Chapter V…

Chapter V

Directives of Execution

The Reich Labor Minister has the power to issue legal decrees and general administrative directives in order to insure the execution of the Regulations of this Law; he is authorized to change regulations of the Reich Mining Law in order to adapt them to the decrees of Chapter III of this Law.

Berlin, 4 April 1933

The Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler

The Reich Labor Minister Franz Seldte

The Reich Minister of the Interior Frick

For the Reich Minister of Justice The Reich Minister of Finance Count Schwerin von Krosigk

The Reich Minister of Economy Hugenberg

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1773-PS

THE LAW OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT

[Das Recht des Generalgouvernements] Krakau, 1941

E 8. Impounding of Valuables

E 800. Decree on the Sequestration of Property of the Former Polish State in the General Gouvernement.--15 November 1939

On the basis of Article 5, section 1 of the decree of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor governing the administration of occupied Polish territory dated 12 October 1939 (RGBl I, page 2077), I issue the following order:

Article 1--1. All movable and stationary property of the former Polish State with accessories, including all demands, participation, rights and other interests inside the General Gouvernement, will be sequestered for the purpose of securing all manner of public valuables.

2. The seizure, administration, and utilization of the sequestered property is the duty of the department “Trusteeship for the General Gouvernement” in the office of the Governor General.

Article 2--The director of the department “Trusteeship for the General Gouvernement” will in agreement with the director of the finance department in the office of the Governor General issue the regulations required to execute this decree, in particular on the duty to make a declaration of the wealth belonging to the former Polish State as well as the treatment of rights of third persons on the wealth of the former Polish State and of claims against this wealth.

Article 3--This regulation will be effective on the day of its publication.

The Governor General for the Occupied Polish Territories FRANK

# # # # #

E 810. Decree on the Right of Ownership of Wealth of the former Polish Territories.--24 September 1940

On the basis of Article 5, section 1 of the decree of the Fuehrer and chancellor of the Reich of 12 Oct 1939 (RGBl I, page 2077), I issue the following order:

Article 1--The property sequestered on the basis of Article 1, section 1 of the decree on the confiscation of the wealth of the former Polish State within the General Gouvernement of 15 Nov 39 (Verordnungsblatt GGP, page 37) will be transferred to the ownership of the General Gouvernement. A legal right of the General Gouvernement will not be established by this transaction.

Article 2--1. Rights of third persons in the property mentioned in Article 1 expire insofar as they existed before 20 November 1939.

2. It will be determined later on whether and to what extent an indemnification can be granted to persons, especially to rightful foreign claimants, for legal losses suffered through the action.

Article 3--The seizure and administration of the property mentioned in Article 1 will be executed until further notice on the basis of the regulation on the confiscation of the wealth of the former Polish State within the General Gouvernement of 15 November 1939 (Verordnungsblatt, GGP, page 37) and of the first executionary decree issued on 16 March 1940 (Verordnungsblatt GGP II, page 175).

Article 4--The director of the department “Trusteeship for the General Gouvernement” in agreement with the director of the finance department in the office of the governor general will be in charge of the property mentioned in Article 1.

Article 5--This regulation will be effective on the day of its publication.

The Governor General FRANK

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E 845. Decree on the Confiscation of Art Objects in the General Gouvernement.--16 December 1939

On the basis of Article 5, section 1 of the decree of the Fuehrer and Chancellor of the Reich on the administration of the occupied Polish territories of 12 Oct 1939 (RGBl I, page 2077), I order the following:

Article 1--All art objects in public possession in the General Gouvernement will be confiscated for the fulfillment of public tasks of common interest insofar as it has not already been seized under the decree on the confiscation of the wealth of the former Polish State in the General Gouvernement of 15 November 1939 (Verordnungsblatt GGP, page 37).

Article 2--With the exception of art collections and art objects which were the property of the former Polish State, art objects will be considered as owned by the public:

1. private art collections which have been taken under protection by the special commissioner for the seizure and safekeeping of the art and cultural treasures.

2. all ecclesiastical art property with the exception of those objects required for the daily performance of liturgic actions.

Article 3--1. In order to determine whether art objects are public property in the sense of this regulation, every private and ecclesiastical art possession has to be registered with exact data on the kind, nature and number of pieces.

2. Everyone who possessed or at the present time is in possession of or else is entitled to dispose of such objects of art since 15 March 39, is obliged to register the same.

3. Everyone is obliged to make upon request truthful and appropriate statements.

Article 4--The special commissioner appointed by me for the seizure and safekeeping of the art and cultural treasures will determine in cases of doubt what art collections and art objects in detail will have to be regarded on the basis of Article 2 of this regulation as public art property. He also will decide on the eventual necessary exceptions.

Article 5--1. He will be punished with imprisonment

1. Who undertakes to conceal, sell or remove objects of art from the General Gouvernement.

2. Who refuses or else gives incorrect or incomplete information required from him on the basis of this decree.

2. The special court is competent for the trial.

Article 6--The special commissioner appointed for the seizure and safekeeping of the art and cultural treasures will issue the regulations necessary for the execution of this decree.

Article 7--This regulation will be put into effect immediately.

The Governor General for the Occupied Polish Territories

FRANK

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E 846. First Enforcement Regulation for the Order of 16 December 1939 on the Confiscation of Art Objects in the General Gouvernement.

In order to execute the decree on the confiscation of art objects in the General Gouvernement of 16 December 1939 (Verordnungsblatt GGP, page 209), I order the following:

Article 1--The registration decree in Article 3, section 1 of the regulation must be carried out by 15 February 1940 with the office of the special commissioner for the seizure and safekeeping of the art and cultural objects, Cracow, Bergakademie.

Article 2--1. Objects of artistic, cultural-historical and historical value which originate from the time before 1850, have to be registered.

2. The registration includes the following:

a. paintings

b. sculpture

c. products of handicraft (for instance antique furniture, china ware, glass, golden and silver objects, Gobelins, rugs, embroideries, lace-work, paramente, etc.)

d. drawings, engravings, woodcuts, etc.

e. rare manuscripts, musical manuscripts, autographs, book-paintings, miniatures, prints, covers, etc.

f. weapons, armors, etc.

g. coins, medals, seals, etc.

3. Regarding the art objects mentioned in section 2, detailed information has to be given, if possible, on the master, the time of production, the contents of the representation, measurements and material (for instance, wood, canvas, bronze, etc.)

Article 3--The special commissioner will send in writing his decision in doubtful cases or in the eventual necessary exceptions as provided for in Article 4 of the decree. The decision will be final.

Article 4--Scientific experts will be entrusted with the execution of the decree.

The Governor General for the Occupied Polish Territories

By order:

Dr. MUEHLMANN

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1774-PS

ORGANIZATIONAL LAWS OF THE GREATER GERMAN REICH

“Verfassungsrecht des Grossdeutschen Reiches” by Ernst Rudolf Huber.

FUEHRER, AND REICH-CABINET [REICH REGIERUNG, Page 223]

a. The Structure of the Reich-Cabinet

The political direction of the Reich is the task of the Fuehrer. The Fuehrer selects, in all fields of political developments the goals which should be attained, determines the methods to be used and makes all fundamental decisions when necessary. The authority of the Fuehrer [Fuehrergewalt] is the “Political Authority” in the new Reich. The term “Leadership” expresses better the mobilization of the collective political force of the people towards the achievement of the common goal, than the term “Government” which has been used heretofore for the highest authority of the State. The Fuehrer has the only final power to decide in all matters concerning movement [party], people, and Reich. He possesses and bears the historical responsibility to his people. Even in instances, where the law assigns certain tasks to the “Reichsregierung”, it is the Fuehrer who is responsible for the final decision.

The Fuehrer avails himself, however, in his decisions of the counsel and the constructive cooperation of his collaborators, especially the Reich-Cabinet, which combines the Subordinate-Fuehrers [Unterfuehrer] of the various departments of the State. The legal position of the Reich-Minister was originally laid down by the Reich-Minister Law of March 27 1930 (RGBl I 96). In its place Section XIII of the German Civil Servant Law is now applicable, with the exception of the regulations concerning the official salaries, service quarters, moving--and travel expenses, where the old law remains valid. The Reich-Ministers are appointed by the Fuehrer and maintain a public service relationship towards him and the Reich. They take a special oath before the Fuehrer when they assume their functions. They cannot belong to any economic enterprise as chairmen or members of administrative or supervisory councils while they hold office (“economic incompatibility”). The Reich-Ministers can be dismissed from their offices at any time by the Fuehrer. No disciplinary action against them will be taken. Special treatment of the Reich-Ministers is based on the fact that they are not “Civil Servants”. Civil Servants are only the members of the Bureaus which are sub- and coordinated to the hierarchic administrative structure, but not those who occupy immediate state-directing positions to whom the Reich-Ministers belong according to the present constitutional law.

The Fuehrer and Reich-Chancellor is at the top of the Reich-Cabinet. He hands down the directives for the over-all operation of the Government and the basic principles for the various departments. A number of Bureaus are subordinated to him for direct counsel and assistance, as follows:

1. The Reich-Chancellery (Chief: Reich-Minister, Dr. Lammers)

2. The Supreme-Command of the Armed Forces (Chief: Generaloberst (Gen.) Keitel)

3. The Presidential Chancellery (Chief: State Minister Dr. Meissner)

4. The Privy Cabinet Council (President: Reich-Minister Frh. von Neurath)

The Reich-Cabinet [Reich Regierung] comprises furthermore the department ministries proper. It is constituted in the following manner according to the official order of rank laid down in the year 1939:

1. The Deputy Commander for the Fuehrer (Reich-Minister Hess)

2. The Supreme Command of the Armed Forces (Generaloberst (Gen.) Keitel)

3. General Field-Marshal Goering (Deputy for the 4 Year Plan)

4. Foreign Office (v. Ribbentrop)

5. Reich-Minister of the Interior (Dr. Frick)

6. Reich-Minister for Enlightenment of the People and Propaganda (Dr. Goebbels)

7. Reich Air-Minister (Gen. Field-Marshal Goering)

8. Reich Finance Minister (v. Schwerin-Krosigk)

9. Reich-Minister of Justice (Dr. Guertner)

10. Reich-Minister of Economy (Funk)

11. Reich-Minister for Food and Agriculture (Darre)

12. Reich-Minister of Labor (Seldte)

13. Reich-Minister for Science, Education and National Culture (Dr. Rust)

14. Reich-Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs (Kerrl)

15. Reich-Minister of Transportation (Dr. Dorpmueller)

16. Reich Postal Minister (Ohnesorge)

17. Reich-Minister Frank (Legal Affairs Reich-Fuehrer)

18. Reich-Minister Schacht

19. Reich-Minister Seyss-Inquart

20. Reich Forest-Office (Gen. Field-Marshal Goering)

The Commanders-in-Chief of the Army (Generaloberst (Gen.) v. Brauchitsch) and of the Navy (Great-Admiral Raeder) have also the rank of Ministers. Furthermore, the following participate regularly in the sessions of the Government, whenever matters of their department are being discussed:

1. The Prussian Finance Minister, Dr. Popitz.

2. The Reich-Fuehrer SS and the Chief of the German Police, Himmler.

3. The Reich Labor Leader in the Reich-Ministry of the Interior, Hierl.

4. The Chief of the Organization in Foreign Countries in the Foreign Office, Bohle. In addition, the following Supreme Reich-Bureaus are immediately subordinate to the Fuehrer:

1. Court of Accounts of the German Reich (State-Minister, retired, Mueller).

2. Inspector General for the German Road System (Dr. Todt).

3. Reich Office for Area Control [Raumordnung] (Kerrl).

4. Youth-Fuehrer of the German Reich (v. Schirach).

Furthermore, the following are immediately subordinate to the Fuehrer:

1. The German Reich-Bank (President Reich-Minister Funk).

2. Inspector General of Constructions for the Reich Capital (Professor Speer).

3. Counsellor General of Constructions for the Capital of the (party) movement (Professor Giesler).

4. Reich Construction Counsellor for the town of Linz on the Danube.

The directors of these Reich Bureaus act as direct advisers and collaborators of the Fuehrer in their department without being members of the Reich-Government by authority of their office.

A privy cabinet council, to advise the Fuehrer in the basic problems of foreign policy, has been created by the decree of 4 February 1938 (RGBl I, 112). This privy cabinet council is under the direction of Reich-Minister v. Neurath, and includes the Foreign Minister, the Air Minister, the Deputy Commander for the Fuehrer, the Propaganda Minister, the Chief of the Reich-Chancellery, the Commanders-in-Chief of the Army and Navy and the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. The privy cabinet council constitutes a select staff of collaborators of the Fuehrer which consist exclusively of members of the Government of the Reich; thus, it represents a select committee of the Reich Government for the deliberation on foreign affairs.

The law on the Supreme Leader of the State makes provision for the nomination of a Deputy Commander for the Fuehrer and also a Vice-Chancellor. Up to July 1934, von Papen, then Reich Minister, was Vice-Chancellor. Since then, no such nomination has been promulgated. The Deputy for the 4 Year Plan has a sort of representation in all matters concerning the 4 Year Plan, “all competent instances of party and state” being combined in his person, and he has been given the power to “issue directives to all authorities, including the highest Reich-Authorities and all offices of the party, its subdivisions and its affiliated associations”. The deputy for the 4 Year Plan is therefore within the limits of his authority superior to the other Reich Ministers, particularly to the economic and military departments. But he is not only superior to the offices of the State but also to those of the party. He is (with the exception of the Fuehrer) the only central authority which by virtue of an office (and not by virtue of a personal union of a party and State office) can issue binding directives to the offices of the party and the State. Considering the tremendous importance of the 4 Year Plan, this position of the deputy is an important means for securing unity between party and State.

This same object is furthermore pursued by the Office of the Deputy Commander for the Fuehrer. While the Deputy for the 4 Year Plan constitutes an authority of the State with the power to issue directives to the party, the Deputy Commander for the Fuehrer represents a party instance with authority to cooperate in State affairs to a large extent. The “Ministry Hess”, with its Liaison-Staff is charged to assert the influence of the party in the legislation and administration of the State. All projects of politically important laws have to be submitted to the Deputy Commander for the Fuehrer for his preliminary examination. He naturally has the power to propose laws from his side. His influence on the administration affects particularly the selection of personnel. All appointments to be made by the Fuehrer have to be examined first by the Deputy Commander for the Fuehrer. Besides these individual powers, it is the duty of the Deputy Commander for the Fuehrer to assert the will of the (party) movement in the organization of the State, to settle difficulties which develop, to investigate complaints, and thus to guarantee unity of party and State.

Unity of party and Reich-Cabinet is furthermore secured by the numerous personal unions i.e. association of Central State Offices with corresponding party offices. Such personal unions exist in the cases of the Food Minister and the Propaganda Minister, the Chief of the German Police and the Reich Labor Leader, the Chief of the Organization in the foreign countries, and the Reich Youth Fuehrer. Furthermore, the majority of the Reich-Ministries is occupied by leading old party members. Finally, all Reich Ministers have been accepted by the party on 30 January 1937 and have been decorated with golden party insignia.

b. The Reich-Cabinet as the bearer of responsible collaboration.

The relationship between the Fuehrer and the Reich-Cabinet differs from the Weimar colleague-like system as well as from Bismarck’s Chancellor System. The great political principles are determined by the Fuehrer; the will of the government is not expressed by vote, as under the colleague-like system; doubts and differences of opinion are also settled by the Fuehrer (in contrast to the provisions of Section 57 of the Weimar Constitution). The Reich-Ministers who act as advisers to the Fuehrer owe him loyalty and obedience in accordance with the oath they have to take by virtue of the law of 16 October 1934. The Fuehrer is therefore not “primus inter pares” (first among equal ones), as it was featured in the colleague-like system, but he is absolutely superior to the other Reich-Ministers. But, if therefore the principle of authority prevails within the Reich-Cabinet it is not permitted in this case in the least to become a formal bureaucratic mechanism like the one that characterized the Chancellor System of Bismarck. In the latter, the collaborators of the Reich-Chancellor, the State-Secretaries, were not independent and responsible chiefs of their departments, but they were the subordinates of the Chancellor and administered in his name and by his orders the various Reich-Offices, at the top of which stood the Chancellor. Even the law of 17 March 1878 concerning deputies did not change that state of affairs to any extent. Such a bureaucratic system does not permit the collaborators to develop a sense of enjoying responsible action and power of resolution and prevents genuine deliberation, the prerequisite of which is independence of the advisor. This is characteristic of an administrative state, where everything depends on the authoritarian technical functioning of the State apparatus. In the Reich of the Fuehrer the decisive factors are that the collaborators are subordinate leaders, that they are therefore possessed themselves with the desire for creative leadership and responsibility.

The Fuehrer does not avail himself of the Reich-Ministers as subordinate executive organs. The Reich-Cabinet is not a technical apparatus. It is therefore inadmissible to consider the Reich-Ministers as mere “Chiefs of Reich Offices” who preside over bureaucratic institutions, rather Reich-Ministers in particular must become genuine sub-leaders if the entire Reich is to be imbued with the spirit of the Fuehrer system. In the Reich Cabinet, the Fuehrer procures for himself the independent and responsible collaborators who do not only technically direct the various offices but who are also capable to act in a constructive and creative manner, within the scope of their assignments. The Reich-Ministers are therefore not only advisors but at the same time responsible creative assistants of the Fuehrer, who administer their offices independently under the direction of the Fuehrer. The prerequisite for the Fuehrer Principle which has been realized in the Reich-Cabinet, is independent cooperation based on confidence and responsibility, of the Fuehrer’s closest followers. Thus, the Fuehrer Principle presents far higher requirements than the bureaucratic absolutism and its not too different Chancellor System of Bismarck.

In view of this structure of the Reich-Cabinet it is only natural that the counter-signature, prescribed in Section 50 of the Weimar Constitution for all decrees and regulations issued by the Reich-President, becomes unnecessary for the decisions of the Fuehrer. They do not require the counter-signature of the Minister of the respective department. Compulsory counter-signature was an institution of the constitutional and parliamentary system. The Minister who counter-signed the orders of the Chief of State assumed thereby responsibility before parliament. The counter-signature was thus inseparably connected with the parliamentary responsibility of the Ministers; it lost its political foundation with the revolutionary elimination of parliamentarianism of any form. However, also in the New Reich during the period of Reich President Hindenburg’s administration, counter-signature of presidential acts by the Reich-Chancellor was maintained. Of course, the counter-signing Reich-Chancellor or Reich-Minister did not assume any more the “responsibility before the Reichstag”, as was the case within the limits of the Weimar parliamentary system. The counter-signature was used in this case rather as a suitable technical form for safeguarding the unified direction of the State as long as a dual Chief of State existed. This technical reason for maintaining the counter-signature was rendered unnecessary with the assumption of the presidential powers by the Fuehrer. Today, it is not necessary any more according to constitutional law. The decrees of the Fuehrer have legal force, even if they are not counter-signed by a Reich-Minister. Such was particularly the order of execution of the 4 Year Plan of 18 October 1936 (RGBl I, 887) which in fact contains a law issued by the Fuehrer alone without any counter-signature.

