The Narrative of A. Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca: translated by B. Smith

Front matter

itki/aV jh . ! u^tME; RELATION OF VLVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA ŒranslaUtr from tije -Snam-ji) m IU'CKINGHAM SMITH Los tiempoa son como los rios, que no pueden volver atras. De ellos quedan en la memoria de los hombrca el recucrdo de las hazafias mas in signes asien valor como en maldad. Add/b de Castro. NEW YORK 1 Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1871, By the Estate of Buckingham Smith, In the office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. Edition, 100 Copies only. TO THE READER. The sudden death of the author of this volume, while its first sheets were passing through the press, devolved upon his friends the duty of completing its publication. He had carefully revised the entire translation and notes, hut had not prepared, as he had intended, two maps showing the route of Alvar Nunez, somewhat differently from what he had con ceived in the former edition, and the work appears accordingly without them.

These differences related principally, it is believed, to the place on the Gulf of Mexico where the adventurer spent the long interval during which his narrative is silent, and the inland point from whence he afterwards started on his western route. While it is to be regretted that we are thus deprived of the conclusions upon this inter esting inquiry of one who had made the subject a study of years, the question is one after all, perhaps, upon which readers will prefer to decide for them selves. The translator in a note on page 44, promised to furnish in the Appendix a paper respecting the hieroglyph of Don Pedro to be found in that note. No such paper has been discovered. It was his intention, also to have given a sketch of the life of Alvar Nunez, TO THE READER. IV but some documents only for that purpose were found among his papers.

These were placed in the hands of Thomas W. Field, Esq., who has drawn up the very interesting account inserted in the Appendix. The reading of the proof sheets was committed by Mr. Smith in his life time to Miss Maria J. B. Browne, of New York, who has faithfully performed the task. This volume, signalized as it is, by the sad occur rence which calls forth this prefatory note, required some memorial of the translator, for the narrative not only occupied his thoughts in an extraordinary degree, as presenting one of the earliest explorations by Europeans of the land of his birth, and an original picture of the savage tribes of the southern and western territories of the United States, when first discovered by the white man, but has received much elucidation by his valuable annotations. The lovers of our early history, for whose especial gratifi cation this edition sees the light, will be pleased for this reason to have the memoir written by his dis tinguished friend, Dr. J. Gilmary Shea, which is appended to the work. Brooklyn, May, 1871.

Introduction

. To no one more appropriately than to George W. Riggs of Washington, could these remarks be addressed. The occasion is agreeably recalled, when near twenty years ago a first translation into English, of this tract, with maps and notes that attempted to trace the route of the army of Narvaez, was greeted in the library of Peter Force. Although the narrative had appeared in other languages, the points of march were at no time indicated, nor was it thought possible to ascertain them; and, finally, the story itself, though perused with delight in the beginning, went not unchal lenged, and at the close of three centuries, amidst the most solemn protestations of sincerity, came to be condemned by no mean authority, as deformed by bold exaggerations and the wildest fiction. Opinion under the array of facts is yield ing to the force of truth. Things that the author speaks of as "very new and most difficult of VJ

INTRODUCTION.

. belief," instruct and find credence in the last third of the nineteenth century. While filling an official position in Mexico, due to the influence of Jackson Morton, Senator from Florida, the translator found a field for historical investigation ; and, later, to William Pitt Fessen den of Maine, he is indebted for a like position near the court at Madrid, that presented a still more extensive area. These admissions of obligation can have no significancy in the future, no word of salutation from the past. It is but an acknowl edgment made to generous spirits in the account of years. The first imprint of the Relacion, a book ex tremely rare, was made in the year 1542. It comprises sixty-seven leaves octavo, with the following title page and colophon : \ La relacion que dio Aluar nu- 1| nez cabeca de vaca de lo acaescido en las Indias || en la armada donde yua por gouernador Pa||philo de narbaez, desde el ano de veynte || y siete hasta el ano de treynta y seys || que boluio a Seuilla con tres || de su compania. : . || \ Fue impresso el presente tra- 1| tado en la mag nifica, noble, yantiquissma ciudad||deZamora : por

INTRODUCTION.

