were made in religion did break that unity, and dissolve the bond by which the Catholic Church is to be knit together ; and that therefore the first Reformers began, and we still continue, a schism in the Church.

In answer to this, it is to be considered, that the bishops and pastors of the Church are obliged to instruct their people in the true faith of Christ, according to the Scriptures : the nature of their fiihction, being a sacred trust, binds them to this ; they were also at their comecration engaged to it by a formal sponsion, according to the questions and answers that are in the Roman Pontifical to this day. Pastors owe it as a debt to their people to teach them according to the Scriptures : they owe a charity to their brethren, and are to live with them in the terms of brotherly love and friendly correspondence ; but if that cannot be had on easier terms than the concealing necessary truths, and the delivering gross errors to those committed to their charge, it is certain that they ought not to purchase it at so dear a rate. When the pastors of this Church saw it overrun with errors and corruptions, they were obliged, by the duty they owed to God and to their people, to discover them, and to undeceive their misled flocks. It is of great importance to maintain peace and unity ; but if a party in the church does set

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up some doctrines and practices, that do much endanger the falvation of souls, and makes advantages by these, so that there is no hope left to gain them- by rational and softer methods ; then, as St. Peter was to be withstood to his face in a lesser matter, much more are those, who pretend no higher than to be his successors, to be withstood, when the things are of great moment and consequence. When heresies sprung up in the primitive church, we find the neighbouring bishops condenmed them without staying for the concurrence of other churches ; as in the case of Samosatenus, Arius, and Pelagius : and even when the greatest part of the church was become Semi-Arian, and many great councils, chiefly that at Ariminum, consisting of above eight hundred bishops, as some say, had through ignorance and fear complied, the orthodox bishops did not forbear to instruct those committed to their care according to the true faith. A general concurrence is a thing much to be laboured for ; but when it cannot be had, every bishop must then do his duty so as to be answerable to the chief Bishop of souls.

So that, instead of being led away by so slight a prejudice, we must turn our inquiries to this. Whether there were really such abuses in the Church, as did require a reformation ? and whether there was any reason to hope for a more general concurrence in it ? In the following History the reader will see what corruptions were found to be both in the doctrine and worship of this church : from whence he may infer what need there was of reformation. And it is very plain, that they had no reason to expect the concurrence of other qhurches ; for the council of Trent had already made a great progress, and it was very visible, that, as the court of Rome governed all things there, so they were resolved to admit of no effectual reformation of any considerable matters ; but to establish, by a more formal decision, those errors and abuses that had given so much scandal to the Christian world for so many ages.

This being tlie true state of the case, it is certain, that if there were really great corruptions, either in belief or manners, in this Church, then the bishops were bound to reform them : since the backwardness of others in their duty could not excuse them from doing theirs, when they were clearly convinced of it. So that the reader is to shake off this prejudice, and only to examine whether there was really such need of a reformation ; since, if that be true, it is certain the bishops of this, as well as

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of other churches, were bound to set about it; and the faultiness of some could be no excuse for the rest.

The second prejudice is, that the Reformation was begun and carried on, not by the major part of the bishops and clergy, but by a few selected bishops and divines, who being supported by the name of the King's authority, did frame things as they pleased; and by their interest at court got them to be enacted in parliament : and after they had removed such bishops as opposed them, then they procured the convocation to consent to what was done : so that upon the matter, the Reformation was the work of Cranmer, with a few more of his party, and not of this Church, which never agreed wholly to it, till the bishops were so modelled as to be compliant to the designs of the court. In short, the resolution of this is to be taken from a common case ; when the major part of a church is, according to the conscience of the supreme civil magistrate, in an error, and the lesser part is in the right. The case is not hard, if well understood : for in the whole Scripture there is no promise made to the major part of the pastors of the Church ; and there being no divine promise made about it, it is certain that the nature of man is such, that truth, separated from interest, hath few votaries : but when it is opposite to it, it nmst have a very small party. So that most of those things which needed reformation, being such as added much to the wealth and power of the clergy, it had been a wonder indeed, if the greater part had not opposed it. In that case, as the smaller part were not to depart from their sentiments, because opposed in them by a more numerous party that was too deeply concerned in the matter; so it was both natural for them, and very reasonable, to take sanctuary in the authority and protection of the Prince and the law. That princes have an authority in things sacred, was so universally agreed to in King Henry's reign, and was made out upon such clear evidence of reason and precedents, both in the Jewish state, and in the Roman empire, when it turned Christian, that this ground was already gained. It is the first law in Justinian's Code, made by Theodosius when he came to the empire. That all should every where, under severe pains, follow that faith which was received by Damasus Bishop of Rome, and Peter of Alexandria. And why might not the King and laws of England give the like authority to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York ?