As a rule, the decrees of the Fuehrer, are on the other hand, even today co-signed by the Minister of the department concerned. Authorized to co-sign are the Reich-Ministers, within the limits of their departments. Furthermore the Chiefs of the Presidential-Chancellery and of the Reich-Chancellery for their departments (Decree of 22 November 1934, not published), and also the State-Secretaries of a Reich-Minister who is temporarily unavailable (Decree of 20 March 1935, RMinBl. 423). The decrees concerning the party are co-signed by the Deputy Commander of the Fuehrer, decrees concerning the range of problems of the 4 Year Plan by the Deputy of the 4 Year Plan and the military decrees by the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. The Chiefs of the Supreme Reich-Bureaus who are not Reich-Ministers are not authorized to co-sign.

Co-signature is being regularly maintained for two reasons. For once, the co-signature brings out the fact that the Minister of the department is more than a mere technical auxiliary tool of the Fuehrer, that he performs rather independent and objective work which requires of course the approval of the Fuehrer but which is nevertheless the Minister’s own work and performance. Thus, the co-signature gives prominence to the fact that the Minister is an independent collaborator and not only an executive instrument. Also, the co-signature is therefore documentary proof--and this is the second reason--for the responsibility of the Minister of the department, naturally not before the Parliament but before the Fuehrer himself. By co-signing the Minister accepts the responsibility before the Fuehrer that the decree is practical, has been carefully considered and thoroughly worked out. Such a responsibility of the Minister before the Chief of the State could not exist under the radical parliamentary Republic. The independence of the Minister from the Chief of State and his responsibility before the Parliament would have been weakened in that way. Under the old constitutional system, on the other hand, (as well as under the presidential system formed after the constitutional system) this responsibility of the counter-signing Minister also before the Chief of State was in existence. This type of “Minister responsibility” is indispensable under the Fuehrer Constitution. In view of the number and the importance of affairs, it is self-evident that the Fuehrer needs the advice, the suggestions, and the proposals of his collaborators; political leadership is impossible without reliable collaborators. The Ministers are responsible to the Fuehrer by their oath for competent and reliable counsel and preparation of his decisions. This responsibility of the Ministers of the various departments finds its public expression by their counter-signature. This counter-signature is not necessary, nevertheless. The Fuehrer can do without it and issue all decrees and decisions which have full legal effect by his own accord.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1775-PS

The OKW is asking the Fuehrer’s decision, concerning the following proposals:

Orders will be given immediately, after the detailed numbers and letters have been released by the Leader, for accomplishment.

1. To take no real preparatory measures in the Army or Luftwaffe. No troop movements or redeployments.

2. Spread false, but quite credible news, which may lead to the conclusion of military preparations against Austria,

a. through V-men [V-Maenner] in Austria, b. through our customs personnel at the frontier, c. through traveling agents.

3. Such news could be:

a. Furloughs are supposed to have been barred in the Sector of the VII A.K.

b. Rolling stock is being assembled in Munich, Augsburg, and Regensburg.

c. Major General Muff, the Military Attaché in Vienna has been called for a conference to Berlin. (As a matter of fact, this is the case).

d. The Police Stations located at the frontier of Austria, have called up reinforcements.

e. Custom officials report about the imminent maneuvers of the Mountain Brigade in the region of Freilassing, Reichenhall and Berchtesgaden.

4. Order a very active make-believe-wireless exchange in Wehrkreis VII and between Berlin and Munich.

5. Real maneuvers, training flights, and winter maneuvers of the Mountain Troops near the frontier.

6. Admiral Canaris has to be ready beginning on February 14th in the Service Command Headquarters in order to carry out measures given by order of the Chief of the OKW.

7. An answer is requested to Lt General Keitel through the Reich-Chancery.

Signed--Keitel.

14.2 7:30 Captain Eberhardt gives the information by phone, that the Fuehrer has given his approval in all points. Answer came only around 2 at night through Reich-Chancellery.

9:00 Telephone message transmitted to Admiral Canaris in Munich.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1778-PS

THE POISONOUS MUSHROOM [Der Giftpilz]

A Stuermer book for young and old Fables by Ernst Hiemer Pictures by Fips Published by Der Stuermer--Nurnberg copyright 1938

* * * * * * *

[P.6] “It is almost noon,” he said, “now we want to summarize what we have learned in this lesson. What did we discuss?”

All children raise their hands. The teacher calls on Karl Scholz, a little boy on the first bench. “We talked about how to recognize a Jew.”

“Good! Now tell us about it!”

Little Karl takes the pointer, goes to the black board and points to the sketches.

“One usually recognizes a Jew by his nose. The Jewish nose is crooked at the end. It looks like the figure 6. Therefore it is called the “Jewish Six”. Many non-Jews have crooked noses, too. But their noses are bent, not at the end but further up. Such a nose is called a hook nose or eagle’s beak. It has nothing to do with a Jewish nose.”

“Right!” says the teacher. “But the Jew is recognized not only by his nose...” The boy continues. The Jew is also recognized by his lips. His lips are usually thick. Often the lower lip hangs down. That is called “sloppy”. And the Jew is also recognized by his eyes. His eyelids are usually thicker and more fleshy than ours. The look of the Jew is lurking and sharp.

[P.9] Then the teacher goes to the desk and turns over the black board, on its back is a verse. The children recite it in chorus:

From a Jew’s countenance--the evil devil talks to us,

The devil, who in every land--is known as evil plague.

If we shall be free of the Jew--and again will be happy and glad,

Then the youth must struggle with us--to subdue the Jew devil.

[P.32] Inge sits in the reception room of the Jew doctor. She has to wait a long time. She looks through the journals which are on the table. But she is much too nervous to read even a few sentences. Again and again she remembers the talk with her mother. And again and again her mind reflects on the warnings of her leader of the BDM [League of German Girls]: “A German must not consult a Jew doctor! And particularly not a German girl! Many a girl that went to a Jew doctor to be cured, found disease and disgrace!”

When Inge had entered the waiting room, she experienced an extraordinary incident. From the doctor’s consulting room she could hear the sound of crying. She heard the voice of a young girl: “Doctor, doctor leave me alone!”

Then she heard the scornful laughing of a man. And then all of a sudden it became absolutely silent. Inge had listened breathlessly.

“What may be the meaning of all this?” she asked herself and her heart was pounding. And again she thought of the warning of her leader in the BDM.

Inge was already waiting for an hour. Again she takes the journals in an endeavor to read. Then the door opens. Inge looks up. The Jew appears. She screams. In terror she drops the paper. Frightened she jumps up. Her eyes stare into the face of the Jewish doctor. And this face is the face of the devil. In the middle of this devil’s face is a huge crooked nose. Behind the spectacles two criminal eyes. And the thick lips are grinning. A grinning that expresses: “Now I got you at last, you little German girl!”

And then the Jew approaches her. His fleshy fingers stretch out after her. But now Inge has her wits. Before the Jew can grab hold of her, she hits the fat face of the Jew doctor with her hand. Then one jump to the door. Breathlessly Inge runs down the stairs. Breathlessly she escapes the Jew house.

[P.61]

The pimpf [Hitler boy between 10-14] so far has not said anything. Suddenly he stops. Then he grasps his two friends by the arm and pulls them away. They stop in front of a bill-board. They read a large poster. It says Julius Streicher makes an address in the People’s Hall about “The Jews are our misfortune”.

“That is where we go!” shouts Konrad, “I wanted to hear him speak for a long time.” “I have heard him once before at a meeting two years ago,” says Erich. “Do tell us all about it!” the two pimpfs beg.

The Hitler youth recounts:

“The meeting was overcrowded. Many thousands of people attended. To begin with, Streicher talked of his experiences in the years of struggle, and of the tremendous achievements of the Hitler Reich. Then he began to talk about the Jewish question. All he said was so clear and simple that even we boys could follow it. Again and again he told about examples taken from life. At one time he talked most amusingly and cracked jokes, making all of us laugh. Then again he became most serious, and it was so quiet in the hall that one could hear a needle drop. He talked of the Jews and their horrible crimes. He talked of the serious danger which Judaism is for the whole world.

“Without a solution of the Jewish question there will be no salvation of mankind.”

That is what he shouted to us. All of us could understand him. And when, at the end, he shouted the “Sieg-Heil” for the Fuehrer, we all acclaimed him with tremendous enthusiasm. For two hours Streicher spoke at that occasion. To us it appeared to have been but a few minutes.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1780-PS

Excerpts from General Jodl’s Handwritten Diary, February 1937-August 1939.

1937

4 February:

Decisive conference about the scarcity of raw materials by the Commissioner of four-year plan.

Only 50% of steel and iron available, therefore rationing necessary. Full allotment only for export. Armed forces and constructions for four-year plan must be cut down by about 40%. Therefore, requests for money have to be converted into requirements for raw materials. Three branches of the Armed Forces and L. for R.V. special resources must make up a priority sequence. Until further notice no more orders to be placed with industry so they will have a chance to fill the many orders previously placed with them.

The sentence “Money is an unimportant factor” has come true, even in another sense. The main part is the raw materials.

Bad harvest and [illegible], especially bread grain [Brotgetreide], demand considerable use of foreign currency for the feeding of the people.

31 March:

Report to the Minister about the maneuvers of the Armed Forces. The Field Marshal emphasized the necessity to bring some influence to bear (on the maneuvers) in so far as a special Armed Forces problem has to be dealt with daily. These exercises are to be designated as “Armed Forces Maneuvers” (army, etc.). After two years, a two front war i.e., two maneuvers, should be presented.

5 November:

Hitler develops his ideas of future development, intentions, and conduct of policy to the Commanders-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, the Army, the Navy and the Air Force.

There is a divergence in the recording of his ideas as made by the Chief of the Armed Forces Office (War Department) [des Chef WA (R Kr. Min)] and by the Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force (Directive to the Chief of the General Staff of Air Force). (No minutes were kept).

Intention of L to put ideas on paper and transmit them to the Services (C-in-C Air Force); furthermore, to incorporate them into mobilization instructions.

1938

11 February:

In the evening and on 12 February General K., with General v. Reichenau and Sperrle, at the Obersalzberg. Schuschnigg together with G. Schmidt are again being put under heaviest political and military pressure. At 2300 hours Schuschnigg signs protocol.

13 February:

In the afternoon General K. asks Admiral C. and myself to come to his apartment. He tells us that the Fuehrer’s order is to the effect that military pressure by shamming military action should be kept up until the 15th. Proposals for these deceptive maneuvers are drafted and submitted to the Fuehrer by telephone for approval.

14 February:

At 2:40 o’clock the agreement of the Fuehrer arrives. Canaris went to Munich to the Counter-Intelligence office VII and initiates the different measures.

The effect is quick and strong. In Austria the impression is created that Germany is undertaking serious military preparations.

15 February:

In the evening an official communique about the positive results of the conference at the Obersalzberg is issued.

16 February:

Changes in the Austrian government and general political amnesty.

22 February:

At 1300 hours General K. sees the Fuehrer in order to inform him about the planned advances [Vorstoesse].

3 March:

The Austrian question is becoming critical. 100 officers shall be dispatched there. The Fuehrer wants to see them personally. They should not see to it that the Austrian Armed Forces will fight better against us, but rather that they do not fight at all.

10 March:

By surprise and without consulting his ministers, Schuschnigg ordered a plebiscite for Sunday, 13 March, which would bring strong majority for the Legitimists in the absence of plan or preparation.

Fuehrer is determined not to tolerate it. The same night, March 9 to 10, he calls for Goering. General v. Reichenau is called back from Cairo Olympic Committee. General v. Schebert is ordered to come, as well as Minister Glaise-Horstenau, who is with the District leader [Gauleiter] Burckel in the Palatinate. General Keitel communicates the facts at 1:45. He drives to the Reichskanzlei at 10 o’clock. I follow at 10:15, according to the wish of General v. Viebahn, to give him the old draft.

“Prepare case Otto.”

1300 hours: General K informs Chief of Operational Staff (and) Admiral Canaris. Ribbentrop is being detained in London. Neurath takes over the Foreign Office.

Fuehrer wants to transmit ultimatum to the Austrian Cabinet. A personal letter is dispatched to Mussolini and the reasons are developed which force the Fuehrer to take action.

1830 hours: Mobilization order is given to the Command of the 8th Army (Corps Area 3), 7th and 13th Army Corps; without reserve Army.

Air puts 300 JU-52 in readiness for dropping of propaganda pamphlets. In addition, one Pursuit Squadron [Jagdgruppe], 3 bomber groups [Kampfgeschwader] and two companies as airborne troops with transport planes are held ready at civilian airports [Friedensflugplatze] in Bavaria.

Subordinated to the Army are: one commander of the Air Force, 2F, 3H Squadrons, courier squadron, 1 heavy AA Bn., Regt. General Goering.

11 March:

Instruction No. 1 of the Fuehrer is given on 11 March at 2:00 without signature; at 1300 hours with his signature.

The Army is joined by the SS Military Units (V. T.) by regiments, 40,000 men of the police and the Totenkopf Unit Upper-Bavaria as second wave.

1700 hours: The Navy has ordered all ships back home.

1800 hours: Schuschnigg has resigned; Seyss-Inquart is chancellor. SA and SS perform duty in uniform. Own movements have commenced. Frontier will not be crossed at the moment. Air Force plans large scale propaganda flights for tomorrow. The police force will be needed in any case and will be mixed with the troops.

1835 hours: Department L. has been informed. Colonel Winkler and Oberfuehrer Petri have also been informed. The Air Force has its doubts if it should initiate the movements that have not yet started.

Decision: yes.

2030 hours: Briefing received from Major General Viebahn that the situation has changed once more. The occupation will take place.

Later undated entry.

After annexation of Austria, the Fuehrer mentions that there is no hurry to solve the Czech question because Austria has to be digested first. Nevertheless, preparations for Case Green will have to be carried out energetically; they will have to be newly prepared on the basis of the changed strategic position because of the annexation of Austria. State of preparations (see memorandum L I a of 19 April) reported to the Fuehrer on 21 April.

The intention of the Fuehrer not to touch the Czech problem as yet is changed because of the Czech strategic troop concentration of 21 May, which occurs without any German threat and without the slightest cause for it.

Because of Germany’s self-restraint, its consequences lead to a loss of prestige of the Fuehrer, which he is not willing to take once more. Therefore, the new order is issued for “green” on 30 May.

22 May:

Fundamental conference between the Fuehrer and K. Henlein (see enclosure).

23 May:

Major Schmundt reports ideas of the Fuehrer. Further conferences, which gradually reveal the exact intentions of the Fuehrer, take place with the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command (OKW) on 28 May, 3 and 9 June, see enclosures. (War Diary L)

30 May:

The Fuehrer signs directive Green, where he states his final decision to destroy Czechoslovakia soon and thereby initiates military preparation all along the line. The previous intentions of the Army must be changed considerably in the direction of an immediate break-through into Czechoslovakia right on D-Day [X-Tag], combined with aerial penetration by the Air Force. Further details are derived from directive for strategic concentration of the army. The whole contrast becomes acute once more between the Fuehrer’s intuition that we must do it this year and the opinion of the army that we cannot do it as yet, as most certainly the Western Powers will interfere and we are not as yet equal to them.

10 August:

The Army chiefs and the chiefs of the Air Force groups, Lt. Col. Jeschonnek and myself are ordered to the Berghof. After dinner the Fuehrer makes a speech lasting for almost three hours, in which he develops his political thoughts. The subsequent attempts to draw the Fuehrer’s attention to the defects of our preparation, which are undertaken by a few generals of the Army, are rather unfortunate. This applies especially to the remark of General Wietersheim, in which to top it off he claims to quote from General Adams [die er noch dazu dem General Adams in den Mund legt] that the western fortifications can only be held for three weeks. The Fuehrer becomes very indignant and flames up, bursting into the remark that in such a case the whole Army would not be good for anything. “I assure you, General, the position will not only be held for three weeks, but for three years.” The cause of this despondent opinion, which unfortunately enough is held very widely within the Army General Staff, is based on various reasons. First of all, it (the General Staff) is restrained by old memories; political considerations play a part as well, instead of obeying and executing its military mission. That is certainly done with traditional devotion, but the vigor of the soul is lacking because in the end they do not believe in the genius of the Fuehrer. And one does perhaps compare him with Charles XII. And since water flows downhill, this defeatism may not only possibly cause immense political damage, for the opposition between the Generals’ opinion and that of the Fuehrer is common talk, but may also constitute a danger for the morale of the troops. But I have no doubt that [?] the Fuehrer will be able to boost the morale of the people in an unexpected way when the right moment comes.

21-26 August:

Visit to Germany of the Hungarian Regent [Reichsverweser]. Accompanied by the Prime Minister, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Honved Minister v. Raatz [?].

They arrive with the idea that in the course of a great war, after a few years, and with the help of German troops, the old state of Hungary can be reestablished. They leave with the understanding that we have neither demands from, nor claims against them, but that Germany will not stand for a second provocation by Czechoslovakia, even if it should be tomorrow. If they want to participate at that moment, it is up to them.

Germany, however, will never play the role of arbitrator between them and Poland. The Hungarians agree; but they believe that, when the issue arises, a period of 48 hours would be indispensable to them to find out Yugoslavia’s attitude.

6 September:

Chief of General Staff, General of Artillery Halder, has a conference with the Hungarian Chief of General Staff Fischer.

Before that he is briefed by me on the political attitude of the Fuehrer--especially his order not to give any hint on the exact moment. The same with OQI, General v. Stuelpnagel.

8 September:

General Stuelpnagel OQI asks for written assurance that the Army High Command will be informed five days in advance if the plan is to take place. I agree and add that the over-all meteorological situation can be estimated to some extent only for two days in advance, and that therefore, the plans may be changed up to this moment. (D-day-2) [X-2 Tage].

General Stuelpnagel mentions that for the first time he wonders whether the previous basis of the plan is not being abandoned. It presupposed that the Western Powers would not interfere decisively. It gradually seems as if the Fuehrer would stick to his decision even though he may no longer be of this opinion. It must be added that Hungary is at least moody and Italy reserved.

I must admit that I am worrying too, when comparing the change of opinion about political and military potentialities, according to directives of 24 June, 5 Nov 37, 7 Dec 37, 30 May 38, with the last statements.

In spite of that one must be aware of the fact that the other nations will do everything they can to apply pressure to us. We must pass this test of nerves, but because only very few people know the art of withstanding this pressure successfully, the only possible solution is to inform only a very small circle of officers of news that causes us anxiety, and not to have it circulated through anterooms as heretofore.

1800 hours to 2100 hours: Conference with Chief of Army High Command and Chief of General Staff of the Air Force (present were Jeschonnek, Kammhuber, Sternburg and myself).

We agree about the promulgation of the D-day order [X-Befehl] (X-1, 4 o’clock) and preannouncement to the Air Force (D-Day-1, 7 o’clock). The “Y time” has yet to be examined; some formations have an approach flight of one hour.

10 September:

General Halder back from Nurnberg. He reports that the Fuehrer signed decree subordinating the Reich Labor Service to the Army High Command, as of 15 September. Furthermore it was decided that the 13th and 2nd motorized divisions would join the Reichenau Army and their place would be taken by two other divisions [3 words illegible].

11 September:

In the afternoon conference with Secretary of State Jahnke from the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda on imminent common tasks.

The joint preparations for refutation [Wiederlegung] of our own violations of international law, and the exploitation of its violations by the enemy, were considered particularly important.

15 September:

In the morning conference with Chief of Army High Command and Chief of General Staffs of Army and Air Forces; the question was discussed what could be done if the Fuehrer insists on advancement of the date, due to the rapid development of the situation.

