III. Setting of penalties and Conclusion
ARTICLE 7
Whoever purposely or carelessly acts in violation of a decree issued by authority of this law will be, insofar as a more severe punishment is not stipulated according to other directives, punished with jail and with fine or with one of these penalties.
ARTICLE 8
The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor will issue the necessary legal and administrative directives for carrying out of this law.
Berlin, 21 May 1935
The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor (signed) ADOLF HITLER
The Reichsminister of war (signed) VON BLOMBERG
The Reichsminister of the Interior (signed) FRICK
# # # # #
Note on the law for the defense of the Reich of 21 May 1935
The publication of the law for the defense of the Reich of 21 May 1935 will be suspended. The law became effective 21 May 1935.
The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor (signed) ADOLF HITLER
# # # # #
Copy
Decision of the Reichscabinet of 21 May 1935 on the Council for the defense of the Reich
Supplementing the decision of the Reichscabinet of 4 April 1933 and 13 Dec 34 on formation of a council for defense of the Reich, the Reichscabinet has made the following decision:
1. The plenipotentiary-general for war economy appointed by the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor will begin his work already in peacetime. At the suggestion of the chairman of the Council for the defense of the Reich, he will direct the economic preparations for war, insofar as they do not, in reference to the armament industry fall into the province of the Reichs’ Ministry of war. In case of mobilization the following are subordinate to him:
Reichministry of economic affairs
Reichministry for food and agriculture
Reichministry of Labor
Reich’s forest-master and all Reichoffices immediately subordinate to the Fuehrer.
In case of mobilization he will direct and be responsible for the financing of the war effort (in the province of the finance-ministry and the Reichsbank).
Those ministries and the Reich’s authorities are bound already in time of peace to observe his recommendations for the preparation of a war economy and the financing of the war-effort.
2. The Reichsminister of War and the plenipotentiary for war economy will effect the preparations for mobilization in closest cooperation on both sides.
3. The plenipotentiary-general for war-economy will be a permanent working committee he represents through his leadership staff the interests of war economy. The department heads [Referenten] for the defense of the Reich of the Ministries mentioned in Point I are bound by the recommendations of this leadership staff.
Foundation:
The State of War, an institution of the old law, as it was established in the old Reichsconstitution of 1871, the Prussian law on the state of siege of 4 June 1861 and the Bavarian law on the state of war of 5 Nov 1912, has been only incompletely replaced by Article 48 of the Reichsconstitution of 11 August 1919. Moreover, the provisions of Article 48 no longer correspond to the actual legal conditions.
The new law for the defense of the Reich should create clear legal bases for the transfer of the whole machinery of state from a state of peace to one of war. In this connection it was to be noted that a state of war can begin unexpectedly or from a state of foreign political tension. Since the time of such tension must be utilized as far as foreign political relations will bear, in order to create a readiness for war in time, the law for the defense of the Reich provides two steps for the transfer from state of peace to state of war:
1. The state of defense 2. The mobilization
For both steps of war preparation, the law gives the legal basis, upon which the individual measures of the Reichsdepartments can be built up as the council for the defense of the Reich instructs.
It is to be mentioned in regard to the provisions of the law in detail:
To Article 2
The exercise of the power of execution by the Reichsminister of war under the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor should emphasize the pressing necessity of all demands of the immediate conduct of the war and should guarantee their fulfillment.
To Article 4, Section 3
In numerous laws special provisions for war are contained. It is therefore necessary, to establish the beginning of a state of war, in respect to times in order to create clear conditions for the administration of justice etc. Since, however, in a future war official declarations of war are not to be expected, as a result of which Article 42 Section 2 of the Reichsconstitution also is obsolete, the beginning of a state of war is to be considered as being at the same time as the beginning of the mobilization.
To Article 6
The experiences of the great war have demonstrated the necessity of including during a war the entire economy and the financing of the conduct of the war under unified leadership. The plenipotentiary-general for war-economy should according to the will of the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor take over the responsible leadership and stands thereby independently along side the Reichsminister of war, the possessor of the power of execution, and responsible for his realm of activity under the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2270-PS
COORDINATION [GLEICHSCHALTUNG] OF COOPERATIVES
Issue 393, 16 May 1933, of “NSK” National Socialist Party Press Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP, the official news agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications of the Reich Press Office Dr Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher, Successor, Munich. [Pages 1-2].
NSK. The Executive Secretaries of the Reich League of German Cooperatives [Reichsverband Deutscher Konsumvereine] have issued the following statement:
The undersigned, legally competent executive secretaries of the Reich League of German Cooperatives, Cologne, and of the Gepag hereby submit themselves and all cooperatives affiliated to their League irrevocably and unconditionally to the command and administrative authority of the leader of the German Labor Front, Dr. Robert Ley, and of Party Member Karl Mueller, the Commissioner for Cooperatives appointed by him.
Signed: Peter SCHLACK Signed: Rob. SCHLOESSER Signed: Fritz KLEIN
# # # # #
The Executive Secretaries of the Wholesale Purchasing League of German Cooperatives have issued the following statement:
The undersigned, legally competent executive secretaries of the Wholesale Purchasing League of German Cooperatives, Inc., Hamburg, hereby submit themselves and all cooperatives affiliated to their League irrevocably and unconditionally to the command and administrative authority of the leader of the German Labor Front, Dr. Robert Ley, and of Party Member Karl Mueller, the Commissioner for Cooperatives appointed by him.
Signed: H. EVERLING Signed: A. GRAHL
# # # # #
Pursuant to these statements the leader of the German Labor Front has issued the following order:
As previously announced by Party Member Bank Director Mueller on my behalf, the German Labor Front has today taken over the leadership of the cooperatives. The legally competent executive secretaries of the Wholesale Purchasing League of German Cooperatives, Inc., Hamburg, and of the Reich League of German Cooperatives, Cologne, have submitted unconditionally and unreservedly.
The Chief of the economic enterprises of the German Labor Front, Party Member Bank Director Mueller, also assumes the management of the cooperatives. This action is being taken for the benefit of the German worker, in order to safeguard the savings of the masses here also, and in order not to permit the decay of the assets which the cooperatives hold for the benefit of the people.
The action in itself is a winding-up action, which means that their further extension will not be tolerated, that everything that is rotten and burdensome must be gotten rid of now in the shortest possible time, that in agreement with the representative organizations of the middle class an equitable settlement is being initiated now already. Offices of the NSDAP are requested to shed their hostile attitude towards cooperatives, because they can rest assured that everything is being done by the leadership which profits the benefit of the people and the benefit of Germany.
Future organization of the cooperatives is as follows:
The two great Reich Leagues of cooperatives will become members of, and be merged into one Reich League. Great savings will thus be effected in administration.
As a matter of principle there will be no more voting in any organization, but the leader, Party Member Mueller, is appointed by me and he is authorized to appoint additional leaders of the individual regions and localities.
The Administrative Council, which is to help Party Member Mueller, will constitute the Executive Chamber [Kleine Kammer], in addition a Plenary Chamber will be formed, so as to definitely clarify the relationship between the new corporate structure and the cooperatives, and to shape the winding-up more decisively and organically.
The leader of the German Labor Front Dr. R. Ley
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2271-PS
ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP
[Organisationsbuch der NSDAP]
Editions of 1936, 1938, 1940, & 1943
Editor the Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP (Dr. Robert Ley).
Published by the Central Publishing House of the NSDAP, Franz Eher Successor, Munich. [Pages 185-187].
The NSBO
The National Socialistic Factory Cells Organization.
[Die Nationalsozialistische Betriebszellen-Organisation]
The NSBO is a union of the political leaders of the NSDAP in the DAF [German Labor Front].
The NSBO is the carrier of the organization [Organisationstraeger] of the DAF.
The duties and responsibilities of the NSBO have passed over to the DAF.
The political leaders who have been transferred from the NSBO to the DAF guarantee the ideological education of the DAF in the spirit of the National Socialistic idea.
The German Labor Front
Including the NS Community Strength through Joy [Kraft Durch Freude]
Decree of the Fuehrer on the Nature and Goal of the German Labor Front, dated 24 October 1934
Nature and Goal
Article 1
The German Labor Front is the organization of creative Germans of brain and fist.
In the main, the members of the former unions, the former employee unions and the former employer unions are united in it as members with equal rights.
Membership in the German Labor Front cannot be substituted by memberships in professional, social, political, industrial or ideological organizations.
The Chancellor of the Reich can decree that class-organizations which have been recognized by the law should belong corporatively to the German Labor Front.
Article 2
The aim of the German Labor Front is to create a true social and productive community of all Germans [Volks- und Leistungsgemeinschaft].
Its task is to see that every single individual should be able to take his place in the industrial life of the nation in that intellectual or physical capacity which enables him to perform maximum work and thus guarantees a maximum of benefit for the community of the nation.
Article 3
The German Labor Front is a branch of the NSDAP according to the Law for Securing the Unity of Party and State, issued on 1 December 1933. (According to the law, issued 29 March 1935, the DAF will be designated as an affiliated organization [Verband] of the NSDAP. The editor.)
Leadership and Organization
Article 4
The NSDAP has the leadership of the German Labor Front.
The Staff leader of the Political Organization [PO] is the leader of the German Labor Front. He is assigned by the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.
He assigns and dismisses the other leaders of the German Labor Front.
These posts should be given in the first place to members of the existing branches of the NSBO and of the NS-Hago [NS Handelsund Gewerkbetreibenden Organization, or the National Socialist Organization of Tradesmen and Commercial Men] who are in the NSDAP, and further to members of the SA and SS.
Article 5
The regional organization of the German Labor Front corresponds to that of the NSDAP.
The aim toward an organic order as laid down in the program of the NSDAP determines the professional organization of the German Labor Front.
The staff leader of the Political Organization determines the regional and professional organization of the German Labor Front; they will be published in the service book of the German Labor Front. [In the 1943 edition the following is added: “Organization Book of the NSDAP”].
Article 6
The accounts [Kassenfuehrung] of the German Labor Front are under the control of the treasurer of the NSDAP on the basis of the first executive decree to the law securing the unity of Party and State, issued 23 March 1934.
Tasks
Article 7
The German Labor Front has to secure the peace of labor by creating understanding among the enterprise leaders for the justified claims of their following [Gefolgschaft] understanding among the following for the situation and possibilities of their enterprise.
The German Labor Front has the task of finding the common basis between the justified interests of all participants which is in accordance with the national socialistic basic principles and which reduces the number of the cases which are to be referred to the State agencies alone in charge on the basis of the law of 20 January 1934.
It is the exclusive task of the German Labor Front to represent all the parties which are required for the conciliation. It is prohibited to create other organizations in this domain or to permit their activities in this field.
Article 8
The German Labor Front is the carrier of the National Socialist Organization “Strength Through Joy.”
The German Labor Front has to provide for professional training.
Furthermore, it has to fulfill the tasks which have been assigned to it by the law of 20 January 1934.
Article 9
The property of the former organizations as mentioned in Article 1 of this decree, including their help and compensation organizations, property managements and industrial enterprises, constitutes the property of the German Labor Front. This property is the original capital for the self-help organization of the German Labor Front.
The German Labor Front, through its self-help organization, should guarantee the existence of each of its members in emergency cases in order to facilitate the progress of the most qualified Germans [Volksgenossen] or to help them to secure an independent life, if possible, on their own ground and soil.
Article 10
This order becomes valid on the day of its publication.
Berlin, 24 October 1934.
Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler
My decree, issued 24 October 1934 about the German Labor Front will be changed so that Article 4 will read as follows:
Leadership and Organization
Article 4
The NSDAP has the leadership of the German Labor Front. The Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP is the leader of the German Labor Front. He is designated by the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.
He designates and dismisses the other leaders of the German Labor Front.
These posts should be given in the first place to members of the branches NSBO and NS Hago who are in the NSDAP and further to members of the SA and SS.
Furthermore: In Article 5, Par. 3, the word “Staff Leader of the PO” will be substituted by “Reich Organization Leader” of the NSDAP.
Berlin, November 12, 1934.
Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2273-PS
Draft
TOP SECRET
[Geheime Reichssache]
SPECIAL PURPOSE GROUP “A”
[Einsatzgruppe A]
* * * * * * *
III
Jews
The systematic mopping up of the Eastern Territories embraced, in accordance with the basic orders, the complete removal if possible, of Jewry. This goal has been substantially attained--with the exception of White Russia--as a result of the execution up to the present time of 229,052 Jews (see Appendix). The remainder still left in the Baltic Provinces is urgently required as labour and housed in Ghettos.
To attain this object various kinds of measures were necessary in the different areas of the [Ostland].
In the three Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, Jewry did not make itself decisively felt until the Bolsheviks had come into power there. But even before that the Jewish influence on the one hand and the anti-Jewish feeling of the population on the other hand, were very strong.
In the following the various areas of the Eastern Territories will be dealt with separately:
1. Estonia
As Estonia, until the middle of the last century, was part of a closed zone of the Russian Empire, into which it was forbidden for Jews to immigrate, the number of Jews in the country has always been insignificant.
At the beginning of 1940 there were living in Estonia about 4,500 Jews out of a total population of 1.2 millions. Their influence on the economic life of the country was considerably stronger than the proportion of Jews to the whole population. For instance 11% of Estonian industry was in Jewish hands. During the Bolshevik time it is true Jewish private property was nationalized, but nevertheless the Jews themselves were almost everywhere left as Directors of their former enterprises. By means of connections with the NKWD the Jews got themselves into a very strong position. They controlled the Press, cultural institutions, forced their way into the open professions, and were the only minority besides the Germans to have the right to cultural autonomy.
With the advance of the German troops the majority of the Jews, together with the Soviet-Russian authorities, left the country. Approx. 2,000 Jews remained behind in the country. Out of these almost 1,000 lived in Reval alone.
The Estonian Self Protection Movement [Selbstschutz], formed as the Germans advanced, did begin to arrest Jews, but there were no spontaneous pogroms. Only by the Security Police and the SD were the Jews gradually executed as they became no longer required for work.
Today there are no longer any Jews in Estonia.
2. Latvia
The total number of Jews in Latvia amounted in June 1935 to 93,479 or 4.79% of the total population.
When the Bolsheviks came into power in Latvia in June 1940, their Soviet-Russian racial comrades succeeded in obtaining authoritative influence for the Latvian Jews, who previously had been predominantly Zionist. Whereas before 1940 there were no Jews as State officials in Latvia, in fact were no Jews in the State Administration at all, in the Soviet Russian Republic all the influential State positions were quickly in the hands of the Jews. Half of the total number of Judges were Jewish. The number was up to 80% in the Higher Courts and in particular on the Tribunal. Equally strong was the influence of the Jews on the economy and cultural life.
When the German troops marched in there were still 70,000 Jews in Latvia. The remainder had fled with the Bolsheviks. The Jews left behind were actively engaged in sabotage and setting fire to places. In Duenaburg so many fires of this kind were started by the Jews that a large part of the Town was destroyed.
After the terror of the Jewish-Bolshevik rule--altogether 33,038 Letts were transported, imprisoned or murdered--an extensive pogrom carried out by the population might have been expected. In fact, however, only a few thousand Jews were eliminated by local forces on their own initiative. In Latvia it was necessary to carry out extensive mopping-up operations by means of Sonderkommandos with the help of forces picked from the Latvian Auxiliary Police (mostly relations of the Letts who had been carried off or murdered).
Up to October 1941 approximately 30,000 Jews had been executed by these Sonderkommandos. The remaining Jews who were still indispensable from the economic point of view were collected in Ghettos, which were established in Riga, Duenaburg and Libau.
As a result of punishments instituted for not wearing the Jewish star, black market, thieving, fraud, but also to prevent the danger of epidemics in the Ghettos, further executions were subsequently carried out. In this way 11,034 Jews were executed in Duenaburg on 9.11.41, and, as the result of an action ordered and carried out by high authorities and Police chiefs, 27,800 were executed in Riga at the beginning of December 1941, and, in the middle of December 1941, 2,350 were executed in Libau. At the moment there are in the Ghettos (other than Jews from the Reich) Latvian Jews in
Riga approximately 2,500 Duenaburg approximately 950 Libau approximately 300.
These are indispensable at the moment as they are specialized workers necessary for maintaining the country’s economy.
3. Lithuania
Until the Bolsheviks marched in, according to a census taken in 1923 there were 153,743 Jews living in Lithuania, forming 7.58% of the total population. Whereas their influence had previously for the greater part been restricted to the business world, the Lithuanian Jews, who had already been working illegally for Bolshevism, now quickly became a dominating influence in public life. In particular Jews of both sexes supported the activities of the NKWD. The transporting of 40,000 Lithuanians to Siberia is traceable to the preliminary work done by the Jews.
When the German troops marched in the Lithuanians expressed their hatred of the Jews in active pogroms, at the same time Jewish communist youths set fire to many towns, through which the German armoured units had passed leaving them little damaged, by means of tins of petrol which they had previously put ready.
As a result of the pogroms carried out by the Lithuanians, who were nevertheless substantially assisted by Sipo and SD, 3,800 Jews in Kauen and 1,200 in the smaller towns were eliminated.
Where Jews were able to escape they were not infrequently handed over to the authorities by the farmers.
These spontaneous mopping-up actions were, however, insufficient to stabilize this rear section of the Front, and at the same time the enthusiasm of the local inhabitants waned.
Therefore by means of selected units--mostly in the proportion of 1:8--first of all the prisons, and then systematically district by district the Lithuanian sector was cleansed of Jews of both sexes. Altogether 136,421 people were liquidated in a great number of single actions. It is worthy of note that many of the Jews used force against the officials and Lithuanian auxiliaries who were carrying this out, and before their execution still expressed their Bolshevik convictions by cheering Stalin and abusing Germany.
As the complete liquidation of the Jews was not feasible as they were needed for labour, Ghettos were formed which at the moment are occupied as follows:
Kauen approximately 15,000 Jews. Wilna approximately 15,000 Jews. Schaulen approximately 4,500 Jews.
These Jews are used primarily for work of military importance. For example up to 5,000 Jews are employed in 3 shifts on the aerodrome near Kauen on earth-works and work of that sort.
4. White Russia
The White Russian Sector is more thickly populated by Jews than all the other States in the Ostland. In the year 1926, far more than 400,000 Jews were counted in the then BSSR. The last Polish census showed more than 500,000 Jews in the provinces [Wojwodschaften] of Bialystock, Nowo Grodlek, Polesien and Wilna. These figures are however approximate and most certainly too low, which is further apparent from the fact that far more people have given “Yiddish” as their mother tongue than there were supposed to be Jews counted in the same area. Quite half of the Jews in the White Russian Settlement Area lived at the beginning of the war in the larger towns. Minsk was occupied to a very particular extent by Jews, in 1939 there were approximately 100,000 out of a total population of 238,000.
The social structure of the Jews shows a broad lower stratum of very poor Jews, both in the area formerly Polish, and in the White Russian Sector which was Bolshevik before the Russo-Polish war.
The proportionately thin upper stratum dominated simply every sphere of life in the former Polish sector, mainly as a result of its strong economic position, and in the former Soviet-Russian sector as a result of their influence in the leading party positions. The Jew in the area formerly Polish is a particularly dangerous element, because of his intelligence and activity. But even the Soviet-Russian Jew has during the 25 years of Bolshevik domination assumed a very self-sufficient and arrogant air, which he has even retained after the entry of the German troops.
The final and fundamental elimination of the Jews remaining in the White Russian sector after the entry of the Germans is fraught with certain difficulties. Just in this place the Jews form an extremely high percentage of the specialized workers, who are indispensable because of the shortage in other reserves in this area.
Furthermore Einsatzgruppe A did not take over this area until after the heavy frost had set in, which made mass executions much more difficult. A further difficulty is that the Jews live widely scattered over the whole country. In view of the enormous distances, the bad conditions of the roads, the shortage of vehicles and petrol and the small forces of Security Police and SD, it needs the utmost effort in order to be able to carry out shootings in the country. Nevertheless 41,000 Jews have been shot up to now. This number does not include those shot in operations by the former Einsatzkommandos. From estimated figures about 19,000 partisans and criminals, that is in the majority Jews, were shot by the Armed Forces [Wehrmacht] up to December 1941. At the moment approximately 128,000 Jews must still be reckoned with in the area of the Commissariat-General. In Minsk itself--exclusive of Reich Germans--there are about 1,800 Jews living, whose shooting must be postponed in consideration of their being used as labour.
The Commander in White Russia is instructed to liquidate the Jewish question as soon as possible, despite the difficult situation. However a period of about 2 months is still required--according to the weather.
The shutting up of all the remaining Jews in special Ghettos is also almost completed in the towns in White Russia too. They will be used for work to the fullest extent by the authorities of the Armed Forces, the Civil Administration and German Authorities.
The feeding of the Jews in the Ghettos causes considerable difficulty, especially in White Russia but also in Lithuania. Together with the general decrease in working capacity, there is increased susceptibility to all contagious diseases.
5. Jews from the Reich.
Since December 1940 transports containing Jews have arrived at short intervals from the Reich. Of these 20,000 Jews were directed to Riga and 7,000 Jews to Minsk. The first 10,000 Jews evacuated to Riga were housed partly in a provisionally erected reception camp and partly in a newly established hut encampment near Riga. The remaining transports have for the time being been directed into a separate part of the Riga Ghetto.
The building of the hut encampment, as a result of the employment of all Jews fit for work, is so advanced that all evacuated Jews who survive the winter can be put into this camp in the spring.
Only a small section of the Jews from the Reich is capable of working. About 70-80% are women and children or old people unfit for work. The death rate is rising continually, also as a result of the extraordinarily hard winter.
The amount done by those few Jews from the Reich who are fit for work is satisfactory. They are preferred as labour to the Russian Jews, because they are German speaking and because of their comparatively greater cleanliness. Worthy of note is the adaptability of the Jews, with which they attempt to form their life in accordance with the circumstances.
The crowding together of the Jews into the smallest space, which occurs in all the Ghettos, naturally causes greater danger of epidemics, which is being combatted as much as possible by the employment of Jewish doctors. In isolated instances sick Jews with contagious diseases were selected under the pretext of putting them into a home for the aged or a hospital and executed.
# # # # #
CHART [See Chart Number 4 in the last volume of this publication.]
Judenfrei--free of Jews
Jewish Executions carried out by Special Purpose Group A.
Estimated number of Jews still remaining--128,000.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2275-PS
THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE--AIM--MEANS
[Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen--Ziel--Wege] Issued by the Scientific Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing House of the German Labor Front, 1943
[Footnote, page 11].
More than nine-tenths of all working Germans are members of the German Labor Front. Shortly before the outbreak of war the German Labor Front had 23 million individual members in the then Reich territory. In addition there were corporate members [Korporative Mitglieder], the number of which can be estimated at 10 millions after eliminating all multiple memberships.
The members of such organizations are “corporatively” affiliated to the German Labor Front which have collectively joined the German Labor Front on the basis of special agreements. But the members of such organizations can nevertheless become individual members of the German Labor Front.