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When the empire, and especially the eastern part of it, had been, during the reign of Constantius, and Valens succeeding him after a short interval, so overspread with Ariariism, it is scarce to be imagined how it could have been reformed in any other manner : for they durst not at first trust it to the discretion of a synod ; and yet the question then on foot was not so linked with interest, being a speculative point of divinity, as those about which the contests were in the beginnings of the Reformation.

It is not to be imagined how any changes in religion can be made by sovereign princes, unless an authority be lodged with them of giving the sanction of a law to the sounder, though the lesser part of a church : for as princes and lawgivers are not tied to an implicit obedience to clergymen, but are left to the freedom of their own discerning, so they must have a power to choose what side to be of, where things are much inquired into. The jurisdiction of synods or councils is founded either on the rules of expediency and brotherly correspondence, or on the force of civil laws : for when the Christian belief had not the support of law, every bishop taught his own flock the best he couldj and gave his neighbours such an account of his faith, at, or soon after, his consecration, as satisfied them, and so maintained the unity of the Church. The formality of synods grew up in the Church from the division of the Roman empire, and the dignity of the several cities ; which is a thing so well known, and so plainly acknowledged by the writers of all sides, that it were a needless imposing on the reader's patience to spend time to prove it. Such as would understand it more perfectly, will find it in De Marca, the late Archbishop of Paris's books De Concordia Imperii et Sacerdotii, and in Blondell's works, De la PrimauM de I'Eglise. None can imagine there is a divine authority in that which sprang from such a beginning. The major part of synods cannot be supposed to be, in matters of faith, so assisted from Heaven, that the lesser part must necessarily acquiesce in their decrees, or that the civil powers must always measure their laws by their votes : especially where interest does visibly turn the scales. And this may satisfy any reasonable man as to this prejudice ; that if Archbishop Cranmer and Holgate, the two primates and metropolitans of this church, were in the right, in the things that they procured to be reformed, though the greater part of the bishops, being biassed i THE PREFACE.

by base ends, and generally both superstitious and little conversant in the true theological learning, did oppose them, and they were thereby forced to order matters so, that at first they were prepared by some selected bishops and divines, and afterwards enacted by King and Parliament, this is no just exception to what was so managed. And such a reformation can no more be blasted by being called a parliament religion, than the reformations made by the Kings of Israel, without or against the majority of the Priests, could be blemished by being called the King's religion.

A third prejudice is, that the persons who governed the affairs at court were weak or ill men : that the King being under age, things were carried by those who had him in their power. And for the two great ministers of that reign, or rather the administrators of it, the Dukes of Somerset and Northumberland, as their violent and untimely deaths may seem to be effects of the indignation of Heaven for what they did ; so they were both eminently faulty in their administration, and are supposed to have sought too much their own ends. This seems to cast a blemish on their actions, and to give some reason to suspect the things were not good which had such instruments to advance them.

