The Old Indian Chronicle; being a collection of ... rare tracts written and published in the time of King Philip's War ... to which are now added ... Notes and Chronicles of the Indians, from the discovery of America to the present time. By S. G. D

Preface

. rT^HE principal Part of the A present Volume was pub lished in 1836, under the Title of The Old Indian Chronicle, in a small i8mo, and contained five Tracts ; then supposed to be all, or nearly all extant. Several Years elapsed before any others were heard of, excepting the Fragment of one in the Harleian Miscellany. Those entitled The Present State of New-England, Sec, and A Continuation of the State of New-England, came into my Possession previous to 1833. These I printed in that Year, as just mentioned, and put the Work on Sale, but there was no Demand for it, and it lay some three Years on Hand, excepting what were gratuitously distributed. In the mean Time the Hon. Nathan ft- B VI Preface. Appleton brought from England two others, namely, A New and Further Narrative, and The War in New England visibly ended.

On hearing of my Desire to collect and reprint whatever con temporary Tracts could be found on, and of the Period of Philip's War, Mr. Appleton brought and presented me these two. I was much elated with the new Acquisition, presuming I was then in Possession of all there were, or all I should ever obtain. I therefore at once set about pre paring them for Publication. At this Period, and for three or four Years previous, a constant Visitor at my Place of Busi ness was Mr. Edward Tuckerman, Jr., then though a very young Man, who had a genuine antiquarian Taste, which I had somewhat en couraged. He entered into the Subject of Re publication with much Zeal, making considerable Researches for Materials for Notes. Some of these were made Use of and duly acknowledged. Not long after these Labors of my young Friend, his Father, the late Edward Tuckerman, Esq., of Boston, fearing his Son's Studies in preparing for a collegiate Course, would be interrupted by antiquarian Pursuits, took Measures to reclaim him ; but " what is bred in the Bone," &c, is verified Preface.

VII in this Instance, as may be seen by an Inspection of the fourth Volume of the American Anti quarian Society's TranfaBions ; he having been some Time previous made a Member of the Antiquarian Society. And here I may not im properly add to this Digression by remarking, that of the many young Men I have initiated in historical and antiquarian Studies, I am not aware that any one of them ever complained of any undue Influence having been exercised on my Part to make them Antiquaries. And now, if any one of them has done as Peter did, such may have the Benefit of this Digression. There may be Something in the common Say ing, that good Haps, like bad ones, seldom come single; for within three Months after Mr. Ap pleton had presented me with the two Tracts just mentioned, my Friend, the Hon. Peter Force of Washington, in an annual Visit to Boston, which fell out at this Time, brought with him purposely for me, that entitled A True Account of the Most Considerable Occurrences, &c, and freely allowed me to take a Copy of it for Publication in my intended Collection.

Such is a succinct History of the Collection of rare Tracts in the first Edition of the Old Indian Chronicle. Preface. It may be interesting to some Bibliographers, as well as to the Bibliopolist, to know that the first two Tracts in the Volume were not reprinted (for the first Edition), as enough of them remained on Hand in 1836, to complete the Edition of some 250 Copies. The whole Number of Pages in the first Edi tion is 222, of which the five Tracts made but 143. The additional Pages consisted of a Chro nology of Indian Events, hastily thrown together for the Occasion, and not of sufficient Value to be reprinted in this Edition. That Work has been enlarged to above ten Times its original Contents, and forms the Basis of the proposed Annals of the Indians. Of the additional Tracts in the present Edition, there is no Occasion to remark in this Preface, as each will be found accompanied with prefatory Matter, and Notes, elucidating their History, as far as the Editor's Information extends.

Respecting the Introduction, Nothing is re quired to be said in this Place. Its Purport, and the Object of its Preparation will be best under stood in its Perusal. In preparing the Notes to this Edition of the Chronicle, Brevity has been studied; the Editor Preface. IX not intending to overload his Pages by long Ex tracts from printed and accessible Works. He has therefore only referred to those Works where other Information may be easily found. The accompanying Map will be found espe cially useful, as it contains the Places made memorable by the Events of the War, and as mowing what was meant formerly by the Nip muck Country, but of which Nobody at the present Day has any definite Idea. CONTENTS. I. T NTRODUCTION, Pages i to 118. II. T#* present State of New-England, with Refpetl to the Indian War, Pages 119 to 170.