Among others the members of the following organizations are “corporative” members of the German Labor Front: Reich Chamber of Culture; Reich Food Estate; Reich League of Graduate Farmers; Organization of Trade Economy; Experts’ Council on Public Health; Attorneys’ League; Reich League of German Civil Servants; National Socialist Teachers’ League; Reich Labor Service; Armed Forces; Nurses’ Association. In other words, practically all important professional or economic organizations have led their members into the German Labor Front.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2276-PS
THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE--AIM--MEANS
[Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen--Ziel--Wege] Issued by the Scientific Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing House of the German Labor Front, 1943
[Page 55].
During the years from 1933 to 1939 everything necessary had been done in secrecy [in aller Stille] that seemed necessary to the conservation of the nation in the anticipated clash with an envious surrounding world. As always, when taking precautionary defense measures in a newly-won field, it was not possible here either to plan in a way that would be satisfactory. It was necessary to check what was on hand, and build with that the most essential and the momentarily most useful. It could not be obviated that the result, measured with the yardstick of what had been planned for the future, would appear modest and perhaps even inadequate.
It has not always been simple for those charged with practical social work to master satisfactorily the juxtaposition of old, scantily mended institutions and new ones. But certainly it was even more difficult for the biggest part of the people to see how the effort supported by it was, year after year, applied to tasks which initially necessitated renunciation after renunciation. After all, it seemed like a small matter to apply the energies released by the National Socialist revolution to the improvement of social conditions desired for so long. Instead the leadership chosen by the people and over again confirmed by it, channeled all its strength into armaments [Wehrhaftigkeit]. And--won the consent especially of those sections of the people who had had to suffer most from social conditions prevailing up to then.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2277-PS
STATEMENT
of Gustav Schiefer, born 17 July 1876, residence: Munich 9, No. 3 Armanspergstrasse, about what happened to him when the Nazis came on 9 March 1933.
I was employed as part time worker [Hilfsarbeiter] by the former Trade Union Society, Munich, beginning 11 November 1911. During the years 1914-1918, I was in the World War.
After the revolution in November 1918 I was elected Executive Chairman of the General German Trade Union Association [Allgemeiner Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund], Local Committee, Munich. I held this position without interruption until 9 March 1933.
On that day the Nazis stormed the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, 40/42 Pestalozzistrasse. The offices remained closed until 15 March. On 13 March my late colleague Erhard Kupfer, former District Secretary of the General German Trade Union Association [ADGB] and I had to report to the, then, State Commissar Wagner, and were ordered to reopen the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, and with it the offices, by 15 March, and to resume normal activity within the framework of the trade unions.
Since I was at the same time chairman of the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, Inc., it became my task to take over the house in its entirety, and with it the individual offices of the trade unions.
Because safes and strong-boxes, in fact everything that was locked, had been smashed open, and because safes and tills, in the main, were empty, I refused to take over the house and offices in their present condition. I stated that I would take over the house only in the condition in which it was when it was taken away from us on 9 March.
The house had been taken over on 9 March 1933 by Herr Kurt Frey, and returned to us on 15 March by the former executive secretary of the Hotel, Restaurant, etc. Employees’ Association, Herr Reichart. This Nazi, with whom I did not get along too well because of his equivocal attitude, believed that the opportunity had arrived to wreak his vengeance on me.
I was dragged to the great hall, paper and pencil put before me with the challenge to designate these Nazis who had committed thefts during the period of 9 to 15 March 1933. I could not do that, since I did not know the individuals. As I refused my signature about 10 Nazis beat me promiscuously and indiscriminately until I collapsed. Upon that they seized me and threw me into the bottom of the light shaft of the Trade Union Headquarters Building. After lying there for some time I summoned up my strength and tried to rouse myself. When the Nazis noted that, they again dragged me into the hall and beat me until I collapsed and fainted. My colleagues Josef Gessl, former executive secretary of the Cobblers’ Association, and Richard Moses, employee of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, grabbed me and brought me in this condition to the Munich-Schwabing hospital. In addition to many other injuries, Professor Dr. Kerschensteiner, director of this institution, diagnosed serious concussion of the brain with hemorrhage into the brain. I remained from 15 March to 5 May 1933. On 5 May the Precinct Physician, at that time already a Nazi, certified that I was sufficiently fit for arrest. On 5 May I was transported to the Ettstrasse Police Prison, and from there to Stadelheim. I remained in Stadelheim until 25 August 1933.
It is due to an extraordinarily fortunate circumstance that I was saved from Dachau in 1933. Medical Privy Councillor Dr. Geisendoerfer, who was chief physician in Stadelheim, knew me from the Cooperative Sickness Benefit movement (I had been on the Committee of the General Mutual Insurance Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, for 25 years). Through the many negotiations with the physician I had been in close touch with the above-named gentleman. During my stay in Stadelheim the Gestapo had me examined five times by the chief physician, who always held a protective hand over me, and to whom I am also indebted for my early release, due to a serious illness (intestinal gap of 15 cm depth and 7-8 cm length).
I was then sick and unable to work until 24 December 1933. On that day I was sent away by the Trustee Physician of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office, Munich (city), in spite of my request to allow me to draw sickness benefits until the eve of the New Year. He said that there was no reason to grant the request. As far as I know this Trustee Physician was Medical Councillor Dr. Plate.
I was then unemployed until May/June 1934 and then accepted various jobs as representative. After my release from Stadelheim I had to report to the police every third day for almost 2 years. Constant police supervision was one of the simplest cases of chicanery.
Upon the initiative of my colleague Wilhelm Leuschner, Berlin, I joined the movement against the Nazi system in good time; and it was exclusively due to the steadfastness of my colleague Leuschner that I, like many other friends, am still alive.
After the assassination attempt on Hitler on 20 July 1944, I was again arrested and shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. As is well known, that project was called “Gitter.”
On 6 October 1944 I was released without any interrogation. I was extraordinarily fortunate. Since 2 May 1945 I am again active, in the trade union as well as the political movement and also in social work and life.
As witnesses for the correctness of my statements I name the persons already mentioned above, who brought me to the Schwabing hospital (Josef Gessl and Richard Moses).
And how decent were we once more in the year 1945. Not a hair on the head of any of these swine was harmed on behalf of the trade unions. We bore witness, and still bear witness today, for human dignity and justice.
Other liberated colleagues of the Free Trade Unions got away with beatings in the cellar of the Trade Union Headquarters Building in the beginning. Among others my colleague, Anton Friebl, now living at 4 Gabrielenstrasse, 2nd floor. Many deceased colleagues, such as Georg Kandlbinder, Josef Ertl, Heinrich Gassner and many others.
Munich, 17 October 1945 [signed] G. SCHIEFER
Today on the 19th of November 1945, I have reread and signed every single page of the statement given by me on 17 October 1945. I declare hereby under oath that this statement is true.
[signed] Gustav Schiefer Gustav Schiefer
SWORN TO BEFORE ME this 19th day of November 1945, Munich, Germany.
[signed] Kurt A. Baer, 0-1041959 Captain, CAC
3rd Military Government Regiment APO 403, U. S. Army
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2278-PS
Official tour of Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart to the districts of Warsaw, Lublin, and Radom from 17th November to 22nd November 1939
Those taking part were:
1. Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart.
2. Dr. Sild.
3. Dr. Rahn, department of food and agriculture in the office of the General Governor.
4. Legation Councillor [LGR] Dr. Goetze, economic department. 17.11. Departure at 7.0 a.m. from Burg Cracow in a car. To Warsaw via Mislowitz, Sosnowitz, Czestochau, Radomsko, Petrikau, Lodz, Tomaszow and Rawa. Arrival 1.0 p.m. Received by the governor, Dr. Fischer and the gentlemen of his staff, followed by a small luncheon party.
At 3.0 p.m., Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart addressed the department heads of the District Chief and stated, among other things, that the chief guiding rule for carrying out the German administration in the General Government must be solely the interests of the German Reich. A stern and inflexible administration must make the area of use to German economy and so that excessive clemency may be guarded against, the results of the intrusion of the Polish race into German territory must be brought to mind.
Following that the Reich Minister held conferences with the governor, Dr. Fischer, and Section Head, Dr. Barth, on administrative and economic questions; later on, experts and heads of departments were called into the conferences to make reports.
Among other specifications, Dr. Fischer submitted to the Reich Minister the specification attached to the plan for the preliminary arrangement of the departments in the office of the District Chief and of the authorities in Warsaw.
Dr. Fischer reported that, in particular, the number of personnel was still considerably too small. Three out of 14 Sub-Prefects [Landraete] were also missing. Of the departments in the District Office, only a few had their full complement; that was also the case with the department of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda and the Labour department. Of important experts, there were still none for taxes and monopolies. In the Health Service, one medical advisor was, at the same time, head of the Health Department and district physician. The accommodation of the authorities also left much still to be desired.
Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart then stated that a large sum for the productive support of unemployed would be made available. This sum could be used for erecting or repairing any buildings required by the administration.
The governor, Dr. F., reported that further German administrative and municipal officials were also required for the administration of the city of Warsaw. Then a discussion took place on the organization of the district authorities, the occupation of the rural districts [Landkreise] and on the question of transferring the remaining 5 communities of the Gtojec district from the district of Radom, and a further 5 communities of the Garwolin district from the district of Lublin, to the district of Warsaw. Reich Minister S. I. promised to look into this affair. After that, general questions on the division and personnel to occupy the districts were discussed. Reich Minister S. I. agreed that should the District captain [Kreishauptmann] not be a lawyer the best arrangement for a district captaincy [Kreishauptmannschaft] was to assign to him a representative who was trained in legal matters. Dr. Fischer reported that, up to now, the German administration had been set up as essentially a supervising authority over a Polish administration. Questions arose from this as to what range of subjects should be included in the functions of the District chief. It was superfluous to draw up any building regulations, for should accommodation be had, it concerned only the Poles themselves. Then the question of using Polish employees at the German administrative courts was touched upon. There were some 300 Polish employees working at the office of the District Chief of Warsaw. The administration by the German authorities would have especially to serve for the utilization of the Government’s sphere for German economy, so the administration of agriculture, Labour, and Roads especially would have to be well-ordered, on the other hand, trade, settlements, or even the accountancy of the Polish communities are of less importance.
Dr. Fischer then raised the question of prices. Price commissars were to be sent from the Reich and they would equalize the standard of prices with that in the Reich. Wages would then, however, have to be adapted to his standard and this might have unforeseen consequences. Reich Minister S. I., on the other hand, stated that Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch wished to place army orders for textiles cheaply in Lodz and suitable industrial centres. Dr. F. thought that higher prices had their good points as at Warsaw, for instance which had only been fed because of higher prices which gave the farmers an incentive to bring their goods into the city. Thereupon, Reich Minister S. I. put the question of how a definite influence could be obtained on the price system and on the system of distributing goods by setting up monopolies for essential goods such as salt, sugar, coal, petrol, and tobacco. If these goods are in one’s hands and if it be possible to make them available to the farmer for a definite price, he would also be prepared to sell his products for a corresponding price in order to obtain the goods he requires. Moreover for the time being it could not be a question of furnishing better living conditions for the Poles, but merely of securing the minimum of existence for them. However, it could not be regarded in that light when a forced laborer was paid nine Zloty per week.
Hereupon Reichsminister Dr. S.I. received the report of the City President [Stadtpraesidenten] of Warsaw, Dr. Dengel. He declared the problem of the unemployed to be the most urgent one. Until now taxes to the amount of 150,000 RM had been received, but this would not be nearly sufficient, not even for the reconstruction of the most urgently needed public buildings. The city budget was now in preparation, but already it became apparent, that a loan to the amount of 50,000,000 Zloty from the Reich Credit Bank [Reichskreditkasse], was needed. Sufficient city property was available as security, of which an inventory was being prepared. Later on the tax revenue would probably be sufficient for regular interest on the loan. Regarding the tax system, the City President reported that the cities received shares and additional payments over and above the remittances [Ueberweisungen] of State taxes, about the same as in the old Austria. The administration of property taxes would be partially difficult, since during this mix-up no status of persons or assets could be established.
On the question being put by Reichsminister Dr. S.I. the City President reported that in Warsaw about 40% of the buildings would be again habitable, after part of them had been repaired. Dr. F. thought, one would leave one quarter of the destroyed city for inspection, but otherwise lay out grass plots in place of the debris. The City President then mentioned the question of the Polish City officials. For their necessities they have been receiving so far up to 250 Zlotys a month and those with higher salaries half of the surplus up to 1200 Zloty. Dr. F. pointed to the decree of the Governor General, whereby 100% of the basic salaries and not over 1,000 Zloty could be paid. The activity of the banks was then mentioned. Stocks in gold, precious metals, and foreign currencies had been delivered by them to the Reichsbank. The inhabitants were obliged to deposit all their money at the bank, withdrawals depending on the approval of the City President. Dr. F. explained that the banking system was now attached to the Department of Economic Affairs at the office of the District Chief.
The City President now reported on welfare questions. Specific difficulties had arisen from the sudden departure, on higher authority, of the relief train Bavaria. Workers who could buy no food for themselves, were frequently unable to continue working. The welfare service of the NSV confined itself to the racial Germans, whereby certain difficulties were caused by the question of determining who were racial Germans, of which about nine to ten thousand were now living in Warsaw. Jews were not aided, even out of municipal funds.
For the care of the Poles, the Polish social Self-Help was to be called into activity again, and was to be continued by the men who had formerly directed it. The supervisor was to be supplied, against payment, with motor cars and trucks with fuel, and permission was to be granted to the organization to accept voluntary contributions in the country. The confiscated bank accounts of about 9,000,000 Zloty are to be at the disposal of the organization.
The City President then pointed to the absolute necessity of the speediest establishment of criminal justice officials as well as a civil court. An orderly continuation of economic life depended on the latter. He then also reported on the Court of Corporal Punishment [Pruegelstrafengericht], which had been established for the punishment of crimes amongst the Poles.
Dr. F. pointed out that possibly greater treasures might be hidden in the Jewish quarter.
Reichsminister S.I. commented then that the building up of the administration to be effected in Poland, was a good school for those participating in it.
The ideal arrangement would be that a Party man with strong initiative should stand at the head of the administration, at whose side would be experts and an experienced administrator, in order to include the work in the general system.
The head of the department, Labour Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe then spoke. He expressed the hope that it would later on be possible to exchange forced labor by normal labor. There was a definite lack of tools; he had therefore started a small factory for the manufacture of tools, and now construction of the most primitive sort was going on at the airport and on the highways. The question of transport was the most important and would have to be tackled ahead of the clearing-up work. At present a survey was being made of all undertakings which were at all capable of production, and, after the Reich had decided what was to be manufactured, they were to begin operations. Possibly three shifts were to work in these factories to equalize the destruction.
A difficult problem was the multitude of the new unemployed Polish intellectuals. The students could still be trained in handicraft, but for the 80,000 to 90,000 Polish officials, one must, if occasion arises, revert to reconstruction of the Polish Administration Departments.
Reichminister S.I. then stated clearly that a second Polish subadministration would be considered by the German authorities solely in the form of a welfare organization.
Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe remarked that the activity of the sick fund and of social welfare would largely be dependent on the functionaries of the railroad and postal systems. Both welfare branches were controlled by a head institution for social security which was already again showing a certain profit. The administrative office could also be rebuilt with available materials. The property of the head institution is said to have been largely transferred to Russia in the form of securities. Fortunately, it was largely a question of mortgages, which could be declared invalid.
As an added difficulty, Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe then also mentioned that wages had been brought down below the former level, due to surplus labour.
Reichsminister Dr. S.I. asked if the proclaimed tariffs were really to be enforced. In any case no official Polish State should be set up. Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe thought that, on the basis of tax collection, this decree was advantageous, and one could naturally not suffer the obvious ignoring of regulations which we had promulgated. Reichsminister Dr. S.I. thought that this was no further problem east of the Reich border. One could, at an opportune moment, seize upon a case of border violation for corresponding exemplary and also otherwise useful action.
Then the representative of the Reich Railways at the office of the District Chief, Oberreichs Bahnrat Prasch, appeared to give a report. He said now that military transport had come to an end, traffic from the west was going on well. Also trains to Cracow went through Kattowitz. The number of locomotives taken over was fairly satisfactory, the major part, however, had gone to Russia where they possibly would not even be needed because of the change in the railway gauge, which had already been started to great extent. Trains were already going to Lublin, also. Today, two railroad bridges were in operation. Reichsminister S.I. pointed out that, above all, the tracks to Cracow which do not go through Kattowitz, had to be restored in order that the necessary gasoline and petroleum could be brought from the oil field region to Warsaw. Admittedly, an increased amount of suitable freight cars was still necessary, but that could be accomplished by repairing the existing damaged tank cars.
The director of the “Trade Economy” Department, Regierungsrat Dr. von Coelln now came forward to give a report. He stated that, in the district of Warsaw, almost all branches of industry were represented. French and Dutch capital was invested in the oil field enterprises. Dr. von Coelln then said that in the district of Warsaw still considerable supplies of raw materials were stored in soap factories. These soap factories should again be put into operation. The produced soap was made of a higher solution of fat acid than was at present stipulated in the Reich. Reichminister Dr. S. I. said the Order of the Governor General according to which the factories were permitted to produce one-third of their pre-war production, must be amended and the soap should be confiscated. Furthermore, it was agreed that war economic works, car factories, the chemical and optical industries, etc., should be put quickly into operation. Dr. von Coelln then also raised the question of how the import and export between the Reich and the “Government” should be arranged, if the coal region with Sosnowic, Dabrowa, and Trzebinia also becomes German territory and, after the 20th the control of foreign currencies and customs will be carried out. He then reported that the electrical plants in Warsaw were in working order. In spite of an order to the contrary, there were about 30 night clubs in Warsaw.
Of primary importance was the question of safeguarding the still existing supplies of soap, tea, etc. The control of such goods as petroleum, light, salt, fertilizers, etc., by some method of monopoly, could best be accomplished through consumer cooperatives.
Now appeared State Farmer Leader Koerner. He reported that the supplying of Warsaw with food from Lublin and Radom must be made to operate better. Up to now, Warsaw had been supplied in that respect by Posen. Five thousand tons of grain were now going to be supplied to Warsaw, 15,000 of which were already on the way. 20% of the grain in the “Government” was destroyed through military action. There was also a shortage of meat and similar commodities. In this case, however, as a matter of principle, nothing should be sent in from the Reich. Until the next harvest, the Polish population should be principally provided with sufficient amounts of grain and potatoes only. It would take about from 3 to 4 years to build up the stock of cattle again. The prices of grain should be kept on a level of from 25 to 30% above those of 1 September 1939. Such prices were sufficient for the farmers.
At 8.00 P. M. supper with the commanding officer of the city garrison.
18. 11. 8 o’clock departure from Hotel Europejski in Warsaw for a drive of inspection within the Warsaw district accompanied by the Governor Dr. Fischer. Survey of the destroyed bridges over the Bug at Wyszkow, and then on via Lochow to Ostrow.
At Ostrow visit to the Sub-Prefect [Landrat] von Boehnau, who reports on his work to Reichsminister Dr. Seyss-Inquart. Boehnau sees a special difficulty in the fact that the administrative services of the Wehrmacht will be recalled in the very near future. The Sub-Prefects [Landraete] have relied mainly on these units. After they have gone away they will be very short of labor.
In the Ostrow district there are also special food difficulties to be noted, since the district on whose agricultural authorities Ostrow’s supplies depended was said to have come under the Russians. There was some talk that the Russians here would withdraw 5 kilometers.
A particular nuisance also was the badly guarded frontier, due to the shortage of police, which made possible a continuous uncontrolled running backwards and forwards, and a considerable removal of property, particularly by the Jews.
After Ostrow the refugee camp at Malkinia was visited in which there were no refugees at the time. It was reported that up to now about 10,000 German nationals had crossed over the frontier there. Frequently displaced Germans from Posen and West Prussia were concerned. Near the frontier we saw the countless Jews and similar rabble that were on the 200 meters or so of no man’s land between the German and the Russian frontier posts waiting to cross over into Russian Territory in the darkness. Frequently it is said the Russians themselves bring such refugees back again after a few days. Recently 150 Tax collectors have arrived who will be installed in this section. Above all it is essential that when the administrative services of the Wehrmacht leave, replacements should be put in in good time.
The police officer reported that when settling the frontier zone of interests the Russian officers made an excellent impression and were distinctly better informed than the Germans were.
After lunch at the Landrat von Boehnau’s in Ostrow we set out at 1400 hours on the drive via Siedlce, Sokolow to Biala-Podlaska, where we spent the night at the operations command of the Security Service there.
On 19.11. At 7.30 A. M. departure in the direction of Brest-Litovsk to the Bug frontier. We drove past the airdrome of Terespol where we could see numbers of airplanes destroyed by German bombers. The land there is partly marshy, the villages produce a distinctly Russian impression. In the afternoon we drove on from Biala via Radzyn, Lubartow to Lublin. On the way, lunch at Major General von Courbiere’s the commander of the 213th Division.
1900 hours, arrival in Lublin, received by the Governor, SS. Brigadefuehrer Schmidt, at the town council building where the Sub-Prefects, the divisional leaders and the police leaders attached to the District chief were gathered together.
SS. Brigadefuehrer Schmidt welcomed the Reich Minister “in the easternmost corner of the territory of German interests.” Dr. Seyss-Inquart, after having had the collaborators of the Governor’s introduced, conveyed the good wishes of the Governor General whose forthcoming visit to Lublin he announced. He then expounded the Principles in accordance with which the administration in the “Government” must be conducted. This administration would require above all the ability to pull through on its own strength without being a burden to the Reich. This could be attained especially by the firm comradeship of the men stationed there. The resources and inhabitants of this country would have to be made of service to the Reich, and only within these Limits could they prosper. Independent political thought should no longer be allowed to develop. The Vistula area might perhaps be still more important to German destiny than the Rhine. The Minister then gave us a guiding theme to the District Leaders: We will further everything which is of service to the Reich and will put an end to everything which may harm the Reich. Dr. Seyss-Inquart then added, that the General Governor wished that those men who were fulfilling a task for the Reich here should receive a material post in keeping with their responsibility and achievements.
Reichsminister Seyss-Inquart then touched on the question of Ukrainians, who could be allowed a certain cultural life of their own, which must never, however, be allowed to lead to a national movement. In conclusion Dr. Seyss-Inquart invited the District Leaders to bring their troubles and questions at any time to the Governor, so that he can find the best solution in cooperation with them.
District Chef Schmidt replied that these political directives should also be worked out in the course of the present conference. Personality was more necessary for the tasks before them than the knowledge required for a usual administration. The area embracing the district of Lublin required special consideration, for on account of the resettlement it was a collecting point for Germans, who were no longer allowed to live in Germany, and for other destructive elements. Here iron firmness must be brought to bear. It would be a good idea if the General Governor were personally to gain an insight into the particular conditions existing in this region. Here also, a guard of collaborators was being trained, who would carry out the most valuable work in German Eastern Politics.