16 September:

General Keitel returns from the Berghof at 1700 hours. He graphically describes the results of the conference between Chamberlain and the Fuehrer. The next conference will take place on the 21st or the 22nd in Godesberg.

With consent of the Fuehrer, the order is given in the evening by the Armed Forces High Command to the Army High Command and to the Ministry of Finance, to line up the V.G.A.D. along the Czech border.

In the same way, an order is issued to the railways to have the empty rolling stock kept in readiness clandestinely for the strategic concentrations of the Army, so that it can be transported starting 28 September.

17 September:

Contrary to the previous intention to transfer all Sudeten Germans with previous military training to the Replacement Army, the Fuehrer issues order to unite them into a Sudeten German Free Corps. The Armed Forces High Command puts Lt. Col. Koechling (reporter on youth questions) at the disposal of Konrad Henlein as advisor to Henlein.

19 September:

Order is given to the Army High Command to take care of the Sudeten German Free Corps.

20 September:

England and France have handed over their demands in Prague, the contents of which are still unknown. The activities of the Free Corps start assuming such an extent that they may bring about, and already have brought about, consequences harmful to the plans of the Army. (Transferring rather strong units of the Czech Army to the proximity of border). By checking with Lt. Col. Koechling, I attempt to lead these activities into normal channels.

Toward the evening the Fuehrer also takes a hand and gives permission to act only with groups up to 12 men each, after the approval of the Corps HQ.

21 September:

The motorized reinforcements by the L. take effect.

1130 hours: Telephone call from the Adjutant of the Fuehrer, Captain Engel, (it is submitted during the conference with the Chiefs by Captain Eberhardt). “The Fuehrer has received news five minutes ago that Prague is said to have accepted unconditionally.”

1245 hours: Department heads are informed and directive is given to continue preparation for “Green”, but nevertheless to get ready with everything necessary for a peaceful penetration. Orders to the Ic and Ib of Navy High Command and Chief of General Staff of the Air Force; General Stumpf to be informed.

22 September:

1920 hours: Ia reports about a telephone call from Godesberg by General von Stuelpnagel on behalf of Keitel. Subject: a) Date cannot yet be ascertained (D-Day); continue preparations according to plan. In case “Green” occurs, it will not be before 30 September. If it occurs sooner, it will probably be improvised.

25 September:

By order of the Fuehrer, two Death Head [Totenkopf] SS battalions have moved into the panhandle territory near Asch [Acher Zipfel] to the rear of the Free Corps.

26 September:

Chief of the Armed Forces High Command, acting through the Army High Command, has stopped the intended approach march of the advance units to the Czech border, because it is not yet necessary and because the Fuehrer does not intend to march in before the 30th in any case. Order to approach towards the Czech frontier need be given on the 27th only.

In the evening of the 26th, fixed radio stations of Breslau, Dresden and Vienna are put at the disposal of the Reich. Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda for interference with possible Czech propaganda transmissions.

Question by department “Foreign Countries” whether Czechs are to be allowed to leave and cross Germany. Decision from Chief of the Armed Forces High Command: yes.

1515 hours: The Chief of the Armed Forces High Command informs General Stumpf about the result of the Godesberg conversations and about the Fuehrer’s opinion. In no case will X day be before the 30th.

It is important that we do not permit ourselves to be drawn into military engagements because of false reports, before Prague replied.

A question of Stumpf about Y hour results in the reply that on account of the weather situation, a simultaneous intervention of the Air Force and Army cannot be expected. The Army needs the dawn, the Air Force can only start later on account of frequent fogs.

The Fuehrer has to make a decision for the commanders in chief who is to have priority.

The opinion of Stumpf is also that the attack of the Army has to proceed. The Fuehrer has not made any decision as yet about commitment against Prague.

2000 hours: The Fuehrer addresses the people and the world in an important speech at the Sportspalast.

27 September:

1320 hours: The Fuehrer consents to the first wave of attack being advanced to a line from where they can arrive in the assembly area by 30 September.

28 September:

Stapf (?) reports about a conference with Goering where the latter states that a Great War can hardly be avoided any longer. It may last 7 years, and we will win it.

1700 hours: Tension relaxes. The Fuehrer has decided on a conference with Chamberlain, the Duce, and Daladier in Munich.

29 September:

The pact of Munich is signed. Czechoslovakia as a power is out. Four zones as set forth will be occupied between the 2nd and 7th of October. The remaining part of mainly German character will be occupied by the 10th of October. The genius of the Fuehrer and his determination not to shun even a World War have again won the victory without the use of force. The hope remains that the incredulous, the weak and the doubtful people have been converted and will remain that way.

1939

23 August:

Received order from Armed Forces High Command to proceed to Berlin and take over position of Chief of Armed Forces Executive Office. (WFA).

1100 hours-1330 hours: Discussions with Chief of Armed Forces High Command. X day has been announced for 26 August. Y time has been announced for 0430 hours.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1786-PS

WAR DIARY OF THE DEPUTY CHIEF OF THE ARMED FORCES OPERATIONS STAFF

WF. St. KTB (1) 1943 14 Mar. 1943

The treatment of captured partisans has been laid down in the combat directive for the combatting of partisans in the East [Kampfanweisung fuer die Bandenbekaempfung] of 27.11.42 (cf. 27.11/11/1) and Hitler’s order [Fuehrerbefehl] of 16.12 (cf. 16.12/1). On the basis of the foregoing the Reichsfuehrer SS ordered on the 30.12 that persons suspected of being partisans or their assistants, who are not to be executed, are to be transferred to concentration camps in Germany.

This order, which corresponds to the terms of reference already decreed, differs from an order already given on the 30.10.42 by the Commander in Chief [Oberbefehlshaber] of the 18th Army, which calls for the shooting without discrimination of all members of partisan groups and which is covered by the subsequent orders of the 15.11 and 16.12 only on their strictest interpretation. The Reichsfuehrer SS therefore sent to the Armed Forces Operations Staff [Wehrmachtfuehrungstab] on the 21.1 a letter of the Chef der S.P. and S.D. in which it is requested that, in the area of the 18th Army also, partisan helpers and persons suspected of such activity, should be dealt with in accordance with the terms of reference of 30.12.

The Armed Forces Operations Staff handed the matter over on the 25.1 to the Army General Staff [Generalstab des Heeres] competent for the combatting of partisans, and thereby conforming with the ruling given by the Reichsfuehrer SS. This decision was confirmed by the Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces [Chef des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht].

Since the ruling of the combat directive, figs. 85, 86 & 104, provides for work in Germany as a punitive measure for partisan helpers and suspects and has proved to be disadvantageous for the enlistment of voluntary workers, the General Plenipotentiary for Labour [Generalbevollmaechtigter fuer den Arbeitseinsatz], has requested that no threat of forced labour in Germany as a punitive measure should be made, or that at least, suspects should be described as such to the labour authorities for the purpose of supervision.

The General Quartermaster together with the Economic Staff (East) [Wirtschaftsstab Ost] has proposed that the deportees should be sent either to prison camps or to “training centers in their own area”, and that deportation to Germany should take place only when the deportees are on probation and in less serious cases.

In view of the Armed Forces Operations Staff this proposal does not take sufficient account of the severity required and leads to a comparison with the treatment meted out to the “peaceful population” which has been called upon to work. He recommends therefore transportation to concentration camps in Germany which have already been introduced by the Reichsfuehrer SS for his sphere and which he is prepared to introduce for the Armed Forces [Wehrmacht] in the case of an extension to the province of the latter. The High Command of the Armed Forces [Oberkommando der Wehrmacht] therefore orders that partisan helpers and suspects who are not to be executed should be handed over to the competent Higher SS and Police Leader and orders that the difference between “punitive work” and “work in Germany” is to be made clear to the population.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1796-PS

7 April 1941

W Kr Gesch.

Copy

3 Copies, 3rd Copy

Major of the General Staff Deyhle

Berlin, 18 October 1940 2 Copies, 2nd Copy

Notes to the War Diary

1st. End of March 1939:

The Fuehrer decides to make military preparations for the gradual, seemingly unavoidable conflict with Poland, in such manner that these can be executed in late summer 1939. Thereby the Fuehrer hopes only to have to wage war on one front (“Fall Weiss”).

2nd. The following months: Minutes under the Fuehrer’s influence:

a. Attack by the forces from East Prussia;--OKH will first of all deploy the forces from South West Part of East Prussia in order to eliminate the Corridor as soon as possible. The Fuehrer considers attack further East more suitable in order to reach a decisive solution at the very beginning (causing the Vistula line to fall, thereby preventing the Poles from making a new stand behind the Vistula).

b. Forming of 14 divisions. Fourth wave (Welle) to consist of E units.

c. All preparations to be camouflaged as defensive measures.

Basis for 1st and 2nd:

a. Directive for “Fall Weiss” OKW/L of April 1939.

b. “Chronological table” for Weiss OKW/L of July 1939.

c. Correspondence OKW/L with sections of the Armed Forces.

d. Beginning of the War diary L.

3rd. August 1939:

In spite of the English guarantee to Poland, and thereby a war on 2 fronts becoming almost unavoidable, the Fuehrer decides to settle the account with Poland after having prevented encirclement by means of an agreement with Russia.

4th. September 1939: Polish Campaign mainly under the Influence of the Fuehrer:

a. “Great Pincers” (strongly motorized forces to attack the Eastern part of East Prussia towards South behind Vistula, moreover motorized forces to push forward in plenty of time across lower Vistula towards East Prussia).

b. Capture of Warsaw. Must be carried out before the Russians reach the Vistula.

c. Reinforcement of the Western Front. Extension northwards to the Belgian/Dutch border, in order to incite the French/British Army to march into Holland and Belgium; in addition to this also hasten the construction of the Northern part of the West Wall.

5th. End of September 1939:

Decision of the Fuehrer, to attack in the West and this as soon as possible since the French/British Army is not yet ready. Intention of attacking through Belgium and Holland (at least southern part) is certain from the start. From the very beginning it is the Fuehrer’s idea not to repeat the Schlieffen-plan but to attack in approximately a west-north western direction through Belgium and Luxembourg under strong protection of the Southern flank, and to gain the Channel coast.

After conclusion of the Eastern campaign the restrictions hitherto existing in regard to warfare in the West are progressively being lifted. They served the purpose, while the Eastern campaign was in Progress, of not inciting the enemy in the West to greater action, by German measures.

6th. October 1939:

Attack to begin at the earliest about 10 Nov. OKH is of the opinion that the preparations of the Army will not be absolutely complete by this time. Frequently the opinion is advocated--by no means shared by the Fuehrer--that an attack in the West is unnecessary, the war could perhaps be won for us satisfactorily if we were to wait a little.

Fuehrer is determined to attack in November only if the weather will permit operations by the mass of the Luftwaffe since only then can one of our most important trumps become effective.

How situation would turn out if France/England march into Belgium/Holland, is constantly the concern of the Fuehrer. Immediate attack of the German Western Army [Sofortfall] must be prepared for this event.

7th. End of October 1939: Influence of the Fuehrer:

a. Employment of motorized forces in direction Sedan is suggested by the Fuehrer. Preparations are under way for moving Army group B and concentrating them at A after, in accordance with previous deployment of troops, main concentration had been at Army Group B.

b. Re-occupation of Holland, it has been decided that Holland is not to be occupied for the time being, rapid occupation in case of English landing should however be possible at any time.

c. Question of using parachute and airborne troops is being taken up by the Fuehrer.

8th. Beginning of November 1939: Mainly under Influence of the Fuehrer:

a. Permanent reinforcement of the southern mot. group, which is to advance against Sedan.

b. Reinforcement of the Western Army to the utmost capacity.

The weather conditions prevent the execution of the attack in the West.

9th. 23 November 1939: Speech by the Fuehrer to the Generals and Admirals.

10th. End of November 1939: Influence of the Fuehrer above all

a. Holland is to be occupied immediately.

b. Shifting of the main concentration of Army Group B to A appears to have even better prospects.

c. Deployment of 7th FL. Div. (Deliberation of further possibilities).

d. Important to maintain element of surprise, therefore motorized units which are still all located at home will be moved up to the Rhine in order not to betray to the enemy the imminent beginning of the attack, by the moving up to the front.

e. Capture of the bridges at Maastricht and of the Fort Eben Emael, since destruction of the bridges would render impossible the fast advance of the sixth Army.

First directive for warfare against England (no. 9) is issued. Purpose: concentration of all combat weapons for important targets.

At a conference in the map-room of the OKW (Supreme Command of the Armed Forces) in the Reich Chancellery, the Fuehrer expresses anew his opinion that the attack planned in the West will lead to the greatest victory in world history.

11th. December 1939:

In spite of the severe winter the Fuehrer as always still continues to consider it desirable to carry out the attack in the West as soon as possible and not to delay it until spring. Reasons:

a. England/France must not be allowed under any circumstances to steal a march on us by occupying Belgium and Holland since then--on account of the danger to the Ruhrbasin--the war could hardly be won.

b. Time is not on our side but on the enemy’s (see notes of Major Deyhle).

The Fuehrer is carefully watching the Russo-Finnish war (on account of the possibility of the Western powers joining in to the advantage of Finland).

12th. Beginning of January 1940:

The introductory movements in preparation for the big attack are ordered anew by the Fuehrer, soon however checked again on account of the weather condition, although most important operational basis fall into Belgian hands and thereby there is a possibility of our intentions becoming known.

For the deployment of the 7th FL. Division a new possibility becomes more and more probable: Capture of the “Fortress Holland”.

13th. Middle of January 1940:

During the past weeks probable dates for our attack in the West have become known in Belgium and Holland. The reason can not be determined, the main fault lies possibly in the long waiting time just before the attack (issue of order 7 days beforehand).

In order better to maintain the surprise element beyond the time of attack, the Fuehrer orders therefore a change in the alert procedure.

The idea that the decisive point of the attack will have to be reached by breaking through Southern Belgium (thus the total attack to be concentrated on the left) is being worked out by the Fuehrer in even greater detail.

The occupation of the whole of Holland is ordered. For this also the 7th FL. Division is to be employed. Extensive deceptive measures are ordered. The “Sofortfall” remains in effect.

The Fuehrer makes up his mind to utilize the Danish and Norwegian space for the German warfare.

The Fuehrer considers what possibilities exist for forming new units. The setting up of the division’s 7th and 8th wave is then ordered. * * *

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1799-PS

War Diary; Armed Forces Operations Staff (L/K.T.B. WFSt, Volume 6A, 1 Aug. 1940-26 Mar. 1941)

ANNEX 1

Report to the Fuehrer on 5 December 1940

The Chief of the General Staff of the Army then reports about the planned operation in the East. He expanded at first on the geographic fundamentals. The main war industrial centers are in the Ukraine, in Moscow and in Leningrad.

* * * * * * *

The Fuehrer declares that he is agreed with the discussed operational plans and adds following: The most important goal is to prevent that the Russians should withdraw on a closed front. The eastward advance should be combined until the Russian air force will be unable to attack the territory of the German Reich and, on the other hand, the German air force will be enabled to conduct raids to destroy Russian war industrial territories. In this way we should be able to achieve the annihilation of the Russian army and to prevent its regeneration.

The first commitment of the forces should take place in such a way to make the annihilation of strong enemy units possible.

* * * * * * *

It is essential that the Russians should not take up positions in the rear again. The number of 130-140 Divisions as planned for the entire operation is sufficient.

1 August 1940-March 26, 1941

PARTIAL COPY OF DOCUMENT 1800-PS

PRELIMINARY REPORT ON GERMANY’S CRIMES AGAINST NORWAY

[Prepared by the Royal Norwegian Government.]

[Page 17]

Other Violations.

In different places in Norway the Germans appeared in Norwegian uniforms during battles. This was the case in the district of Bergen according to a Communique of the 14th of April, 1940, during the struggles in Valdres and in Narvik. Reports have been received that at one place the Germans even put on women’s clothes, in order to reach a favourable position.

Where the Germans passed, the civilians found their homes in an indescribable condition after the battle, even if the Germans had not set fire to the houses. The so-called German “informal requisitions” which actually meant plundering and destruction, were later compensated for to the extent of about 9 million kroner in all, partly by Norwegian authorities and partly by German authorities, that is, by money drawn out of the Bank of Norway [Norges Bank] by the Germans.

On 25th April, 1940, Ulvik in Hardanger was reduced to ruins, as a reprisal measure, as the Germans claimed that civilians there had fired on German troops. Damage was done to more than 400 buildings and chattels amounting to a total of 2.3 million kroner. [Page 26]

B. CRIMES AGAINST NORWEGIAN PROPERTY

a. Wanton ravaging and destruction.

4. As a result of the advance of the Russian troops and the retreat of the German Army in Finnmark, October-November 1944, the Germans practised the “scorched earth” policy for the first time in Norway. Orders were issued that the civilian population was to evacuate and that all houses, transport and stores were to be destroyed. As a result of this about 30,000 houses were damaged, apart from 12,000 items of damage to chattels, amounting to a total of about 176 million kroner (Appendices 31 and 32).

[Page 62]

Appendix 31.

TO THE POPULATION:

The evacuation of a part of North Norway has been rendered a military necessity as a result of the treachery of a Finnish Government clique.

This evacuation necessitates the removal of the civilian population, as the enemy has proved that, in those territories occupied by him, he ruthlessly and brutally forces the civilian population to give him active assistance in achieving his aims.

This means that no shelter or means of existence of any kind can be left to the Bolshevisk enemy in the fighting zone. All such installations as housing accommodation, transport facilities and food stocks must be destroyed or removed.

The population in these districts will therefore be deprived of the basis for their existence so that in order to be able to survive they must evacuate to those Norwegian territories which are still protected by the German Wehrmacht.

For this reason, the German occupation authorities have declared themselves prepared to support, by all means at their disposal, the civil evacuation which the Norwegian authorities are carrying out.

In the interests of the people themselves all means by which they can effect their own evacuation are to be used to the greatest possible extent.

It is above all essential for a successful evacuation that all fishing smacks and other craft which are available in this area shall be fully employed. Owners of craft who try to evade evacuation must be prepared for severe counter-measures such as the shooting and sinking of craft and crew.

He who does not comply with these unequivocal instructions exposes himself and his family to possible death in the arctic winter without house or food.

(signed) Terboven. Reichskommissar for the Occupied Norwegian Territories.

(signed) Rendulic. Colonel-General Commander-in-Chief 20th Army.

Proclamation by Terboven and General Rendulic on the evacuation of Finnmark.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1807-PS

[EXTRACT FROM JODL’S DIARY.]

16.6.42.

The operational staff of the Navy [Skl], applied on the 29th May, for permission to attack the Brazilian sea and air forces. The Skl considers that a sudden blow against the Brazilian naval and merchant ships is expedient at this juncture (a) because defence measures are still incomplete (b) because there is the possibility of achieving surprise and (c) because Brazil is to all intents and purposes fighting Germany at sea.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1808-PS

Address by the Chief of the Armed Forces Operations Staff, Col. Gen. Jodl to the Officers and Officials of the Armed Forces Operations Staff. July 24, 1944: 19:30 hours, page 4.

Those making the attempt may have thought also that the men around Hitler were climbers and servile characters. But how did matters really stand? I, for example, was drawn in, even though I knew the movement before 1933 but little and could do nothing for it for the very reason that I was a soldier. Rather, I was against any relaxing of the discipline, bound as I was by my oath to the Reich President. Of course, my aims were, by and large, the aims of the movement, since my thinking was always nationalistic, social, and anti-Catholic, and since loyalty and obedience were the bases of life for me. And thus this train of thought is also disposed of.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1809-PS

General Jodl’s Diary (Armed Forces Operational Staff) from 1 February to 26 May 1940

1 February 1940:

The Fuehrer requests that Major Kieritz be sent from here in good time with special mission.