III. A Continuation of the State of New-England, being a farther Account of the Indian War, Pages 171-205. IV. A new and farther Narrative of the State of New- England, &c, 207-246. V. A true Account of the most considerable Occurrences, &c. [to Aug. 4th, 1676], 247-285. VI. The War in New-England visibly ended, King Philip beheaded, &c, 287-293. VII. News from New-England, being a true and last Account, &c, 294-311. V III. A farther brief and true Narration of the late Wars risen in New-England, 313-319. ORIGIN OF INDIAN WA RS; Particularly of that known as King Philip's War, with the First Events in its Progress.

Chapter I

Origin of Indian JVars. — Land not the Cause. — Other Causes. — Lands not taken from them without their Consent. — Plymouth vindicated by Gov. Winslow. — Plymouth's Care for the Indians. — Voyagers kidnap them. — Hunt, his Apology. — Iheir Number in New England. — Smith's Encounter with some. — Weymouth's Conduit. — Harlow's. — Exploit of Pechmo. — Escape and Exploit os Epenow. — His Attack upon Capt. Dermer. is an extensively prevailing ?Pl|lfP§F^i Opinion that the Indian War of <S||||f|$? I(>75> 1676 and 1677, generally 'Ip^lf/^f denominated King Philip's War, grew v&MImg) out of the Encroachments upon the Lands H§r of the Indians, by their white Neighbours of New England. It will be seen, in the Progress of the Narrative now undertaken, that Land was not the Cause of the War ; but that A Origin of Indian Wars. 2 there were other Causes, about which very little has ever been said.

These Causes it is intended to explain, before entering upon the Details of the War. Had every white Inhabitant who fat himself down bv the Side of an Indian been kind and generous, discovered less of Avarice, and not taken Pains to make himself offensive by his unmis takable Haughtiness, few Cafes of Contention would have arisen. What is tolerated, or rather suffered, in civilized Society, is not so easily borne where there are no conventional Ranks. In civilized Society, so called, those possessing the greatest Wealth are very apt to carry themselves in a haughty and offensive Manner towards the poorer Portion. This is quietly submitted to by the Latter. Indians could not understand this; for among them all were equal ; and Insults were never borne, except by those physically unable to resent or revenge them.

At the first, that is, when the white People came first among the Indians, the Latter looked upon the Former as Creatures of different Flesh and Blood ; scarcely Animals. But after a Time they became enlightened. They saw that Men of a different colored Skin from their own lived by eating and drinking, the fame as they them selves did. They saw also that the white Men were as susceptible of Wounds and Injuries in their Persons as others of their own Color. Hence, in all apparent physical Circumstances, the two Races were equal. Now all this being demon- Origin os Indian Wars. 3 strated by the actual Experience of a little Inter course, the Indian began at length to inquire into the Cause of his being treated as an Inferior. And it was not until he learned that the white Man set a high Value on Things upon which he set none, or very little ; and he saw, too, that when certain Things were in his Possession they were of little Value, but that as soon as they were transferred to the white Man's hands they became of great Value.

He therefore said to himself, " It is the Indian's Property in the white Man's Hands that gives the white Man Importance, makes him arrogant and covetous ; and he despises the Indian as soon as his Ends are answered, and when the Indian has nothing more to part with." Neighbors thus circumstanced must necessarily fall out; and, being physically equal, personal Collisions will ensue. Therefore, that the Contentions with the Indians grew out of Posses sion of their Lands by the White Man without adequate Compensation, is not a necessary Con dition in accounting for Indian Wars, and, so far as New England is concerned, is without Founda tion ; for, however small the Compensation given for Land, it was, as a general Thing, all the Land was worth at the Time of Purchase; nor would it ever have been worth more in the Hands of the Indians.