We had dinner with SS. Sturmbannfuehrer Hasselberger where we also spent the night (until the arrival of Brigadefuehrer Globocznik, police Assistant to the District Chief).
Hasselberger is of the opinion, in answering to questions by Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart, that the (racial German) individual protection is an encumbrance. He did not dream it possible to organize the Ukrainians as an auxiliary Police Force.
Nov. 20, 1939. 08.30 Sight-seeing tour of Lublin, University, Cracow Gate and the part of the city, built by the Germans--Old Lublin--as well as the prison. Then a conference with the District Chief. At first questions were discussed concerning the division into districts and the supplying with personnel of the offices of the District Leaders. Here also the lack of staff again stood first. Especially after the withdrawal of the construction battalion the Sub-Prefects be left without police and without any office help. Here also Dr. Seyss-Inquart raised the question, as to what tasks should belong to the sphere of the German administration. On the question of the setting up of the councils of the District leaders, many District Leaders thought it necessary, to have a legal representative. Furthermore clerical staff and interpreters would be required. In the administrative services of the Wehrmacht were some people who, in case of need, were willing to remain on there as employees. Also the Wehrmacht might be willing to transfer certain people, for instance as trustees for agricultural estates, and so on. Also individual teachers badly needed for schools could be obtained in this way. After the departure of the administrative troops, there might also be a lack of motor vehicles, as they had very often brought their own vehicles with them.
Governor Schmidt had learned that the petrol of the Government was to be included in the Reich Syndicate. Petrol here costs 8 Pfg. more than in the Reich. Therefore 8 Pfg. more will have to be paid to the German Petrol accounts for which the Government will be charged. Then questions were discussed concerning the general construction of the office of the District Chief in Lublin. As to taxes, it was to be confirmed, that the revenue offices had re-employed 80% of the Polish revenue officials, many of whom were to be in sole charge of the tax administration out in the country. Now inspectors are to be appointed for the supervision of these posts. The District Chief should handle the supervision of the revenue offices.
The office work of the District Chief is much delayed by the lack of expert workers. Partly also there was no control over the work of the people who had already arrived. Thus Mr. Ziere, the veterinary surgeon, had gone to Cracow, and said he had to look after the wolhynian cattle there.
Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart suggested that Junkers from Ordensburgen should be asked for as assistants for the administration of the General Government. This would be excellent training for them. Besides higher officials, the District Chief is still in need of a magistrate, four inspectors, and a larger number of clerical staff and typewriters.
Of petrol the office of the District Chief would need 10,000 litres per month, and each Sub-Prefect’s Office would need 2,000 litres. But one of the greatest nuisances was the poor communications. One hardly could get any connection with Cracow by telephone, also the mail service was very poor. Till now no replies have been received to letters or orders sent to Cracow. The installation of a teleprinter was urgently needed. But above all, the telephone or police communication from Lublin to the frontier district should function.
With regard to the necessary force of the police, that should be at the disposal of the Sub-Prefects. Governor Schmidt said, that 25 for each District Chief did not seem sufficient.
In the afternoon, a sight-seeing tour was made to Wlodawa, Cycow. Cycow is a German village. About 300,000 German nationals, who made a very poor impression were gathered in the streets, and they sang national songs conducted by the German Travelling Teacher [Wanderlehrer] Lindner who is leader of the German nationals there. Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart made a speech, on which he pointed out that the fidelity of these Germans to their nationality now found its justification and reward through strength of Adolf Hitler. This district with its very marshy character could, according to District Governor Schmidt’s deliberations, serve as a reservation for the Jews, a measure which might possibly lead to heavy mortality among the Jews.
35,000 German nationals are said to be living in the Lublin government district. As to the problem which concerns schools, the Landrat Kalmus in Oyew said he held the view that no salaries should be paid to the Polish teachers at all, as the Poles in his district represented a minority in comparison with the Jews.
In the evening dinner with the Commissar of the city, Mr. Hagerer, in Cholm, where we spent the night.
21.11.1939. 8 A.M. Sight-seeing tour of the city and visit to the camp for German refugees. For this purpose a big, newly-built house belonging to the Polish railways was reserved, which however is not ready yet to be occupied, as the heating especially cannot be brought into working order on account of the lack of parts, which cannot be procured in Lublin.
Then followed a drive to the famous cathedral of Cholm that used to have a golden dome. After that, we drove off to Hrubieszow, where we found Ukrainian settlements, which are fine compared to the poor Polish huts. The soil also is better. Here also we visited the frontier of the Bug at Uszilug. The Jews are said to have removed much property here, also owing to the poor guarding of the frontier. In this vicinity too is the best soil for wheat in Poland. From this section, some time ago 4,000 refugees were taken over from the Russian side. But still thousands are beyond on the border, and many of them are dying, as they cannot be housed or fed. Dr. Seyss-Inquart pointed out the refugees could be allowed to enter if they, themselves, took measures to guarantee that only German nationals entered the district of the Government.
According to the report of the District Chief the Ukrainians attempted to form a self-administration against or without the German administration. Further the District Chief criticized the Reich-Credit-Bank for not granting a credit, which is necessary for the starting of a sugar refinery, to make use of the harvested sugar beets. Then we continued our journey via Zamost, Tomaszow to the border near Belzek. Then there is a refugee camp with Jews. The staff-Surgeon there fears that an epidemic may break out in the camp, which then would endanger the whole neighborhood.
These Jewish refugees who have crossed the frontier secretly, are often sent back again by the Russians days after.
Also there is much concern in this district at the mustering of horses by the Wehrmacht. This mustering would affect the cultivation of the fields.
Governor Schmidt also reported that, in his district, collaboration with the Wehrmacht was poor. Lieutenant General Buechs, Lublin, was giving the “Government”--administration and police all possible trouble.
In the evening, supper, and night spent at Sturmbannfuehrer Hasselberger’s house.
22.11.1939.
Departure for Radom
In Radom, reception by District Chief Dr. Lasch. The latter reported, that on his arrival in Radom, he had found a very unpleasant situation there. His predecessor, Regierungspraesident Ruediger, had put himself into strongly opposed the Wehrmacht, and Dr. Lasch had first to bring about a better understanding. Dr. Lasch introduced SS-Oberfuehrer Katzmann to the Reichsminister as Senior SS and Police Chief attached to the District Chief of Radom. Brigadefuehrer Globocznik who had been nominated to that position in Lublin and was just travelling through, also reported to Dr. Seyss-Inquart.
Dr. Seyss-Inquart and Dr. Lasch now discussed the plan to establish a messenger center in Radom in order to remedy the bad communication system between Cracow and Lublin and between Cracow and Warsaw. According to this plan, mail for all the three northern districts of Cracow should be taken in 5 hours to Radom by train and from there, according to the weather, to the respective places of destination either by NSKK [Nationalsozialistisches Kraftfahrer (Motorists) Korps] messenger or otherwise. The same procedure should be used for the return journey. The agency should be called, perhaps: “Messenger agency of the Governor General in Radom”.
Next, Dr. Lasch gave a report on the work which had already been done and on that which should still have to be done in the work of reconstruction and improvement. Here also, lack of personnel and difficulties in transportation were particularly prominent. Furthermore, in the district of Radom, the Polish Squadron was said to be still roving about. The people in question were said to be men who, during the day, attend to their occupations in civilian clothes and, at night, commit excesses in uniform. An encounter with the Wehrmacht was said to have had no success. With the help of a map given the Reichsminister, Dr. Lasch then explained the consolidation of the existing 16 districts into 10. Dr. Lasch will not comply with Governor Dr. Fischer’s expressed wishes to hand over a few communities on the border of the northern district, as those were the most fertile ones of the district which, as a whole, was a shortage area.
Regarding the economic question, it was reported that the gun and iron works in Stachachowitsche had already been taken over by the “Hermann-Goering-Werke”. Provision should also be made for the restarting of the whole economy, not only the war economy. In order to do that, it was particularly necessary that unemployment pay should no longer be at the rate of 7 Zloty per day or wages at the rate of 3 Zloty. Such a margin offered insufficient incentive to earn one’s livelihood through work.
The Governor urgently needed experts and other personnel. A medical officer was especially urgently needed. There was no German physician in the entire district. Individual cases of epidemics such as typhus and dysentery had occurred.
Furthermore, a man for the press and propaganda was necessary. There were eight Polish newspapers in the district who were being attended to by the District Leaders, but with such a procedure a thorough check was not possible. The District Chief then stated his intention to submit to Cracow in the near future a detailed list of the personnel required.
After that, the Governor reported on the set-up of his office which had several Departments:
1. the Department of Internal Affairs: Supervision over the District Leaders, Supreme Supervision over the Polish Administration, Justice, School Affairs, Veterinary Affairs, Medical Affairs, and General Matters.
2. Department of Forestry and Game Preservation: Preservation of Forests and Game, Control of the Entire Timber Industry which was here of particular importance.
3. Department of Economic Affairs: Industry, Commerce, Handicrafts, Price Control, industrial Market Regulations, Collaboration with the Agencies of the Four-Year-Plan and the War Economy Inspection [Wehrwirtschaftsinspektion].
4. Traffic Department: Highway System, Railroad System, Postal System, Waterways (shall the river Vistula be controlled), Control of the Biliecza, the boundary between the districts of Radom and Warsaw, which could have a favorable result upon agricultural productiveness.
5. Department of Food and Agriculture: The district is an agricultural shortage area. Cultivation must therefore be intensified. For this purpose a good agricultural organization is necessary. The avoidance of difficulties in the food supply this winter is mainly a question of transport. In some areas there is still corn but it must be threshed. There is no coal for the working of the threshing machines. The salt mine at Wiliczka delivers salt only in compensation against natural products.
6. Finance Department: Revenue and expenditure. Concerning “justice” the governor remarked that too many are being condemned to gaol and penal servitude, which hereby burdens the district with costs. The criminals found in the convict prisons were shot. The shootings, however, were no longer carried out in public but in isolated wooded regions.
The majority of the intelligentsia have been imprisoned, one must be careful, however, because the cooperation of these people cannot be dispensed with, especially the doctors, as they are needed for the health of the people and as they also must treat the Germans in many instances. He asks that the governor general issue an order that caution and reserve be exercised when arresting doctors. Concerning the Polish jurisdiction the District Chief suggested an “organisation” in three legal administrative branches:
1. Baronial court [Burggericht] 2. District court [Bezirksgericht] 3. Court of appeals [Kassationsgericht]
The question was then discussed as to in whose name sentences were to be pronounced and if the Polish authorities were to have some kind of official seal.
In regard to the communal administration the appointment of Polish governors (Staros) to administer parts of the district as deputies of the District Chief with headquarters at his office was discussed. There are Polish majors in Radom and Czenstochau, and they would also be appointed to the towns subordinate to the districts. Reichsminister Dr. Seyss-Inquart pointed out that delegates of the District Chief must be associated with them. Dr. Lasch added, furthermore, that he intended to make the communities pay something towards the repair of roads and other work, executed by means of compulsory labour service or of forced labour, as expense was caused to districts by such work. The wages also for free work must be established uniformly for the whole General Government, as otherwise undesirable movement of workers seeking the highest salaries would result.
At this point the question of the monopoly of important exchange goods for the acquiring of agricultural products was discussed. Dr. Lasch then declared that it was not possible to transport all scrap metal to the Reich. In the Government there was also a need of scrap metal for the existing foundries.
Dr. Lasch stated furthermore that he had received a petition to send 5,000 specialists to the Reich.
Regarding the Polish police the opinion was expressed that arming in a modest way could be carried out and was necessary. The foresters needed at least a fowling piece to defend themselves against wood thieves and peasants.
In the case of the founding of an “individual protection” (Selbstschutz) unit of racial Germans a careful selection and military training of those selected must take place. According to information given by Dr. Lasch the Ukrainians are said to be specially qualified to be policemen.
Dr. Lasch brought up the question as to what should be done with the destroyed villages.
The tax system could consist mainly of indirect taxes and contributions, which were to be borne by the communities. A contribution of 6 Million Zloty must be borne by the Jews in the district of Radom. In the district of Radom a cooperative buying and selling society will be founded in order to eliminate the entire Jewish Commission business.
Reichsminister Dr. Seyss-Inquart then spoke of the regulation provided, according to which the government should not receive any more motor fuel from the Reich, but must be dependent on the production of Jaslo and Kresno the utilization of which, however, was to be determined in accordance with the principles of the Reich. In this connection the formation of a trading organization was also discussed.
Dr. Lasch and Brigade-Leader Schmidt then spoke of the intention of the Wehrmacht to confiscate 54,000 horses. Two studs in the district he declared district studs. Dr. Seyss-Inquart pointed out that the possessions of the Polish government were confiscated by decree and therefore are out of the reach of the Wehrmacht. Finally Dr. Seyss-Inquart spoke of the plan to publish a general administration decree for the General Government after a period of development and elucidation.
Cracow, 22nd November 1939.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2280-PS
The Reich Commissioner for the Ostland [Baltic countries and White Russia]
Dept. III Labor policy and social Administration
Riga, 3 May 1943
Labor Group Labor Mobilization 2 F 1/4 b. 1 (O) Kue Ty
To the Commissioner General in Riga
[stamp] Commissioner General Dept. Social Administration 8 May 1943 in Riga 2
Re: Recruiting of Manpower in the Baltic Countries for the Reich territories; here: New quotas agreed upon with GBA Gauleiter Sauckel on 21 April 1943.
In reference to the basic statements of the Plenipotentiary General for manpower, Gauleiter Sauckel, on the occasion of his visit to Riga on 21 April 1943, and in view of the critical situation and in disregard of all contrary considerations, it was decided that a total of 183,000 workers have to be supplied from the Ostland for the Reich territory. This task must absolutely be accomplished within the next four months and at the latest must be completed by the end of August. The following sub-quotas have been established:
White Ruthenia: 30,000 youthful workers and 100,000 workers including families.
Of the families only members capable of productive work will be counted. All persons 10 years old and up are considered as productive manpower.
Lithuania: 15,000 female workers. 15,000 male workers. 10,000 productive workers from about 2 to 3,000 families Latvia: 10,000 female workers, no male workers Estonia: 3,000 female workers, no male workers
For the benefit of volunteers [Hilfswilligen] no male manpower will be recruited in Latvia and Estonia. For Estonia also in favor of the Legion.
All permissible means shall be used to obtain the manpower from White Ruthenia. Do not hesitate to apply unusual measures.
In Lithuania the 15,000 men shall be taken from the current recruitment of the year groups 19 to 24. The placement of the manpower for the Reich, excluding volunteers should be one half for the Baltic countries’ own requirements and one half for Reich requirements. In case the number of 15,000 workers cannot be thus obtained, the year groups 12 to 18 shall be recruited until this number has been reached.
The 15,000 female workers shall be obtained from the year groups of 20 to 25. For this purpose the release of 10% of the women from factories suitable for this purpose, even outside of the age limits set, has been contemplated. The recruitment of females of the year groups 20 to 25 will follow the examination of males of the year groups 19 to 24.
Furthermore, the recruitment of about 2 to 3,000 families from Lithuania is contemplated, which should contain a total of 10,000 productive workers.
In consideration of local requirements and the already accomplished recruiting for the Legion and volunteers and of those volunteers still to be provided by means of re-examining the year groups 19 to 24, the recruitment of male manpower in Latvia has been dispensed with.
The 10,000 female workers will be recruited from the year groups 20 to 25. Here also a release of 10% from factories is provided for, should the age limits fail to provide sufficient workers.
Estonia will provide 3,000 women, also to be recruited from the year groups 20 to 25, or by release from factories. Otherwise the same applies as for Latvia.
To these workers I have promised the following special social advantages:
1. Limited engagement, generally 2 years’ duration.
2. Granting of furloughs and return of families according to the general regulations for foreigners in the Reich.
3. Appointment of special trustees of the same nationality for the female workers.
4. Granting of special diplomas for services rendered in war work in the Reich.
In order to accomplish these measures I have sent a decree, of which a copy is enclosed, to the President of the employment offices. Furthermore, I have asked the Labor Mobilization Office of the German Labor Front, in a letter of which a copy is also enclosed, to arrange for the appointment of special trustees of the same nationality.
Please take notice of this, inform my special purpose staffs (Einsatzstaebe) accordingly, and take care of the immediate placing of the manpower.
On this occasion I shall like to point out that in the past year the enclosed leaflet was used in hiring Lithuanian manpower. Since this pamphlet contains inaccuracies, please see to it that it is no longer used for recruiting purposes. In view of the explanations in my enclosed decree to the Presidents of provincial labor offices, I do not believe it necessary to provide a special leaflet for Plant-Managers. I refer to your report of 25 March 1943 and to my letter of 14 April 1943--5783. 28/148--about which I should like to have your opinion soon. By reason of a suggestion of the German Labor Front, I should furthermore like to know whether you consider it necessary to conclude individual work--contracts for the workers from the districts (Generalbezirke) of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia.
Copy sent to take notice with reference to the oral consultations in Riga.
Signed: Sauckel [seal] Certified: Mueller Clerk
Certified:
(sig:) Reinkmann
19 June 1943
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2283-PS
VOELKISCHER BEOBACHTER
The Munich (Southern German) Edition Nr. 258, 14 September 1936, page 11.
THE 5TH DAY OF THE PARTY CONGRESS ADOLF HITLER HAS CARRIED OUT THE TRUE SOCIALISM REICH ORGANIZATION LEADER DR. LEY RENDERS AN ACCOUNT OF THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT
Nurnberg, 13 September.
Again 20,000 stirred people filled the big hall in the Luitpold Park on Saturday for the penultimate session of the Party Congress.
At this session, too, the Fuehrer was present from the beginning. Again enthusiastic shouts of exultation lasting for minutes roared around the Fuehrer when he strode through the long-stretched hall with his deputy, his constant retinue and several Reich Leaders and District Leaders.
On this evening Congress participants listened to grandly-conceived accounts by Reich Organization Leader Dr. Ley about the accomplishments of the German Labor Front, by Reich Leader Hierl about the Labor Service, and by Plenary Inspector for German Highways, Dr. Todt, about progress in building the highways of Adolf Hitler.
After the parade of the Blood Banner and of the Party Standards the solemn prelude was the overture to “Oberon”, played by the Reich Symphony Orchestra. The Congress was opened by the Fuehrer’s Deputy, Rudolf Hess, who immediately introduced Reich Agency Leader [Reichsamtsleiter] Dressler-Andress for reading of the account of Reich Organization Leader Dr. Ley.
My Fuehrer!
When you, my Fuehrer, ordered me in mid-April 1933 to take over the trade unions I could not understand why you gave this order to me, since I could not see any connection between my task as Organizational Leader of the Party and my new task. Very soon, however, your decision, my Fuehrer, became clear to me and I recognized that the organizational measures of the Party could only come to full fruition when supplemented by the organization of the people, that is to say by the mobilization of the energies of the people and by their concentration and alignment. If the Party represents the concentration of the political leaders of the people--as you, my Fuehrer, have taught us again and again--then the people in the retinue [Gefolgschaft] must be organized and trained according to the same principles. Leader and retinue, elite and community at large [Fuehrer und Gefolgschaft, Orden und Gemeinde]--those words the clear directives for my work. These were the consequences:
1. My tasks as Organizational Leader of the Party and as Leader of the German Labor Front were a completely homogeneous task, in other words, in everything I did I acted as Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP.
2. The German Labor Front was an institution of the Party and was led by it.
3. The German Labor Front had to be organized regionally and professionally according to the same principles as the Party.
That is why trade union and employer associations had to be smashed unrelentingly, and the basis of construction was formed, as in the Party, by the cell and the local section.
* * *
The idea of the Factory Troops [Werkschar] is making good progress in the plants, and I am able to report to you, my Fuehrer, that security and peace in the factories has been guaranteed, not only in normal times, but that also in times of the most serious crises, disturbances, such as the munition strikes of the traitors Ebert and his confederates, are out of the question. National Socialism has conquered the factories. Factory troops [Die Werkschar] are the Nationalist Socialist shock troops within the factory, and their motto is:
THE FUEHRER IS ALWAYS RIGHT!
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2284-PS
WRITINGS OF THE HOCHSCHULE FOR POLITICS
Edited by Paul Meier-Benneckenstein
II. The Organizational structure of the Third Reich
Brochure 33
The SS
History, Mission, and Organization of the Schutzstaffeln of the NSDAP
Compiled on the Commission of the Reichsfuehrer-SS by SS-Standartenfuehrer Gunter d’Alquen
1939
Junker and Duennhaupt Press, Berlin
# # # # #
1. History and Structure of the SS
Path of Proof
The great National Socialist Movement, as a party, did not step into German or even world history as a complete framework at the time of its formal founding.
Originating from the rebellion against the downfall, from a fervent belief in the German people, which was born in the trenches of the battle-fields in the whole world, Adolf Hitler began to conquer the new Reich, both in thought and through deeds, with a few comrades, upon the simple, strong fundamentals of his firm belief and to form it anew, stone upon stone.
Decisive actions, like the outbreak of 9 November 1923 for which we today, in all its great tragedy and in all its pain, nevertheless have to thank a forcible fate, impressed the inner and external features into the power and into the structure of the Third Reich. Parts and powers of this living marching growing movement, components and men in it, acquired in proof faith, and reliability which was daily the positions, missions and powers which then determined in the powerful structural branch their course toward victory over external power.
Therefore, he who wants to understand the growing mission and living essence of the SS must first glance over its history and pursue therein how it quite consequentially grew out of the smallest beginnings through tough, clear work into an ever-enlarging mission. Therefore the growth of the SS, as a firmly rooted member of the great Movement is in many respects symbolic of the development of National Socialism, as well as of a spiritual position and of the consequent practical application of this unmistakably clear position in the life of the folk and of its state.
Not the chance incidents of the fighting years and also not the tactical eventualities rounded out the form and brought about the individual developments of this Black Corps, but from the beginning on, the National Socialist of this organization, man upon man, was quite consciously raised again and again above every day affairs which are often petty and full of compromise; thereby raised above his own weaknesses into the consciousness which is always new and living, that he serves a powerful mission which is quite unique in the lengthy annals of German history.
The SS originated in the quite early time of the National Socialist Movement in the year 1923. Then later, as the “Stosstrupp Hitler [Shock Troop Hitler]” on the 8th of November 1923 it was forbidden and dissolved automatically along with the entire movement.
When the Party was again set up in the year 1925, the SA, as the protective organization of the Movement, still remained forbidden. Furthermore, besides these limiting coercive measures, there still existed a prohibition against speeches as well as assemblies for the Fuehrer in Prussia and also in Bavaria. The National Socialist assemblies were at that time only allowed in Saxony and Thuringia which were at that time fully Red. And now in order at least here to hold the necessary assemblies with success, in order to gain a foothold, it was necessary to protect them under all circumstances from explosive missiles and premature disbandment.