Col. Schmundt and Capt. Deyhle are back from the West.

Conclusion:

1. Morale and discipline--excellent

2. Tactical mobility is impossible because of the weather. One cannot withdraw more than 15 km. Army Group B, on the contrary, deems weather excellent to overcome floods.

3. In all divisions, formerly committed in the East, the automotive position is very bad. Up to 40% are missing--each of these 40 divisions should be provided with up to 100 vehicles.

1700 hours General Jeschonnek.

1. Attitude of parachute units. In front of the Hague, they have to be strong enough to break in even forcibly. The 7th division intends to drop units near the town.

2. Political mission contrasts to some extent with violent action against the Dutch air force.

3. Walcheren Ioland will have to be occupied as soon as possible.

4. Immediate use requires some arrangements.

To be eliminated:

Commitment of K against Eben Emael

against bridge C

“Fieselor Stork” airplane in front of Army Group A.

The ground Forces already will take up position at dusk, if possible.

7th Fl. Division is to be in readiness, but will not take up position without further orders.

5. Question about general intentions? Time.

6. Is it not possible to tackle H alone; that would already be a tremendous improvement in conducting aerial warfare.

7. The Air Force wants permission to attack every kind of commercial shipping in the 30-mile zone as well as everything anywhere making use of arms: French vessels, cargo boats.

2 February:

Fuehrer is furious about presentation by Ordnance Bureau which needed 8 days to demonstrate to him--not by actual constructing but only theoretically--that the Czech 4.7-cm anti-tank gun is not usable with armored car 3.

Fuehrer decides as to Jeschonnek’s questions of 1 February:

a. one has to employ in the Hague [d.H.] forces of such strength that they will be able to take over command there. In order to achieve that, a landing can be made in the center of the Hague.

Unlimited use of arms against airfields and anti-aircraft guns is authorized.

Relative to an attack against all ships, found between the English East Coast and the English mine fields, as desired by air, the Foreign Office is still to be consulted and Admiral Schuster, Chief Air Force, 1700 hours, states in that matter that he does not want any exception.

Italian and Japanese ships to be considered, which were sailing to Newcastle, until a short time ago.

Important, that, though we signed an agreement about submarine warfare, we never signed one about manner of air warfare.

Reported to the Fuehrer on 3 February

The Spanish have supplied a German submarine and convoyed a merchant ship from Bilbao to Santander.

Opinions of the newspapers: Spain is not ungrateful. Photos of Church Services, does Fuehrer agree with them?

The Foreign Office wants that within the 30 mile zone the Air Force shall not attack--

a. Japanese and Italian ships. b. Danish Maltesian cross ships. c. All passenger boats which do not fire.

3 February:

General Gerke: Railroads are unable to accomplish big tasks. No reaction to our transports. It seems possible that he got news about the reliefs. Opportune to keep movement going. Proposal to prepare again an A-movement to deceive the enemy. Empty rolling stock for 6 divisions available, organization transports are rolling. Will head of transportation service be able to release state of readiness, so that he can gather empty rolling stock during 4 days.

To consult Fuehrer. The chief of Transportation Corps West requires one week’s time (225 trains). 70 trains are at the disposal of the armies.

315 trains are needed for second echelon. An order will be issued on this matter on D-day.

Afterwards remain 3rd, 4th, and 5th echelon.

Total 660 trains, including 80 for tanks and 70 for armies (among them 10,000 army cars).

Altogether 60 fewer trains ready than before.

Air raid protection.

Ammunition train has no special protection. If machine gun car is added, the enemy flier will be aware of the fact, that this is an important train. The wave before the trains should attack the enemy plane with best results. Ammunition trains often remain for weeks, personnel for its protection become demoralized.

Ammunition trains, regulating stations and storage areas to be spread out and protected. Assembly stations are enlarged to assembly areas.

Maintenance units are kept in readiness in the most endangered areas between the Rhine and the line Kassel-Hanover.

Ruhr area has 15 different ways to give way.

Rumania wants to get supply of rail track material (from Poland.)

1340 locomotives and 40000 cars will be manufactured by the end of 1940 or maybe beginning of 1941. Stock 23000 locomotives, 8000 of which are heavy freight train locomotives for Armed Forces transports. This will only replace the loss.

4 February:

Will the Court-Martial be re-activated?

Bodenschatz: Army Group C should not get out of hand [Keinen zauber machen] on minus-1 day.

Fuehrer gives his agreement that 225 trains in position of readiness may be used for other purposes by the chief of transportation corps until 12 February.

Proposal to the Fuehrer about continuation of aerial warfare within the 30 mile zone. Fuehrer agrees with proposal and talks with the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the afternoon.

5 February:

Special staff “Weser Exercise” meets and is welcomed by Chief of Armed Forces High Command, gets instructions.

Representative of Air Force is still missing.

6 February:

Consumption of gasoline is not reduced. Stocks further diminished by 30000 tons.

Deception even of Armed Forces High Command.

Office Reinicke and Thomas, that is to say Chief of Armed Forces High Command,

W Pr that is to say Chief of Armed Forces Operational Office.

Fuehrer leaves in the evening.

15:30 hours conference with General Jeschonnek, Col. v. Waldau and Col. Warlimont.

Air Force submits following questions:

Does X time remain unchanged? Yes. Deceptive action intolerable for Army Group C on A-1 day. Navy is not interested in Walcheren. Does not see any danger from the English side. New idea: carry out actions H and Weser Exercise only and guarantee Belgium’s neutrality for the duration of the war.

Discussed once more affair Risberg with Chief of Armed Forces High Command.

8 February:

Chief of Transportation Corps reports: Reich Railroads now admit that they cannot handle any additional burden at this moment. They are not ready for war. Although they hardly got any military requests, they cannot supply the domestic economy right now.

It is only a question of engines, now, there are enough cars available everywhere.

Transportation: 80% railroad. 18% water transport. 2% road transport.

Transportation by water has to be brought to double of current capacity.

Radio receivers can be transformed into transmitters without particular difficulties.

Paris probably only by Gen. F.... [Fermont?], rue de Louvre.

9 February:

Chief of Armed Forces High Command received by Field Marshal Goering at 10 o’clock. Newspaper correspondents from the Protectorate may be sent to the West Wall (Fuehrer gave permission on 10 February).

10 February:

The difficult situation in Transportation is presented by me in written form to the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command.

13:00 hours: Conference of Fuehrer with General Halder. Before that, inspection of 4.7 tank destroyer on tank I, chassis satisfying [befriedigt].

Field Marshal has explained, that he is able to start at night anyhow. Flying into the area of ... from the sea.

During the World War, we have dropped 28,000 tons. Thus, the Air Forces does not want to anticipate, but prefers start at night. Planes shall not fly over Luettich and Eben Emael in order to avoid any alarm there.

113,000 trucks driving in the W * * *

45,000 of them are suited for Armed Forces.

We are able to produce 4000 trucks.

Fuehrer states, all the iron has been taken away from Todt, even that put aside by him (he wanted to build 3000 additional ones).

For the first time, the problems of transportation, motor vehicles and gasoline have been reported to the Fuehrer more impressively.

Fuehrer agrees that the 225 trains for the first wave of Army High Command reserves may still be used further on by the Chief of the Transportation Corps.

11 February:

First report from France about our troop movements and reinforcements in the west, which were terminated on 1 February already.

12 February:

Fuehrer has a cold. No report.

13 February:

The Army requested survey about the strength of the armies and reserves, divided into batteries, battalions and tanks [Btn. Btlen u. Kampfwagen], induces the Fuehrer again to open the question of the center of gravity.

He says: Most of the armed tanks [Geschuetzkampfwagen] have been directed to areas of secondary importance. Armored Divisions at 4th Army can do little in barricaded and fortified area.

They will be stopped at the latest on the Maas river and must be withdrawn. The 16th or 12th Army will then miss them. One should lead them together in direction of Sedan. The enemy does not expect our main assault there. The documents of fliers, who landed, have convinced them [the enemy] still further in their opinion that our intention is only to take possession of the Dutch and Belgian channel coast.

A great number of tanks with 8th Tank Division does not seem necessary, a mechanized division in 3 or 4 parts with tanks assigned, should suffice. (It may be that this is a wish of the SSV division.)

I hand over to the Fuehrer a summarized report, from which the great possibility for formation of a center of gravity south of the line Luettich-Namur becomes obvious (at least 5 times the strength of the forces committed north of that line). I bring to his attention that the thrust against Sedan is a tactical secret path, where one can be surprised by the God of War. If the French attack from the south flank, we must veer to the south.

Fuehrer still thinks it possible, that the enemy will not engage the battle at all. Anyhow he will do it automatically. After half a day the news from Holland and Belgium may be so threatening already that he will decide to stand still.

I don’t believe it.

At 17:30 hours Col. v. Greifenberg and Lt. Col. Heusniger are summoned to discuss these questions.

The Fuehrer disapproves of the wearing of regular army uniforms by persons who are not members of the army or the Fuehrer’s headquarters.

Recommends taking care of motor vehicles and fuel. Higher speeds result in doubled tire consumption.

Chief of Armed Forces High Command has a cold and will remain at home in the afternoon.

Have learned from Admiral Canaris that the echelon Reivel is to be put to use against the Caucasus with bulk from Bulgaria. The Air Force must explain with whom this false idea originated.

Inquiries made to the Chief of the Operational Division: whether there is a sufficient quantity of cloth for flags on hand? Change of position of the Army High Commands.

Proper designation of own troops:

(a) Front line: white. (b) In line of company CPs: swastika flag. (c) Rear echelons: yellow rectangle.

Communicated Fuehrer’s ideas to Col. Warlimont, von Greifenberg and to Lt. Col. Heusniger, at 17:30 hours. Instructions requested how we should proceed in future.

14 February:

Ziegenberg plant cannot be completed before June due to technical difficulties. Emergency installation can be made ready for operation by the middle of March, but in that case the Air Force must be in Nauheim or on the train.

Colonel Schmundt must make a report on the distribution of personnel to WNV.

Copper advance from Wifo stocks now to WNV, later back to Wifo.

Political action against the increase in frontier road-blocks [?] in Luxemburg.

Dr. Dorpmueller telegraphed to the chief of the Transportation Corps: The condition of the Reich Railroads requires that all nonessential transportation of the Armed Forces be postponed until warmer weather sets in.

15 February:

The Fuehrer approves my article on the Finnish-Russian conflict. Is to be published in the Voelkischer-Beobachter. Backlog congestion of railroads increased by 200 trains.

Certainty that nothing will happen to W.

Instructions to the 18th Army.

16 February:

Corps on left flank of 16th and not 6th Army.

Landing at the Hague....

Capture Fort Hendrik.

10 divisions of the 8th wave [must receive 3 batteries].

No off-standard types of vehicles must be permitted to be used at the front, as long as standard army models are still being used in industry.

To the Chief of the Luftwaffe [taken care of].

Air raid protection....

Speakers for troops, danger if commanders order the speeches themselves.

Chief of the Armed Forces High Command.

WNV training of 300 to 400 men land postal clerks at Verst. [?] Not yet from the Chief of the Air Force at present

6 new German consuls appointed in Scandinavia.

C. has given orders for large-scale preparations for offensive.

Fortress [Fest] drill of “Grafemvoeln”.

Special security by counterintelligence coordination of press.

Brief reports in the provincial newspapers for enemy intelligence service. Request authorization to land at Myden with a load of machines. Alternative preparations at C. should work in the same direction. Pr. Battleship “Repulse” in dock. Complete flop of this news report. Altmark in Bergen, British submarines expected. Burgedeyk submarine 48 Schulz unsuccessful [?] submarines.

Chief of Armed Forces High Command. Press Conference at Foreign Office.

Chief of the Navy High Command wishes to talk the Halifax problem over once more and then speak to the Fuehrer. Now applications of mines only. Chief of Navy, High Command will take this matter up again with the Fuehrer. L. ask what with report of General Staff Officers.

17 February:

Incident with tankship “Altmark”, 6 dead, 4 seriously injured. 1700 hours: Newly promoted Commanding Generals and General Rommel at Fuehrer’s table for dinner. (Geyr, Manstein, Schmidt, Reinhardt, Glumne). Complaints that guns in armored cars IV only * * * have not to 2000 m. After dinner Manstein reports his ideas about the operations of Army Group A. He says, the decisive blow will not fall west of the Maas, but it must be overcome between Sedan-Charleville. If the enemy crosses the river, we are able to beat him and cross the River Maas together with him. In the south therefore, we must have strong armor or none at all. What is in the rear cannot reach the battlefield in time.

18 February:

On the basis of my discussion with Greifenberg on 13 February Chief of the Armed Forces High Command and General Halder reported to the Fuehrer the following intention:

1. To shift the demarcation line between Army Group A and B in line Luettich-Namur.

2. To employ stronger armored forces in front of the 12th and 16th army, weakening by the measure Army Group B (1st and 5th armored) and ground forces reserved (9th armored division).

3. Intention to go to the front any way with a very small staff one night preceding A Day.

Fuehrer approves all three suggestions but insists that in distributing the heavy tanks III, III t and IV due consideration should be given to the tasks to be expected. That is to say not such a large number of heavy tanks as it is the case now with the 8th Armored and 6th Armored Division.

19.II

Fuehrer displeased with behavior of Graf Spee crew on the Altmark. No resistance, no British losses.

Fuehrer presses energetically, preparations for the Weser Exercise Equip steamships. Put units in readiness. Will talk to staff.

In order to speed up preparations I advise to appoint one of newly promoted commanding generals with his staff as leader.

Fuehrer approves.

Chief of Army reports about problems of organization.

20 February:

Discussion and consideration how case “Weser Exercise” is to be carried through. Equipment is to be taken on board ships ahead of the troops. Designation of units depends on equipment on hand.

1500 hours discussion concerning that matter through Chief of Armed Forces High Command with General Fromm. Intention, to take two divisions with technical equipment as second wave.

21 February:

Fuehrer talks to General von Falkenhorst and charges him with preparation of the Weser Exercise. Falkenhorst accepts gladly. Instructions to each of the 3 branches of the armed forces.

Proposal from Fromm to use only units with German material. Therefore 7th Fl. Div., 22nd Division, one regiment of the 1st mountain division. Two divisions of the 7th wave, motorized brigade (rifle brigade. 11 with armored car 1).

Fuehrer wishes that western connections of the “Spicherer Hoehen” be advanced and fortified with pillboxes.

Colonel v. Greifenberg transmits.

22 February:

Fuehrer expresses his intention to go to Munich for Sunday.

At the beginning of operations he does not want to go to Ziegenberg but to the Eagle’s Nest [Felsen].

Colonel Juppe ordered:

a. to have a drawing made of the chain of command.

b. to consider, in what way the communications can be technically improved at the Eagle’s Nest and vicinity.

Commander Junge informed about proposed points in his report by the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy. Important 3 points:

a. Submarines into the Mediterranean.

b. Esthonian submarines.

c. Discordance Navy-Airforce about the moment for the beginning of mine laying. Air force beginning 1 May with 3000, Navy with Heinckel 115 now, already 1845 hours Chief of the Armed Forces High Command informed.

Noon. Todt reports to the Fuehrer concerning extension of railroad gauges [?] [Schienenhoehen]. Fuehrer approves that extension will be built according to schedule.

23 February:

Navy High Command reports that during last night 2 destroyers were sunk by our own planes [Leberecht Maas and ...]. Navy High Command stresses that this is the consequence of uncoordinated conduct of sea warfare, regardless whether it is conducted under, on or above the sea. One takes pains not to get excited; what would happen if there should be heavy losses. Fuehrer is furious. He is right. He says: “I would not say anything if the whole Navy were sunk in battle with the enemy, but it is inexcusable if that happens on account of lack of coordination.”

Gasoline reserve for motor vehicles.

24 February:

Clear up, whether Navy is authorized to start already now with mine laying. Who will ask Duce, whether our own submarines have to enter the Mediterranean?

Engel informs about inquiry results Todt and Schmundt. The latter calls long distance from Munich. Fuehrer has ordered completion of Eagle’s Nest for Armed Forces Operational Staff and Air Force. [Zug] (air group [?]) Heinrich will have to stay east of the Rhine.

Army High Command as strongly as possible in forests. Officer from the General Staff and an officer from Intelligence Service are to go to Eagle’s Nest 26 February. There to reconnoiter together with Todt.

1430 hours. Orally transmitted to Chief of Operational Department and to Lieutenant Colonel Heusinger the matter. Chief of the High Command is informed. Staff Falkenhorst arrives in Berlin and starts to function XXIst Corps.

25.II.

Disturbing reports from Turkey. Communication apparently cut off.

Chief of Armed Forces High Command inform General Halder about Fuehrer’s intention to have an Operational Staff of the Army High Command near the Eagle’s Nest also.

26.II.

Fuehrer raises the question, whether it is better to undertake the Weser Exercise before or after case “Yellow”.

Chief of the Air Force charged with examining this problem. Fuehrer decides that Navy will have to wait with starting of mine laying by means of planes, until situation will permit large-scale employment of air force [transmitted to Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force].

Talked with Chief of Air Force and Chief of Staff about work on and about housing of Air Force near Eagle’s Nest at the beginning. Air Force to Rodert or Muenstereifel or train nearby.

27 February:

60 Tons of leaflets shall be dropped down in the near future. Fuehrer approves the schedule but will not issue proclamation to Armed Forces from here on A Day.

28 February:

I make the following proposition to the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command and after that to Fuehrer: Case “Yellow” and Weser Exercise have to be prepared in such a manner that they will become quite independent from another regarding time and strength. Fuehrer completely agrees with that proposition if there is any possibility for it.

1500 hours, staff Falkenhorst reports about preparations made so far. In this connection I explain to him the new basis of preparations.

Proposition for employment of forces

N 4 airborne companies 2 Mountain divisions D 1 corps headquarters 22 infantry divisions less 2 division, 7th wave pol. division 1 div. 3rd wave regional defense unit.

It has yet to be decided, whether reinforcement 11th rifle brigade is to be directed first to group D and then to group N or to group N immediately.

Proposition as regards combat planes too high.

29 February:

1500 hours, Report of staff Falkenhorst with Kranke, Buschenhagen, Dnaus very satisfactory to Fuehrer. He approves the suggestions.

Fuehrer wishes also to have a strong group at Copenhagen and detailed elaboration in which way the individual coastal batteries are to be overpowered. Commander-in-Chief of Air Forces is instructed to make out immediately the order for Army, Navy, and Air Force, and Chief “WZ” order concerning increasing of the staff.

According to my proposal outfit transport ships immediately and with them bring horses over here from East Prussia.

1300 hours, Order to Juppe to speed up construction of Eagle’s Nest, 11 March according to interim solution (operational staff of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces in hunting lodge and at the same time permanent solution). (Army High Command with operational department and parts of O.A.IV.)

The same evening order concerning personal requirements of the staff and requisition to the branches of the armed forces.

1 March:

Fury at Army High Command because transfers. Consultation with Chief of Armed Forces High Command. After my discussion with Jeschonnek scaling-down of requisitions.