. VII los honrrados varones Augu || stin de paz y Juan Picardo companeros im || pressores de libros vezinos de la dicha ciu ||.dad. A costa y espensas del vir tuoso va || ron Juan pedro musetti mercader||de libros vezino de Medina del || campo. Acabose en seys dias || del mes de Octubre. Ano || del nasci miento de nro Sal || uador Jesu Cristo de || mil y quinientos y || quarenta y dos || Aiuos. The next edition, in nearly the same form and black letter, printed in the year 1550, is connected with a work from another hand. The title page gives the subjects of both volumes. The text of the latter edition differs from the earlier one in the spelling of the names of several Indian nations, the omission of one name, and in the failure to mention that of an island. These may be only changes made by the author.

The matter is likewise diflerently divided. The chapters have headings, and the pages a running title. There is also a table of the contents of chapters, and a numbering of leaves to lvj. which closes with the line, Deo Gracias. The enumeration con tinues through the Comentarios, written by Pero Fernandez to leaf cxliiij.

INTRODUCTION.

. VIII La relacion y comentarios del gouernador Aluar nunez cabega de vaca, de lo acaescido en las dos jornadas que hizo a las Indias. Con priuilegio. Esta tassada por los sefioijes del consejo en Oclieta y einco mrs. The third and last issue in Spanish was imprinted in the year 1799, folio, among the Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentals of Barcia. It is a copy of the second edition, with an index to the contents, the proem and table being omitted. The text continues without paragraphing. The title is : Navfragios || De Alvar Nunez || Cabeza De Vaca; ||y || Relacion De La Jornada, || que hizo a la Florida con el Adelantado || Panfilo de Narvaez. In the Historical Collection of Ramusio, a translation was published in Italian at Venice, made from the first edition. The single edition in French is of II.

Ternaux Compans, Paris, 1837. The only version in English, intended to be literal, was printed in the year 1851, in one hundred copies, for a gentleman conversant with the history of American discovery, who desired to place in the hands of students and a few acquaint ances, one of the earliest authentic relations. In

INTRODUCTION.

. IX the unavoidable absence of the translator, a friend obligingly gave it his editorial supervision. When the survivors of those who under Narvaez had designed the conquest of Florida, arrived in Mexico, they wrote to the Audiencia of Espanola an account of the fate of the armament, their own toil, suffering and servitude, the countries whither they had wandered and the character of their discoveries. From this letter, which is not sup posed to exist, was taken the relation given in the Historia de las Indias. Although Oviedo assures us of his care in trimming away redundancies, to touch nothing of value, he has certainly been at fault. His remarks and reflections in running commentary with the narration, while not without fitness and even wit, we would willingly spare for what might be the uncouth proportions of the original, with the unmistakable features of genuine ness.

The facts in the chronicle, not to be found in the Relacion, or not in exact accord with it, have been carefully culled and placed in the margins of the translated pages, or are carried in sections to the Addenda. In Mexico before the survivors of the enterprise separated, Mendoza required of them a map of the

INTRODUCTION.

X territories over which they had traveled. They accordingly made one and placed it in the hands of the viceroy.1 It is believed not to exist. On the arrival of Alvar Nunez at Sevilla, he was summoned to declare before the counsel of Indias what he saw and knew of Florida. He answered that he was on the eve of departure to 'report in person to the emperor.2 A royal order had already required his presence, and at once he responded to it. Hastening to Valladolid he appeared before Charles V. The hide of the bison, a few emeralds, a handful of turquoise, with the relation of an impracticable fortune, were the only evidences of diligence and good conduct he could lay at the feet of his imperial master. 1 Cronica de Mechoacan by the B. Pe. Fray Pablo Bealthont, MS. - Letter of Zauate and Cavallekos to the King, 8th Nov. 1537, MS. in the Lonja.