The Protective Echelons
[Die Schutzstaffeln]
For this reason, the Fuehrer ordered in January 1925 that a small mobile organization be constructed for the protection of these meetings: The Protective Echelons. They were in the best sense of the word at this time, therefore, echelons, which means, quite small formations, most of them only in strength of one leader and ten men, which had been set up in single places which at that time already were important for the first forward march of the Movement. Even such a large city as Berlin had only one “Schutzstaffel” of two leaders and twenty men in those days. With these Schutzstaffeln then in the years 1925 and 1926, the Movement had held the assemblies of the Fuehrer and also of other champions of the Party in Saxony and Thuringia, and always held fast against each oppositional attempt in every case.
The year 1926 brought the renewed permission to organize the SA and for this reason, the Schutzstaffeln stepped more into the background in the following years.
This year 1926, however, is of great significance for the SS which at that time consisted of about 200 men in its entire strength, when namely Adolf Hitler gave the most sacred symbol of the Movement, the Blood Banner [Blutfahne] of 9 November 1923 into faithful hands at the Party Congress [Parteitag] in Weimar, the second Reichsparteitag of the NSDAP.
On the 6th of January 1929, Adolf Hitler appointed his tested comrade of long standing, Heinrich Himmler, as Reichsfuehrer-SS. Heinrich Himmler assumed charge therewith, of the entire Schutzstaffeln, totaling at the time 280 men, with the express and particular commission of the Fuehrer to form of this organization an elite troop of the Party, a troop dependable in every circumstance.
The New Division
With this day, the real history of the SS begins as it stands before us today in all its deeper essential features, firmly anchored into the National Socialistic Movement. For the SS and its Reichsfuehrer, Heinrich Himmler, its first SS man, have both become inseparable in the course of these battle-filled years. When the command of the Fuehrer had been given for the organization on a greater scale of this component of the movement, it had to be clear from the beginning that this mission could only then be solved in the real significance of its occasion if, in pursuit of the last essentials, the directives given by Adolf Hitler to the movement were grasped and carried out.
The Selection
We National Socialists are firmly convinced of the ideology that in the final over-all objective only good blood, as seen in the long run, produces the best accomplishments. Sustained by this conviction, the Reichsfuehrer SS went at that time, beginning with this basic criterion of the National Socialist, into the execution of the command of the Fuehrer of the 6th of January 1929.
One of the last soldiers of the old army and, at the same time, also one of the oldest co-champions of the Fuehrer began, as a tough and energetic organizer, to collect a troop, a troop of the best, not only the best physically, but also most dependable, most faithful, in the last analysis the most characteristically worthwhile men from all parts of the movement, in order in the first place to satisfy the fundamental demand made of this formation, namely: the greatest good of the movement, to protect the Fuehrer himself.
It remains as one of the greatest and decisive services of the Reichsfuehrer SS that he inserted the theoretical concepts of the National Socialist ideology, courageously and consequentially especially in this field, into this, his own organizational mission of the construction of the SS and then clearly carried them out even at a time when the racial question was a negative concept deriving from a self-evident anti-semitism.
The Marriage Law [Heiratsbefehl]
It would naturally be meaningless and also, after a short time be worthless, to undertake the experiment to assemble a male racial elite and while so doing to by-pass present or, indeed, the future families of the men. Corresponding to this quite simple and clear perception, for which, moreover, German history affords sufficient menacing lessons in all of its periods, the SS has given itself its own appropriate fundamental laws. As the first and most important of these basic requirements, the Reichsfuehrer-SS in the year 1931 gave to the Schutzstaffeln the law which prescribes an engagement and marriage certificate for SS men.
This order has the following wording:
Munich, 31 December 1931
“Reichsfuehrer-SS
SS Command-A-No. 65
1. The SS is a band of definitely Nordic German men chosen according to certain viewpoints.
2. Corresponding to the National Socialist ideology and to the perception that the future of our folk rests in the selectiveness and preservation of the race and of the healthy inheritance of good blood, I install with effectiveness from the 1st of January 1932 the ‘Marriage Certificate’ for all unmarried members of the SS.
3. The aim striven for is the hereditarily healthy clan of a definitely Nordic German sort.
4. The marriage certificate will be distributed or denied solely and alone from a racial and hereditarily healthy viewpoint.
5. Every SS man who has the object of getting married has to procure for this purpose the marriage certificate of the Reichsfuehrer-SS.
6. SS members who though denied marriage certificates marry in spite of it, will be stricken from the SS; they will be given the choice of withdrawing.
7. The working out of the details of marriage petitions is the task of the ‘Race Office’ of the SS.
8. The Race Office of the SS directs the ‘Clan Book of the SS’ in which the families of SS members will be entered after distribution of the marriage certificate or acquiescence to the petition to enter into marriage.
9. The Reichsfuehrer-SS, the manager of the Race Office, and the specialists (Referenten) of this office are duty bound on their word of honor to secrecy.
10. It is clear to the SS that with this command it has taken a step of great significance. Derision, scorn, and failure to understand do not move us; the future belongs to us!
The Reichsfuehrer-SS H. Himmler”
This incisive command and the self-evidence of its execution demonstrate, even in the difficult years before the first victory, the self-confidence of this voluntary partnership for a determination which even at the time in which it was ordered must mean an eternal, inconceivable, encroachment on the so-called personal freedom of the individual.
The Instrument of the Fuehrer
Inside and outside of the movement, in these years, the SS had to intervene, repeatedly called upon for the protection of the National Socialist fundamental principles. From disunity over the attempt at a schism to the betrayal of the Fuehrer himself, under immeasurable difficulties and grave human sacrifices, the SS fulfilled its various missions as the instrument for unconditional preparedness for intervention for the Fuehrer. It earned for itself at this time the slogan of Adolf Hitler: “SS-man, your honor is faithfulness”.
In the whole broad Reich, in village and city, the SS, in good and self-evident comradeship with the SA in the fighting years, broke the Red and Black Terror. Long and stirring is the list of all those brave soldiers of the Black Corps who gave their lives as a pledge of their faithfulness.
They did not die in open battle, eye to eye with the opponent; they fell singly and deserted, pursued, hunted; harrassed, beaten, trampled to death, in dark alleys and courtyards, shot in the back, murdered by hostile superior forces; they gave their mortal life, and their names shine forth today, from banners and standards, their earthly immortality as a symbol of a great example which they fulfilled, completely and purely, everywhere, including those unforgettable heroes who fought against the choking gallows of an inhuman system, until even Austria returned home into the greater Reich through their sacrifice.
Responsibility for the Future
But not only the revolutionary fighting and sacrificial spirit of this National Socialist formation, its daily application and by this means the best and clear cut selectiveness, determined its existence and its ever clearer course. Far and beyond this, it was the penetrating feeling of responsibility of its leadership for a distant future which decisively determined its course.
Here, in that difficult moment, those solutions were found for all necessary questions which, indeed in the first place must be justified for the day, far and above that, however, without compromise, bore complete responsibility at the same time in itself for the way of future development.
Apart from the green table, not for the sake of momentary results, distinct from all dogma, a great eternal view of German history and a chaste consciousness of the inheritance of ancestry and the genesis of the future at the decisive point of the fighting period, and of the selectiveness of this partnership, have the peculiar and deep meaning for all missions and their execution.
When the day of the grasping of power had finally come, there were 52,000 SS men who in this spirit, bore the revolution in the van, marched into the new State which they began to help form, everywhere: in their stations and positions, in profession and in service, and in all their essential tasks.
The firm, devout ties to this great blood stream of the nation [Volk], the perception of the fulfillment of the deepest German longing for service to the nation, this welding to the firm internal unity of the exclusiveness which the SS was able to achieve, in the course of hard and full years, was the presupposition for the succeeding further greater task of the Black Corps. Only the absolute understanding of the emptiness of all personnel objectives and the final recognition of this valuelessness of smaller interests gave this formation the right to be the protective corps in State and Party as the strong arm of the Fuehrer for the internal security of the Reich in all good and evil times.
Protective Corps of Party and State
The prerequisites for this mighty mission were severe discipline and the highest sort of self-confidence as the result of continuous selection within its own ranks, but were, as well, a fanatical and convinced consciousness of duty to coming generations. Here, the hardiness of the best soldierly traditions met a new and harmonious formation with the keenness of a crystal-clear political consciousness as well as the pure, devout heart of a revolutionary of the living German Movement.
The missions which were given to the SS in the present day National Socialist State can be understood only in the knowledge of this evolution.
The protective organization of the Movement became the internal protective organization of the State after the seizure of power and after the Schutzstaffel, by renewed proof of its essentiality and the testing of its dependability on the 20th of July 1934, was elevated to be an independent component of the Party directly subordinate to the Fuehrer.
Out of the above evolution, all the latter events could fashion themselves in apparent self-evidence along these principles. With the acquisition of power within the Reich, the protective organization of the Party became, feature by feature, as a consequence of the broadening of its mission, the protective organization of the National Socialist State. In this capacity, it took over step by step the remaining usable and valuable parts of the old police. Out of the 16 state police forces, a large and strong Reich police came into existence; and, that which even the old National Socialists themselves had hardly thought to expect: out of the jailer of the rubber cudgel regime there came in existence in the new police, an active friend of the people; and even more than that, in this slow and qualitative evolution the police itself has become, in the completion of National Socialism and in the leadership of National Socialism, through this Black Corps, a part of the proud formations of the Movement.
Reichsfuehrer-SS and Chief of the German Police
The Reichsfuehrer-SS became Chief of the German Police and united its mission, as elastic as operative, with its formations into a comprehensive line of defense for fighting political as well as criminal enemies of the Nation; a line of defense in which State and Party, civil servant and political soldier labor in a complete and, therefore, for the first time in a positive manner hand in hand.
For the first time the newly attained meaning of the Police, as representative, protector, and helper of the community of the people, and thereby as real soldiers of that community of the people and of the National Socialist ideology, impressed the new features of this clear, sober countenance. For out of this original police, employed with a negative aim, an active friend and helper of the people has come into being, a rejuvenated people’s troop, whose successors are provided from the SS, so that the civil servant, both within and outside of his service, is and remains an SS-man, a champion and protector of the new State, of the community of the people and of the movement.
The Troops in Barracks
The conceivable danger, that an organization destined only for internal employment sees itself hampered in the fulfilling of the large, all-embracing missions in difficult times which demand the employment of the whole nation toward the outside. The Fuehrer met this by the creation of an active troop of the SS lodged in barracks and chosen from the SS members of long military service and politically of the best training.
Early in the year 1933 the Body Guard Regiment [Leibstandarte] of the SS, “Adolf Hitler”, arose and in the further enlargement of this SS Military Service Troop [SS-Verfuegungstruppe] there were added the active SS regiments: SS 1, “Deutschland”, in Munich; SS 2, “Germania”, in Hamburg; Aroken, Radolfszell. As well as these, there were the Technical Storm Unit [Sturmbanne], the SS Pioneer Storm Unit in Dresden and the SS Signal Corps Unit [Nachrichtensturmbanne] in Unna. The SS Junker schools in Toelz and Braunschweig provided for the training of those to become leaders of these SS Military Service Troops.
In March 1938, after the return of Austria home into the Reich, the Fuehrer gave the order to establish a fourth active SS regiment of SS General Service Troops, SS 3, “The Fuehrer”, with its stations in Vienna, Graz, and Klagenfurt. All these troops have received the finest reward for their labor: they are allowed to cooperate prominently in the creation and protection of the Greater Germany.
This chosen SS-Troop, trained during four years service under the severest conditions, offers, equally, the best rising generation for future leaders and subordinate leaders of the General SS, the Police, and the Security Service.
II. Organization
In addition to the General SS, so to speak the mother of all the other SS formations, there are the SS-militarized forces, the SS-Death Head regiments, and further, the Security Service and the Race and Settlement organizations.
The supreme headquarters of the Reichsfuehrer SS for the General SS is the SS Main Office in Berlin.
The supreme headquarters for the Security Service is the SS-Main Security Office in Berlin.
The supreme headquarters for the Race and Settlement organization is the Main Race and Settlement agency SS in Berlin.
Aside from these main offices there are the following offices which likewise are directly under the Reichsfuehrer SS and which have the same characteristics of a main office:
Personal Staff of the Reichsfuehrer SS.
Administration Chief of the SS.
Personnel Chief of the SS (these three in Berlin).
Head of the SS courts, Munich.
Chief of the Constabulary, SS-Lt. Gen. of the police Daluege, with the rank of a Chief of a Main Office [Hauptamtschef].
The SS Main Office
The SS Main Office consists of the following 13 offices which have to fulfill the following missions:
The central chancellery [ZK] is the headquarters of the Chief of the SS Main Office. It provides for the cooperation among all of its subordinate offices and examines the whole direction of management within the SS Main Office.
The management office [Fuehrungsamt] (I) deals with all affairs which pertain to the training, organization, and deployment of units of the General SS.
The personnel office (II) deals with the personnel affairs for all SS fuehrers of the General SS from SS-Second Lieutenants to SS-Captains inclusive.
The SS Administrative Office (IV) handles all the administrative affairs of the SS Main Office. It is of the same level as the Administrative Office Security Service (SD) and the Administrative Office Race and Settlement (R and S) and just as these, it is subordinate to the SS Administrative Chief as the highest administrative court of the SS.
The medical office (V) deals with all things concerned with hygienic conditions and accommodations for the SS.
The SS-Recruiting Office (VI) handles the preliminary and final acceptance of SS applicants and SS candidates into the SS. Here also, the conviction and discharge of men and non-commissioned officers is regulated as well as re-enlistment measures among other things. Its missions further include the planning and execution of all recruiting methods, the systematic comprehension and compiling of personal data of all SS members as well as the compilation of the total strength of the SS and of corresponding statistics.
The office for Security Missions (VII) handles the employment of SS units in special instances for example, at Fuehrer appearances and for visits of leading foreign government officials. In addition it is responsible for the mobilization preparations for the SS which it completes in collaboration with the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht. Among these also come the taking in of reserves of the SS Death Head regiments for special practices in peace and the liability of military service of SS members.
The Reserve Office (VIII) is, as the name implies, responsible for the Reserve of all the SS units.
The Procurement Office (IX) provides for the procurement of articles of equipment for the whole SS.
The Office for Recreation (X) directs all measures for sport participation of the SS in all forms of sports and supervises the athletic training of the SS.
The Office of Communication (XI), the Supply Office and the Public Welfare Office (XII) and also the Educational Office (XIII) fulfill their missions which are expressed by their title.
Aside from the above named 13 offices, the following are also placed under the Chief of the SS Main Office.
The Inspector of the SS Militarized force. The Fuehrer of the SS Death Head regiment. The Inspector of the SS Border and Patrol units. The Inspector of the SS Cavalry. The Inspector of the SS Cavalry schools.
In addition, the following are under the appropriate inspectors.
The Auxiliary Work Camp Schleissheim. The SS-VT professional school St. George. The SS-Training Camp Dachau. The SS-Rest Home, Sasbachwalden. The SS-Motor School Berne. The SS-Main Cavalry school Munich. The SS-Cavalry supply institution Hamburg.
Formation structure of the General SS
The strength of the General SS, 240,000 men, is subdivided today into 14 corps, 38 divisions, 104 infantry regiments, 19 mounted regiments, 14 communication battalions, and 9 Engineer battalions as well as motorized and medical units. This General SS stands fully and wholly on call as in the fighting years except for one small part of chief Fuehrers and men.
The Corps which are presently lead by a Lt. Gen. or Maj. Gen. are subdivided into Divisions, Regiments, Battalions and Companies.
The steps in becoming an SS-man
The steps in becoming an SS man are the following:
After confirming his SS suitability and SS worthiness, the Hitler Youth upon reaching 18 becomes an SS applicant. Then he is taken over into the SS as an SS candidate on the Reichsparteitag of the same year upon presentation of the SS certificate. Then after a short period of probation he is administered the Fuehrer oath on the 9th November.
As SS candidate he earns his Army sport badge and the bronze Reich sport badge. Then he goes into the Labor service [Arbeitsdienst] and finally to the Wehrmacht either at the age of 19 or 19½--according to whichever way his age group is absorbed.
After two years, he returns from the Wehrmacht in as far as he does not want to remain as non-commissioned candidate or reenlistee. Whoever returns to the SS is still, however, a candidate. In the following period up until his coming final acceptance he will be schooled again specially and ideologically at which time he will be thoroughly taught and instructed in the fundamentals of the SS, especially regarding the marriage law and the honor laws of the SS. The SS candidate will be recognized as SS man upon fulfillment of other requirements on the 9th of November following his return from the armed forces and thereby will be finally taken into the SS.
At the same time, on this 9th of November, he has the right to wear the SS dagger and solemnly promises upon this occasion that he and his pin will always hold to the basic laws of the SS. From this day on he assumes the right and duty to defend his honor according to the honor laws of the Black Corps as is specified in the SS code.
He then remains in the active General SS as SS man until he is 35. Upon request, he then will enter the SS Reserve and upon reaching 45 he will transfer into the SS inactive Corps.
The SS Militarized forces [Verfuegungstruppen, VT]
Out of the General SS, the foundation of all SS, after the seizing of power the SS militarized forces appeared, on account of considerations which are indicated in another reference, in a slow and organizational development.
Its garrison and construction are also described in another place.
The militarized forces are constructed after the experiences of the SS upon the fundamental basis of National Socialist perception of selection, direction and education.
The SS militarized forces, in their present day form which is clearly delineated, are an active garrisoned and armed part of the SS. Those men selected and tested according to the standards of the SS have obligated themselves to a period of service of at least four years. In addition to the indoctrination for the SS man, these troops receive a full military education. The service in the militarized force counts toward the fulfillment of military service.
After termination of their obligations in the militarized forces, the SS men naturally go back into the General SS from which they came.
The SS Death Head Units
The SS Death Head units form one part of the garrisoned SS. They arose from volunteers of the General SS who were recruited for the guarding of concentration camps in 1933.
Their mission, aside from the indoctrination of the armed political soldier, is the guarding of enemies of the State who are held in concentration camps.
The SS Death Head units obligate their members to 12 years (service). It is composed mainly of men who already have fulfilled their duty to serve in the Wehrmacht. This time of service is counted completely.
The Death Head units are fundamentally similar to the SS militarized forces in construction and equipment. They consist of four regiments.
Personnel Chief of the SS
The Office of the personnel Chief of the SS is the SS-Personnel Chancellery. It handles all personnel affairs of the Fuehrer Corps of the whole SS.
Further, the Personnel Chief is Inspector of the SS Junker schools in Braunschweig and Toelz. He is responsible for the continuation of education of the forthcoming young Fuehrers from these schools.
The Fuehrer school of the General SS Munich-Dachau is also placed under the Personnel Chief.
Chief of the SS Courts
The SS-Courts, directly under the Reichsfuehrer SS, is the highest office of the SS in all cases of disciplinary or honorary jurisdiction. Its activity therefore consists, above all, in the handling of disciplinary actions; in cases of less severe nature it acts as court of appeal.
Further, the SS-Court is solely competent for the handling of cases of clemency as well as of disciplinary and also of punitive nature.
As the highest office of disciplinary penal affairs of the SS, at the same time the SS-Court is the liaison office for all offices of the Party and Reich which are essentially connected with its area of jurisdiction.
A penal jurisdiction will be introduced for the members of the SS militarized forces, the SS Death Head units, the main offices of the Security Service of the SS and for these main official members of the General SS who are placed over these units. Its construction is undertaken at present.
The Security Service
During the fighting years, the scope of jurisdiction of the SS had experienced an expansion in the course of time to such an extent that more and more the necessity for discovering and knowing of opposing tendencies developed as an absolute requirement for their operational campaign. Originally, the SS served as the personal protection for the Fuehrer and for leading personalities of the National Socialistic Movement.
Beyond the steady growth of the Party, the original relatively simple mission of the protection of persons has further developed to a problem of the Security of the Party and its manifold functions. For this purpose, intelligence services were installed in the Party and all of its components with the mission: to counter the significance of the opposing aggressive and destructive intentions through exploration and judging of the threatening menaces.
However, there was no uniform planning, and a central collaboration of intelligence services was hardly attempted.
The SS had also acquired an intelligence service at this time for the fulfillment of its missions. Contrary to the rest of the intelligence services of the Party, a far-reaching systematic political intelligence service grew out of the so-called I.C. Service, the later P.I. Service [Press and Information] of the Reichsfuehrer SS.
This intelligence service developed upon the fundamentals of racial selection and ideological rearing in conformity with the general fundamentals of the SS in deviation from all limitations of scope, of momentary or personal nature in connection with an all embracing positive setting of a goal, toward a true Security Service at first for the SS and the Party and later thereby, for the people and the Reich.
This became clear after the taking over of power, as the “Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer SS” proved that it had seized all opponents and living provinces which were or could become significant for the new National Socialist State. This was done by a planned construction of the organization, which kept itself free from personal dependency.
From this development, in the field of Party intelligence service, the Deputy of the Fuehrer drew the deduction which he made in his decree of 9 June 1934 that “no intelligence or counterintelligence service of the Party may exist outside of the Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer SS.” From the promulgation of this decree on, the Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer SS is the only political intelligence service of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party.
Since the Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer SS delivered information on the situation and its connection through constant observation of the open and secret enemies of the National Socialistic ideology, it more and more became an organ for protection of the State and of the people which stood in closest cooperation with the Secret State Police.
The head of the organization of the Security Service Reichsfuehrer SS is the Main Security Office which stands next to the main offices of the Reichsfuehrer SS. The Chief of the Main Security Office is the present SS-Maj. Gen. Heydrich, who is at the same time Chief of the Security Police, and who was entrusted at that time with the construction of the I.C., as well as, the P.I. Service.
The regional construction of the Security Service Reichsfuehrer SS is close to that of the General SS in its subdivision into Corps and sectors.
The constant observation of the course of working methods of the opponent, and his technique in the alternate forms of appearance, his ideologies and methods of work compulsorily lead thereto, that the work of the Security Service Reichsfuehrer SS cannot only be intended for the hour but must be expansive and far-reaching.
The Race and Settlement Affairs
After the Main Security Office comes the Main Race and Settlement Agency as the next pillar of the Reichsfuehrer SS.
In this Race and Settlement Agency the marriage applications of the SS men are handled in the Relations Office, because no SS man can openly marry without the permission of the Reichsfuehrer SS under the stipulations of the marriage law of 1931. For this, a medical examination is required for man and wife. Guarantees for ideological and personal rearing are to be brought for the bride. Further, the family tree is now required of man and wife--by officers [Fuehrers] back to 1750 and by non-coms [Unterfuehrer] back to 1800. A copy of the hereditary health certificate is likewise required.