2 March:

Agreement with Army. Field Marshal rages and gets unfriendly towards Chief of Armed Forces High Command, goes to see Fuehrer at 1300 hours. During the afternoon new requisitions are put forward which are somewhat reduced after consulting with Army and Air Force.

1100 hours: Assistant Secretary of State Welles with the Fuehrer. The appointment of a new Minister for Ordnance is to be expected because Fuehrer is dissatisfied with production of equipment and munition.

Letter from the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command to the Field Marshal.

3 March:

Fuehrer expresses his opinion about the necessity of prompt and strong action in Norway very sharply. No delay by branches of Armed Forces. Rapid acceleration is necessary.

Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force is against any proposition to subordinate Air Force units to XXI Corps.

Fuehrer decides to undertake Weser Exercise before case “Yellow”, with several days interval.

4 March:

Discussion with General Jeschonnek. All units of the Air Force are subordinated to X Fl. K. This receives its order through High Command of the Air Forces, upon demand of the Staff of XXIst Corps.

Fuehrer orders that the Air Force shall provide the anti-aircraft battalion for the Weser exercise South.

3rd mountain division to be in Berlin already on March 6th.

1000 hours: Chief of the Air Force is informed.

1300 hours: Chief WNV is charged with securing communications from Falkenhorst to us. The former has to go to Luebeck to the X Fl. K.

1500 hours: Chief WNV is instructed to set up * * * platoon company only after X-day. After that time, use expedients and send some men with the tactical troops.

1700 hours: General Bodenschatz complains about exclusion of the Field Marshal from Weser exercise. He said that 110 officers of the Air Force had been consulted in advance. Such subordination is intolerable.

Mad at General K I certify this error.

Chief of the Armed Forces High Command is informed that General Rundstedt is supposed to feel sick. Intend to talk about it with Commander-in-Chief of the Army. If it is true, v.R. would have to be replaced by List in good time.

Himmler or Canaris are to provide personnel who are familiar with the Hague. These to Wenninger and are grabbed there by Kiertz.

Proclamations:

a. faked ones, b. proclamations that everything is going well.

Student wants separate proclamations for Holland.

5 March: 1500 hours:

Big conference with the 3 Supreme Commanders about Weser exercise. Field Marshal vents his spleen, because he was not consulted beforehand. He dominates the discussion and tries to prove that all previous preparations are good for nothing.

Result:

a. Stronger forces to Narvik,

b. Navy shall leave warships in the ports (Hipper or Luetzow in Trondheim),

c. Christian and may be excluded, for the beginning,

d. 6 divisions should be calculated for Norway,

e. To get a foothold immediately in Copenhagen, too.

After this, the following make a report: General von Kesselring, Student, Sp * * * Richthofen, Captain Koch, 1st lieutenant Witzig about the case “Festung” [fortress] and actions by glider-borne troops against the bridges of Vroenhofen and Veldvezelt, furthermore against Fort Eben-Emael. Accusations are made that Army Group B is supposed to have said that it would take 3-4 days until forces of the army could attack the fort.

6 March:

7 March:

Falkenhorst with Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force. The preparations have now materialized. The Fuehrer signs a directive containing all changes subsequent to the conference of March 5th. Nothing is to be changed any more now.

8 March:

Fuehrer wishes to have issued special orders for the Weser exercise in another form. They are to be divided into military orders which have to be made known to the tactical troops and into general instructions concerning actions of the Plenipotentiary of the Reich.

Fuehrer is outraged about report of the Field Marshal that the Army does not care for occupation of the area in front of the left wing of the Army led by Busch by airborne troops dropped from “Stork” planes, because divisions can get there only after several days. I object that it will naturally be better to employ these troops there, where armored divisions will arrive faster.

9 March:

Fuehrer is outraged when he learns that Prince Oskar is commanding officer of a regiment. Schmidt was just about to suggest that he should be given command of a division, but he managed not to mention it.

Buschenhagen reports to me about the preparations for W and submits the schedule.

Fuehrer does not appear at table.

In the evening of March 8th, I again bring seriousness of the gasoline situation to the attention of the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command. Nothing efficacious has been done to improve the situation. Industry regularly uses up 80,000 tons a month.

There is pressing need for the appointment of a Deputy-General for Fuel Economy (General von Schell).

10 March:

Fuehrer makes his wonderful speech in the arsenal on the occasion of Memorial day.

The news about the Finnish-Russian negotiations are very favorable, from a political point of view.

The French press rages about it because they consider it necessary to cut Germany off from the Swedish ore. In a military way, the situation is disturbing for us, because, if peace should be concluded soon, the motivation for the prepared action of the group Falkenhorst will be difficult.

11 March:

Fuehrer has objections against the iron cross in gold (color effect black-gold), as it means abandoning tradition. Rather create a new decoration.

On the other hand, he agrees with the Oak-Leaves for the Knight’s Cross. The Chief of the Armed Forces High Command presents a list of the tanks at hand in the armed forces.

Fuehrer wants a basic ruling that only such people should be appointed in the Armed Forces and in Civil Service who have no relatives abroad. The danger is too great that they will get into conflict with their own conscience. The schedule (for the Weser exercises) is presented to the Fuehrer. Also the special orders which the Fuehrer takes along.

12 March:

Fuehrer is very much satisfied with Ribbentrop’s conference in Rome. Duce remains steadfast, wants to talk with Fuehrer personally next week on the Brenner. Conclusion of peace between Finland and Russia deprives England, but us, too, of any political basis to occupy Norway.

The preparations are ready to the extent that March 20th could be W-day. However, unfavorable ice conditions compel postponement by 1-2 days.

13 March:

Fuehrer does not yet give order for “W”. He is still looking for some justification.

14 March:

English keep vigil in the North-Sea with 15-16 submarines; the reason is doubtful, either to prevent a German action. Fuehrer has not yet decided, how to justify the Weser exercise. Wrong news report in the American newspapers.

Commander-in-Chief of the Navy is in doubt, whether it is still important to play at preventive war [?] in Norway. The question is, if it wouldn’t be better to carry out case “Yellow” before the Weser exercise.

The danger in that case is that the English will immediately get a foothold in Narvik, because we would have started with neutrality violation.

At noon, Colin Rosz visits the Fuehrer. Interesting explanations about Japan-China and Russia.

15 March:

Fuehrer wants the following material for the conference with the Duce on March 18th:

1. Large-scale map of the distribution of our own forces (207 divisions).

2. Maps about the distribution of enemy and neutral forces. France, England, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, Hungary.

3. Terminal map of the Finnish-Russian conflict.

4. Strength of our own Air Force.

1330 hours: Lunch with Army Group A and with Chief of the General Staff.

1500 hours: Reports of Army Group Commander and Army Commanders, including Group Kleist; very satisfactory.

16 March:

Worries that the English will proceed against Norway, as overhead radio messages indicate. As the English have retired 7 submarines, such an action does not seem probable any longer.

Army Group B reports about its evaluation of the situation and its intentions.

Detailed preparations are done very well. Displeasure about disconnection of the 4th army. Mutual assistance is eliminated.

Lack of reinforcements, if the 6th army should be successful, after all. 6th army shifts its center of gravity to 4th Corps, and also draws 3 armored divisions of the 2nd echelon there. 10th and 9th Corps have no anti-aircraft protection.

Jeschonnek transmits that Army Bush needs another 25 “stork” planes.

17 March:

Fuehrer leaves at noon for conference with Duce on the Brenner.

News of the successful raid of the Air Force against Scapa Flow. Fuehrer is in high spirits.

18 March:

Nothing important. Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force (Chef L) is informed about the report of the commanders in the West.

19 March:

Fuehrer returns from the conference with the Duce beaming with joy and very much satisfied. Complete harmony, Duce is resolute; but he cannot fight a long war. Duce is highly impressed and agrees with the opinion of the Fuehrer’s that the decision against France is being made. Whatever happens at the periphery in the meantime is unimportant. At the end, Duce told Ciano: “My decision is made. Did you hear, Fuehrer?” Balkan should and must remain quiet. Complete understanding for Fuehrer’s cooperation with Stalin.

Fuehrer deeply moved by enthusiasm of the Tyrolian’s England song [“We will sail against England...”--translator’s note].

Chief of Armed Forces High Command very much depressed because of Todt’s appointment. I try to persuade him not to insist on the “agreement”. It is much better, to separate the tasks clearly. The quests of the Armed Forces are laid down by the Fuehrer and transmitted to Dr. Todt by the Armed Forces High Command. Dr. Todt has full powers to fulfill these requests.

20 March:

During the night, the English attack Sylt and Hoermann [?]. No success.

At noon, the Fuehrer signs an order which appoints Todt as Minister for Ordnance.

Wedel is instructed by the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command to celebrate the 40th anniversary of service by the Commander-in-Chief of the Army in a modest way only. The achievements of individual personalities can be appreciated only during or after the war.

In the evening, annihilating blow against an English convoy; 42000 tons of big boats (10-12000 tons) have been sunk.

21 March:

Objections of Group 21 [Grp. XXI] about the long interval between taking up readiness positions at 05,30 hours and finishing of the diplomatic action. Fuehrer rejects any earlier negotiations, because otherwise calls for help will be offered, it has to be broken ruthlessly. The political plenipotentiaries will have to strongly emphasize the military measures taken, and will even have to exaggerate them.

22 March:

Reported to Fuehrer, how we want to proceed at the proposed discussions with the Italian General Staff. First, inquiry by attaché in Rome, how they believe they can take some burden off us. Only then to proceed to possibility of an operation across the Upper Rhine. Discussion with General Staff only once our cards are on the table.

American newspaper correspondents inspect the small damage on Sylt.

24-25 March:

Fuehrer at Obersalzberg.

No special events.

The English start to molest our merchantmen in the Danish and Norwegian territorial waters, or even fire at them.

26 March:

The Fuehrer is back.

Discussion about deadlines for operations.

Fuehrer sticks to it: first Weser exercise, dark nights necessary for it. Thus about 4-5 days later. Commander-in-Chief of the Navy reports, urges to start laying mines with planes, as 1270 mines will already be at hand by end of April. Fuehrer wants to think it over some more.

27 March:

Our own submarine stranded near Lindesnaes, one submarine and boat 37 come to help. Are to ask for permission to stay in Norwegian waters, if necessary, 2300 PM. Discussion of the Fuehrer with Commander-in-Chief of the Army and of Army Group C. First and Seventh army.

Fuehrer explains his intentions with the Italians about to strike. Operational aim plateau Langres.

Deceptive actions of First Army in case “Yellow” agreed to. Attacks proposed in case of 95th, 93rd, 75th, 268th, 215th, and 246th divisions. These have favorable effects, but deceptive measures of the 7th army will not take place, because of the preparation of case Brown (Ital.).

28 March:

Duce attaches importance to General Staff talks, Graziani intends to send General Roatta to B. in April. The Norwegians are interning U 21 seemingly because of awkward statements by the commander, who did not claim engine trouble but mistaken navigation. But it may also be a mistake made in translation. Individual naval officers seem to be lukewarm concerning the Weser exercise and need stimulus. The three chiefs von Falkenhorst are also pondering matters, which are none of their business. Kranke sees more disadvantages than advantages.

In the evening, the Fuehrer steps into the map room and explains sharply that he will not be content with the Navy again quitting the Norwegian ports right away. Narvik, Trondheim, and Oslo will have to remain occupied by naval forces. Bad impression on ground forces.

29 March:

Talk with Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, 1200 hours. Wants decision about commitment of air mines.

Fuehrer talks to him alone about retaining of ships. Admiral of the Fleet [Grossadmiral] rejects Narvik, but wants to examine, if Trondheim cannot be set up as a base immediately.

Commander-in-Chief of the Navy draws attention to the fact that they want fuel from him, because the army will run out of it by the end of May. This is the consequence of the wrong arrangements with Shell and not to buy in Mexico, like the Navy did it.

3 PM: Commander-in-Chief of the Force with the Fuehrer.

30 March:

U-21 not set free yet by the Norwegians. Negotiations under way.

Fuehrer thinks about activation of another 10-12 new divisions. Where are the mortars committed?

L II ordered to present an outline of personnel and materiel, from which it could be determined, if and when new activations are possible.

31 March:

Nothing of importance.

1 April:

German fighters shoot 7 enemy fighters down. 1300 hours: Falkenhorst again gives general report about Weser exercise. 1300 hours: Breakfast, then discussion with all commanding officers primarily concerned.

Fuehrer has a very good impression about thoroughness of preparations.

2 April:

1530 hours: Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, and General von Falkenhorst with the Fuehrer. All confirm end of the preparations. Fuehrer orders carrying out of the Weser exercise for April 9th.

Protests of the commanding officer of the Air Force that some warships leave ports again right away. Fuehrer, too, disapproves of that, but does not want to intervene too much in an exclusive concern of naval warfare.

Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force agrees to plan to start aerial torpedo war [LM-Krieg] now.

Fuehrer wants that Luetzow shall be used for the transport of troops to Trondheim, in spite of tasks later on.

Find out, if it is not possible to land debarkation troops by fishing boat, in order to capture the bridge strong point of Vordingborg.

3 April:

Movements of the first 3 ships of the leading echelon [Ausfuhrstaffel] started at 0200 hours. Lt. Commdr. Junge reports at 1600 hours that the 3 ships have instructions how to act against Norwegians. I immediately instruct Councillor of Legation Hewel in order to inform the Foreign Minister what the situation is, in case one of the ships of the leading echelon should be examined by Norwegians. The Chief of the Armed Forces High Command also informs the Fuehrer at 1815 hours about it.

1830 hours Reich Foreign Minister informed by Fuehrer. Chief of Armed Forces High Command asked to join discussion.

4 April:

Slight alarm, as some news from Norway indicates increased preparedness. Sweden has asked what preparations for troops shipments in Stettin are supposed to mean (boats under Reich Naval Ensign) [Reichsdienstflagge].

Fuehrer drafts the proclamations. Piepenbrock, Chief of Counter-Intelligence service 1, returns with good results of the talk with Quisling from Copenhagen.

News that 2 armored coastal vessels [Kuestenpanzer] are in Narvik and that 2 submarines are expected.

5 April:

Weser exercise runs according to plan. Some alarm report from the source of a Belgian agent [V-Mann] appears unworthy of belief. The Chief of the Armed Forces High Command instructs General von Rintelen at 1930 hours.

6 April:

Weser exercise runs according to plan. The high-pressure weather area over the Northern North-Sea, which was predicted yesterday, is not taking place and that favors the action of the navy. Fuehrer puts great emphasis on the fact that the families of all deserters will be checked carefully. Navy records long English radio message, but is unable to decipher it.

1500 hours: General Gerke reports that his movements according to plan.

1600 hours: Talks in room of the Chief of the section for Foreign Countries in presence of Chef L and Military Attaché in Rome with General Marras.

1700 hours: Report that Luetzow is dropping out and can go to Oslo only, because auxiliary engines did not take part. Fuehrer agrees to this decision.

7 April:

No disquieting news. Hipper with destroyers seems to have been reported by an English submarine on Sunday morning, April 7th.

Prince Axel of Denmark has the intention to visit Field Marshal Goering on Monday.

8 April:

Day of highest tension. The English put 3 mine fields in the Norwegian territorial waters and make that public.

Leading echelon is far off with several ships because of lack of pilots.

Only 1 ship near Narvik, everything else seems to be hardly beyond Bergen.

Boat Rio de Janeiro is torpedoed; since horses and men in uniform are landed, the impending project becomes known to the Norwegians.

Group Hipper gets into a battle with an English destroyer and annihilates it.

9 April:

The surprise effect succeeds in Bergen, Trondheim, Narvik, and from the air in Stavanger. Not at Christiansand and in Oslo.

Bluecher sinks after heroic fight. Commanding Admiral and Commander 103 (Kdr 103) of it, on deck up to the last moment, swim to land.

Luetzow has to take over lead and lower boats.

Heavy fighting for coastal fortifications. Fortress Christiansand fought to surrender by planes and Karlsruhe.

10 April:

Chief of naval forces [Flottenchef] reports 2 turrets gone, only 25 miles.

First breaking through of British destroyers in Narvik.

The Koenigsberg destroyed by enemy dive bombers. Bornholm occupied.

11 April:

Luetzow on voyage home. Oslo hit by torpedo.

Norwegian warships are put into service.

Denmark does not belong any longer to jurisdiction of XXIst Corps. Railroads Oslo-Bergen and Oslo-Drontheim destroyed.

12 April:

Still 6 destroyers left ready for use in Narvik, Freighter [Treckdampfer] Jon Wellom in N., otherwise no ship of the leading echelon. Bulk of the submarines ordered outside the ports occupied by us.

Hundalen on the iron-ore railroad reached. Strong enemy air attack on Bergen.

13 April:

* * * Mountain battery flown to lake near Narvik with Ju 52 planes. Concentration of strong English naval forces near Harstadt in process.

Much booty in Oslo. 1650 hours naval battle in Narvik. Battleships and Hipper arrived in home ports.

14 April:

Dietl is not being attacked, but is separated from Northern group. Terrible excitement. All details are to be ordered from here.

Steamship Baerenfelsis sunk in the course of attack on Bergen.

Another 3 airforce anti-aircraft batteries on board ship torpedoed by submarine.

Fuehrer wants that Dietl tries to fight his way through to the South. I argue against this impossible idea.

15 April:

16 April:

Reproaches against the navy, especially because the battle was not engaged by battleships and because she does not succeed in speeding up the transports (Unjustified--I strongly argue against it).

17 April:

During the night from the 16th to 17th Staff Officer from Admiralty arrives in Narvik and delivers written report by Dietl with call for help from Stavanger, since English naval forces are firing there. Air-Force notified. The Fuehrer again states in a temperamental way that the Gr. Dietl will have to march South or will have to be picked up. I advocate again in a very strong way that

a. a march South is impossible,

b. even a transport can evacuate only very small units, leads to the loss of many planes and breaks the moral backbone of the Dietl group.

They will continue to fight on the Swedish border for a long time. A thing should be considered lost only when it is actually lost. 1200 hours: Field Marshal with Jeschonnek. Has to be regrouped. Draws combat teams to Ralburg and transport groups back into Slesvig. 1530 hours: Admiral of the Fleet [Grossadmiral] with Admiralty Staff Officer from Narvik who reports verbally about his experiences in Narvik. Each piece of bad news leads to the worst fears. Chief of Air-Force and of L IH [Army Air-Forces?] presents an evaluation of the situation I fully agree to. I present to the Fuehrer this and the proof that we do not have enough long range planes to pick up troops from Narvik, anyhow. Furthermore, an order which is delivered by courier and composed in our sense.

To fight and tie down forces and not to give up.

Even a professor who knows Norway is fetched from Innsbruck and asked whether mountain troops can get from Narvik to Fauske is impossible judging from my mountain experience.

In the evening, the Fuehrer signs the order to Dietl which I had prepared, to hold out as long as possible.

18 April:

Fuehrer is again calm. He gives orders to Captain von Sternburg in a way conforming entirely with our point of view. It might even be possible to change last night’s order even more towards a sense of holding out and tying down forces.

The situation, too, looks better. The strong shipping losses of the English give them something to think about.

Quiet day which does our somewhat strained nerves good.

Sternburg leaves by plane with additional verbal orders.

1600 hours: General Jeschonnek shares the opinion we should go to Bardufoss. I refuse that. The troops cannot hold out.

Important is * * * of the forces on hand, most important the thorough destruction of the railroad.