They could make no Use of it, or of but a very small Part of it. To kill a Deer on a hundred or a thousand Acres of Land once in a Year was certainly a very small Income for so many Acres. - Origin of Indian Wars. 4 Any one will find, by an Examination of all the public Records of New England, that in no Instance was Land taken from the Indians with out their Consent, and without what was then considered a fair Compensation. Cases, indeed, may be found where white Men settled upon Land not purchased of the Indians ; but, so far as is known, they were always compelled to vacate such Possession on Complaint of the Indians. It should be remembered, too, that the Indians often invited white Settlers to come and reside among them, giving them freely as much Land as they wanted. This kind of Acquirement of Land, however, was never acknowledged by the Country ; and, when the Indians were tired of such Settlers,they were, on Complaint of Intrusion, compelled to remove.

The War with Philip began in the Colony of Plymouth ; and there were those who charged the People there with bringing on that War by their Injuries to the Indians. But the Governor of that Colony wrote a Letter of Vindication to the Rev. Dr. Increase Mather, which the Doctor printed in his little quarto History of the War. The Letter of Governor Winflow is dated the first of May, 1676. In that Letter there is Evi dence of great Sincerity ; and there can be no doubt of its Truth in every Particular. Indeed, its honest Simplicity will ever carry Conviction with it, and is good Evidence of the entire Integrity of its Author. Among other Things He speaks of the "undeserved Aspersions that Plymouth's Defence. 5 some ignorant, or worse than uncharitable, Per sons would lay upon" that Colony "respecting the Grounds of these Troubles," and adds, "we have endeavored to carry it justly and faithfully towards them at all Times, and friendly beyond their Deserts.

I think I can clearly fay, that, before these present Troubles broke out, the Eng lish did not poses one Foot of Land i?i this Colony but what was fairly obtained by hones Purchase of the Indian Proprietors. Nay, because some of our People are of a covetous Disposition, and the Indians are, in their Straits, easily prevailed with to part with their Lands, we first made a Law that none should purchase, or receive of Gift, any Land of the Indians, without the Knowledge and Allow ance of our Court ; and Penalty of a Fine, five Pound per Acre, for all that ssiould be so bought or obtained." Besides this Guard for their Security and Protection, it was provided by the fame General Court of that Colony, "that Mount Hope, Pocasset, and several other Necks of the best Land in the Colony, (because most suitable and convenient for them,) ssiould never be bought out of their Hands."

Thus the Colony of Plymouth took much better Care for the Indians than the Indians did for and Governor Winslow very justly remarked, that, if those Lands had not been reserved by Law, the Indians would have sold them long before the Time he wrote. "And," continues Mr. Winslow, "our Neighbors at Rehoboth and Swanzy, although they bought their Lands fairly of this Philip and his Father and Brother, yet, because of their Vicinity, that they might not trespass upon the Indians, did, at their own Cost, set up a very substantial Fence quite across that great Neck between the English and the Indians ; and paid due Damage if at any Time any unruly Horse or other Beass break in and trespassed. And, for divers Years last past, (that all occasion of Offence, in that Respect, might be prevented,) the Englissi agreed with Philip and his for a certain Sum, yearly, to maintain the said Fence and secure themselves.

And if at any Time they have brought Complaints before us, they have had Justice impartial and speedily, so that our own People have frequently complained that we erred on the other Hand in showing them over much Favor'' It would be a Mistake to suppose that any one Act or Circumstance on the Side of the Englissi or the Indians was the Cause of the bloody War which broke out in 1675. But it grew out of a Combination of Causes, already explained, which commenced almost as soon as the Englissi Traders and Settlers came into the Country. Even some of the first Voyagers, through their Imprudence, incurred the Hatred of the Indians on various Parts of the Coast. As early as 16 14, a Captain Thomas Hunt, in Imitation of the Captains of Slavers on the Coast of Africa, kidnapped twenty seven Indians in the Neighborhood of Patuxet, (afterwards called Plymouth,) carried them to Spain, and sold them into Slavery.