In order to make possible a rapid gathering of the necessary requirements, Relation Officers are established and provided in the infantry battalions of the General SS. They, like the Main Race and Settlement Agency, are to help the SS man in the gathering of all required papers.
This naturally entails a gigantic work and extensive organizational preparations in order to meet quickly the requests which today are very pressing since people are being married in greater numbers.
The Settlements Office within the Main Race and Settlement Agency handles and brings about the idea of blood and earth [Blut und Boden] by settling valuable SS families in connection with the new creation of German peasantry and homestead settlement.
Further, the Race office in the Main Race and Settlement Agency watches over the uniformity of the racial acceptance examinations and over the schooling of these specialists who are to be employed for these acceptance examinations within SS units.
Personal Staff Reichsfuehrer SS
The “Personal Staff Reichsfuehrer SS” was formed as a central headquarters for the Reichsfuehrer SS and at the same time, as an essential main office.
This office developed out of the Adjutants Office of the Reichsfuehrer SS in the course of increased missions. Today it is placed under the Chief Adjutants’ Office and the Police Adjutant’s Office of the Reichsfuehrer SS. The Personal Staff, through its business experts, handles the normal traffic, it administers the press section of the Reichsfuehrer SS as well as the cultural section. Among others, it also has the porcelain manufacture in Allach under its jurisdiction.
In addition, the SS barracks, that is the summation of all SS men in the higher institutes of learning, are placed under the Personal Staff Reichsfuehrer SS.
In addition, the following working areas are combined in the following divisions in the Personal Staff.
The section of Economic Aid (it handles encumbrance problems which developed out of the fighting years).
The section for cultural Research (prehistoric works, expeditions with the support of the Reichsfuehrer SS, excavations as well as foundations).
The society “The Ancestral heritage” [Das Ahnenerbe].
The society “The Well of Life” [Lebensborn]. This consists mainly of members of the SS. It makes possible to women with many children the best possible care in ideal homes before, during and after child birth. Furthermore, it makes possible the painless delivery for good racial, unmarried, and about-to-be married mothers.
At present, several homes in Steinhoering Polzen, Klosterheide (Mark), Hoheharst bei Bremen and in Wiener Wald belong to the society “Well of Life.”
The office “Four Year Plan” fulfills the mission of regulation of the labor employment which was assigned by the Director of the Four Year Plan.
Finally, the liaison officers to the Ministries and Offices of the Party are assembled under the Personal Staff.
The Motto [Kernsatz] of the SS
There is no mission for its own sake. How can there, therefore, be missions for the sake of an organization. There is only one mission which everything in Germany serves and that is the life of this people through Adolf Hitler.
“So we fell in and are marching, according to unchangeable laws as a national socialistic, soldierly order of men designated as Nordic and as an avowed association of their kindred, along the way into a distant future. We wish and believe that we should not only be the descendants, who have fought it out better, but especially the ancestors of those later generations necessary for the perpetual life of the German Teutonic people.”
This motto of the SS which was given to it by the Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler, is the direction for this troop within the framework of the movement. This is the sense by which everything which concerns the SS consequent, steadfast, and thrifty, today, maintains a happy and positive appearance.
If the individual tasks in the framework of this great Protective Corps--often limited in nature by the tasks themselves--may occasionally be heavy and represent the harshest human requirements then the filling of all necessities with this consciousness of a great duty and a clean and concrete association of this concept gives every duty the gleam and happiness which the National Socialist heart needs and is continuously needing.
III. The Inner Security
After the outward conclusion of the revolution of our ideology, in possession of power and thereby in the continuous, unlimited responsibility for the fundamentals of the idea, there began the greater, although externally less heroic, phase of the penetration.
All divisional fields in inner or outer positions of the State concept or of State presentation had now to be convincingly and continually filled with our new philosophy or newly indoctrinated by it. We had to carry the revolution, the vivaciousness of an extensive movement, into the stark hardened institutions and concepts with all means, with and against the law. We had to overthrow that which did not seem fit to live according to this process; we had to fill anew with a living spirit that which seemed to be useful and employable.
Few divisional fields of the conquered State had to face from the beginning so much opposition in relation to the life and expression of the new Power as the Police.
All our hate and all our rebellion had opposed it as the most outspoken symbol of the night of the system for us.
Rubber hoses, house searchings, imprisonment, terror, persecutions, all the counter concepts of the harshness and gruesomeness of the period behind us seem to crystallize and assemble themselves under the term “Police.” Entirely necessarily the term “Police” was already at that time a term of the things hated and cursed. Therefore, at the beginning it seemed almost impossible to actuate the thought of reaching the identical presentation of National Socialist law, of National Socialist community authority with the term and institution “Police.” Also within the movement itself, it naturally necessitated considerable authority in order to allow the forceful wish to become an act.
The SS as formation, the association made up of leader, men, and kindred of consequent National Socialists, possessed this authority in the course of the history and development of the Party. Out of its original mission within the Party it now obtained the same broadened mission within the whole people and State: the inner security, the inner protection of the National Socialist people, the consequent repulsion of its inner enemies in all phases of public life.
Viewed from this standpoint, it seemed as if unsurmountable obstacles arose as the Reichsfuehrer SS, upon command of the Fuehrer, obtained the task, in addition to the SS, of concentrating the whole German Police into his hand and thereby into the real special meaning of the SS.
This transfer proceeded under the sole valid law, the living right of the German Volk, not only against old ideas but often enough against still existing regulations.
In few fields of State and People the solution of the big problem of Party and State has been so revolutionary and extensively thoroughly undertaken, and scarcely anywhere except for just this difficult ground was it demonstrated so successfully that, according to the Fuehrer’s will, it is the idea which must determine the State.
The personal authority of the Reichsfuehrer SS and that of his men, who were of a single mind, carried the beginning of this new construction, while the success of the National Socialist measures taken guaranteed the further course.
From the traditional concept of Police has arisen the new concept of a protective Corps of the German people. And just as the old idea was typically personified in the bailiff, the new idea also demands a new man.
We do not need a mere official, just as we do not consider the unpolitical soldier suitable here. The new type shall be representative of the SS man, who grows out of the Principle of the indoctrination and out of the way of the SS and who already today has clearly developed himself before the people. Just in this post the people want and must possess a political soldier in the best meaning of this National Socialist conception.
Instead of the duplicity of a liberal Police law the man of the Police was given the powerful living authority of clear fundamentals and removed from the hatred and mistrust of the best part of our people by means of the National Socialist authority of the SS. Thereby, the Police again was carried into the midst of the people as an important member for the protection and defense of the community.
It is clear and naturally necessary that completely new judgment of the concept of enemy of the State would come from the new type of its (Police) man and its youthful clear idea. Out of the limitation in the general defense, a far-reaching prevention had to ensue from the clear grasping of the State concepts, a clarification of the concept of State enemies, a setting up of tasks which thereby assigns to the National Socialist Protective Corps a historical mission of unheard of proportions in the sound development of the people.
The spirit of discipline and of companionship, the knowledge of the source of our being and its single teaching, this vast train of thought of the SS as expression of the developing factors of an inner National Socialist securing and safeguarding of all possibilities of coming events--all this is more and more the meaning and spirit of all great new formations in this section of inner security.
To guarantee the intensive security of this new Reich, that is the great duty of the SS and with it, and within its scope, also of the Police in all its categories. That is the comprehensive mission the Fuehrer gave to the SS. It will attack this job anew every day, with the utmost seriousness, fully conscious that this is an immense National Socialist task and firmly convinced that only the ideologically best education of its men and its selection of members will enable it to solve this task completely.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2285-PS
Before me, Lieutenant Colonel Henry H. Mize, JAGD, personally appeared Lieutenant Colonel Guivante de Saint Gast and Lieutenant Jean Veith, both of the French army, who were made known to me, and who, being by me first duly sworn, made the following statement in the handwriting of Lieutenant Veith under oath:
The undersigned:
Guivante de Saint Gast, Lt. Colonel, Chef de Mission de 1^{ere} Classe, Carte d’identite militaire BCRA MCPA Promontain No. 510, Immatricule FFC Londres RUl. Carte de Repatrie No. 72352 delivered in Annercy (France). Order of Mission of the Provisional Government of the French Republic, Ministry of Prisoners and Deportees dated May 4th, 1945, No. 16772. Detained in the Concentration Camp of Mauthausen from March 18th, 1944, till April 22nd, 1945, No. 57876, having been employed at the offices of distribution of work [Arbeitseinsatz] from August 16th, 1944, till April 22nd, 1945, as auxiliary and as titulary.
Veith, Jean, Lieutenant, Charge de Mission de 2^e Classe, Carte d’identite Repatrie No. 403927 delivered at Annercy. Order of Mission of the provisional government of the French Republic, Ministry of Prisoners and Deportees, dated May 4th, No. 16774. Detained in Mauthausen from April 22nd, 1943, till April 22nd, 1945, No. 28645, having been employed at the Politische Abteilung from June 2nd, 1943, to June 25th, 1943; at the Arbeitseinsatz from June 26th, 1943, to August 15th, 1944; as foreman of the cartography and mecausgraphy Hollerith services till their dissolution in February 1945; and from then on until his liberation at the Lagerschreibstube (night shift)--both residing in Paris (17a) 20, Rue de Sanssuse, relate and certify under oath the following facts:
In Mauthausen existed several treatments of prisoners, among them the “Action K or Kugel” (Bullet Action). Upon the arrival of transports, prisoners marked “K” were not registered, got no numbers, and their names remained unknown except to the officials of the Politische Abteilung. (Lt. Veith had the opportunity of hearing, upon the arrival of a transport, the following conversation between the Untersturmfuehrer Streitwieser and the chief of the convoy: “How many prisoners?” “15, but two K.” “Well, that makes 13.”)
The prisoners were taken directly to the prison where they were undressed and taken to the “Bathrooms.” This bathroom in the cellars of the prison building near the crematory was specially designed for execution (shooting and gassing).
The shooting took place by means of a measuring apparatus. The prisoners were backed against a metric scale with an automatic contraption releasing a bullet in their neck as soon as the moving board determining their height touched the top of their heads.
If a transport consisted of too many “K” prisoners, instead of wasting time on the measurements they were exterminated by gas which was sent into the bathrooms instead of water.
During his time as foreman at the Hollerith section, Dr. Veith frequently received transfer sheets from other camps mentioning prisoners who did not appear on the entry list of Mauthausen. In such cases the Politische Abteilung very reluctantly used to give the information that the camp services had not to take into consideration such missing prisoners because they had been transferred “In geheimer Reichssache” (Secret affair of the Reich) and insisted upon the complete disappearance of all traces of the names. In many cases due to transmission errors, the fatal “K” indication was not immediately given with the transfer and followed several days or several weeks later. Lt. Col. de Saint Gast certifies having received in this service cancellation orders from the Politische Abteilung concerning such prisoners. As upon their arrival such “K” prisoners had, by mistake, received a camp number, they had to disappear in the numbers register of the camp, and from this unification order was made in the following hypocritical form: prisoner X Nr..... birth place, birth date is actually called [heisst richtig] prisoner Y, Nr...., different birth place and date.
Such identification orders should be found in the documents of the Arbeitseinsatz as far as they have not been destroyed.
This statement has been made voluntarily in the handwriting of Lt. Veith, who understands English and who has truly translated the same to Lt. Col. de Saint Gast prior to his signing the same.
/s/ Pf. de Saint Gast /s/ Jean Veith
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 13th day of May 1945.
/s/ Henry H. MIZE HENRY H. MIZE Lt. Col. JAGD
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2288-PS
ADOLF HITLER’S GREAT SPEECH BEFORE THE REICHSTAG.
Berlin, 21 May 1935
Voelkischer Beobachter, Southern Germany Special Edition No. 142 a. of 22 May 1935. [Pages 1, 3, 4]
Deputies! Members of the German Reichstag!
* * * * * * *
Leaving these general conclusions now and arriving at a precise fixation of the present current problems for me the
Position of the German Reich Government results as follows:
1. The German Reich Government refuses to adhere to the Geneva Resolutions of 17 March.
The treaty of Versailles was not broken by Germany unilaterally, but the well known paragraphs of the dictate of Versailles were violated and consequently invalidated by those Powers who could not make up their mind to follow the disarmament requested of Germany with their own disarmament as agreed upon by the treaty.
2. Because the other powers did not live up to their obligations under the disarmament program, the Government of the German Reich no longer considers itself bound to those articles which are nothing but a discrimination against the German Nation for an unlimited period of time, since through them Germany is being nailed down in a unilateral manner, contrary to a the spirit of the agreement.
But it solemnly declares that this measure is being taken only with regard to those well known paragraphs which are discriminating against the German people in a moral and factual way.
Therefore, the Government of the German Reich shall absolutely respect all other articles pertaining to the cooperation [Zusammenleben] of the various nations including territorial agreements; revision which will be unavoidable as time goes by, it will carry out by way of a friendly understanding only.
3. The Government of the German Reich has the intention not to sign any treaty which it believes not to be able to fulfill. However, it will live up to every treaty signed voluntarily even if it was composed before this Government took over. Therefore, it will in particular adhere to all the allegations under the Locarno pact as long as the other partners of the pact also adhere to it.
The Government of the German Reich regards the fact that it has to respect the demilitarized zone, as an extremely difficult contribution by a sovereign power, to the pacification, and it believes to be compelled to call attention to the fact that the constant increase in the number of troops on the other side may not just be regarded to be of great comfort to these efforts.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2289-PS
VOELKISCHER BEOBACHTER
Berlin edition No. 68
Berlin, Sunday, 8 March 1936
The important speech of the Fuehrer in the Reichstag on 7 March reads as follows:
Men of the German Reichstag! France has replied to the repeated friendly offers and peaceful assurances made by Germany by infringing on the Rhine Pact through a military alliance with the Soviet Union, exclusively directed against Germany. In this manner, however, the Locarno Rhine Pact has lost its inner meaning and ceased in practice to exist. Consequently, Germany regards herself for her part as no longer bound by this dissolved treaty. The German Government are now constrained to face the new situation created by this alliance, a situation which is rendered more acute by the fact that the Franco-Soviet Treaty has been supplemented by a Treaty of Alliance between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union, exactly parallel in form. In accordance with the fundamental right of a nation to secure its frontiers and insure its possibilities of defense, the German Government have today restored the full and unrestricted sovereignty of Germany in the demilitarized zone of the Rhineland.
* * * * * * *
After a hard inner struggle I have, therefore, decided in the name of the German Reich Cabinet [Reichsregierung] to submit the following memorandum to the French Government and the other signatory powers of the Locarno Pact today.
* * * * * * *
We have no territorial claims to make in Europe. We know above all that all the tensions resulting either from false territorial settlements or from the disproportion of the numbers of inhabitants to their living spaces cannot, in Europe, be solved by war.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2292-PS
THE ARCHIVE [Das Archiv], March 1935, Page 1830.
The German Air Force
The Reich Minister for Aviation [Luftfahrt], 10.3 General of the Airmen, Goering, in his talk with the special correspondent of the Daily Mail, Ward Price, S i expressed himself on the subject of the German Air-Force. 35
General Goering said:
In the extension of our national defense, [Sicherheit] it was necessary, as we repeatedly told the world, to take care of defense in the air. As far as that is concerned I restricted myself to those measures absolutely necessary. The guiding line of my actions was, not the creation of an aggressive force which would threaten other nations, but merely the completion of a military aviation [Luftfahrt] which would be strong enough to repel, at any time, attacks on Germany.
Until the present moment, this has been accomplished on a general basis, as so far we have been discussing airmen in general only without making any definite distinction from the military point of view. The British government, among other proposals, asked Germany to join an Air-Pact, whose object is to take joint action in the air against an aggressor who disturbs the peace, i.e. to put our own Air Force at the disposal of the threatened country. This is the British demand. Germany, trying to do everything and trying to collaborate everywhere where peace can be ensured, replied by a Note expressing her agreement with such an effective protection as is represented by the air-convention.
In this Note Germany expressed to Britain the view that Germany would be prepared to send her Air Force to the help of the threatened country.
After the German government expressed willingness to help, it became necessary to make a clear demarcation within German aviation, namely in this respect: which air force will be able to be made available? This situation brought about the decision as to those of the German aviation who will in future belong to the Air Force and those who will in future remain in civil aviation or in sport aviation. It was necessary to mark this separation also outwardly, so that the members of the German Air Force became soldiers according to the law and their leaders became officers. This involves only a part of the persons who up to the present moment have worked in the common German aviation. Therefore the difference between our Air Force and our civilian aviation shows itself clearly and distinctly in the various badges of rank and in the designation of rank.
I sum up: Our willingness to share in the effective defense of world peace, our assent to hasten with help to the hard pressed country, made the creation of a military aviation imperative, if our assent should not remain merely an empty phrase.
Answering the correspondent’s question about the hierarchy in the new Air Force, its uniforms and its ranks the general said: “The Air Force is under the orders of the Reich Minister for Aviation who controls also civil aviation. His military rank is General of the Airmen [General der Flieger]. The uniform remains similar to the uniform of the sport aviation organization but outwardly it will be marked clearly by military badges of rank. Similarly the names of rank correspond with the military designation of rank from Lieutenant upwards to General of the Airmen.” To the question concerning the nomination of German Air-attaches in foreign missions General Goering replied that the preparations for it were pending. Also about the numerical strength of the Air Force he said that he could not yet give final figures. As far as the percentage ratio to the Air Forces of other powers is concerned, every sensible and decent man ought to realize that Germany, being particularly threatened, needed such figures as would guarantee the absolute safety of the German people. Asked about the role of the Air Force within the Armed Forces, General Goering stated that at the present moment, it was impossible to make a clear appreciation of the situation. But that it was definite that the Air Force must be an integral part of any defense and that without an Air Force the Army and Navy, no matter how strong, were useless.
In conclusion, the correspondent asked whether the German Air Force will be capable of repelling attacks on Germany. General Goering replied to that exactly as follows: “The German Air Force is just as passionately permeated with the will to defend the Fatherland to the last as it is convinced, on the other hand, that it will never be employed to threaten the peace of other nations.”
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2306-PS
REVOLUTION OF EDUCATION
Baldur von Schirach
[Page 51]
The struggle for the unification of the German youth is finished. I considered it as my duty to conduct it in a hard and uncompromising manner. Many might not have realized why we went through so much trouble for the sake of our youth. And yet: The National Socialist German Workers’ Party, whose trustee I felt I always was and always will be, this party considered the struggle for the youth as the decisive element for the future of the German nation.
[Page 52]
And I promise the German public that the youth of the German Reich, the youth of Adolf Hitler will accomplish its duty in the spirit of the man to whom alone their lives belong.
[Page 63]
I am responsible to the Reich that the entire youth of Germany will be educated physically, morally, and spiritually in the spirit of the National Socialist Idea of the State.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2307-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 237
Law concerning the Reunion of Austria with the German Reich, March 13, 1938
The Reich Government has ordained the following law, which is hereby proclaimed:
ARTICLE I. The Federal Constitutional Law of March 13, 1938, ordained by the Austrian Federal Government, concerning the reunion of Austria with the German Reich, hereby becomes a law of the German Reich. It has the following text:
By virtue of Article 3, Section 2, of the Federal Constitutional Law concerning extraordinary measures in the constitutional field (R.G. Blatt, I, No. 255, 1934), the Federal Government has ordained:
Article 1. Austria is a province of the German Reich.
Article 2. On Sunday, April 10, 1938, a free and secret plebiscite shall be held for German men and women of Austria over twenty years of age on the question of reunion with the German Reich.
Article 3. In the plebiscite the majority of the votes cast shall decide the issue.
Article 4. The necessary regulations for the implementation and supplementing of this Federal Constitutional Law shall be provided by decree.
Article 5. This Federal Constitutional Law shall enter into force on the day of its proclamation.
The Federal Government is entrusted with the execution of this Federal Constitutional Law.
Vienna, March 13, 1938.
ARTICLE II. The laws at present in force in Austria shall remain in force until further notice. The introduction of Reich law into Austria will be effected by the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor or by the Reich Minister to whom he may delegate this power.
ARTICLE III. The Reich Minister of the Interior, in consultation with the other Reich Ministers concerned, is empowered to issue the legal and administrative regulations necessary for the implementation and supplementing of this law.
ARTICLE IV. This law shall enter into force on the day of its proclamation.
Linz, March 13, 1938.
ADOLF HITLER, Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor; GOERING, General Field Marshal, Reich Minister of Aviation; FRICK, Reich Minister of the Interior; VON RIBBENTROP, Reich Minister of Foreign Affairs; R. HESS, Deputy Fuehrer.
COPY OF DOCUMENT 2309-PS
HEADQUARTERS
THIRD UNITED STATES ARMY
JUDGE ADVOCATE SECTION
WAR CRIMES BRANCH
APO 403 3 JA 122 21 June 1945
SUBJECT: Report of Investigation of War Crimes.
TO: Commanding General, Third United States Army, APO 403.
I. AUTHORITY
1. This investigation was conducted in conformity with letter, Headquarters European Theater of Operations, file AG 000.5, OpJA. Subject: Establishment of War Crimes Branches, 24 February 1945, by 2d Lt. John J. Reid, AUS, Investigator-Examiner, from 25 April 1945 to 2 May 1945 inclusive and pursuant to directive of Commanding General, Third United States Army, a copy of the order which is attached hereto as Exhibit A.
II. MATTERS INVESTIGATED--FLOSSENBURG CONC. CAMP (P-3338)
2. a. Killing of interned Allied National Civil population and Allied National PWs by various cruel and inhuman methods such as neck-shooting, hanging, poison injections, forced suicides, lack of medical treatment, starvation, beatings, and other numerous inhuman methods purposely inflicted to result in death, (Violation of Geneva Prisoners of War Convention, Rules of Land Warfare and the customary law as observed by Civilized Nations).
b. Living and working conditions of internees which were beyond physical endurance and resulted in a systematic elimination of prisoners.
c. Starvation rations of internees which resulted in death and permanent physical impairment of prisoners.
d. Cruel and inhuman treatment and methods used by members of the German Armed Forces and/or persons under their immediate command against Allied National Civilians and Allied National Prisoners of War. (Violation of Article 2 of the Geneva Convention. Paragraphs 73, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 102, 105, 119, 127, 129, 132, 172, FM 27-10 Rules of Land Warfare and in violation of the customary law observed by Civilized Nations).
e. Unlawful killing by shooting, hanging and other methods, of Allied National Civil population who had been interned and/or otherwise arrested by members of the German Armed Forces (Violation of the customary laws observed by civilized nations).
III. PROCEEDINGS
3. a. The testimony of all witnesses examined in the course of this investigation was secured through the use of an interpreter after the witness had been sworn under authority of Article of War 114, in the following form: “You swear that the evidence you shall give in this investigation now being conducted shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. So help you God.” The examination of each such witness where practical was conducted in my presence.