RELATION THAT ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA GAVE OF aJEJIjat tefcl tfje Armament in -Eirtrias WHITHER PANFILO DE NARVAEZ WENT FOR GOVERNOR FROM The Year 1527 to the Year 1537 WHEN WITH THREE COMRADES HE RETURNED AND CAME TO SEVILLA PROEM. Sacred Cæsarian Catholic Majesty : * Among the many who have held sway, I think no prince can be found whose service has been attended with the ardor and emulation shown for that of your Highness at this time. The inducement is evident and powerful : men do not pursue together the same career without motive, and strangers are observed to strive with those who are equally impelled by religion and loyalty. Although ambition love of action are common to all, as to the advantages that each may gain, there are great inequalities of fortune, the" result not of conduct, but only accident, nor caused by the fault of any one, but coming in the providence of God and solely by His will.

Hence to one arises deeds more signal than he thought to achieve ; to another the opposite in every way occurs, so that he can show no higher proof of purpose than his effort, and at times even this is so concealed that it cannot of itself appear. As for me, I can say in undertaking the march I made on the main by the royal authority, I firmly trusted that my conduct and services would be as evident and distinguished as were those of my ancestors, and that I should not have to speak in order to be reckoned among those who for diligence and fidelity in affairs your Majesty honors. Yet, as neither my counsel nor my constancy availed to gain aught for which we set out, agreeably to your interests, for our sins, no one of the many armaments that have gone into those parts has been permitted to find itself in straits great like ours, or come to an end alike forlorn and fatal.

To me, one only duty remains, to present a relation of what was seen and heard in the ten years I wandered lost i Addressed to Charles V. Emperor of Germany, being Charles I. King of Spain, of the Sicilies, etc., et£. PROEM. nnd in privation through many and remote lands.1 Not merely a statement of positions and distances, animals and vegetation, but of the diverse customs of the many and very barbarous people with whom I talked and dwelt, as well as all other matters I could hear of and discern, that in some way I may avail your Highness. My hope of going out from among those nations was always small, still my care and diligence were none the less to keep in particular re membrance everything, that if at any time God our Lord should will to bring me where I now am, it might testify to my exertion in the royal behalf.

As the narrative is in my opinion of no trivial value to those who in your name go to subdue those countries and bring them to a know ledge of the true faith and true Lord, and under the imperial dominion, I have written this with much exactness; and although in it may be read things very novel and for some persons difficult to believe, nevertheless they may without hesitation credit me as strictly faithful. Better than to exaggerate, I have lessened in all things, and it is sufficient to say the relation is offered to your Majesty for truth. I beg it may be received in the name of homage, since it is the most that one could bring who returned thence naked. 1 The fleet arrived at the Island of Santo Domingo from Spain about the month of September 1527, and Cabei,-a de Vaca left Cuba, returning on the 2d day of June 1537, so that he was absent nearly ten years.

From the time he landed in Florida, the 14th of April 1528, until he arrived at the Spanish settlements on the Gulf of California in 153t>, there was an interval of eight years ; and one year more elapsed before he went from Veracruz to Spain. RELATION uV ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA.

Chapter I. In Which Is Told When The Armada Sailed, And Of

THE OFFICERS AND PERSONS WHO WENT IN IT. On the seventeenth day of June,* in the year fifteen hundred and twenty-seven, the Governor P£nphilo de Narvaez left the port of San Liicar de Barrameda, authorized and commanded by your Majesty to con quer and govern the provinces of the main, extending from the river Palmas to the cape of Florida,1 The fleet lie took was fire ships, in which went six hundred men, a few more or less; the officers (for we shall have to speak of them), were these, with their rank : Cabeca de Vaca, Treasurer and High-sheriff; Alonzo Enrriquez, Comptroller ; Alonzo de Solis, Distributor to your Ma jesty and Assessor ; Juan Xuarez, afriar of Saint Francis, Commissary, and four more friars of the same order.2 "We arrived at the island of Santo Domingo, where we tarried near forty-five days, engaged in procuring for ourselves some necessary material, particularly horses.