Capt. Hunt The Kidnapper 's Apology. 7 was under the Orders of Capt. John Smith ; but this Act of Hunt was done without the Knowledge of Smith, and was by him severely censured. He was left in the Massachusetts Bay, by Smith, with Orders to make up his Cargo of Fissi, Furs, and Oil, and then to proceed to Mal aga; "but this vile Act," fays Smith, "kept him ever after from any more Employment to those Parts." The only Apology which can be offered for Capt. Hunt is, that, in those Days, Slavery was nowhere considered morally wrong. All Nations believed it right, and countenanced it under certain Circumstances. Hunt was censured, therefore, mainly because he had made the Trade to this Coast dangerous, if he had not entirely destroyed it, by provoking the Vengeance of the Indians. The Indians were looked upon as a degraded, inferior and faithless Race, and no more to be regarded than the Africans.

This, at least, was the general Impression. The twenty-seven Indians carried off by Hunt were, according to the Statement of Dr. Increase Mather, " sold for twenty Pounds a Man, until it was known whence they came ; for then the Friars in those Parts took away the Rest of them, that so they might nurture them in the Popissi Religion." The fame Author fays that twenty of them were taken at Patuxet, and seven from Nauset, since Easlham. This was one of the most serious Provocations which happened before the Pequot War ; but it was by no Means the only one, and it was never forgotten, even to the Time of the War with King Philip. It is not intended to notice all the Difficulties between the Englissi and Indians which occurred before the War of 1675, but only the most im portant of them ; which will be sufficient to ssiow how Animosities originated, and how they were from Time to Time increased and perpet uated, until that War finally burst forth, putting the very Existence of the entire Englissi Settle ments in Peril, and ending with the Destruction of the Indian Power.

And here it seems necessary to fay Something respecting the Population of the Indians of New England, at the Period of Philip's War. It is quite certain that they were much more numerous in 1675, than at any previous Period since the Discovery of the Country. The Reason for this Statement is, that from the first Settlements by the white People, Wars were less frequent and depopulating among them, owing to obvious Causes ; among which may be mentioned the Example of the new Comers, who generally endeavored to cultivate Peace, and assist them in preventing the Spread of Diseases among them ; they were also taught additional Means of living ; so that much larger Numbers could subsist on the same Space than before the Whites came among them. It is evident, that in their wild State, no large Number of them could subsist long together, because Game, on which they How Numerous in 1675. 9 principally lived, was soon exhausted, and Hunger compelled them to scatter.

This State of Exist ence always forced them to live in small Clans or Families ; and at the fame Time exposed them to Destruction by their Enemies. With these Facts in View, it has been judged that the Indians in New England, in 1675, were not above 30,000 Souls. This Estimate may be thought too low, as it has generally been set much higher, and by those whose Judgment is deserving of Respect. The Proportion of Warriors may have been about one to five. Before the Indians had much Intercourse with the white People, they appeared to the Latter exceedingly simple, and could be easily imposed upon by the selfissi, unscrupulous, and crafty. Capt. Smith calls them " silly Saluages," and fays " they were very kind, but in their Furie no lesse Valiant ; for, vpon a Quarrel wee had with one of them, hee, only with three others, crossed the Harbor of Quonahassit to certain Rocks whereby we must pass, and there let fly their Arrows for our Shot."

This Affair was at Cohaffet Rocks. As Smith proceeded down the Bay, " vpon small Occasion," another Quarrel arose. Forty or fifty Indians attacked the Englissi, who fired upon them, killing one, and wounding another with a Shot through the Thigh. And yet, as Smith relates, in an Hour after they made up and became Friends again. These are some of the Events of 1614. Many of the Natives were carried away from B the Coast of New England besides those kidnapped by Capt. Hunt. Some of them may have gone voluntarily, but those stolen or forced away seized the first Opportunity to be revenged for such Outrages. Several of these have become historical Characters. They feigned Content ment in Captivity, and laid Plans of Escape art fully, which, in some Instances, they executed successfully. As several of these Circumstances and Events are of deep Interest, and ssiow the Progress of the Relations between the Englissi and Indians, it may be thought by the Reader that some of the most Important of them ssiould be given.