2. He expresses doubts whether the landing of the 22nd division which takes several days still runs satisfactorily in view of the preparations in Holland. I emphasize that we have to open for ourselves at least the entry into the Southern front of the fortress Holland and that we have to keep it open.

19 April:

Renewed crisis. Political action has failed. Envoy Braner is recalled; since Norway is at war with us, the task of the Foreign Offices is finished. According to the Fuehrer’s opinion, force has to be used. Gauleiter Terboven is supposed to be put in charge.

Field Marshal works in the same direction; he criticizes that the behavior against the civilian population is not energetic enough, that it was possible to occupy the electrical plant, that not enough troops are brought up by the navy. The Air-Force cannot do everything.

Chief of the Armed Forces High Command leaves room, leadership chaos is again threatening, because even details are being overruled from above, and all orderly work of the competent military leadership (Navy High Command and Gr. XXI) is in vain.

In the evening, Terboven arrives; after supper, the Fuehrer instructs him alone. It is doubtful, if it will be possible to limit him to the activity of a Civilian Commissar [Zivilkommissar], as I suggest it; we will have to talk to him personally.

20 April:

Fuehrer’s birthday. Chief of the Armed Forces High Command and the Supreme Commanders congratulate. All the tempests have quieted down.

The movements to Oslo and Narvik make progress. No English landings. Fuehrer has a discussion with the Field-Marshal, with Himmler, Terboven, Reichsleiter Bormann.

Before that, the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command has told the Fuehrer about all possible points of friction between an independent head of the government and the Military Commander in Norway. It seems that reports of the Air Force have induced the Fuehrer to form the opinion that the Norwegians are already conducting guerilla warfare and sabotage on a large scale. Already on the 19th, I contradicted such an opinion. We must not lead the Norwegians to passive or even active resistance, because that is precisely the aim of the English, after all.

21 April:

Reports about landings on a larger scale near Andalsnes and Namsos become more tangible.

On the evening of April 20th, the General [Generaloberst] leads a long fight in order to word the text of the order to Terboven in such a way that the military necessities are taken into account.

Fuehrer would like to bring big vessel with personnel and materiel to Trondheim.

Commander-in-Chief of the Navy considers that to be impossible, especially now.

22 April:

Fuehrer is increasingly worried about the English landings and the consequent impossibility to set up ground communications with Trondheim. Without success, I compare the difficult situation of the English, who have no usable port and no airdrome at their disposal.

The Field-Marshal somewhat quieter, in view of the good weather forecasts for the Air Force today.

23 April:

The excitement grows, because the 163d and 196th divisions are making small progress towards the North and new bridge demolitions are being reported. Fuehrer orders that no more motorized units [11th rifle brigade] are to be sent to Stavanger, but immediately 2 mountain divisions instead. 3rd is to be brought up to full strength again. 4 ships of the Iller class, in addition a 5000t steamer, later 2 larger East Asia boats are to be brought to Bergen convoyed by capital ships, in order to make the troops there mobile and ready for battle.

Forces in Narvik to be reorganized right away, in order to make the 3d mountain division again steadfast for battle.

No heavy artillery is to go to Norway for ground combat. The heavy battalion of the 2nd mountain division remains in the West, those of the 3d mountain and 69th division are at the disposal of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army.

Fuehrer talks to Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force.

a. Anti-aircraft reinforcements for Stavanger.

b. Bombers for ground fighting in Oslo, Fighters for ground fighting in Oslo.

In the evening Lieutenant-Colonel von Lossberg returns from Oslo. He reports the favorable situation in a somewhat schoolmasterly way, but does not know any details. He brings along an English battalion order.

24 April:

The situation looks much more favorable, a fast advance on the right flank is to be expected with mechanized Battalion Goering.

Lieutenant-Colonel Boehme confirms that picture after his return from the front. He brings collected orders of the captured English brigade detachment along. Very great political success to be anticipated with that.

1130 hours: Field-Marshal reports, especially the situation in Trondheim. Lieutenant-Colonel Boehme, back from the battle field, reports favorably, rapid progress. Fuehrer regrets the halting of the 11th rifle brigade. I refuse to send them again now.

2300 hours: Schmundt back, even more favorable news. Boehme brings English orders for the entire project of Norway’s occupation by the English. Complaint about lack of clear orders in the Air Force.

25 April:

Optimistic mood continues. Fuehrer very happy about Schmundt’s report and about exact orientation. Talks adversely about Lossberg to Bodenschatz; Lossberg’s somewhat braggard report has created displeasure, although he did not know any details. Preparation of an action on the basis of the orders found on captured Englishmen.

Order to Kraatzer W Pr and Counter Intelligence Bureau for foreign countries [Amt Abwehr/Ausland].

Report by Sternberg about his task in Narvik.

Order by me to Chief L to give out a strong directive that nobody but Armed Forces High Command will give orders to Gr. Narvik. All men there are subordinated General Dietl exclusively.

The Belgian government resigned.

26 April:

Suggestion to the Fuehrer to omit naval transport to Bergen with battleships and to bring these mobile parts of the 69th Division back to Oslo. Italian ambassador Atolico is recalled, because he does not take a clear pro-German attitude.

At 1500 hours the Commander-in-Chief of the navy reports.

Fuehrer drops request for transporting troops to Bergen convoyed by heavy naval forces.

Commander-in-Chief of the Navy reports that everything which could be possibly thought of has been done for the safeguarding of * * * the Westwall will be extended * * * Sp * * * solidified.

Major Soltman reports about the interrogation of the Englishmen, and delivers additional important documents, among them the secret chain of command [Rangliste]. At noon, the first prisoners arrived in Berlin. They are being interrogated in the Alexander Barracks and confirm the authenticity of the orders. All material is handed over to the Foreign Office.

Until 0330 in the Reich Chancellery, where Fuehrer formulates the government statement together with Foreign Minister. It will be published on the * * *

27 April:

Fuehrer voices intention to start with case “Yellow” between 1st and 7th May. I point out that the Air Force and the Transportation Chief have to be initially notified 3 days ahead of time.

Motor column [Mot.Kol.] Fischer gets stuck 100 miles [Km?] south of Drontheim in front of many destroyed bridges.

Group (Gr) XXI is crying for engineers and cross-Country motor vehicles. They will have to get along with their own engineers. After all, there are 19 engineer companies. Order to get all engineers up to the front.

28 April:

Advance movement direction Drontheim is halting. Nevertheless the English are retiring fast according to their communiques.

29 April:

Fuehrer decides: Air Force can commit another 2 groups (new) in Norway on Tuesday and Wednesday, but must be ready for Yellow on Sunday.

Commander-in-Chief of the Navy commits heaviest flat * * * for the safeguarding of * * * [?]

Emden still to be left in Baltic (O), Employ 2 East Asia steamboats for Oslo-transport.

Falkenhorst wants his motorized and mountain battalion with engineer platoon and battalion brought to Drontheim by air.

Commander-in-Chief of the Army has to be compelled first to set up the missing regiment for the 3rd mountain division so rapidly than it can roll immediately behind the 2nd mountain division.

Fuehrer is worried about Drontheim and is not quite to be dissuaded yet from readying heavy artillery and also the 1st mountain division for Norway.

30 April:

At 13.35 hours I am able to report to the Fuehrer that line of communication on land between Oslo and Drontheim has been established. Fuehrer is happy with joy. At noon, I have to sit next to him.

The special communique is released right away. It remains to be decided now, whether to keep in readiness the 1st mountain division (no) and heavy artillery (no). At 18.30 hours the report comes in that Dombaas has been reached, too, and that the enemy is retiring. Opdal on the railroad Drontheim-Dombaas has also been occupied. Fuehrer releases order of the day to the soldiers in Norway.

1 May:

More big successes in Norway on land and in the air.

Fuehrer orders that starting Saturday, May 4th, everything must be in readiness to start operations for case Yellow the following day, when ordered.

2 May:

Victory report from Norway. Pursuit direction Andalsnes. The English flee to the boats. Norwegians give up the Commander of Moeren-Romsdal, Gen. Hang offers capitulation.

Field Marshall with Kesselring, Jeschonnek, Student, Sponek again report about case “Festung” [fortress]. It will be carried out. Landing on super-highway possible.

Difficulty is the strong echelonment in depth [Tiefenstaffelung] of the bridge position near Moerdyk and north of it.

Air Force is to get order on the 3rd at noon, whether to guide in [einweisen] or not to guide in, that whether means to use or not to use parachutists and airborne units.

3 May:

After evaluation of weather, Fuehrer decides that X-day will not be before Monday, 6 May.

Air Force notified by code word “Do not guide in.” [“Nicht einweisen”]

Field Marshal protests against draft of the comprehensive description of operations in Norway, where Armed Forces High Command is mentioned and where the name Pellengahr appears, but not Milch.

Fuehrer rejects request of the Air Force to set up a listening post [Horchstelle] in the Caucasus.

Prepared White Book concerning unneutral actions of Holland and Belgium does not seem to satisfy the Foreign Office completely. To my mind the material is more than sufficient.

A new order goes out to group XXI, especially as several foreign news reports say that Namsos, too, will be evacuated.

Dr. Todt transmits exact details.

4 May:

Reports about evacuation of Namsos by the English. Great successes of the Air Force against the English fleet. Battleship, heavy cruiser and destroyer, in addition to 12000 ton transport sunk.

Fuehrer himself wants to make comprehensive report about the campaign in Norway. He is furious about it that people other than himself meddle with this reporting. He stated that the Armed Forces High Command is his staff. Fuehrer designates Tuesday, May 7th as X-day.

The flanks of Gr. Dietl are being pressed hard in Narvik. I am afraid he remains too long in front.

5 May:

Field Marshal reports that an English 1500 ton submarine minelayer was sighted on the Swedish coast. He makes an onslaught aimed at subordinating all Naval Air units under the Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force.

Fuehrer has finished justification [Begruendung] for case “Yellow”. Wednesday, May 8th, is designated as A-day.

6 May:

Detailed orders for May 8th for A-day are issued, and for transmission of the code words Augsburg and Danzig.

7 May:

Fuehrer railroad train was scheduled to leave Finkenkrug at 16.38 hours.

But weather remains uncertain and therefore, the order valid up to this time is rescinded. Next decision May 8th until 1200 hours.

1100 hours: The Field Marshal with Bodenschatz and Jeschonnek at the Fuehrer’s.

1500 hours: Admiral of the Fleet [Grossadmiral] Raeder.

Mine damage of the Gneisenau only very insignificant. One destroyer may be recalled from Drontheim, as a second one is still ready for sailing.

Fuehrer very much agitated about new postponement, as there is danger of treachery particularly in brown leaflets [in braunen Blaettern]. Talk of the Belgian Envoy to the Vatican to Brussels permits the deduction that treason has been committed by a German personality who left Berlin for Rome on April 29th.

Fuehrer again emphasizes that the greatest achievement of endurance [Dauerleistung] is that of the foot-slogging combat-soldier.

8 May:

Alarming news from Holland, canceling of furloughs, evacuations, road-blocks, other mobilization measures; according to reports of the counterintelligence service the British have asked for permission to march in but the Dutch have refused.

According to reports the measures of the Dutch are partly directed against the coast and partly against us. It is not possible to obtain a clear picture, whether the Dutch don’t work hand in hand with the English or whether they actually want to defend their neutrality against the first attacker. Evaluation of the weather shows slow improvement of the whole situation, but development fog in the next days still have to be taken into consideration.

Fuehrer does not want to wait any longer.

Field Marshal wants postponement until the 10th, at least.

Chief of the Armed Forces High Command presses for early action. Fuehrer is very agitated; then he consents to postponement until May 10th, which is against his intuition, as he says. But not one day longer. Departure of Envoy Kieritz, who was scheduled to leave at 12.57 hours is stopped at the last minute. Is not supposed to leave until May 9th.

In the evening, I arrange the different telegrams with him.

9 May:

Fuehrer decides to fall in on May 10th for sure. Departure with Fuehrer train at 17.00 hours from Finkenkrug.

After report Jeschonnek that weather situation will be favourable on the 10th, the code word Danzig is given at 2100 hours.

The same to Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force.

10 May:

Morning arrival in Emskirchen still during darkness. At 0530 hours in the Eagle’s nest.

11-13 May:

The operations take a course favorable beyond expectation. The Dutch offer desperate resistance. Bridges at Maastricht, and all bridges north of it, are blown up. Only the railroad bridge at Gemrep falls into our hands undamaged. Fort Eben Emael is taken and the bridges in Mordeyk south of Dortrecht as well as the important ones over the Albert Canal west of Maastricht are taken over by parachutists and glider-borne personnel and are held by them. Airborne operation of the Sponek Division is met by heaviest resistance and is badly mauled. However, the different units hold out. On the R., the junction of the 9th armored division with them is effected. The citadel of Luettich is being broken into.

14 May:

Order number 11 issued, which orders the concentration of all armored and mechanized units in front of the 4th army.

Holland capitulates.

16 May:

Fuehrer insists very much on transfer of all armored and mechanized units from Army Group B to A, and on speediest bringing up of strong reserves behind the 4th and 12th army. OKH gives orders to pull these units out from B and to add them via F ... to the fifteenth corps as new Armored Group Hoeppner. According to report Reichau, there are indications that the enemy is giving up the Dyle position or its Southern part, at least. Therefore, Army High Command receives the option to carry out the junction of Armored Group Hoeppner also in front of Nanner, which the enemy seems to be evacuating.

Engle reports after visit at 4th army that that army has reached the French-Belgian border near Beauchmont, after a heavy tank battle.

1600-1830 hours: Field Marshal Goering with the Fuehrer, talk with Jeschonnek about forthcoming tasks of the Air Force and intentions concerning Narvik, utilizing the new airdrome near * * *

17 May:

18 May:

Day of great tension. The commander-in-chief of the Army has not carried out the intention of building up, as quickly as possible, a new flanking position to the South. Instead of turning march to the west. For this reason the 10th Armored Division and the 2nd and 29th Motorized Divisions are still entrenched in the defensive flanking positions.

The commander-in-chief of the Army and General Holdes are called immediately and ordered to adopt the necessary measures immediately (see note in the files).

Chief of the Armed Forces High Command is flying immediately by plane to General Rundstedt at Bastogne.

I further give an order supplementing the previous directive. It veers the 1st Mountain Division and the rear echelons of the 4th Army, to the South and South-West for an attack.

19 May:

20 May:

Break-through becomes more and more clearly outlined. True, Army Group “B”, respectively Chief are very vexed because their Armored Corps was taken away from them, but it was the right thing to do. On the 20th, we already have all armored and mechanized divisions, except the 9th one, in the middle of the break-through wedge. While we were still afraid on the 19th that the bulk of the French-English army might have escaped to the South, it becomes increasingly evident on the 20th that more than 20 divisions are still north of the Somme.

Now everything depends on sealing off the Abbeville gap and the Army Corps Kleist reaches it in the evening of the 28th. In the forenoon of the 20th, at the Army High Commands conference, the Fuehrer declares the new directive for continuation of operations against the French Army.

1. Annihilation of the enemy north of the Somme and gaining of the sea coast.

2. Sudden thrust forward between Oise and sea, until Seine river is reached.

3. Principal Attack on both sides of Reims in south-westerly direction, accompanied on the right flank east of Paris by heavy forces.

4. For secondary reasons penetration of the Maginot line by lighter forces between St. Avold and Sarreguemines in direction of Nancy-Luneville.

General von Stuelpnagel is ordered, not to follow up any more former intention, to attack the Plateau of Langres with 20 Italian Divisions crossing the Upper Rhine. The Italians rather should attack the French Alpine Front and pin down French forces on the Upper Rhine. This they can prepare already now, without having commenced hostilities.

Fuehrer is beside himself with joy. Talks in words of highest appreciation of the German Army and its leadership. Is working on the peace treaty, which shall express the tenor only: Return of territory robbed over the past 400 years from the German people, and other values.

First negotiations in the forest of Compiegne like in 1918.

British can get a separate peace any time after restitution of the colonies.

A special memorandum of the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command containing the emotion-chocked words of the Fuehrer when receiving the telephone report of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army about the capture of Abbeville, is in the files.

21 May:

Commander in Chief of the Army together with Halder reports at 09.45 about situations and later intentions. The Commander-in-Chief of the Army wants to operate by-passing Paris on the West with the entire Armored and mechanized units under Reichman’s command, and in addition to this to attack with he wants to attack the Upper Rhine with 18 divisions. This would change the intentions of the Fuehrer, expressed by him on the 20th. Fuehrer declares his agreement for the time being.

* * * * * * *

In the afternoon the Fuehrer explains to Chief of the Armed Forces High Command and to me, that he had changed his mind. He believes, that it is wrong to employ all Armed and Mechanized Divisions West of Paris, that it would be better to direct the main thrust, also with the bulk of Armored Forces, to by-pass Paris in the east (transmitted by me to Greifenberg in the evening).

Report of Commander-in-Chief of the Navy to Fuehrer at 1200 hours. In the afternoon Field Marshal and Jeschonnek.

The Fuehrer is a little nervous in the evening about the fact, that infantry divisions are not pushed forward fast enough. Possibly they are being held back in order to obtain improvements of position of the VIth and VIIth Corps. If possible, one must employ transport groups.

Fuehrer stays in map room until 0130 hours.

22 May:

Chief of the Armed Forces High Command decides after that to fly to Army Group A in Charleville early on the 22nd. Brings back a report much more pleasant than the situation map indicates. It becomes apparent that Headquarters of 4th Army has ordered General Kluge to commit the 1st Army Corps south of Sombre, so that it will be in front rather than in the rear of the French border fortifications.

The Fuehrer approves at 1300 hours directive, submitted by me, concerning sparing of human lives of the 10th Army by disengagement from the Maginot line, cessation of unnecessary attacks, bringing up of all Divisions and mobile GHQ troops to the rear of 4th Army.

Sharp pressure of Army Group B towards the West. The Fuehrer furthermore approves commitment of an airborne Battalion already in readiness and of 2 companies Mountain troops, with short training, in Narvik.

Army High Command draws a very optimistic picture of the situation at 1700 hours and intends to continue at 1200 hours on left wing West of Arras towards North.

But Jeschonnek reports at 1900 hours, that French tanks reached point 3 kilometer in front of Arras and were stopped only there by dive bombers, pursuit planes and Anti Aircraft Artillery.

24 May:

The Fuehrer flies together with me and Schmundt to Army Group A to Charleville.

He is very happy about the measures of the Army Group, which correspond entirely with his ideas. He learns to his surprise that the Army High Command, without informing the Fuehrer and the High Command of the Armed Forces, has subordinated the 4th Army and a number of Divisions to its rear, to Army Group B. Fuehrer is very much displeased and thinks this regulation is a mistake not only in military respect but also psychologically wrong. Commander-in-Chief of the Army is ordered to report, and shifting of dividing-line is rescinded. New crisis of confidence, especially since Field Marshal reports earlier that an order of the Army High Command in no way pushes the Army Group B onward, but even invites it to make available reserves that can be spared.

For that reason a new order is issued in the evening (a) not to advance beyond the line Sandez-St.Omer-Graveline towards the East. Besides that each change regarding the Chain of command among the Armies is subject to approval of the Fuehrer.

The Fuehrer signs Order #13 regarding continuation of operations.

He prohibits the proposed talk by General von Melsch in the Foreign Office to foreign journalists about the war situation, if necessary this shall be done by W PR [Armed Forces Propaganda?]

Very favorable report of the Commander in Chief of the Air Force and the Commander in Chief of the Army about the situation.