Here wre lost from our fleet more than one * Julie 17. hundred and forty men, who wished to remain, seduced by the partidos, and advantages held out to them by the people of that country. "We sailed from the island and arrived at Santiago, a port of Cuba, where, during some days that we remained, the Governor supplied himself further with men, also with arms and horses. It happened there that a gentleman, Vaseo Porcallo of Trinidad,3 which is also on the island, offered to give the Governor some provisions which he had in the town, a hundred leagues from the port of Santiago.4 Accordingly the Governor set out with all the fleet for Trinidad ; but coming to a port half way, called Cabo de Santa Cruz, he thought it well to wait there, and send a vessel to bring the stores. To this end he ordered that a Cap tain Pantoja should go for them with his ship, and for greater security, that I should accompany him with another.

The Governor remained with four ships, having bought one at the island of Santo Domingo. We having arrived with the two vessels at the port of Trinidad, Captain Pantoja went with Vaseo Porcalle to the town, a league off, to receive the provisions, while I remained at sea with the pilots, who said we ought to go thence with the greatest dispatch possible, stir it was a very bad port in which many vessels were lost. As what there occurred to us was very remark able, it appears to me not foreign to the purpose with which I write this, to relate it here. The next morning began to give signs of bad weather; rain commenced falling, and the sea ran so high, that, although I gave the men permission to go on shore, many of them returned to the ship to avoid exposure to the wet and cold, and because the town was a league away.

In this time a canoe came off, bringing me a letter from a resident of the place, asking me to come for the needed provisions that were there; from which request I excused nryself, saying that I could not leave the ships. At noon the canoe returned with another letter, in which I was solicited again with much urging, and a horse was brought for me to ride. I gave the same answer as before, that I could not leave the ships; but the pilots and the people entreated me to go, so that I might hasten the provisions as fast as possible, and we might join the fleet where it lay, for they had great fear lest remaining long in this port, the ships should be lost. For these reasons, I determined to go to the town ; but first I left orders with the pilots, that if the south wind, which often wrecks vessels there, came on to blow, and they should find themselves in much danger, to put the ships on shore at some place where the men and horses could be saved.

I wished to take some of the men with me for company ; but they said the weather was too rainy and cold, and the town too far oft"; that to-morrow, which -was Sunday, they would come, with God's help, and hear mass. An hour after I left, the sea began to rise very high, and the north wind was so violent that neither the boats dared come to land, nor could the vessels be let drive on shore, because of the head wind, so that the people remained severely laboring against the adverse weather, and under a heavy fall of water all that day and Sunday until dark. At this time, the rain and the tempest had increased to such a degree, there was no less agitation in the town than on the sea; for all the houses and churches fell, and it was necessary in order to move upright, that we should go seven or eight holding on to each other that the wind might not blow us away ; aud walking in the groves, we had no less fear of the trees than of the houses, as they too were falling and might kill us under them.

In this tempest and danger we wandered all night, without finding place or spot where we could remain a half hour in safety. During the time, particularly from midnight forward, we heard much tumult and great clamor of voices, the sound of timbrels, flutes and tamborines, as well as other instruments, which lasted until the morning, when the tempest ceased. Nothing so terrible as this storm, had been seen in those parts before. I drew up an authenticated account of it, and sent the testimony to your Majesty.5 On Monday morning we went down to the harbor, but did not find the ships. The buoys belonging to them were floating on the water ; whence we knew the ships were lost, and we w*alked along the shore to see if any thing could be found of them. As nothing was discovered, we struck into the woods, and, having traveled about a quarter of a league in water, we found the little boat of a ship lodged upon some trees.