In the case at hand, it being impracticable to use a stenographic-reporter, the witness after having first been duly sworn was questioned regarding his knowledge of the matters under investigation. The witness then propounded his testimony in a narrative statement in his own handwriting, where practicable, and in his own native language. The witnesses then after being sworn signed the statement. The interpreter was also sworn in the following form: “You swear that you will truly interpret in this investigation now being conducted. So help you God.”
b. The transcribed sworn testimony of each such witness whose name is listed below is hereto attached as an exhibit, the number of which is indicated in the lower right-hand corner of the paper preceded by the letter “B.”
SWORN STATEMENTS OF WITNESSES: See Appendix (1) for index and exhibits.
UNSWORN STATEMENTS, LETTERS, REPORTS, ETC.: See Appendix (2) for index and exhibits.
c. PHOTOGRAPHS:
1. Photographs of some of the SS personnel of Camp Flossenburg. See Appendix (3) for index and photographs.
2. Atrocity scenes. See Appendix (4) for index and photographs.
IV. SUMMARY OF FACTS
4. Concentration Camp Flossenburg (Coord. P-3338), was founded in 1938 as a camp for political prisoners. Construction was commenced on the camp in 1938 and it was not until April 1940 that the first transport of prisoners was received. From this time on the prisoners began to flow steadily into the camp (Exh. B-1). Flossenburg was the mother camp and under its direct control and jurisdiction were 47 satellite camps or outer-commandos for male prisoners and 27 camps for female workers. To these outer-commandos were supplied the necessary prisoners for the various work projects undertaken.
Of all these outer-commandos Hersbruck and Leitmeritz (in Czechoslovakia), Oberstaubling, Mulsen and Sall, located on the Danube, were considered to be the worst. The work at these camps mainly consisted of underground labor, the purpose being the construction of large underground factories, storage rooms, etc. This labor was performed completely underground and as a result of the brutal treatment, working and living conditions, a daily average of 100 prisoners died. To the one camp Oberstaubling, 700 prisoners were transported in February 1945 and on the 15th of April 1945 only 405 of these men were living (Exh. B-1). During the 12 months preceding the liberation, Flossenburg and the branch camps under its control accounted for the death of 14,739 male inmates and 1,300 women. These figures represent the deaths as they were obtained from the available records in the camp, however, they are in no way complete as many secret mass executions and deaths took place. In 1941 an additional stockade was added to the Flossenburg Camp, to hold 2,000 Russian prisoners. From these 2,000 prisoners only 102 survived. (Exh. B-1)
Flossenburg Concentration Camp can best be described as a factory dealing in death. Although this camp had in view the primary object of putting to work the mass slave labor, another of its primary objectives was the elimination of human lives by the methods employed in handling the prisoners. (Exh. B-2)
Hunger and starvation rations, sadism, housing facilities, inadequate clothing, medical neglect, disease, beatings, hangings, freezing, hand hanging, forced suicides, shooting, etc., all played a major role in obtaining their objective. Prisoners were murdered at random, spite killings against Jews were common. Injections of poison and shooting in the neck were everyday occurrences. Epidemics of typhus and spotted fever were permitted to run rampant as a means of eliminating prisoners. Life in this camp meant nothing. Killing became a common thing, so common that a quick death was welcomed by the unfortunate ones.
(See following List of Exhibits as References)
Hunger and Starvation Exh. B-1, B-2, B-3, B-4 Freezing Exh. B-11 Medical Neglect Exh. B-1, B-12 Torturous Beatings and Exh. B-1, B-2, B-6, B-12, B-3, Floggings B-11, B-13, C-2 Forced Suicides Exh. B-2, B-13 Hangings Exh. B-1, B-2, B-4, B-5, B-6, B-7, B-12, C-2 Hand Hangings Exh. B-11 Poison Injections Exh. B-1, B-8, C-1, C-2 Typhus and Spotted Fever Exh. B-1, B-2, B-9, C-1, C-3 Shooting Exh. B-6, B-2, B-3, B-13, B-15
The system set up at this camp seemed to be one of mass elimination of the prisoners caused by devious means. Starvation diets wilfully designed to produce death within a few months played a major role. Typhus and spotted fever were encouraged as a means of disposing of many. There were innumerable executions, mistreatments, beatings, flogging to death, which continued up until the time this camp was overrun by our forces. Mass hanging took place. Generally, the persons hanged were stripped naked. Oftimes they were beaten before hanging till the unfortunate victims begged for immediate hanging to ease the pain. At first the SS men in charge of the hangings were given extra rations for each hanging. Later on the hangings became so numerous that the extra rations were stopped. Hanging a person by his wrists with a heavy barrel suspended from his ankles was another method of execution. This caused the person’s insides to be torn up and he died. (Exh. B-11) On Christmas 1944 a number of prisoners were hung at one time. The prisoners were forced to view this hanging. By the side of the gallows was a decorated Christmas tree and as expressed by one prisoner “it was a terrible sight, that combination of prisoners hanging in the air with the glistening Christmas tree.” (Exh. B-12)
In March or April, 13 American or British parachutists were hung. They had been delivered to this camp sometime before and had been captured while trying to blow up bridges. (Exh. B-7, B-8a&b)
Many thousands were tortured and killed by every known method. New methods of brutal punishment and torture killing were devised by certain members of the camp who became particularly known for their sadistic methods.
On April 20, 1945, approximately 15,000 prisoners were assembled to make a forced march in the direction of Concentration Camp Dachau. The evacuation of these prisoners was caused by the impending capture of the camp by the Allies. These 15,000 prisoners were lined up in three groups and started on this march. Only those prisoners who could walk were taken and before leaving Flossenburg, many were executed, as also were those who collapsed in rank awaiting the movement to start the trek. No provision was made for the feeding of these prisoners or sleeping on this trip. They marched in long columns guarded by SS guards. (Exh. C-2)
Thousands were killed on the way and the paths which they took were littered with the dead. Groups of from 5 to 50 were taken out and forced to dig pits and then were shot. (Exh. B-14, B-15, C-4, C-5). Many graves were not even covered. As the already starved and weakened prisoners fell from exhaustion, a group of SS guards bringing up the rear would kill them by a shot in the back of the head. All who fell out of line were immediately executed in this manner. Death was also caused by beatings or bashings in the skulls. (Exh. B-1, B-3, B-13, E-17)
The prisoners marched from Friday till Monday during which time they received only 100 grams of bread. They marched in the rain and slept in the fields in the mud and water. Many died from exhaustion. On the 23rd day of April 1945, between the towns of Cham (U-5850) and Roding (U-4868), they were liberated by the American Troops. (Exh. B-3, B-13) (Photographs taken near Wetterfield (U-5070) of one of the graves on this march.) (Exh. E-1 to E-17)
5. The victims of Flossenburg included among them, Russian civilians and prisoners of war, German nationals, Italians, Belgians, Poles, Czechs, Hungarians, British, and American prisoners of war. No practical means was available to complete a list of victims at this camp, however, since the foundation of the Camp in 1938 until the day of liberation it is estimated that more than 29,000 inmates died. (Exh. B-1)
6. PERPETRATORS
This camp was controlled and run by one class of people, SS troops. The list of perpetrators includes a few civilian prisoners, who managed to gain favor with the SS by carrying out orders of execution and beatings upon their fellow inmates. These prisoners who obtained their immunity and privilege at the cost of other men’s lives are deemed equally as guilty.
The citations referred to in the list of perpetrators is by no means complete nor is the list of guilty persons complete. (See Appendix (5) for index and exhibits.)
V. CONCLUSIONS
7. That the exploitation, killing and atrocities committed upon prisoners was a part of a well regulated scheme or plan of the Nazi SS Group, is clearly indicated by the evidence presented here and resulted in the death of thousands.
Flossenburg Concentration Camp, Germany, was the scene of every type and form of Nazi brutality and atrocity committed upon the unfortunate individuals who happened to be sent to this camp. Practically every nationality of Europe was at sometime or another represented in this camp. The majority of prisoners, however, were Russians and Poles. No line of demarkation was made between sexes. Men, women and children were executed in the most brutal fashions.
The responsibility for this camp must be placed upon all personnel who held an active part as a member of the organizational set-up. Whether these persons were ones who actually inflicted the mortal punishment is of little consequence. They all at the least failed to lift a restraining hand in the punishments and atrocities committed upon the inmates therein.
JOHN J. REID 2d Lt, AUS
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2310-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 247
First Decree of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor concerning the Introduction of German Reich Law in Austria, March 15, 1938.
By virtue of Article II of the law of March 13, 1938, concerning the reunion of Austria with the German Reich (RGBl I, p. 237), I order:
SECTION 1. (1) The sphere of validity of the official gazettes of the Reich shall be extended to the province of Austria.
(2) Reich laws which are proclaimed after the effective date of the law of March 13, 1938, concerning the reunion of Austria with the German Reich (RGBl I, p. 237), shall be valid for the province of Austria unless their application to the province of Austria is expressly held in abeyance.
SECTION 2. From the effective date of this decree, the following shall be applied in substance in the province of Austria:
1. The Reich flag law of September 15, 1935 (RGBl I, p. 1145), with the provision that Jews shall be forbidden to raise the Reich and National Flag and to display the Reich colors;
2. The law against formation of new parties of July 14, 1933 (RGBl I, p. 479);
3. The law for the preservation of unity of party and state of December 1, 1933 (RGBl I, p. 1016), as amended by the law of July 3, 1934 (RGBl I, p. 529);
4. The law concerning Reich governors of January 30, 1935 (RGBl I, p. 65) with the provision that instructions of Reich ministers to the Reich Governor in Austria shall require, until further notice, the approval of the Reich Minister of the Interior;
5. The order for implementation of the Four-Year Plan of October 18, 1936 (RGBl I, p. 887);
6. The Reich law concerning the compulsory registration of members of the German State abroad of February 3, 1938 (RGBl I, p. 113).
SECTION 3. (1) Regulations for effecting the transition shall be issued by the Reich Minister of the Interior or by the Reich Governor in Austria with the approval of the Reich Minister of the Interior.
2. By this means regulations of the Reich and regulations of the province of Austria can be assimilated in one another.
3. Incompatible regulations of the province of Austria shall be invalidated.
SECTION 4. This decree shall enter into force on the day of its proclamation.
Vienna, March 15, 1938. ADOLF HITLER, Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor FRICK, Reich Minister of the Interior
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2311-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 245
Decree of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor concerning the Administration of the Oath to the Officials of the Province of Austria, March 15, 1938.
By virtue of Article II of the law of March 13, 1938, concerning the reunion of Austria with the German Reich (RGBl I, p. 237), I issue the following order:
SECTION 1. Public officials of the province of Austria shall take an oath of office upon entrance into service.
SECTION 2. The oath of office of public officials reads: “I swear that I shall be loyal and obedient to Adolf Hitler, the Fuehrer of the German Reich and People, and that I shall observe the laws and conscientiously fulfill the duties of my office, so help me God.”
SECTION 3. The officials at present in office shall be sworn in forthwith in accordance with Section 2.
Jewish officials shall not be sworn in.
SECTION 4. A person is Jewish if he is descended from at least three racially full-blooded Jewish grandparents. A grandparent is automatically considered a full-blooded Jew if he belonged to the Jewish congregation.
A Jewish half-breed descended from two full-blooded Jewish grandparents is considered a Jew:
a. If he belonged to the Jewish congregation on September 16, 1935, or became a member of it thereafter.
b. If he was married to a Jew on September 16, 1935, or entered into marriage with one thereafter.
SECTION 5. Anyone who refuses to take this oath shall be removed from office.
SECTION 6. The legal and administrative regulations necessary for the implementation of this law shall be issued by the Reich Governor (Austrian Provincial Government).
SECTION 7. This decree shall enter into force on the day of its proclamation.
Vienna, March 15, 1938. ADOLF HITLER, Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2313-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 254
Order for the Transfer of the Austrian National Bank to the Reichsbank, March 17, 1938
By virtue of Article II of the law of March 13, 1938, concerning the reunion of Austria with the German Reich (RGBl I, p. 237), I order:
Section 1. The administration of the Austrian National Bank shall be transferred to the Reichsbank.
Section 2. The Austrian National Bank shall be liquidated, and its assets placed by the Reichsbank to the Account of the Reich.
Section 3. In taking over operations, the Reichsbank shall transfer to its staff the entire personnel of the Austrian National Bank, with due regard for legal and contractual rights.
Section 4. This order shall enter into force upon its proclamation.
Berlin, March 17, 1938.
ADOLF HITLER, Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
FRICK, Reich Minister of the Interior.
Count SCHWERIN VON KROSIGK, Reich Minister of Finance.
Dr. HJALMAR SCHACHT, Reich Minister and President of the Reichsbank
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2315-PS
THE LAW OF THE REICH CHAMBER OF CULTURE
[Das Recht der Reichskulturkammer]
Edited by Karl Fr. Schrieber, Publ. by Junkor und Duennhaupt, Berlin. Vol. 2 (1 Jan. to 30 June 1935).
Order concerning the Supervision of District Leaders of the Work of the Reich Chamber of Culture [Page 25].
Dated 12 Nov. 1934 (Published in the daily press).
In the process of unification of Party and State, it must be put into effect that, in general, the same tasks of the Party and of the State will also be administered by the same people. The Gau propaganda chiefs of the Party are, according to that, also the district leaders [Landesstellenleiter] of the Reich Ministry for National Enlightenment and Propaganda. In compliance with this regulation, the Reich Chamber of Culture must also be incorporated in the union of the Party and State. Therefore, I order that the district leaders and the Gau propaganda chiefs [Gaupropagandaleiter], as district administrators of culture, exercise from now on supervision over the work of the Reich Chamber of Culture in their districts. The individual chambers and their district associations are instructed to adjust and to subordinate their district formations and organizations in the Reich to those of the district and of the Gau propaganda offices. The Gau leaders have the privilege to suggest and to reject the appointment of personnel for these offices. The appointment is then effected by the president of the chamber. Guiding rules for the execution of this order will soon be published in detail.
Heil Hitler! Signed: Dr. Goebbels
# # # # #
Order Concerning Closure of Newspaper Publications for the Purpose of Eliminating Unsound Competitive Conditions
[Pages 121-122]
Dated 24 April 1935 (V.B. 35/25.4)
# # # # #
On the basis of paragraph 25 of the first decree concerning the execution of the law on the Reich Chamber of Culture, dated 1 November 1933 (RGBl, I/1933, page 797ff), I decree the following:
I. If a great number of newspaper publications exists in one locality, whose operation depends on the sale of a higher circulation than can altogether be disposed of according to local conditions and sound principles of publication, individual publications can be discontinued for the establishment of sound economic conditions.
In order to obtain evidence, the publications may be subjected to an examination; all inside information is to be given to the agencies which I assign to undertake these examinations.
II. For the execution of this order, the Reich Union of German Newspaper Publishers is instructed to report to me those localities in which, because of numerical overproduction, acute competitive conditions exist, and to name the publication which ought to be subjected to an examination. This union has, hereby, to act according to the principles laid down in my announcement concerning “The press in the second year of the National Socialistic State.” It is further instructed to ascertain whether the closing of establishments can be avoided by voluntary unifications. It will report to me until the 31st of July 1935.
Berlin, 24 April 1935.
# # # # #
The President of the Reich Chamber of the Press
AMANN
The article of the President of the Reich Chamber of the Press in regard to “The Press in the second year of the National Socialistic State” is concerned, among other things, with the numerical overproduction that exists in newspaper publications. He demanded the removal of this condition. Proceeding from the fact that already before the 30th of January 1933, under the multiparty system at that time, there was an excess of newspapers at hand, he states that this fact stands out today even more strongly in the face of the subjugation of parties and other special interests. He emphasized further that, insofar as overproduction had been increased by the strong growth of the official Party Press, the affected publications of competitors would have to fall back behind the official Party Press. This point of view will be brought into effect in the execution of the order for the closing of newspaper publications for the purpose of eliminating unsound competitive conditions. In particular, the unsound competitive conditions are to be eliminated under which, newspapers with high circulation in the course of the developments fought each other as competitors. Considering the fact that in probably all these cases there were fewer newspapers with high circulation on 30 January 1933 than at present, then the result, without doubt, is that the publications concerned require such circulations, in order to be profitable in relation to the size of their business, as cannot be attained or maintained by means of sound advertising and competitive measures under the competitive conditions prevailing at present. The order thus serves the elimination of economically poor conditions which, seen from a long-range view, must cause prejudice, far beyond the small circle of the publications immediately concerned, to the German Press and to its cultural missions. This order promotes the conciliation and the organic development of the entire German Press. In this way, the order assures the press the opportunity to fulfill its noble task which it has to accomplish for the benefit of the nation and the people. Of course, the execution of this order, as is already indicated by its purpose, will be guided by the endeavor to utilize the existing economical values in the future to the greatest possible degree. The President of the Reich Chamber of the Press will therefore endeavor at first in every individual case to effect agreements which will relieve him of the necessity to issue orders for the closing of establishments. In this sense, the instructions, given at the end of Number II of the regulation, to the Reich Union of the German Newspaper Publishers, are of special importance.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2319-PS
ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP
Edited by The Reichsorganisationsleiter of the NSDAP (4th edition, 1937). Published by the Central Publishing House of the NSDAP, Franz Eher’s Successor.
[Pages 143-144]
The Organization of the NSDAP in Foreign Countries
The organization of the NSDAP in foreign countries (AO) is regulated from the standpoint of organization along district lines. The Director of the AO (with the rank of Gauleiter) is immediately subordinated to the Fuehrer’s Deputy. The AO has its headquarters in Berlin. The Director of the organization in foreign countries is at the same time Chief of the Foreign Service Organization in the Foreign Office and directs the unified supervision of German nationals in foreign countries.
Duties and Authority
The duty of the AO is to win over the German nationals in foreign lands and in the shipping world to the National Socialist point of view and to keep alive the idea of a racial community over all classes, professions, and confessions in every single German, living in a foreign country.
The AO will keep itself aloof from all non-German issues.
The AO is the only competent party office for all Party Organizations abroad (with the exception of Danzig and Memel) and on board German ships. The Director of the AO is responsible for all measures, principles, and directives given in this sphere of activity. He is further responsible for seeing that the Special directives issued by all the competent offices of the Reich government are modified in such a way that they are suitable for conditions abroad in order that German interests are not under any circumstances endangered or damaged.
All party members domiciled abroad, who take up permanent residence there or who are employed in seagoing ships, are subordinate to the AO and are not to be considered party members of districts within the Reich. Party members engaged in shipping, who leave their work afloat and are without work for at least six months, are to be transferred to the appropriate Gau within Germany, also party members abroad who return and take-up permanent residence in the fatherland.
Members of the families of German seamen, residing at home and who belong to the NS Women’s Organization are administered by the NS Women’s group--shipping--of the organization of the NSDAP in foreign countries. This pertains to all districts in which the AO--shipping has divisions, subdivisions, and branches.
Organization
The Staff of the AO carries the designation “Supervision of the Organization of the NSDAP in Foreign Countries.”
The AO of the NSDAP is subdivided into national groups, national districts, districts, local groups, and branches. The term “national group” is to be used only for those countries which are particularly important as far as German nationals abroad are concerned. To all other countries the term “national district” applies.
The Party functionaries of the AO are:
1. The Director with the rank of Gauleiter.
2. The Deputy Director with the rank of Deputy Gauleiter.
3. The heads of the national groups (on account of different conditions in all of the different countries of the world in which the organization is to be found) with the rank of a district office leader.
4. The heads of national districts with the rank of a district leader.
5. The district leaders.
6. The leaders of local groups.
7. The leaders of branches.
The Office Chiefs in the Head Office of the AO, the commissioners for foreign countries, under whom are several national groups and national districts (partly in our part of the earth), and the leaders of the national groups have the rank of a Gauamtsleiter. Subordinate to the Director of the Office of AO Shipping Section of the NSDAP are:
1. The divisional leaders in Bremen, Hamburg, Luebeck, and Stettin with the rank of a Gauhaupt Stellenleiter.
2. Local group and branch leaders on board German ships.
In order to identify the political leaders and party members of the AO, the leader has permitted the members of the AO to wear a special badge. (See picture.) It portrays a black diamond which, set up on its point, is worn on the left arm (lower end 2 centimeters above the cuff). Within the black diamond are the two letters AO, for the Party Functionaries in gold and for all others in silver. Party members wear the badge on the brown shirt. The badge may only be worn, as long as the party member in question belongs to the AO. It is to be discarded as soon as he returns home and is transferred to a local group.
The graphical plan of organization serves to illustrate the organization in detail.
The entire business of all party offices with the organizations of the NSDAP abroad and in the shipping service must be carried out through the Director of the AO. The associations belonging to the party, who in the course of their operations endeavor to enlist German nationals abroad may only do this within the framework of the AO.
[Pages 295-312]
The Reichpropaganda Leader of the NSDAP and Propaganda Leader
The propaganda of the NSDAP, its organizations and associate groups is the responsibility of the Reichpropaganda leader of the Reich:
Duties
1. He determines the entire propaganda aspect of the movement including its organizations and associate groups.
2. He lays down the directions to be followed by the party including the organizations and associate groups as far as realizing the Fuehrer’s wishes as regards culture are concerned.
3. He exercises control over the entire German radio system in regard to its interior organizational, cultural, and economic development.
4. The saturating of the German nation with national socialist ideology is his concern.
5. He enlightens the people concerning the Fuehrer’s accomplishments both as regards party and State.
For propaganda purposes, the press, the radio, and films are put into use.
The Chief of Staff and adjutant are subordinate to the Reich propaganda leader.
The sphere of activity of the Reich propaganda leader can be divided into five groups, and each group is under the control of an office of its own.
1. Active propaganda. 2. Films. 3. Radio. 4. Culture. 5. Liaison Office.
Chief of Staff
Directly subordinate to the Chief of Staff are:
1. The “Reich ring for national socialist propaganda and national enlightenment.”
2. The “Reichsautozug Deutschland” and the “Hilfszug” Bavaria.
3. The business center of the Reichpropaganda office.
4. The main office of press propaganda.
5. The main office for exhibitions and fairs.
The duty of the Reich ring for National Socialist Propaganda and national enlightenment is to insure the uniform direction of the propaganda of all organizations and associated groups, through the party. Through the duly qualified party functionaries one representative from the propaganda offices of all organizations and groups is allotted to the Reich ring. To these representatives are added representatives of certain offices of the Reich government, etc.
Office of press propaganda. The duty of the central office of the press propaganda is to revise, on the basis of newspaper technique, propaganda measures resulting from the general work of all offices of the Reichpropaganda leader and to submit them to the competent authorities of the national socialist party press as well as the rest of the press.
Central office for exhibitions and fairs. The duty of the central office for exhibitions and fairs is to supervise all exhibitions in which the party intends to participate, from a propaganda point of view.
1. The Office of active propaganda. The duty of active propaganda is to effect the uniform execution of all active propaganda measures from the large scale organizations of gigantic size with their architectural-like structure down to the organizations of local groups, and branches.