It becomes obvious, that the surrounded enemy is no longer capable of concerted action.

Situation in the East becomes threatening because of Russian concentration of forces against Bessarabia.

25 May:

In the morning the Commander-in-Chief of the Army arrived and asks permission armored mechanized division to push forward from the High terrain Vimy-St.Omer-Graveline towards in the West into the level terrain. Fuehrer is against it, leaves decision to Army Group A. They decline for the time being because tank, shall rest a while, to be ready for tasks in the South.

At noon, Commander of 22 Divisions (Parachute Divisions) Count Sponek, reports about his experiences between the Hague and Rotterdam. He had heavy losses, but accomplished the incredible.

Air Force reports great successes near Narvik.

The unlimited expansion plan of the SS causes general apprehension. Lutz protests in a letter to the General [Generaloberst] against mentioning of the Armed-SS [Waffen-SS] in Armed forces High Command communiques. But this came from the Fuehrer in a proclamation to the troops in the Dutch theater of operations. General Dietl has received parachuted mountain troops in Narvik after a course of training lasting only 10 days, no losses.

26 May:

In the morning the Fuehrer sends for Commander-in-Chief of the Army and agrees because 18th and 6th army advance slowly and because, resistance in the South in front of the 2nd Army Corps has stiffened, that tank units and infantry divisions push forward in direction of Tournai, Cassel and Dunkerque from the West, especially because the enemy on their part do not advance against the mountain positions but dig themselves in defensive positions and improve them. In conjunction therewith the Commander-in-Chief of the Army reports about his intentions for further conduct of the operations (All sketch). Of the 12 Divisions, committed for the first push northwest of Paris, 6 shall join Army Group B (9th and 4th Army). First push possible around 31 May. 2nd push 6 to 8 days later (Main attack A and B), 3rd push at C will be in readiness starting 15 June.

The problem Paris is to be considered, not only from a military, but also from a political point of view.

* * * * * * *

If Paris is surrendered or if revolutionary features come to the fore, then Paris must be occupied at once. If Paris is defended, we will strongly disengage ourselves for the time being.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1814-PS

ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP

Editions of 1936, 1938 and 1940.

Editor, the Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP (Dr. Robert Ley). Published by the Central Publishing House of the NSDAP, Franz Eher Successor, Munich. Pages 86-88.

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE NSDAP AND ITS AFFILIATED ASSOCIATIONS

The Party was created by the Fuehrer out of the realization that if our people were to live and advance towards an era of prosperity they had to be led according to an ideology suitable for our race. They must have as supporters men above average, that means, men who surpass others in self-control, discipline, efficiency, and greater judgment. The party will therefore always constitute a minority, the order of the National Socialist ideology which comprises the leading elements of our people.

Therefore the party comprises only fighters, at all times prepared to assume and to give everything for the furtherance of the National Socialist ideology. Men and women whose primary and most sacred duty is to serve the people.

The NSDAP as the leading element of the German people control the entire public life, from an organizational point of view, as well as from that of affiliates, the organizations of the State administration, and so forth.

In the long run it will be impossible to let leaders retain responsible offices if they have not been recognized by the Party.

Furthermore, the party shall create the prerequisites for a systematic selection of potential “Fuehrers”.

The reconstruction of the National Socialist organizational structure itself is demonstrated by the observation of the following principles:

The Fuehrer Principle.

The subordination and coordination within the structure of the entire organization.

The regional unity.

The expression of the practical community thought.

I. FUEHRER PRINCIPLE [Fuehrerprinzip]

The Fuehrer Principle requires a pyramidal organization structure in its details as well as in its entirety.

The Fuehrer is at the top.

He nominates the necessary leaders for the various spheres of work of the Reich’s direction, the Party apparatus and the State administration.

Thus a clear picture of the tasks of the party is given.

The Party is the order of “Fuehrers”. It is furthermore responsible for the spiritual-ideological National Socialist direction of the German people. The right to organize people for their own sake emanates from these reasons.

This also justifies the subordination to the party of the organizations concerned with the welfare of the people, besides the inclusion of people in the affiliates of the party, the SA, SS, NSKK, the Hitler Youth, the NS Womanhood, the NS German Student Association and the NS German “Dozentenbund” [University teachers association].

This is where the National Socialist Fuehrer structure becomes more strongly apparent.

Every single affiliate is cared for by an office of the NSDAP.

The leadership of the individual affiliates is appointed by the Party.

The Reich Organization Leader [Reichsorganisationsleiter] of the NSDAP is simultaneously leader of the DAF. The NSBO is the organization bearer of the DAF.

The Leader of the Head-Office for Public Welfare also handles within the “Personalunion” the National Socialist Welfare and the Winter Relief.

The same applies to:

The Reich Justice Office [Reichsrechtsamt] for the NS “Rechtswahrerbund”,

The head office for public health for the NS. German Medical Association,

The head office for educators for the NS Teachers Association,

The head office for civil servants for the Reich Association of Civil Servants,

The head office for war victims for the NS. War Victim Relief,

The head office for technology for the NS. Association of German Technology.

The Racial Political Office handles the Reich Association of families with many children, the NS Womanhood [Frauenschaft] and the “Deutches Frauenwerk”.

The Reich Office for agrarian politics of the NSDAP remains furthermore in closest touch with the “Reichnaehrstand” [Reich Nutrition Office] which is anchored in the State. Direct handling and personal contact of the leaders is also provided in this manner.

All attached affiliates, as well as the offices of the Party, have their foundation, in the same manner as in the Reich direction, in the sovereign territories, in the “Gaue” and furthermore in the districts (Kreise) and if required in the local groups of the NSDAP. This applies also to cells and blocks in the case of the NS Womanhood, the DAF, and the NSV. The members of the attached affiliates will be included in local administrations, respectively district sectors or district comradeships which correspond geographically to local groups of the Party.

II. FUEHRER PRINCIPLE. SUBORDINATION AND COORDINATION WITHIN THE TOTAL ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE

The Fuehrer structure would be split, though, if all subdivisions, including attached affiliates were completely independent in their structure from the smallest unit up to the “Reichsfuehrung” and were they to come only at the top directly under the Fuehrer.

Like a four-story building, if we consider the four Sovereign territories [Reich, Gau, etc.] whose pillars and walls go up to the roof without having supporting joists (wooden stays) or connections on the various floors. Furthermore, it would not be reconcilable with the Fuehrer principle, which assumes complete responsibility, to assume that the Leader of a subdivision, as well as of an affiliated organization, would be in the position to guarantee beyond a professional and factual responsibility the political and ideological attitude of all the sub-leaders down to the smallest unit on the basis of his Reich leadership. The total independence of individual organizations would necessitate furthermore, the creation of an organizational, personal and educational apparatus for each one of them. This, in turn, would create eventually, in spite of the best will of the responsible “Reichsleiters” [Reich Leaders], central offices and office leaders in the Reich Leadership [Reichsfuehrung] of the party, differences in the various organizations. Those differences would later on of necessity take the shape of completely different systems in regional, vertical, and personal respects, etc. within the National Socialist regime.

The Subdivisions NS German Student Association, NS Womanhood Association, NSD [Dozentenbund] and the affiliates and their leaders come therefore under the authority of the competent sovereign leaders of the NSDAP. At the same time their structure is professionally effectuated from the bottom up and they are subordinated to their immediately superior organization in the sovereign divisions of the Party, from a disciplinary point of view, that is to say insofar as organization, ideology, politics, supervision and personal questions are concerned.

Thus a solid anchorage for all the organizations within the party structure is provided and a firm connection with the sovereign leaders of the NSDAP is created in accordance with the Fuehrer Principle.

[In the 1943 edition the text remains the same, but the topical sentences “I. Fuehrer Principle” and “II. Fuehrer Principle. Subordination and Coordination within the Total Organizational Structure” are changed to “I. Construction of the Organization” and “II. Subordination and Coordination within the Total Organizational Structure”.]

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1815-PS

Berlin 12 May 1941

R.S.H.A. IV B I To all Staatspolizei-leit-stellen

For information: The SD-Leit-Abschnitten The Inspekteuren der Sipo/SD

Concerning: The Study and Treatment of Church Politics

The Chief of the R.S.H.A. has issued an order, which is to come into immediate operation, in which the Sipo and SD Study and Treatment of Church Politics, which has hitherto been divided between the SD-Abschnitte and Stapostellen, shall now be taken over entirely by the Stapostellen. (See the plan for the division of work issued by the R.S.H.A. on 1.3.41. In addition to combatting opposition, the Stapostellen thus take over the entire ‘Gegnernachrichtendienst’ in this sphere.)

In order that the Stapostellen should be in a position to take over this work, the Chief of the Sipo/SD has ordered that ‘Church Specialists’ hitherto employed in the SD-Abschnitten, should be temporarily transferred to the same posts at Stapostellen, and operate the Nachrichtendienst (Intelligence Service in the Church Political Sphere) there.

On the orders of the Chief of the R.S.H.A., and after reaching agreement with the heads of Amts III, II, and I, these ‘Church Specialists’ specified in the attached lists will thus be transferred from the SD-Abschnitten to the Stapostellen, quoted. Further instructions for transference or removal will be issued by Amt. I. Those Stapostellen which are unable to obtain any SD-‘Specialists’ must immediately train those of their specialists who appear most suitable for Nachrichtendienst work.

The Chief of the R.S.H.A. has furthermore ordered that ‘Nachrichtendienst’ files concerning Church Political Opposition, hitherto the property of the SD-Abschnitte should be handed over to the Stapostellen. However, material concerning Confessional influence on the lives of the people is to remain with the SD-Abschnitten. In doubtful cases the Stapostellen are to be given an opportunity of making copies or photostats of these reports.

Since it is essential that in this particular sphere the opposition should be kept under constant observation, with no possibility of loopholes, I am endeavoring to ensure that the change-over in organization should take place immediately.

On I.VI.1941 all Stapostellen are to send in reports on the completion of the actual change-over of organization, and, at the same time, draw up a list of personnel, giving the names of those ‘Specialists’ who, after the reorganization, are doing executive work in the Stapostellen, and of those who are conducting the intelligence proper of the Nachrichtendienst.

I then intend, at the end of June, to summon all these specialists to a conference [Arbeitstagung] in Berlin, at which they will receive important instructions for the carrying-out of their work.

Signed Mueller Beglaubigt: Kanzleiangestellte

# # # # #

Berlin 14.8.1941

R.S.H.A. IV B To all Stapo-leit-stellen

Information: From the Inspectors of the Sipo/SD

Concerning: Conference of the Specialists in Church Affairs [Kirchenbearbeiter] attached to the Stapostellen.

On 22d and 23d of September 1941 a Conference for Church Specialists attached to Stapo-leit-stellen will take place in the Lecture-Hall of the Stapoamt, Prinz-Albrechtstrasse 8, Berlin SW II. Date of arrival: 21.9.41. Uniform: Brownshirt and trousers worn with jackboots.

I leave it to the heads of the Stapo-leit-stellen as to whether they send those officials responsible for the entire ‘Kirchenbearbeitung’ (Treatment and Study of Church Politics) to this conference, or officials in charge of both the executive and intelligence branches (SD-members). In each case those taking part in the conference must have their names sent in before 10.9.1941, in order that accommodation may be found for them. Billeting forms will be issued on arrival in Berlin on the 21st at the Stapoamt Watchroom, Room I. Passes are to be given up at the entrance of the lecture-hall at the opening of the conference at 9 hrs.--22.9.41.

Heydrich Beglaubigt: Kanzleiangestellte

# # # # #

Aachen, 8 October 1941

Report of Hammes on Conference dated 8 October 1941 at Aachen

Notes on the Conference of Church Specialists attached to Stapo-leit-stellen

On the 22d and 23d September 1941 a Conference of Church Specialists attached to Stapo-leit-stellen was held in the Lecture-Hall of the R.S.H.A. in Berlin, in which 141 Specialists took part.

I. On 22.9.1941

1. The latest developments in the Church Political situation, and our outstanding tasks at this moment--SS-Stubaf. Hartl.

2. Sipo measures for combating the Political Church and Sects--Regierungsrat Rotu & Reg. Ass. Harnensbruch.

3. Nachrichtendienst tasks in the conflict with Political Catholicism in the Reich--SS-Ostuf. Kunze.

4. Vatican world-politics, and our Nachrichtendienst tasks--SS-Untersturmfuehrer Jakobs.

II. On 23.9.1941

5. Present conditions within the German Protestant Church--SS-Obersturmfuehrer Stiller.

6. Treatment of the Sect problem, and the combating of Sects--SS-Hauptscharfuehrer Ehrhardt.

7. World-Protestantism and the Oxford Movement--Nachrichtendienst work evolving from these subjects--SS-Obersturmfuehrer Stiller.

8. The problem of the Church in the Eastern regions, and Nachrichtendienst measures--SS-Untersturmfuehrer Wandesleben.

9. The present Nachrichtendienst problem of Freemasonry--SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Kolrep.

10. Summary of the most important points in the treatment of Church Political opposition--SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Hartl.

In the absence of SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Heydrich, the Conference was opened by SS-Brigadefuehrer Mueller, who, after a short speech of welcome, and introduction handed over to the first lecturer. The most important lectures--those under I, items 2 and 3, have been noted down and filed.

The main aim and object of the conference has been to familiarize the specialists as thoroughly as possible with their material, and, by stimulating their interest, enable them to fulfill their duties to the best of their ability.

Nothing of great moment came to light in the discussions. Finally SS-Stub. Hartl, also deputizing for the absent Heydrich, summed up the most important points in the treatment of Church Political affairs. He summarized the culminating points as follows:

1. Avoidance of all sweeping measures and actions against the Church and its establishments.

2. Suspension of measures taken against monasteries/convents, including “camouflaged” measures of this type.

3. Action is still to be taken as before in individual cases, but the R.S.H.A. is to be informed in each case. In particularly serious cases the decision of the Fuehrer will be sought.

4. Above all it must be ensured that the Church does not win back any lost ground. We must see to it that we retain any position won.

5. The greatest importance is to be attached to Church Political activity. Any material that is of the slightest significance, or could become of significance, is to be carefully examined. On the Fuehrer’s instructions photostats are to be made of all documents seized, and other material of this type, as in such cases duplicate copies are in no way sufficient for the introduction of decisive measures.

The “Nachrichtennetz” is to be fostered with the greatest of care, and enlarged through the recruitment of new V-Personen. Particular value is attached to contacts between Church circles and “Staatsstellen.”

The lecturer closed with the following words:

Each one of you must go to work with your whole heart and a true fanaticism. Should a mistake or two be made in the execution of this work, this should in no way discourage you, since mistakes are made everywhere. The main thing is that the enemy should be constantly tackled with determination, will, and effective initiative.

Signed: HEINZE Kriminal-Secretaer

Signed: HAMMES Kriminal-Kommissar z. Pr.

# # # # #

Aachen, 26 September 1941

Report of Regierungsrat Roth’s speech before Conference dated 26 September 1941

Sicherheitspolizei measures for combating Church Politics and Sects

While describing the aim and methods of the Political Church in its oppositional activities, the executive measures which, in accordance with the Concordat, are at the disposal of the Stapo, were discussed.

a. Punishable offences and infringements of the law by members of the Church are to be submitted to the Kripo for processing. Nachrichtendienst evaluation, and the compiling of evidence for a final breakdown is the responsibility of the Stapo.

b. It has been demonstrated that it is impracticable to deal with political offences (malicious) under normal legal procedure. Owing to the lack of political perception which still prevails among the legal authorities, suspension of this procedure must be reckoned with. The so-called “Agitator-Priests” must therefore be dealt with in future by Stapo measures, and, if the occasion arises, be removed to a Concentration Camp, if agreed upon by the RSHA.

c. Offences and crimes against the “Sammlungsgesetz” [Order to contribute to Party Funds] and the “Flaggenerlass” [Order to beflag Churches etc.,] come under normal procedure. [A penciled note states that this is not always so, and that it depends on the case in question.]

d. The necessary executive measures are to be decided upon according to local conditions, the status of the person accused, and the seriousness of the case--as follows:

1. Warnung (Warning)

2. Sicherungsgeld (Fine)

3. Redeverbot (Forbidden to preach)

4. Aufenthaltsverbot (Forbidden to remain in parish)

5. Betaetigungsverbot (Forbidden all activity as a Priest)

6. Kurzfristige Festnahme (Short-term arrest)

7. Schutzhaft (Protective custody)

The instructions for the application of individual measures are known. The following points must be remembered:

The Aufenthaltsverbot (Forbidden to remain in parish) is very much feared by all the clergy. In one case a Vicar-General appealed to the RSHA for the lifting of the ban, and begged that they would rather place the priest under short-term arrest. The “Aufenthaltsverbot” is to be enforced in any case where the continued stay of the priest in his former parish is likely to bring about dissension and disquiet among the population. It should be applied, for instance, in the event of a priest returning from arrest, in order to prevent him from being feted as a martyr. Care must be taken that the measure is only enforced where really expedient (encumbering of another Stapostelle).

Redeverbot (Forbidden to preach) is intended chiefly as a measure against itinerant preachers, and will only be brought against residential ones when they exceed their normal offices as priests, and preach much injurious matter.

Betaetigungsverbot (Forbidden all activities as a priest) has not yet been applied, but is possible.

Schutzhaft (Protective custody). As already stated, in accordance with the Order issued by the RSHA on 24.8.36 the “Agitator Priest” is to be taken into long-term imprisonment. The technical execution of this lies in the hands of the Referat IV C 2, while it is IV B I’s responsibility to present the charges.

Actions against societies are not at the moment possible as a widespread State measure. However, in cases where the Society has been involved in anti-state activity, or appears superfluous or undesirable, local measures may be applied. Small funds/properties may be liquidated. Funds may also be handed over to the NSV. In cases of activities against the State the only method is confiscation of funds. Proposals for “Declaration of Enmity to People and State” with the object of confiscation of property, are principally to be directed to the RSHA, which works nonexecutively, and directs the necessary negotiations with the MdI.

Monasteries/Convents. It is not expected at the present that they will be declared as hostile to the State. During the process of “Dissolution” it should be remembered that the Law of 10.2.36 suffices as a legal basis for the disposal. It is not essential that the Order of 28.2.33 should be quoted, and it will only be brought up if the Stapo measures are to come under “legal justification” (Betaetigungsverbot 4).

Actions against Monasteries/Convents. About 100 monasteries in the Reich have been dissolved. Various incidents which may be traced back to bad tactical procedure by Stapo officials, have led to disagreeable consequences. Should the inmates of the monasteries put questions to the appointed officials, those officials must refer them to the Aktionsleiter [officer in charge of the proceedings].

Churches are to be seized at the same time, but, if possible, should not be closed. As long as the confiscation is not absolute, any action which interferes with property, or causes any alteration to it should be avoided. The principle to be followed during the period of “Sicherstellung” is that life should go on within the framework of an ordered administration.

Further points made were:

Retreats, recreational organizations, etc., may now be forbidden on grounds of industrial war-needs, whereas formerly only a worldly activity could be given as a basis.

Youth camps, recreational camps are to be forbidden on principle. Church organizations in the evening may be prevented on grounds of the black-out regulations.

Processions, pilgrimages abroad are to be forbidden by reason of the overburdened transport conditions. For local events too technical traffic troubles and the danger of air attack may serve as grounds for their prohibition (one Referent forbade a procession, on the grounds of it wearing out shoe leather).