But this prejudice, compounded of many particulars when taken to pieces, will appear of no force to blast the credit of what they did. By our law, the King never dies, and is never young nor old ; so that the autliority of the King is the same, whether administered by himself or by his governors, when he is under age: nor are we to judge of men by the events that befal them. These are the deepest secrets of Divine Providence, into which it is impossible for men of limited understandings to penetrate : and if we make judgments of persons and things by accidents, we shall very often most certainly conclude falsely. Solomon made the observation, which the series of human affairs ever since hath fully justified, that there are just men, to whom it happens according to the work of the wicked; and wicked men, to whom it happens according to the work of the righteous : and the inquiring into these seemingly unequal steps of God's governing the world, is a vanity. As for the Duke of Northumberland, the Reformation is not at all concerned in him ; for if we believe what he said, when there was the least reason to suspect him^ on the scaffold, he was all the while a

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Papist in his heart : and so no wonder if such a man, striking in for his own ambitious ends with that which was popular, even against the persuasions of his conscience, did very ill thingS. The Duke of Somerset was indeed more sincere ; and though he was not without his faults, (which we may safely acknowledge, since the man of infallibility is not pretended to be without sin,) yet these were not such heinous transgressions, but rather such as human infirmity exposes most men to; when they are raised to an high condition. He was too vain, too much addicted ta his own notions, and, being a man of no extraordinary parts, he was too much at the disposal of those, who by flatteries and submissions insinuated themselves into him ; and he made too great haste to raise a vast estate to be altogether innocent : but I never find him charged with any personal disorders, nor was he ever guilty of falsehood, of perverting justice, of cruelty, or of oppression. He was so much against the last of these, that he lost the affections of the nobility for being so careful of the commons, and covering them from the oppression of the landlords. The business of his brother, though it has a very ill appearance, and is made to look worse by the lame account our books give of it, seems to have been forced on him : for the Admiral was a man of most incurable ambition, and so inclined to raise disturbance, that, after so many relapses and such frequent reconciliations, he still breaking out into new disorders, it became almost necessary to put him out of a capacity of doing more mischief. But if we compare the Duke of Somerset with the great ministers even in the best courts, we shall find him better than most of them : and if some few have carried their prosperity better, many more, even of those w.ho are otherwise recorded for extraordinary persons, have been guilty of far greater faults. He who is but a little acquainted with history, or with the courts of princes, must needs know so much of this argument, that he will easily cure himself of any ill effects which this prejudice may have on him,

A fourth prejudice is raised from the great invasions which were then made upon the church-lands, and things dedicated to pious uses ; which is a thing hated by men of all religions, and branded with the odious names of sacrilege, and relhmg of God ', so that the spoils of religious houses and churches seem to have been the secret motives that at first drew in, and sti^l engage, so many to the Reformation. This has more weight in xii THE PREFACE.

it than the former, and therefore deserves to be more fully considered.

The light of nature teaches, that those who are dedicated to the service of God, and for instructing the people, ought to be so well provided for, that they may be delivered from the distractions of secular cares, and secured from the contempt which follows poverty ; and be furnished with such means as may both enable them to knovv that well wherein they are to instruct others, and to gain such an interest in the affections of those among whqm they labour, as modest hospitality and liberal almsgiving may procure. In this all nations and religions have so generally agreed, that it may be well called a law of nations, if not of nature. Had churchmen been contented with this measure, it is very probable things had never run to the other extreme so much as they have done. But as the Pope got to himself a great principality, so the rest of his clergy designed to imitate him in that as much as was possible : they spared no pains, nor thought they any methods too bad, that could set forward these projects. The belief of purgatory, and the redeeming of souls out of it by masses, with many other public cheats imposed on the world, had brought the wealth of this and other nations into their hands. Upon the discovery of this imposture, it was but a reasonable and just proceeding of the government to reassume those lands, and dispose otherwise of them, which had been for most part fraudulently drawn from the former ages : for indeed the best part of the soil of England being in such ill hands, it was the interest of the whole kingdom to have it put to better uses. So that the abbeys being generally raised and endowed by the efficacy of those false opinions, which were infused into the people, 1 can see no just exception against the dissolution of them, with the chantries, and other foundations of like superstition ; and the fault was not in taking them away, but in not applying a greater part of them to uses truly religious.