Ten leagues thence, along the coast, two bodies were found, belonging to my ship, and some lids of boxes ; but the persons were so disfigured by beating against the rocks that they could not be recognized. A cloak too was seen, also a coverlet rent in pieces, and nothing more. Sixty persons were lost in the ships, and twenty burses. Those who had gone on shore the day of our arrival, who may have been as many as thirty, were all the survivors of both ships. During some days we were struggling with much hardship and hunger; for the provisions and subsistence were de stroyed, and some herds. The country was left in a condition piteous to behold; the trees prostrate, the woods parched, there being neither grass nor leaf. Thus w*e lived until the fifth day of November,* when the Governor arrived with four ships, which had lived through the great storm, having run into a place of safety in good time.

The people who came in them, as well as those on shore, were so intimidated by what had passed, that they feared to go on board in the winter, and they besought the Governor to spend it there. Seeing their desire, and that it was also the wish of the townspeople, he staid through the season. He gave the ships and people into my charge, that I might go with them to pass the winter at the port of Xagua, twelve leagues thence, where I remained until the twentieth day of February, f * November 5, 1527 f February 20, 1528 1 Rio de las Palmas on the western shore of the gulf of Mexico, on modern charts iu latitude 23° 48' north. Oviedo says, on the au thority of Chaves, that near Rio de las Palmas crosses Tropic of g RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA. Cancer, thence to Rio Panuco are more than thirty leagjes, and thence to Veracruz, seventy leagues. 2 "... . and for Aldermen of the first town that they should erect, went Miguel de Lumbreras, Geronimo Lopez, Andres Dorantes, Diego de Cueto ; and for those of the second, Juan de Mayorga, Bartholome Hernandez Franco, Juan de Guijon, Alonzo de Herrera." — Herrera.

In the Archivo de Indias, is the original commission issued by the King and Dona Joana, his mother, to Juan Velazquez de Salazar, of the royal household, to be Mayor of the first and principal town of Christians in Florida. * Vaseo Porcallo de Figueroa went afterwards with Soto from Cuba to Florida as his Lieutenant-general ; but, having some misunderstand ing with him, returned to the Island soon after the first skirmish with the natives. — Oviedo. Garcilasso. 4 Seventeen and a half leagues, according to the usage of the Span ish and Portuguese navigators of the time, measured one degree, which gives three and a half geographical miles to the league. A mile will be found about the distance accounted " league " in the narrative. A personal experience has shown the day's journey Jornada, to be about twenty-two miles. 1 From Xagua, the 15th day of Feb., 1528, he wrote an account to the Emperor of all that had befallen the armament to that time. — Oviedo.

Official accounts are extant of a very destructive hurricane that visited the Antillas in the same month of October, the j-ear before, which should have a record. The excerpta are in the handwriting of MuSoz in the LXXVIIIth volume of his Collection in the Academy of History at Madrid. The Audiencia wrote from Espanola 20th of May, 1520 : " The population is in very necessitous condition. The pestilence of small pox has finished the Indians. The war with France, and his Majesty having taken as borrowed the gold sent to Spain for supplies, have carried up the prices of Spanish goods. The in habitants notwithstanding have exerted themselves to build sugar mills and other structures for permanency ; for the storm or uracan in last October threw down many of the sugar-works and destroyed most of the plantations, although so much has been set up since that the labor is expected to be over with in a short time."

To the Emperor from Portorico, 27th March, 1520: (San Juan.) " On the night of the 4th of October last there came on such a storm of wind and water, called here uracan, that in twenty-four hours it demolished the greater part of this city including the church, doing so great damage to the plantations in the country, because of tin freshes in the river, that the like is not remembered on this Island." Many rich have been made poor.

Chapter II. The Coming Of The Governor To The Port Of Cxagua

AND WITH A PILOT. At this time, the Governor arrived with a brigantine bought in Trinidad, and brought with him a pilot named Miruelo, who was employed because he said he knew the position of the river Palmas, and had been there, and was a thorough pilot for all the coast of the North.1 The Governor had also purchased and left on the shore of Havana another vessel, of which Al varo de la Cerda remained in charge, with forty in fantry and twelve cavalry. The second day after arrival the Governor set sail with four hundred men and eighty horses, in four ships and a brigantine.* The Pilot being again on board, put the vessels among the shoals they call Can arreo, and on the day following we struck : thus we were situated fifteen days, the keels of our vessels frequently touching bottom. At the end of this time,f a tempest from the south threw so much water upon the shoals that we could get off, although not without danger.