This means that the whole propaganda organization of the movement, its organizations and associated groups are combined.
Parallel with the daily handling of current political questions, there is the supplying of the entire speakers’ staff with information and the provision of all propagandists of the Reich with the monthly magazine “Our Will and Way.”
As a supplement to speaking, there must be the designing and distribution of appropriate placards and pamphlets as well as the careful examination of convention reports on the part of the speakers and the directors of propaganda.
A complete picture of the propaganda can be seen from the statistical survey of all reports coming from districts and Gaus (in regard to propaganda).
Central office of speaker’s organization. The central office of speaker’s organization comprises by way of its subordinate office “Speakers’ organization” all Reich, Gau, and district speakers of the NSDAP as well as all Specialist Speakers of the organizations and associated groups. This staff of speakers for the whole movement is constantly furnished with material by the office of “Speakers’ information,” which counts as the only material for speeches and the only material for information by the party.
The “Speakers’ Agency” of Reich speakers, shock troop speakers of the Reich propaganda Directorate and cadets for the Shock troops operates through the office of “Speakers’ Agency.” The “Speakers School” subordinate to the central office does not only provide for a further supply of political and specialized speakers but also for constantly enriching the knowledge of all actively engaged speakers. For this purpose a special “Reich School for Speakers” has been installed.
The Party Speakers
Speakers are classified as follows:
1. Reich speaker. 2. Speaker for the Shock troops and cadets. 3. Gau speaker. 4. District speaker. 5. Specialized speaker.
(When announcing meetings, the speakers designations as they appear above are to be strictly adhered to).
Their employment is decided as follows:
a. The principle of capability.
b. The merits of the veteran fighter.
On principle, it is to be differentiated between political and technical speakers.
2. Central office of the film industry. The duty of the central office of the film industry is to exhibit such films regularly as adequately serve to enlighten and educate the masses and strengthen national socialist ideology. Associated with the film division is the office of photography.
The central office of the film industry is divided into:
Organization Finance administration Production and technique Dramatic theory Cultural films Newsfilms Photography
3. Central Radio office. The radio organization of the NSDAP must exercise a constant control over the entire German radio system in order to synchronize the internal organization, cultural, technical, and economic development of the radio system with national socialist principles.
The effects of radio propaganda are assured through the organization of radio technicians with the assistance of all technical possibilities as regards transmission, for the coordinating of the entire nation in every corner of the Reich--whether listening in at home, in a community, to a national broadcast.
Central bureau of Cultural Political Radio Activities and Radio Organization: Transmitting and receiving system, cultural productions on the radio, broadcasts to schools, scientific radio work, radio for youth.
Organization of the broadcasting personnel (Reich radio association, individual association of the Reich Kultur Association, associations of people interested in radio) radio exhibitions.
Central office of radio technique, technical transmission service (loud speaker system), technical training in radio, short wave and amateur transmission, telegraphy and ultra-short wave system, technical production questions.
Central office of radio propaganda. Propaganda operations by radio, the recruiting of listeners, radio news system, political Reichtransmissions.
4. Central office for culture. The duty of the central office for culture is to stimulate, to preserve, to supervise artistic creation in the sense of the formal expression of the national socialist ideology and to incorporate into the Party Propaganda its organizations, and associate groups. The following serve this purpose among other things:
Central office of Architecture. The issuing of general directions and regulations concerning questions as regards the architectural structure of monuments and such edifices which serve the public activity of the national socialist movement.
Central office for artistic designs. The issuing of general directions and orders in regard to all other questions of the artistic designing of symbols, objects, etc., which are used in the public activities of the national socialist movement.
The issuing of general directions and rules for the artistic setting for demonstration and the organizing of National Socialist celebrations making use of cultural means.
Central office of selection. Part of the duties in this sphere of activity are the screening and selecting of musical and poetical works with the aim in view of using them at national socialist demonstrations and celebrations.
Central office of program organization. The drawing up of model programs for celebrations of the national socialist movement and for organizing settings for national socialist demonstrations on the basis of the type of tradition formed in the fighting days [Kampfzeit].
Elimination of unsuitable settings which may find their way into the movement through unauthorized agencies. War against trash, preservation of definite national socialist aspect in the settings for celebrations, the prevention of mystic and pseudoreligious falsification of our ideology, as a result of prodigious constructions by misguided cult devotees. Professional artists to be put to work following above-mentioned directives. Suitable persons will be chosen by the Reichpropaganda leader in the central office of culture, as permanent co-workers, especially for the purpose of operating in specialized fields. Practical courses for cultivation of folk songs for the purpose of finding the proper personnel for the planning of activities in all organizations of the movement. The “Proposals for the Planning of National Socialist Celebrations” issued monthly by the Central Office for Culture will furnish the leaders of propaganda and central offices for culture, with the necessary material. Therein are also found appropriate instructions for the planning of discussion evenings, membership meetings, evening meetings of the Hitler Youth, evening gatherings of SA and SS comrades, in a manner befitting our creed and to avoid monotony. The unity of the Party and legitimate cohesion within the cultural sphere is guaranteed through the coordination of the important offices. The Reich propaganda leader of the NSDAP is also president of the cultural association.
The Director of the office for culture of the Reich propaganda Directorate is also the director of Reich culture in the Reich Cultural Association.
5. Liaison officer. The duty of the liaison officer is to centralize all business with Reichministries, officials, and public bodies, etc. Thus it is assured that the general principles of propaganda are brought to the knowledge of the appropriate Reich officials. In reverse, the liaison office brings all problems and instructions, that emanate from the Reich propaganda ministry to the knowledge of the Reich propaganda Directorate.
In order to coordinate the propaganda of both the party and the state, it is the duty of the liaison office to bring the general principles of the Reich propaganda directorate to the knowledge of the bodies subordinate to the Reichministry for national enlightenment and propaganda which are also associated with and administered by this Ministry.
The Gau, Office of Propaganda, as commissioner of the Gauleiter for the entire propaganda aspect of the national socialist movement, the Gauleiter Propaganda takes precedence over the Gau Propaganda Office.
For the purpose of carrying out the work of the district, the following leaders are under his jurisdiction as is the case with the Reich propaganda Directorate.
1. Director of active propaganda.
2. Director of films.
3. Director of radio.
4. Director of culture.
5. Director of The Gauring for national socialist propaganda and popular enlightenment.
6. Liaison officer.
The duties technically correspond to those of the Reichpropaganda Directorate.
The Gauleiter Propaganda is also director of national culture of the Reich cultural association. In this way it is assured that the cultural will of the national socialist movement is carried out even in the most insignificant parts of the Reich Cultural association (Reich Music Association, Reich Association of Fine Arts, Reich Literary Association, Reich Press Association, Reich Film Association, Reich Radio Association).
The Gauleiter Propaganda is also, in most instances, Director of the National Office for enlightenment of the people and propaganda.
The District Propaganda Office.
The Director of District propaganda is the commissioner of the Kreisleiter for the entire propaganda aspect of the party within this district.
The following are the responsibility of the Director:
1. Active propaganda.
2. Films.
3. Radio.
4. Culture.
5. Kreisring for national socialist propaganda and popular enlightenment.
6. Liaison office.
The liaison office maintains the connection between the Landrats and Regional [Bezirk] offices.
The duties technically correspond to those of the Gau Propaganda Office (according to need).
The Director of the Local Group Propaganda.
The Director of the Local Group Propaganda is responsible to the Party Functionary of the local group for the entire propaganda aspect of the movement.
In order to execute his duties, specialists on culture, films and radio are subordinate to him. He solves all problems of active propaganda direct, and he must also remain in constant communication with the appropriate mayor and chairman of the district council, respectively. In addition to that he maintains contact with the organizations and associate groups.
The duties technically correspond to those of the office of district propaganda as may be needed.
The Leader of the Branch [Stuetzpunkt] Propaganda
His sphere of activity corresponds with that of the leader of the local group propaganda.
The Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP Offices of the Press and Commissioners
In his decree of February 28, 1934, the Fuehrer formulated the sphere of activity reserved for the Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP, the decree of the Fuehrer is as follows:
I. The Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP is vested with the following powers:
1. He determines on my behalf the general policy of the entire editorial work within the party press. Moreover, he is as my Chief of press the final authority for all press releases of the party and all offices.
2. The editorial Staff of the Party Press as well as Gau journalists of the NSDAP are subordinate to the Chief of the Reich press as far as work is concerned. He has the right to interfere in all personal questions.
3. All existing press divisions, press bureaus, etc., existing within the party or within its subsidiary or subordinate organizations (political organization, SA and SS, Hitler Youth, German labor front), regardless of the particular organizational status of their work in the field of publishing, are subordinate to the Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP and responsible to him.
4. The Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP approves all news services and correspondence, which are issued by one of the offices of the NSDAP or regarded as national socialist.
The Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP can take all necessary measures for the execution of his duties.
Berlin, February 28, 1934.
Signed: Adolf Hitler.
Corresponding with this order of the Fuehrer, the Office of the Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP is the central office for all the political publishing activity of the party.
II. The technical authorities directly subordinate are:
1. The Chief editors of the party press. They are the responsible editorial leaders of the National Socialist party papers owned by the party and are directly responsible to the Chief of the Reich press as regards their editorial work. They have to be confirmed by the Chief of the Reich press and they can have the rank of a leader of a district office.
2. The press representatives of the individual offices of the Reich Government. They take care of the press interests of the larger organizations and party offices within the framework of the editorial and political principles of the Chief of the Reich press.
3. The journalistic-political organ of the NSDAP.
a. Editor-in-Chief of the Office of the District Press: The office of the district press is that office of the district which with the help of the party offices of the district, subordinate to it and associated with it as regards problems of journalism, represents the interests of the party through the medium of the papers and periodicals published in this district. This representation of interests involves particularly the progressive cooperation of the whole journalistic life of the district.
The office of the district press has the following functions to perform:
News and Information Service
The office of the district press furnishes the newspapers, by means of the regularly appearing National Socialist Gau Service, with all the news material in regard to all Party arrangements and events in the district. Moreover, its news information service, based on records is at the disposal of all papers for dealing with all questions, concerning the party.
The Personal News Service
The office of the district press makes information accessible to editors through press conferences, receptions with functionaries of the individual party offices, etc. It informs the editorial boards of the district of the special journalist political wishes of the Gauleitungen.
Information given to the party press:
The office of the district press, on the basis of reports of the political press organ, informs the editorial boards of the party press about the wishes of the readers in regard to newspaper technique. Moreover, it is in charge of local reporting of party affairs and educates the editorial board and press officials as regards newspaper technique.
b. The editor of the district press and the head of the local group:
The editor of the district press and the head of the local group respectively, have duties that are technically derived from those of the Head of the Office of the district press. Permission to publish must, however, in all cases be granted through the head of the office of the district press. Press representatives of the organizations and offices can also be requested here. In the hands of the press chiefs of the local groups, who can have the rank of a head of the office of a local group, there lies, above all, the reporting of local party news, namely, the journalistic evaluation of the entire social service work of the local group, formulated in accord with the directives of the political journalistic service.
III. In order to carry out his duties, the Chief of the Reich press has established the following bureaus in Berlin, as well as in Munich:
1. The press personnel bureau with the office in Munich. The press personnel bureau works out all personal questions, especially that concerning the conferring of the “party press armband” upon proved national socialist editors. (The armband is to be worn on the left forearm only on special occasions). Moreover in a special department the official gazette of the Reich Government is being prepared.
2. The political press bureau with its office in Berlin. The political press bureau concerns itself with the general principles regarding the work of the party press as well as the entire use of the political press organ of the party.
The head of the political press bureau has also been chosen by the chief of the Reich press as his commissioner for the entire press service system of the party and exercises the right of controlling and vetoing all press releases, which are issued by party bureaus or those which are regarded as national socialist.
The head of the political press bureau is editor-in-chief of the national socialist party press service [N.S.K.] The NSK is the only official press service of the NSDAP and it alone is empowered to publish in the name of the party, for all Reich Government offices, including their subsidiary and subordinate organizations. The NSK as press service is at the disposal of all the editorial staffs of the whole German press.
The political press bureau has its headquarters in the NS press House in Berlin. In the NS Press House all party papers are represented by their own Berlin editors.
[Pages 307-310].
The Reich Director of the Press
Duty
The Reich Director of the Press has to perform the duties of a publisher and politician [verlagspolitische Aufgaben].
He is commissioned to furnish the German people with a press, which owes allegiance to them and is responsible to them and which is to reflect the life and the experiences of the German community. Furthermore, the Reich Director of the Press has the duty of taking the necessary measures to enforce the demands made on him as publisher and politician which are laid down in the program of the NSDAP under point 23 and to see that they are carried out. The latter applies especially to the decree of April 25, 1935 relative to “the preservation of the independence of the newspaper publishing business” and to the “closing of newspaper publishing houses for the purpose of eliminating unhealthy conditions of competition.” Finally he is commissioned to publish all the standard literature for the national socialist movement.
Authority
The Reich Director of the Press is authorized by the Fuehrer to take all necessary measures for the execution of his duty and he has the following powers:
1. The recognition of periodic publications as official party organs.
2. The decision concerning the founding and the appearance of periodic publications, which are published by party members, even when they do not aspire to recognition as official party organs.
3. a. The issue of general regulations for the whole publishing business to the entire press published by party members. The regulations are valid as orders, as long as nothing else is laid down by the Reich Director of the Press.
b. The decision over all questions of publication whose significance is a matter of principle and extends beyond the individual publication, when he takes this decision upon himself. The publications in these instances are obliged to submit these questions to the final decision of the Reich Director of the Press.
c. The inspection at any time of all official party publications and their economic organization and direction, as well as the right and power of exercising influence.
The responsibility of the individual publishers for the direction of the publishing business is not affected thereby.
4. The employment of responsible directors and their deputies only takes place by the Reich Director of the press, who has to decide the person and the contract. The Reich Director of the Press decides whether the existing contract is to be continued or dissolved. The Reich Director of the Press is also empowered to appoint commissioners for directing publication, and their directives are to be followed by the publishers’ staffs and by the entire firm. The right of appointing commissioners over the publishers’ staffs is reserved for the Reich Director.
Subordination
The following are subordinate to the Reich Director of the Press:
1. The governing board of the Reich Director of the Press. The governing board sponsors and inspects the NS district publications. These are the ones recognized as party organs and as party newspapers which are exclusively party property. The directors of the NS district publications are political leaders on the staff of the district leader and are personally and officially subordinate to him. From a professional point of view the directors of the NS district publications are exclusively subordinate to the Reich Director of the Press. His approval is necessary for changes of personnel. Lower classifications in districts, etc., do not exist.
2. The central publishing house of the NSDAP with its publications: Voelkischer Beobachter, Der Angriff, Illustrierter Beobachter, Der S.A.--Mann, das Schwarze Korps, N.S.--Funk und Bewegung, Funktechnischer Vorwaerts, Der Arbeitsmann, Die H.J., Die Bewegung, Die Brennessel, N.S.--Monatshefte, Die N.S.--Gemeinde, Der Schulungsbrief, Unser Wille und Weg, Aufklaerungs und Rednerinformations--Material, Reichsplanung, Deutsche Presse, Verordnungsblatt der Reichsleitung der NSDAP, Der Parteirichter, Mitteilungsblatt der Kommission fuer Wirtschaftspolitik, Das Parteiarchiv, Der S.A.--Fuehrer (as well as the entire literature of the movement.)
The Reich director of the press is at the same time President of the Reich Press Association. In the following organizations, which are not party bureaus, the Reich Director of the Press is represented by a commissioner who has to direct the supervision of and the liaison with these organizations:
Reichassociation of German Newspaper Publishers.
Reichassociation of German Publishers of Periodicals.
Professional Association of the Radio-Press.
Professional Group of Student Publications.
Professional Group of the Youth Press.
Professional Staff of the Catholic Church Press.
Reich Association of the Evangelical Press.
Reich Association of the German Press and Information Bureau, Incorporated.
Association of German Newspaper and Periodical Wholesalers.
Reich Association for the Recruiting of Periodical Trade.
Reich Professional Staff of the German Newspaper and Periodical Trade.
Reich Association of German Railway Station Booksellers.
Reich Association of German Reading Circle Proprietors.
Reich Association of German Newspaper Stenographers.
Reich Association of the German Press.
Professional Staff of Publishing House Employees.
German Book Publishers. (Organized Brokers’ Association and League of Reich German Book Publishers).
Recruiting Office of German Economy.
The Chief of the Foreign Press
I. The Chief of the Foreign Press of the NSDAP is the highest party functionary for all matters affecting the foreign press. He is subordinate to the Fuehrer and his deputy. He is in charge of the governing body of all foreign Party Press Bureaus.
II. The offices of the chief of the foreign press are at the disposal of all party offices, organizations, and associated groups in all matters affecting the foreign press. (For example, instruction concerning German and foreign papers and periodicals abroad as well as foreign press correspondents in Germany.)
III. The Chief of the foreign press has offices in Berlin, corresponding to the office of the Fuehrer and his deputy in Berlin (with Referat: United States of North America) and Munich. The main office is in Berlin.
Foreign Political Office of the NSDAP
I. 1. The foreign political office (APA) of the NSDAP includes two different fields of operation: one domestic, the other foreign, in character.
2. In the domestic field, the APA is entrusted with the task of introducing the foreign political aims and endeavors of the National Socialist State into all offices and organizations of the party.
3. In the foreign field, the APA is entrusted with the task of enlightening those in foreign lands and especially the foreigners who visit Germany or remain there as foreign correspondents, of the nature and aims of National Socialism in order to arouse thereby the understanding of other people for the fundamental needs of the German people and to convince foreign nations that National Socialism in Germany desires peace for progress and peace with other nations without at the same time rejecting the defence of their right to existence.
II. 1. The APA is divided into three main offices:
A. Office for Foreign Referats with the Main Offices.
a. England and Far East.
b. Near East.
c. South East.
d. North.
e. Old Orient.
f. Controls, personnel questions, etc.
B. Office of the German Academic Exchange Service.
In order to effect as close cooperation as possible between the German academic exchange service and the party, the president of the German academic exchange service is chief official in the APA.
C. Office of Foreign Commerce.
2. Moreover, there is in the APA a main office for the press service and an educational office.
[Page 312]
The Commissioner of the Fuehrer for the Surveillance of the Whole Spiritual and Ideological Education of the NSDAP.
In order to effect the surveillance of the whole spiritual and ideological education of the NSDAP the Commissioner makes use of the following offices:
1. Chief of Staff.
2. Office of artistic development.
3. Philosophy and pedagogy.
4. Central office of national and ancient history.
5. Historical Referat.
6. Referat for Aryan ideology.
7. Referat for Nordic questions.
8. Central office for educational questions.
9. Referat for collection of material and curriculum (surveillance).
10. Referat Organizations.
11. Central office for the cultivation of literature.
12. Referat ideological information.
13. Organization and business administration.
14. Press Office.
15. Association for the Education of the whole movement.
For the purpose of promulgating an ideological train of thought, the Commissioner publishes the periodical “NS Monthly Magazine.”
* * * * * * *
[Page 327]
Colonialpolitical Office
For the treatment of all colonialpolitical and colonial economic questions within the national socialist movement and its press, the colonialpolitical office only issues general principles and instructions (see point 2 of the decree of the Fuehrer’s Deputy 17/34, series 71).
The colonialpolitical office is operated only as an office in the Reich Government of the NSDAP.
* * * * * * *
[Page 337]
Official Party Board of Examiners for the Protection of NS Literature
I. The official Party Board of Examiners is not a censorship office, but an office for the protection and defense against pseudo-national socialist literature and it insures that the National Socialist ideology is not misused by an unqualified man and commercially exploited in a way that deceives the public:
II. The official Party Board of Examiners gives an opinion on:
1. The NS literature in a narrower sense.
To this belongs the NS literature that has come into existence by its immediate identification with the movement. This literature, corresponding with national socialist ideology, is exclusively political.
2. Literature related to national socialism.
From the point of view of time, this covers a very broad field and includes the literature dealing with political thoughts and demands that lie within the line of national socialist development.
III. A reliable staff of lecturers is at the disposal of the official examining Party Board of Examiners in an advisory capacity. Writings which have been considered satisfactory by the examiners will be added to the NS Library [NSB]. The chairman of the PPK leaves the publishing to the decision of the report by the lecturers. It is stated in this:
1. The work is unobjectionable from the standpoint of the political will represented by the party. The work will be marked unobjectionable in this case, i.e. the following sentence may be printed in the work. No objections are raised by the NSDAP against the publication of this writing.
2. Against the contents of a work no objections are offered. However, it cannot be classified as belonging to national socialist literature in a more narrow sense.
Here however, there is the possibility that the work will be added to the NSB under the category of literature related to national socialism. Such a work embodies in its text no notice that it has been examined.
3. The work does not agree with the principles of the NSDAP; hence it is rejected. Here there are the following possibilities:
a. The work may be put on sale but not brought into relationship with national socialism.
b. The writing may no longer be distributed. More detailed instructions are given by the president of the Reich Chamber of Literature.
4. Construction & Organization of PPK see Plan of Organization.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2320-B-PS
ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP (1940)
“The young driver who has received his training in the six-week courses of the NSKK will be well prepared in body and spirit when the time comes for his military service, and will wear with pride the dress of the Armed Forces of the Nation.”
[Page 394].
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2322-PS
HITLER’S SPEECH BEFORE THE REICHSTAG
1 SEPTEMBER 1939
Members of the German Reichstag:
For months we have been tormented by a problem once imposed upon us by the Dictate of Versailles and which, in its deterioration and corruption, had now become utterly intolerable. Danzig is a German City. The Corridor was and is German. All these territories owe their cultural development exclusively to the German people, without whom absolute barbarism would reign in these Eastern territories. Danzig was separated from us. The Corridor was annexed by Poland. The German minorities living there were mistreated in the most appalling manner. Already during the years 1919/20 more than one million people of German blood were driven from their homes. As usual, I have tried to change this intolerable state of affairs through proposals for a peaceful revision. It is a lie if it is claimed throughout the world that we insure all our revisions only by applying pressure. There was ample opportunity for fifteen years before National Socialism assumed power to carry through revisions by means of a peaceful understanding. This was not done. In every single case did I then take the initiative, not once but many times, to bring forward proposals for the revision of absolutely intolerable conditions.
As you know, all these proposals were rejected. I need not enumerate them in detail: proposals for a limitation of armaments, if necessary even for the abolition of armaments, proposals for restrictions on methods of warfare, proposals for eliminating methods of modern warfare which, in my opinion, are scarcely compatible with international law. You know my proposals for the necessity of the restoration of German sovereign rights over the territories of the German Reich, the countless attempts for a peaceful solution of the Austrian problem which I have made, and later, on the problem of the Sudetenland, Bohemia, and Moravia. It was all in vain. One thing, however, is impossible: to demand that a peaceful revision should be made of an intolerable state of affairs, and then obstinately refuse such a peaceful revision. It is equally impossible to assert that in such a situation to act on one’s own initiative in making a revision is to violate a law. For us Germans the Dictate of Versailles is not a law. It does not work to force somebody at the point of a pistol and by threatening to starve millions of people into signing a document and afterwards proclaim that this document with its forced signature was a solemn law.