There are no new regulations regarding the despatch of Confessional literature to the troops, and the restrictions on Confessional publications.

Visas are always to be denied where the applicant cannot offer the excuse that he will dedicate himself unreservedly to working for the Fatherland while abroad. There are, however, possible exceptions. In principle the intention still holds good, that no foreign priest should enter the Reich, and that no German priest should travel abroad, above all, not to the “Aufbaugebiet.”

In the meantime the Church Ministry has adopted the view of the RSHA, in which it was decided that Polish civilian workers and prisoners-of-war must definitely be separated at Services.

The RSHA requests that questions of policy should be submitted to them, but that, on the other hand, they should not be bothered with unnecessary inquiries. Above all, definite proposals on how to handle the case in question should always be given, and not just requests for direction or decision.

The immediate aim: The Church must not regain one inch of the ground it has lost.

The ultimate aim. Destruction of the Confessional Churches to be brought about by the collection of all material obtained through Nachrichtendienst activities, which will, at a given time, be produced as evidence for the charge of treasonable activities during the German fight for existence.

Signed: HAMMES Kriminal-Kommissar z.Pr.

# # # # #

SECRET

Excerpt from Note 16 concerning the Conference held by the Inspector in Dusseldorf on 23.9.41. (Pp. 26, 27, 28.)

14. Cooperation between Stapo/and SD in the sphere of Church Politics

The study and treatment of the efforts of the Catholic Church in its opposition to the present State is, from both a communication and executive angle, the responsibility of the Stapo (‘Gegnerbekampfung’). The treatment of the efforts of the Church, and their repercussions in the sphere of ‘religious life’ is, however, the task of the SD.

From this it can be seen that a close cooperation in the future within the sphere of the “Catholic Church” is especially necessary. It is the duty of the Stapostellen to inform the SD-Abschnitte of any general points to be observed during the course of ‘Gegnerbekampfung,’ in order that the SD-Abschnitte can evaluate these facts from a religious angle. The SD-Abschnitte are to inform the Stapostellen of any observations which might be of assistance to them in their fight against the church as an opponent of the State. Gegnerbekampfung and research in the religious sphere must go hand in hand. The SD-Abschnitte must hand over to the Stapostellen those V-Maenner who are working entirely, or for the greater part, in ‘Gegnerbekampfung.’ However, if mutually agreed upon, the SD-Abschnitte, who may still have a certain claim on these V-Maenner by virtue of their work in the religious sphere, may retain one or another of them to contribute work in this sphere. It is desirable, however, that the appropriate official attached to the Stapostelle should start taking over the direction of the V-Maenner by stages as soon as possible.

The Inspector has asked for a general ruling from RSHA concerning the direction of the ‘Kirchenreferat’ by the Stapo offices, and at the same time expressed the opinion that it was not absolutely essential that the responsibility of this should rest principally on the executive officials. The RSHA has made a corresponding decision in which it shall be left to the Stapoleiter in every individual case to choose who should be entrusted with the general direction and control of the ‘Kirchenreferat.’ It is therefore up to the Stapo leader [leiter] to decide, by the efficiency of his work, who is the more capable, and to appoint him head of the Referat. (Order of the Chief of Sipo/SD 18.9.41 IV B.) The Inspector is to be informed as soon as possible of the subsequent decision.

# # # # #

Berlin, 22 October 1941

Reichssicherheitshauptamt IV B 1--2744/41 g To all Stapostellen For information to:

a. The Fuehrers of all SD-(Leit) Abschnitte

b. To all Inspectors of the Sipo/SD

c. To the “Befehlshaber der Sipo/SD in Generalgouvernement KRAKAU”

d. To the “Kommandeure der Sipo/SD--KRAKAU, LUBLIN, RADOM, WARSCHAU.”

Concerning: Present Conditions within the Organization of the Catholic Church.

Enclosure: 1 Report.

Minute

I am inclosing a report on the present position of the Organization of the Catholic Church. This report is designed to serve as a basis for:

a. The education of the appropriate Specialist.

b. To aid “Nachrichtendienst” activity.

The following directions must be followed concerning Nachrichtendienst activity:

1. If at all possible to verify that Bishops are using the papal nunciate courier to deliver their report to Rome, and vice versa, we should be informed.

2. It should be found out which priests, members of Holy Orders, and Laymen are used by the Bishops to bring their reports to and from Rome. Wherever possible, attempts should be made to intercept this method of reporting through V-Maenner.

3. If possible, the reports submitted to Rome every 5 years should be intercepted, especially when an opportunity arises in connection with Stapo action.

4. Where tension is known to exist between Bishops, the Bishop and Nuncio, or the Bishops and the “Instanzen” subordinate to them, this is to be utilized for Nachrichten purposes.

5. Since there are at the moment 13 Arch- and Bishoprics vacant in Greater Germany, efforts must be made to obtain the lists of Bishop candidates.

6. If not already known, it must be found out with what particular department the individual Bishops are concerned, under the aegis of the Bishops Fulda Conference. Those Stapostellen in whose area there is a Bishop entrusted with special duties--(The Bishop of Berlin with Press work, the Bishop of Mainz with “Jugendseelsorge,” the Archbishop of Freiburg with charity work, the Bishop of Passau with work connected with the Church in the Eastern regions ... etc. ...) have Nachrichtendienst tasks of especial Reich importance.

7. Points discussed during the Diocesan Synodes are to be obtained wherever possible, and should be immediately submitted to IV B 1 at the R.S.H.A.

8. The following directive is given for local Nachrichtendienst activity--

a. In every case where a Sachbearbeiter attached to a Stapostelle has an Archbishopric in his area, he must have a thorough knowledge of the particular sphere of work in which the individual Referenten of the appropriate Ordinarists are engaged.

b. The Episcopal Chancery is of particular importance within the Episcopal Ordinariat. Similarly, and especially in the case of an “Action,” the diocesan archives and the Episcopal secret archives are of especial significance.

c. The Deans are of particular importance to Aussenstellen, since they are described as the eyes and ears of the Bishop. Should the opportunity arise, the yearly reports which they have to submit to the Bishop, should be obtained and evaluated locally.

d. In order to ensure that the Nachrichtendienst organization is as comprehensive as possible, an all-embracing Nachrichtennetz should be spread among the more insignificant members of the clergy.

9. It must be discovered which of those members of Orders, and priests of German origin are employed in important posts at the Vatican--other than those named in the report; we must be immediately informed of this.

10. The Specialists of the individual Stapo(leit)stellen have to extract the names of those Papal “Protonotare,” Chamberlains, Prelates, and Chaplains who are officiating in their districts, and devote extra attention to them in the course of their Nachrichtendienst duties. Especial watch must be kept in order to discover to what extent they are employed as “agents” to and from the Vatican.

11. Reports are also to be submitted on those theological students destined for Papal Institutes, and Priests returning from such institutes to Germany. Should the opportunity arise of placing someone for Nachrichtendienst purposes in one of these institutes, in the guise of a theological student, we should receive immediate notification.

Signed: Heydrich Attested: KLANN [?] Chancellery Clerk

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1816-PS

STENOGRAPHIC REPORT OF THE MEETING ON “THE JEWISH QUESTION” UNDER THE CHAIRMANSHIP OF FIELD MARSHALL GOERING IN THE REICHS AIR FORCE

(12 November 1938--11 o’clock)

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Part I

Goering: Gentlemen! Today’s meeting is of a decisive nature. I have received a letter written on the Fuehrer’s orders by the Stabsleiter of the Fuehrer’s deputy Bormann, requesting that the Jewish question be now, once and for all, coordinated and solved one way or another. And yesterday once again did the Fuehrer request by phone for me to take coordinated action in the matter.

Since the problem is mainly an economic one, it is from the economic angle that it shall have to be tackled. Naturally a number of legal measures shall have to be taken which fall into the sphere of the Minister for Justice and into that of the Minister of the Interior; and certain propaganda measures shall be taken care of by the Minister for Propaganda. The Minister for Finance and the Minister for Economic Affairs shall take care of problems falling in their respective resorts.

In the meeting, in which we first talked about this question and came to the decision to aryanize German economy, to take the Jew out of it, and put him into our debit ledger, was one in which, to our shame, we only made pretty plans, which were executed very slowly. We then had a demonstration, right here in Berlin, we told the people that something decisive would be done, but again nothing happened. We have had this affair in Paris now, more demonstrations followed and this time something decisive must be done!

Because, gentlemen, I have enough of these demonstrations! They don’t harm the Jew but me, who is the last authority for coordinating the German economy.

If today, a Jewish shop is destroyed, if goods are thrown into the street, the insurance company will pay for the damages, which the Jew does not even have; and furthermore goods of the consumer goods belonging to the people, are destroyed. If in the future, demonstrations which are necessary, occur, then, I pray, that they be directed, so as not to hurt us.

Because it’s insane to clean out and burn a Jewish warehouse then have a German insurance company make good the loss. And the goods which I need desperately, whole bales of clothing and what-not, are being burned; and I miss them everywhere.

I may as well burn the raw materials before they arrive. The people of course, do not understand that; therefore we must make laws which will show the people once and for all, that something is being done.

I should appreciate it very much if for once, our propaganda would make it clear that it is unfortunately not the Jew who has to suffer in all this, but the German insurance companies.

I am not going to tolerate a situation in which the insurance companies are the ones who suffer. Under the authority invested in me, I shall issue a decree, and I am, of course, requesting the support of the competent Government agencies, so that everything shall be processed through the right channels and the insurance companies will not be the ones who suffer.

It may be, though, that these insurance companies may have insurance in foreign countries. If that is the case, foreign bills of exchange would be available which I would not want to lose. That shall have to be checked. For that reason, I have asked Mr. Hilgard of the insurance company, to attend, since he is best qualified to tell us to what extent the insurance companies are protected against damage, by having taken out insurance with other companies. I would not want to miss this, under any circumstances.

I should not want to leave any doubt, gentlemen, as to the aim of today’s meeting. We have not come together merely to talk again, but to make decisions, and I implore the competent agencies to take all measures for the elimination of the Jew from German economy and to submit them to me, as far as it is necessary.

The fundamental idea in this program of elimination of the Jew from German economy is first, the Jew being ejected from the Economy transfers his property to the State. He will be compensated. The compensation is to be listed in the debit ledger and shall bring a certain percentage of interest. The Jew shall have to live out of this interest. It is a foregone conclusion, that this aryanizing, if it is to be done quickly, cannot be made in the Ministry for Economy in Berlin. That way, we would never finish.

On the other hand, it is very necessary to have safety precautions so that the lower echelons, Statthalter, and Gauleiter will not do things unreasonably. One must issue correction directives, immediately.

The aryanizing of all the larger establishments, naturally, is to be my lot--the Ministry for Economy will designate, which and how many there are--it must not be done by a Statthalter or his lower echelons, since these things reach into the export trade, and cause great problems, which the Statthalter can neither observe, nor solve from his place.

It is my lot, so that the damage will not be greater than the profit, which we are striving for.

It is obvious gentlemen, that the Jewish stores are for the people, and not the stores. Therefore, we must begin here, according to the rules previously laid down.

The Minister for Economic Affairs shall announce which stores he’ll want to close altogether. These stores are excluded from aryanizing at once. Their stocks are to be made available for sale in other stores; what cannot be sold, shall be processed through the “Winterhilfe” or taken care of otherwise. However, the sales values of these articles shall always be considered, since the State is not to suffer but should profit through this transformation. For the chain and department stores--I speak now only of that, what can be seen, certain categories have to be established, according to the importance of the various branches.

The trustee of the State will estimate the value of the property and decide what amount the Jew shall receive. Naturally, this amount is to be set as low as possible. The representative of the State shall then turn the establishment over to the “Aryan” proprietor, that is, the property shall be sold according to its real value.

There begins the difficulties. It is easily understood that strong attempts will be made to get all these stores to party-members and to let them have some kind of compensations. I have witnessed terrible things in the past; little chauffeurs of Gauleiters have profited so much by these transactions that they have now about half a million. You, gentlemen, know it. Is that correct?

(Assent)

Of course, things like that are impossible. I shall not hesitate to act ruthlessly in any case where such a trick is played. If the individual involved is prominent, I shall see the Fuehrer within two hours and report to him.

We shall have to insist upon it, that the Aryan taking over the establishment is of the branch and knows his job. Generally speaking he is the one who must pay for the store with his own money. In other words, an ordinary business transaction is to be sought--one merchant selling, the other one buying a business. If there are party members among the contenders, they are to be preferred, that is if they have the same qualifications: first shall come the one who had the most damage, and secondly, selection should be according to length of Party membership.

Of course, there may be exceptions. There are party-members who, as may be proven, lost their business concessions by action of the Schuschnigg or Prague Government, and so went bankrupt. Such a man has naturally first option on a store for sale, and he shall receive help if he does not have the means to help himself. The trustee of the State can justify this help, if he is more business like in the transfer. This party-member should have the chance to buy the store for as cheap a price as possible. In such a case the State will not receive the full price, but only the amount the Jew received. Such a buyer may even receive a loan besides, so that he will get off to a good start.

I wish to make it clear that such a proceeding shall only be legal if the party-member has once owned such a store. For example, a party-member was the owner of a stationery store, and Schuschnigg took away the concession to operate it so that the man lost the store and went bankrupt. Now, if a Jewish stationery store is being aryanized, this party-member should get the store on conditions which he’ll be able to fulfill. Such a case shall be the only exception though, in all other cases the procedure shall be of a strictly businesslike nature whereby the party-member, like I said before, shall have the preference, if he has the same qualifications as any other candidate, who is not a member of the party.

When selling for the actual value we shall find only about 60 Aryans ready to take over 100 Jewish stores. I don’t think that we have a German for every Jewish store. You must not forget that the Jew sees his main activity in the field of trade, and that he owns 90% of it. I doubt that we’d have a demand big enough. I even doubt that we’d have enough people, particularly now since everybody has found his field of work.

Therefore, I ask the Minister for Economy to go beyond what we think ought to be done for the sake of the principle, in liquidating the establishments. I ask him to go further, even though there won’t be any candidates. That’ll be perfectly alright.

The transfer of stores and establishments shall have to be executed by the lower echelons, not through Berlin but through the Gaue and through the Reichstatthalterschaft. Therein shall be the seat of the members of the Board of Trustees, even if it consists of a few people only. The Statthalter and his people cannot do this job; the trustees will have to tackle it. But the Statthalter shall be the authority which supervises, according to the regulations given him, the trustees, particularly in dealings such as the transfer to party-members.

Naturally, these establishments cannot disappear all at once but we’ll have to start by Monday, in a manner that shall make it obvious that a change has begun to materialize. Besides that, certain stores could be closed which will make things here easier.

Another point! I have noticed that Aryans took over a Jewish store and were then so clever to keep the name of the Jewish store as “formerly,” or kept it altogether. That must not be; I cannot permit it. Because it may happen--what has just happened--stores were looted because their signboards bore Jewish names--because they had once been Jewish, but had been “aryanized” a long time ago. Names of former Jewish firms shall have to disappear completely, and the German shall have to come forward with his or his firm’s name. I ask you to carry this out quite definitely. That much then regarding aryanizing of stores and wholesale establishments, particularly in regard to signboards and of all that is obvious!

Of the consequences resulting from this for the Jew, I shall speak later, because this is connected with other things.

Now for the factories. As for the smaller and medium ones, two things shall have to be made clear.

1. Which factories do I not need at all--which are the ones where productions could be suspended? Could they not be put to another use? If not, the factories will be razed immediately.

2. In case the factory should be needed, it will be turned over to Aryans in the same manner as the stores. All these measures have to be taken quickly, since Aryan employees are concerned everywhere. I’d like to say right now that Aryan employees shall have to be given employment immediately after the Jewish factory is closed. Considering the amount of labor we need these days, it should be a trifle to keep these people, even in their own branches. As I have just said; if the factory is necessary, it will be aryanized. If there is no need for it, it being abandoned shall be part of the procedure of transforming establishments not essential, for our national welfare into one that is essential for it--a procedure that shall take place within the next few weeks. For it, I shall still need very much space and very many factories.

If such a factory is to be transformed or razed, the first thing to be done is check the equipment. The questions arising will be: Where can this equipment be used? Could it be used after the place is transformed? Where else might it be needed badly? Where could the machinery be set up again? It follows that aryanizing factories will be an even more difficult task than the aryanizing of stores.

Take now the larger factories which are run solely by a Jewish owner, without control by a Board of Directors; or take corporations where the Jews might be in the Supervisory Council or Board of Directors. There the solution is very simple: the factory can be compensated in the same manner as in the sale of stores and factories; that is, at a rate which we shall determine, and the trustee shall take over the Jew’s interest as well as his shares, which he in turn may sell or transfer to the State, which will then dispose of them. So, if I have a big factory, which belonged to a Jew or a Jewish corporation, and the Jew leaves, perhaps with his sons who were employed there, the factory will still continue to operate. Maybe a director will have to be appointed because the Jew has run the factory himself. But otherwise, particularly if the maintenance of the establishment is very essential everything will run smoothly.

Everything is very simple. I now have his shares. I may give them to some Aryan or to another group or I may keep them. The State takes them over and offers them at the stock market, if they are acceptable there and if it so desires, or it makes use of them in some other way.

Now, I shall talk of the very big establishments, those in which the Jew is in the Board of Directors, in which he holds shares etc., and so is either the owner or one of the coowners; in any case in which he is greatly interested. There too, things are comparatively simple; he delivers all of his shares which shall be bought at a price fixed by the trustee. So the Jew gets into the account book. The shares shall be handled like I’ve just explained. These cases cannot be taken care of by the Gaue and Reichsstatthalter, but only by us here on top; because we are the only ones to decide where these factories are to be transferred to, how they may be affiliated with other establishments or to what an extent the State shall keep them or hand them over to another establishment belonging to the State. All this can only be decided here. Of course, the Gauleiter and Statthalter will be glad to get hold of the shares, and they’ll make great promises to beautify our capital cities, etc. I know it all! It won’t go! We must agree on a clear action that shall be profitable to the Reich.

The same procedure shall be applied where the Jew has a share in, or owns property of German economy. I am not competent enough to tell off hand in what forms that might be the case, and to what an extent he’ll have to lose it. Anyway, the Jew must be evicted pretty fast from German economy.

Now, the foreign Jews. There we’ll have to make distinctions between the Jews who have always been foreigners--and who shall have to be treated according to the laws we arranged with their respective countries. But regarding those Jews who were Germans, have always lived in Germany and have acquired foreign citizenship during the last year, only because they wanted to play safe. I ask you not to give them any consideration. We’ll finish with these. Or have you any misgivings? We shall try to induce them through slight, and then through stronger pressure, and through clever maneuvering--to let themselves be pushed out voluntarily.

Woermann: I’d like the Foreign Office to be included, since a generally valid decision could hardly be made.

Goering: We cannot consult you in every case, but on the whole we will.

Woermann: Anyway, I’d like to make known the claim of the Foreign Office to participate. One never knows what steps may become necessary.

Goering: Only for important cases! I do not like to take this category under special consideration. I have learned only now to what extent that has been done, particularly in Austria and Czechoslovakia. If somebody was a Czech in Sudetenland, we do not have to consider him at all, and the Foreign Office doesn’t have to be consulted because that person now belongs to us. And in Austria and also in Sudetenland, too many become all of a sudden Englishmen or Americans or what-not--and generally speaking we cannot consider that a great deal.

[Part II is missing]

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