It is therefore proposed to go a Step back, and to take up a few of the leading Inci dents here hinted at. To the Kidnapping of several Indians from about Pemaquid, in 1605, Sir Ferdinando Gorges imputes the Colonization of New England. That barbarous Act was committed bv Capt. George Weymouth ; not, however, to make Slaves of them, but, by kindly treating them, to induce them to give his Employers a more per fect Knowledge of the Country than they could otherwise obtain. Yet this is a poor Excuse for depriving People of their Liberty ; for at the Bottom of all such Acts lies the fame Cupidity which is the Cause of Robbery and greater Crimes. Gold and other rich Mines were sup posed to exist in the Country, the Knowledge of which the Englissi expected to obtain from the Indians. It was on the 4th of June, 1605, that Wey mouth put in Execution his Plan of seizing the Indians which he carried from the CQast of New England, already mentioned.

In the Account of his Voyage, publissied in London, the fame Year, is a minute Detail of the Transaction, which cannot well be given excepting in the Language of the Writer of that Voyage. It therefore fol lows : " About eight O'clock this Day we went on Shore, with our Boats, to fetch aboard Water and Wodti ; our Captain leaving Word with the Gunner in the Ship, by discharging a Musket, to give Notice if they espied any Canoe coming, which they did about ten O'clock. He there fore, being careful they ssiould be kindly treated, requested me [James Rosier] to go aboard, intending with Dispatch to make what Haste after he possibly could. When I came to the Ship there were two Canoes, and in either of them three Savages, of whom two were below at the Fire ; the others staid in their Canoes about the Ship, and because we could not entice them aboard, we gave them a Can of Pease and Bread, which they carried to the Shore to eat ; but one of them brought back our Can presently, and staid aboard with the other two ; for he being young, of a ready Capacity, and one we most desired to bring with us into England, had re ceived exceeding kind Usage at our Hands, and was therefore much delighted in our Company.

When our Captain was come, we consulted how to catch the other three at Shore ; which we Kidnapping begins. 12 jerformed thus : We manned the Lighthorscman Boat] with seven or eight Men; one standing Aefore carried our box of Merchandise, as we were wont when I went to traffic with them, and a Platter of Pease, which Meat they loved ; but, before we were landed, one of them (being so suspiciously fearful of his own Good) withdrew himself into the Wood. The other two met us on the Shore-side, to receive the Pease, with whom we went up the Cliff to their Fire, and fat down with them ; and, while we "were dis cussing how to catch the third Man, who was gone, I opened the Box, and ssiewed them Trifles to exchange, thinking thereby to have banissied Fear from the other, and drawn him to return ; but when we could not, we used little Delay, but suddenly laid Hands upon them ; and it was as much as five or six of us could do to get them into the Lighthorseman ; for they were strong, and so naked as our best Hold was by their long Hair on their Heads ; and we would have been very loth to have done them any Hurt, which of Necessity we had been constrained to have done if we had attempted them in a Multitude ; which we must and would rather than have wanted them, being a Matter of great Importance for the full Accomplissiment of our Voyage."

Such was the Manner in which Capt. Wey mouth possessed himself of five of the Natives, whose Names were, as given by the Writer of the Voyage, " Tahanedo, a Sagamore ; Amoret, Ski cowaras, Manedo, Gentlemen; and Saffacomet, Approved by the Adventurers. 13 a Servant."1 " And so it pleased our great God," wrote Sir Ferdinando Gorges, that Weymouth, on his Return to England, " came into the Har bor of Plymouth, where I then commanded. I seized upon the Indians. They were all of one Nation, but of several Parts, and several Fami lies. This Accident must be acknowledged the Means, under God, of putting on Foot and giving Life to all our Plantations. And, having kept them full three Years, I made them able to set me down what great Rivers run up into the Land, what Men of Note were seated on them, what Power they were of, how allied, and what Enemies they had."

The next Year, however, 1606, two of those Indians were sent out with Capt. Henry Challons, to aid in Trade and Discovery in New England ; but Challons was taken by the Spaniards, and the Indians with him. Their Names were, as then given, Assacumet and Manida. Yet, after a Time, one, if not both, of them returned to England. In 1607, another of them, Sketwar roes, was sent with Capt. Raleigh Gilbert, to aid him in his Settlement of a Colony at the Mouth of the Kennebeck. In 161 1, Capt. Edward Harlow made a Voy age to the Coast. At Monhigon Island he seized three Indians, whose Names were Pechmo, Monopet, and Pekenimne ; but Pechmo leaped overboard and escaped. He was a bold and 1 These Names are very variously 70-71, Ed. 1851. See also Wey spelt. See Booh of the Indians, P. mouth's Voyage, in Maine Hist.