"We left this place and arrived at Guanigua nico, where another storm overtook us, in which we 1528 * Feb. 20. f March CABEQA DE VACA. were at one time near being lost. At cape Corrientes we had still another, which detained us three days. These places being passed, we doubled Cape Sant Anton, and sailed with head winds until we were within twelve leagues of Havana. Standing in the next day to enter the harbor, a wind came from the south which drove us from the land towards the coast of Florida. We came in sight on Tuesday, the twelfth day of April,* and sailed along the coast. On Holy Thursday f we anchored near the shore in the mouth of a bay at the head of which we saw some houses or habitations of Indians. * April 12. f April 14. 1528 1 This was Diego, the younger Miruelo, nephew, according to Barcia, of the one of the name who died in the armament of Ayllon.

The elder had sailed with Pineda for Garay in a voyage from Espanola to the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico ; so that, upon a comparison of authorities, in the year 1519, he had seen all the shore from the cape of Florida to the river Panuco, in going and again in returning. — Navarrete Viages Menores. Ensayo Cro.

Chapter III. Our Arrival In Florida

On the same day the Comptroller, Alonzo Enrriquez, landed on an island in the bay. He called to the In dians, who came and remained with him some time ; and in barter gave him fish and several pieces of veni son. The day following, which was Good Friday,* the governor debarked with as many of the people as the boats he brought could contain. When we came to the buhios,1 or houses that we had seen, we found them vacant and abandoned, the inhabitants having fled at night in their canoes. One of the buhios was very large; it could hold more than three hundred persons. The others were smaller. We found a tinklet of gold among some fish nets. The next day the Governor raised ensigns for your Majesty,f and took possession of the country in your royal name. He made known his authority, and was obeyed as governor, as your Majesty had commanded.

At the same time we laid our commissions before him, and he acknowledged them according to their tenor. Then he ordered that the rest of the people and the horses should land. Of the beasts there were only * April 15 f April 16 CABECA DE VACA. 22 forty-two; by reason of the great storms and the length of time passed at sea, the rest were dead. These few remaining, were so lean and fatigued, that for the time, we could have little service from them. The following day * the Indians of the town came and spoke to us; but as we had no interpreter we could not understand what they meant. They made many signs and menaces, and appeared to say we must go away from the country. With this they left us and went off, offering no interruption. * April 17 1528 1 Oviedo speaks of the buhio as distinguished from other forms of Indian habitations, in being " fechas a dos aguas," made with two sheds.

The Yucayo word was early taken up by the Spaniards into their speech, and carried from the Antillas to the main, where it is in use. The subject of Indian dwellings is treated of both for the islands and tierra-firme, in a still chapter with plates for illustration, in the Historia General y Natural de las Indias la P, Lo VI, Cap. 1.

Chapter IV. Our Entrance Into The Country

The day following,* the Governor resolved to make au incursion to explore the land, and see what it might contain. With him went the Commissary, the Assessor, and myself with forty men, among them six cavalry, of which we could make little use. We took our way towards the north, f until the hour of vespers, when we arrived at a very large bay that appeared to stretch far inland. We remained there that night, and the next day we returned to the place where were our ships and people. J The Governor ordered that the brigan tine should sail along the coast of Florida and search for the harbor that Miruelo, the pilot, said he knew, (though as yet he had failed to find it, and could not tell in what place we were, or where was the port), and that if it were not found, she should steer for Ha vana and seek the ship of which Alvaro de la Cerda was in command, § and, taking provisions, together, they should come to look for us. * April 18 t Al'f'l 19 1528 \ Northeast.