Colls. Indians Revenge themselves . daring Fellow, and determined to be revenged. Collecting a few Men, he seized upon the Ship's Boat, cut it from her Stern, and got off with it, in Spite of all the Ship's Company could do. Nor could they retake it, it was so well guarded upon the Shore by the Indians, with their Bows and Arrows, who bad also bedded it in the Sand. Seeing that Nothing more could be done in the Eastern Parts, Capt. Harlow proceeded South ward. At Capoge he succeeded in Kidnapping two others, Coneconam and Epenow ; and at Nohono, Sakaweston. With these five Indians he returned to England. Some of these Indians had deceived Sir Fer dinando Gorges by making him believe they knew where Gold was to be found in Abundance ; and he obtained a Promise from Epenow to dis cover it to him.

Accordingly, Sir Ferdinando sent over Capt. Hobson, in 1614, very confident he would make a good Voyage, and obtain very important Information about the Riches of the Country ; but he was doomed to be sadly disap pointed. Capt. Hobson had with him three Indians, Epenow, Affacumet, and Wenape. On arriving at Cape Cod, Epenow's Friends and Acquaintances visited the Ship, and with them he planned an Escape. They were kindly entertained by the Captain, and when they left pro mised to return in the Morning, and to bring Articles for Traffic. "But Epenow," fays Sir Ferdinando, " privately, as it appeared, had con tracted with his Friends how he might make his Bravery a fid Delivery of a Captive . 15 Escape without performing what he had undertaken, being, in Truth, no more than he had told me he was to do, though with Loss of Life.

For otherwise, if it were found that he had discovered the Secrets of his Country, he was sure to have his Brains knocked out as soon as he came assiore. For that Cause, I gave the Captain strict Charge to endeavor by all Means to prevent his escaping from them. And, for the more Surety, I gave Order to have three Gentlemen of my own Kindred to be ever at Hand with him; clothing him with long Garments, fitly to be laid hold on, if Occasion ssiould require. Notwithstanding all this, his Friends being all come at the Time appointed, with twenty Canoes, and lying at a certain Distance, with their Bows ready, the Captain calls to them to come aboard; but they not moving, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him where he was, in the Forecastle of the Ship ; he, being then in the Waste of the Ship, between the two Gentlemen that had him in Guard, starts suddenly ffom them,-and, coming to the Captain, calls to his Friends, in Englissi, to come aboard ; in the Interim, flips himself overboard ; and, although he were taken hold of by one of the Company, yet, being a strong and heavy Man, could not be stayed ; and was no sooner in the Water, but the Indians sent such a Shower of Arrows, and came withal desperately so near the Ship, that they carried him away in Despight of all the Musquetteers aboard, who were for the Number, as good as our Nation did Captain Dermer s Experience. afford.

And thus were my Hopes in that Par ticular [Voyage] made void and frustrate." It is clearly seen from the Narrative of this Succession of Injuries, that the white People could, from the first, expect Nothing but Trea chery in return for the Fraud and Injustice they themselves had continually practised upon the Natives of New England. Five Years after the Voyage of Capt. Hobson, namely, in 1619, Capt. Thomas Dermer, another of Sir Ferdinando Gorges' Men, came to Capoge, the Place where Epenow made his Escape, and there met with him. The ssirewd Indian could speak some Englissi, and he narrated to the Cap tain his adventurous Escape from Capt. Hobson, at which Account he made himself very merry. He learned from Capt. Dermer that he was in the Service of Gorges, and made very particular Inquiry about his old Friend, and his Affairs.

Meantime, he suspected Dermer was sent to seize him, and to take him to England. He there fore conspired with other Indians to take the Captain Prisoner ; and they actually fell upon him. " But he, being a braue, stout Gentleman," drew his Sword, and freed himself from them ; though not without fourteen Wounds, some of which were of so serious a Nature that he was obliged to go to Virginia to have them attended to. He lived to make another Voyage to Ame rica, and died upon the Coast, of Fever. Ships taken and defrayed. 17