In the case of Danzig and the Corridor I have again tried to solve the problems by proposing peaceful discussions. It was obvious that they had to be solved! That the deadline for this solution may perhaps be of little interest to the Western Powers is conceivable. But for us this deadline is not a matter of indifference! First and foremost, it was not and could not be a matter of indifference to the suffering victims. In Conferences with Polish diplomats I have discussed the ideas which you have heard me express here in my last speech before the Reichstag. No one can say that this was an improper procedure or even unreasonable pressure.
I then had the German proposals clearly stated and I feel bound to repeat once more that nothing could be fairer or more modest than those proposals submitted by me. And now I want to tell the world that only I could afford to make such proposals. Because I know very well that at that time I placed myself in a position contrary to the conception of millions of Germans by acting the way I did.
Those proposals were rejected. But not only that! They were answered by mobilization, by increased terrorism, by intensified pressure on the people of German blood living in these territories, and by a gradual economic, political and, during the past few weeks, even military strangulation and blockade of the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore, Poland virtually began the war against the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore, she was not prepared to settle the problems of the Corridor in a fair manner satisfying the interests of both parties. And lastly, she did not even dream of fulfilling her obligations with regard to the minorities. I have to state here that Germany has fulfilled her obligations in this respect!
Minorities living in Germany are not subject to persecution. Let any Frenchman get up and declare that French citizens living in the Saar territory are being oppressed, ill-treated, or deprived of their rights. No one can make such an assertion.
For four months I have watched these developments without taking action but not without issuing repeated warnings. Recently I have made these warnings more and more emphatic. Over three weeks ago, the Polish ambassador was, at my request informed that if Poland persisted in sending further notes in the nature of an ultimatum to Danzig and in further oppressing the people of German blood, or if she should attempt to ruin Danzig economically through customs measures, Germany could no longer look on without taking action. I have left no room for doubt that in this respect the Germany of today is not to be confused with the Germany that existed before.
Attempts have been made to justify the action against the German minorities by declaring that they had provoked them. I am wondering in what the “provocation” through the women and children who are being mistreated and deported, consisted, or the “provocations” of those who were tortured in the most beastly and most sadistic manner and finally killed! One thing, however, I do know: there is not one single great power with any honor who would tolerate such conditions for any length of time.
In spite of it all I have made one last attempt. Although I am deeply convinced that the Polish Government--perhaps also because of its being dependent on an unrestraint, wild military rabble--is not seriously interested in a real understanding, I have nevertheless accepted a proposal by the British Government for mediation. The latter proposed that it would not carry on any negotiations but assured me that it would establish a direct contact between Poland and Germany in order to get the discussion going once more.
I must here state the following: I accepted that proposal. For these discussions I had drawn up the fundamentals which are known to you. And then I and my Government were sitting for two whole days waiting for the Polish Government to make up its mind whether to finally dispatch a plenipotentiary or not! Until last night it had not sent any plenipotentiary but informed us through its ambassador that at present it was considering the question whether and to what extent it might be able to accept the British proposals; it would inform England of its decision.
Members of the Reichstag! If such treatment is meted out to the German Reich and its Chief, and the German Reich and its Chief were to submit to such treatment, then the German Nation would deserve no better than to disappear from the political scene. My love of Peace and my endless patience must not be mistaken for weakness, much less for cowardice. Therefore, I have last night informed the British Government that things being as they are, I have found it impossible to detect any inclination on the part of the Polish Government to enter into a really serious discussion with us.
Thus, these proposals for mediation are wrecked, for in the meantime the answer to these offers had been, firstly, the order for Polish general mobilization, and secondly new grave atrocities. Repetitions of the latter incidents occurred last night. Only recently twenty-one frontier incidents had occurred, there were fourteen last night. Three of them were very grave.
For that reason, I have now decided to talk to Poland in the same language Poland has been using toward us for months.
If there are statesmen in the West who declare that their interests are involved, I can only regret such a declaration; however, not for one single minute could that persuade me to deviate from the execution of my duties. I have solemnly declared and repeat once more that we have no claims at all on these Western powers, and shall never demand anything from them. I repeatedly offered Britain our friendship, and if necessary closest cooperation. Love, however, is not to be offered by one partner only; it’ll have to find response from the other. Germany has no interests in the West, our fortifications in the West shall be the frontiers of the Reich for all times. We have no other aims in the future, and this attitude of the Reich will remain unchanged.
Some of the other European powers understand our attitude. First of all I’d like to thank Italy for having supported us all this time. But you’ll also understand that we do not want to make an appeal for any foreign help in this struggle. This task of ours we shall solve ourselves.
The neutral powers have assured us of their neutrality just like we have previously guaranteed their neutrality. This assurance we consider a sacred obligation, and as long as nobody breaks their neutrality, we, too, shall observe it painstakingly. What could we desire or want from them?
I am happy to be able to inform you here of an event of special importance. You are aware of it that Russia and Germany are governed by two different doctrines. There was only one single question to be cleared up: Germany has no intention of exporting her doctrine, and the minute Russia does not intend to export her own doctrine to Germany, I no longer see any reason why we should ever be opponents again. Both of us agreed on this one point: any struggle between our two people would only result in benefits for others. We have therefore resolved to enter into an agreement which will exclude any application of force between us in the future, which compels us to consult each other in certain European questions, which makes economic cooperation possible and above all makes sure that these two great powers don’t exhaust their energies in fighting each other.
Any attempt on the part of the Western Powers to alter these facts will prove futile, and in that connection I should like to state one thing: this political decision signifies an enormous change for the future and is absolutely final.
I believe that the whole German people will welcome this political attitude. In the World War, Russia and Germany fought each other and up to the end they both suffered. That shall not happen a second time! The non-aggression and consultation pact was yesterday finally ratified in Moscow and in Berlin.
In Moscow, the pact was acclaimed just as you have acclaimed it here. I approve of every word in the speech made by Mr. Molotov, the Russian Commissar for Foreign Affairs.
Our aims I am determined to solve:
Firstly, the question of Danzig;
Secondly, the question of the Corridor;
Thirdly, to see to it that a change shall take place in Germany’s relations to Poland, which will insure a peaceful coexistence of the two powers.
I am determined to fight until either the present Polish Government is willing to effect this change or another Poland Government is prepared to do so.
I am determined to eliminate from the German frontiers the element of insecurity, the atmosphere which permanently resembles civil war. I shall see to it that peace on the Eastern frontier shall be the same as it is on our other frontiers.
I shall carry out all necessary actions in such a manner that they shall not contradict the proposals which I have made known to you here, members of the Reichstag, as my proposals to the rest of the world.
That is, I will not wage war against women and children! I have instructed my air force to limit their attacks to military objectives. However, if the enemy should conclude from this that he might get away with waging war in a different manner he will receive an answer that he’ll be knocked out of his wits!
Last night for the first time regular soldiers of the Polish Army fired shots on our territory. Since 5.45 a.m. we have been returning their fire. From now on, every bomb will be answered by another bomb. Whoever fights with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever disregards the rules of human warfare can but expect us to do the same.
I will carry on this fight, no matter against whom, until such time as the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured!
For more than 6 years now I have been engaged in building up the German armed forces. During this period more than 90 billion Reichsmark were spent building up the Wehrmacht. Today, ours are the best equipped armed forces in the world and they are far superior to those of 1914. My confidence in them can never be shaken.
If I call upon the Wehrmacht and if I ask sacrifices of the German people and, if necessary, unlimited sacrifices, then I am in the right to do so, for I myself am just as ready today as I was in the past to make every personal sacrifice. I don’t ask anything of any German which I myself was not prepared to do at any moment for more than four years. There shall not be any deprivations for Germans in which I myself shall not immediately share. From this moment on my whole life shall belong more than ever to my people. I now want to be nothing but the first soldier of the German Reich.
Thus I have put on once again the coat which has always been the most sacred and dearest to me. I shall not put it aside until after victory--or I shall not live to see the end.
Should anything happen to me in this war, my first successor shall be Party member Goering. Should anything happen to Party member Goering, his successor shall be Party member Hess. To these men as your leaders you would then owe the same absolute loyalty and obedience that you owe to me. In the event that something fatal should happen to Party Member Hess, I am about to make legal provisions for the convocation of a senate appointed by me, who shall then elect the worthiest, that is to say the most valiant among themselves.
As a National Socialist and a German soldier I enter upon this fight with a stout heart! My whole life has been but one continuous struggle for my people, for its resurrection, for Germany, and this whole struggle has been inspired by one single conviction: faith in this people!
One word I have never known: capitulation. And if there was anybody who’d think that hard times are ahead of us I’d like him not to forget the fact that at one time a Prussian king with a ridiculously small staff confronted one of the greatest coalitions ever known and came forth victoriously after three campaigns because he possessed that strong and firm faith which is required of us in these times.
As for the rest of the world, I can only assure them that a November 1918 shall never occur again in German history.
I ask of every German what I myself am prepared to do at any moment: to be ready to pay with his life for his people and for his country.
Whoever believes to have a chance to evade this patriotic duty directly or indirectly, shall perish. We will have nothing to do with traitors. We all are acting only in accordance with our old principle: our own life matters nothing, all that matters is that our people, that Germany shall live.
I expect of you, as deputies of the Reich, that you will do your duty in whatever position you are called upon to fill. You must carry the banner of resistance, cost what may. Let no one report to me at any time that in his province, in his district or in his group or in his cell the morale is low. Bearers, responsible bearers of the morale are you! I am responsible for the province your district! None has the right to shun this responsibility. The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice which has been made by many generations in the past. All those men who before us have traveled the most bitter and hardest road did nothing different from what we are called upon to do; the sacrifice they made was no less costly, no less painful, and therefore no easier than the sacrifice that may be demanded of us.
I also expect every German woman to take her place with unflinching discipline in this great fighting community.
German youth, needless to say, will do with heart and soul what is expected and demanded of it by the nation and by the National Socialist State.
If we form this community, forged together, ready for everything, determined never to capitulate, then our strong will shall master every emergency.
I conclude with the words with which I once started my fight for power in the Reich. At that time I said: “If our will is so strong that it cannot be broken through any distress, then our will and our German state will be able to master and subjugate distress.”
Germany--Sieg Heil!
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2324-PS
RECONSTRUCTION OF A NATION
Hermann Goering, Aufbau Einer Nation (1934)
[Pages 86-87]
I declared at that time before thousands of fellow Germans, each bullet which leaves the barrel of a police pistol now, is my bullet. If one calls this murder, then I have murdered; I ordered all this, I back it up; I assume the responsibility, and I am not afraid to do so.
Through a network of outer offices converging into the headquarters in Berlin, I am daily, one could almost say hourly, informed about everything that happens in widespread Prussia.
[Page 89]
We had to deal ruthlessly with these enemies of the state. It must not be forgotten that at the moment of our seizure of power over 6 million people officially voted for communism and about 8 million for marxism in the Reichstag elections in March.
Thus the concentration camps were created, to which we had to send first all the thousands of functionaries of the Communist and Social Democratic parties.
[Page 92]
The Gestapo deserves a great deal of credit for the success of the revolution and for the consolidation of its achievements. Right in the middle of this constructive work, occurred the blaze that destroyed the high cupola and the auditorium of the Reichstag. Criminal hands had set this fire, had put the German Reichstag in flames, in order to give a last beacon to dying Communism, so that it could make one last desperate thrust before the Hitler government was consolidated. The blaze was to be the signal for the Communist party for general terror, for a general uprising and for civil war. That it did not have these consequences, Germany and the world owe not to the noble motives of Communism, but solely to the iron resolution and the hard fist of Adolf Hitler and his closest collaborators, who struck more quickly than the enemy had expected, and harder than he could imagine, and with the first blow suppressed Communism once and for all.
That night, when I ordered the arrest of 4,000 Communist functionaries, I knew that by dawn Communism had lost a great battle.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2325-PS
1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 470
Decree on the Execution of Article 118 of the German Municipal Order, 26 March 1935.
On the basis of Article 118 of the German municipal order of 30 January, 1935 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 49) I decree:
Article 1
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor reserves for himself the duties of the commissioner for the NSDAP for the city of Munich.
Article 2
1. The gauleiter appoints as commissioner for the NSDAP:
a. The Kreisleiter for communities belonging to a Kreis [“Kreis,” an administrative district].
b. The Kreisleiter for Stadtkreise [city districts] or, one of the Kreisleiters, in case there are several party districts within one city district.
* * * * * * *
Munich, 26 March 1935
The Deputy of the Fuehrer R. HESS Reich Minister without Portfolio.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2326-PS
1936 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 893
Reich Principles Regarding Recruiting, Appointment, and promotion of Reich and Provincial Officials, October 14, 1936.
* * *
PROMOTION
Article 8
Only that official can be promoted who, besides absolutely fulfilling his general duties;
a. In consideration of his former political attitude offers absolute guarantee therefor, and has proved since January 30, 1933, that he takes the part of the National Socialist State at all times and represents it effectively.
b. Has given documentary proof that he and his spouse are of German or related blood (Article 1 a. paragraph 3 of the Reich officials law).
c. In his official achievements and abilities, completely fulfills the demands of the higher office. Length of service alone does not justify promotion in any case.
* * * * * * *
Berchtesgaden, 14 October 1936.
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor ADOLF HITLER
The Reich Minister of Interior FRICK
For the Reich Minister of Finance REINHARDT
The Deputy of the Fuehrer R. HESS Minister without Portfolio
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2327-PS
TOP SECRET
Third Army Group Ia Nr. 150/39 g.K. Chiefs Re: Fall Weiss Top Secret (Chefsache) “Only by officer”
Dresden 6.14.1939
20 Copies
Control No. 8
1. The commander-in-chief of the army has ordered the working out of a plan of deployment against Poland which takes in account the demands of the political leadership for the opening of war by surprise and for quick success.
2. The order of deployment by the High Command, “Fall Weiss” authorizes the Third Army Group (in Fall Weiss 8th Army Headquarters) to give necessary directions and orders to all commands subordinated to it for “Fall Weiss.”
3. Enclosed are sent:
a. Aims of the operation (Enclosure 1). b. Organization of the forces (Enclosure 2). c. Survey of arrival (Enclosure 3). d. Signal Communication (Enclosure 4). e. Regulations for the supply (Enclosure 5 will follow). f. Enemy situation (Enclosure 6). g. Directions for execution (Enclosure 7).
4. The order of deployment “Fall Weiss” will be put into operation on 20 August 1939; all preparations have to be concluded by this date.
The former deployments “Case West” and “Case East” are valid until 19 August 1939.
5. For the instruction on the tasks due to this order for deployment, the principles of order OKH Genstb d.H.--1 Division (Ib Nr. 2000/36 top secret of 12.19.36) are to be applied.
The instruction can be carried down to the responsible officers of the corps commands to the Division Commanders (G-3 (Ia) and G-4 (Ib)) of the divisions and the commandants and staff officers of the Garrison Headquarters. Permission to inform further persons must be requested by names. Communication with the SS-Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler must be instituted only by special order. The order for their commitment is to be prepared.
6. Tenth Corps Command (Gen KdX) and XIII Corps and lo. Div. can perform the necessary reconnaissance in Silesia while observing the appropriate precautionary measures (civilian clothes, motor vehicle, with civilian license number).
7. The whole correspondence on “Fall Weiss” has to be conducted under the classification Top Secret [Chefsache]. This is to be disregarded only if the content of a document, in the judgment of the chief of the responsible command is harmless in every way--even in connection with other documents.
8. For the middle of July a conference is planned where details on the execution will be discussed. Time and place will be ordered later on. Special requests are to be communicated to Third Army Group before 10 July.
9. I declare it the duty of the Commanding Generals, the divisional commanders and the commandants to limit as much as possible the number of persons who will be informed, and to limit the extent of the information, and ask that all suitable measures be taken to prevent persons not concerned from getting information.
Commander-in-Chief of Army Group 3 Signed F. Blaskowitz.
# # # # #
TOP SECRET
Enclosure 1 to 3rd Army Group Ia Nr. 150/39 g-Kdo. Chefs of 14 June 1939
TOP SECRET [GKdos] “Only by officer” Top Secret [Chefsache]
20 Copies
Control No. 8
Aims of Operation “Fall Weiss”
1. a. The operation, in order to forestall an orderly Polish mobilization and concentration, is to be opened by surprise with forces which are for the most part armored and motorized, placed on alert in the neighborhood of the border. The initial superiority over the Polish frontier-guards and surprise that can be expected with certainty are to be maintained by quickly bringing up other parts of the army as well to counteract the marching up of the Polish Army.
Accordingly all units have to keep the initiative against the foe by quick acting and ruthless attacks.
b. If the development of the Political situation should show that a surprise at the beginning of the war is out of question, because of well advanced defense preparations on the part of the Polish Army, the Commander-in-Chief of the army will order the opening of the hostilities only after the assembling of sufficient additional forces. The basis of all preparations will be to surprise the enemy.
Case b--is to be prepared in theory by the High Command only so that necessary changes can be quickly carried out.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2329-PS
SECRET
[Stamp] Top Secret Through officers only The Commander in Chief of the Army Operations Section (Ia) General Staff of the Army
HQ, Army High Command
No. 4402/39 Secret
7, October 1939. 11 copies, 2nd copy
General von Beck takes over command of the newly formed Army Group B on 10th October 1939 at 12.00 hours.
Task of Army Group B is the protection of the German boundary from the mouth of the Ems to the line of demarcation with Army Group C. For this task Army Group B holds the western fortifications; the resistance begins on the border.
The Dutch border between Ems and Rhine is to be observed only.
At the same time, Army Group B has to make all preparations according to special orders, for immediate invasion of Dutch and Belgian territory if the political situation so demands.
The order for the occupation is given by the Army High Command; until then, any border isolation of Dutch or Belgian territory must be avoided most carefully.
signed von Brauchitsch certified Hensinger. [signature] Jaiymyer
Distribution
Army Group B} by telegraph Army Group C}
[Handwritten notes] Chief J. N. W 8-10-39
Supreme Hq
Chief of Army Signal Corps
Chief of Quartermaster IV
Org Department
Gen of Air Force with Commander in Chief of the Army operation
Insp F 9/10 Me 10oo2/39 g. K. Ju 8-10
Department (1a, 11, 111) [Hand written notes] Archives of the Army. 21st Army Group 6623 (9) F A LIL
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2330-PS
COPY
Nurnberg August 29, 1935
Police Headquarters; Nurnberg-Fuerth
Re: Protective Custody.
Order for Protective Custody
On the basis of Article 1 of the VI of the Reich President for the protection of people and state, of 28 Feb., 1933 (RGBl I, p. 83) the ministerial decree of May 2, 1934, No. 2186 a 39, herewith is taken into protective custody:
Effective as of 3 August 35:
First and last name: Josef Simon
Place and date of birth: May 23, 1865 in Schneppenbach, B. A. Alzenan.
Marital Status and Profession: Widowed, former Trade Union Secretary.
Citizenship: Subject of the German Reich.
Religion: Free thinker.
Place of residence: Nurnberg-N. Ziegelsteinstr. 106
The arrestee has no right to appeal against the decreed protective custody.
Reasons:
Simon was for many years a member of the Socialist Party and temporarily a member of the Union Socialiste Populaire. From 1907 to 1918 he was Landtag deputy of the Socialist Party; from 1908 to 1930 Social Democratic City Counsellor [Stadtrat] in Nurnberg. In view of the decisive role which Simon played in the international trade unions and in regard to his connection with international Marxist leaders and central agencies, which he continued after the national recovery, he was placed under protective custody on 3 May, 1933, and was kept, until 25 January 1934, in the Dachau Concentration Camp. Simon is under the urgent suspicion that even after this date he played an active part in the illegal continuation of the Socialist Party. He took part in meetings which aimed at the illegal continuation of the Socialist Party and propagation of illegal marxist printed matter in Germany.
Through this radical attitude which is hostile to the State, Simon directly endangers public security and order.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2331-PS
Bavarian Political Police Nurnberg, 20 December 1935
Declaration
I have been informed that I shall be released from protective custody, and that I have to expect to be taken into protective custody again in case that I should behave in a manner inimical to the State, or if I should be active in this sense.
I have been informed that, for my physical protection I may return into protective custody upon my own request.
I have been informed that I have to report in person at the Gend. Station Ziegelstein, competent for my residence, on every second day of the week at the same hour.
[signed] Josef Simon
Simon Josef, residing Nurnberg-N, Ziegelstein St. 106, widower, trade union secretary; born 23 May 1865 at Schneppenbach.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2332-PS
Concentration Camp Flossenbuerg
Az II. Political Department/Sch.
Flossenbuerg, 22 December 1941.
To Frau Grete Staimer, Nurnberg.
In reply to your letter of 12 December 1941, enclosed please find the desired death certificate. At the same time I certify that the cremation has taken place in the crematorium of Flossenbuerg.
After the submission of a burial certificate from the competent cemetery officials the urn with the ashes can be sent to you free of charge.
The Camp Commander By order of (Signed) Fassbinder Official Secretary.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2333-PS
Police Presidium, Nurnberg-Fuerth
Protective Police [Schutzpolizei] 3rd Police District
Nurnberg, 29 Dec. 1941
To Frau Elise Herrmann, Nurnberg, Juvenllestr. No. 26
Your husband, Paul Herrmann, died of an infection in the concentration camp, Flossenbuerg, on December 28, 1941.
The corpse cannot be inspected because of the danger of infection.
The cremation will take place in the crematory of Flossenbuerg.
The Secret State Police Office Nurnberg-Fuerth /s/ Mueller
Authenticated [illegible] District Police Lt.
* * *
Death-Certificate
No. 7/1942
The baker Karl Herrmann, Lutheran Religion
Residence:
Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp died on 28 December 1941 at 1400 hours in Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp
The deceased was born 24 November 1873 in Wassertruedingen.
The deceased was married to Elise, nee Steiner, Nurnberg.
Flossenbuerg, 2 January 1942
[Stamp of Registrar, Flossenbuerg/Oberpfalz]
The Registrar: /s/ Jaum
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2334-PS
Statement of Lorenz Hagen
During the night of 17th to 18th March 1933, the offices of the ADGB [Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund; German Trade Unions], which are located in Nurnberg, Breite Gasse 25/27, as well as the offices of the Builders’ Union and the Unions of the Bookbinders, Bookprinters, Lithographers, Textile Workers and Carpenters were completely destroyed by the SA under the leadership of SA-Brigadier General [SA-Oberfuehrer] Wurzbacher. All the office furniture was smashed and thrown into the courtyard, the safes overturned, forced open from the back and robbed. The typewriters, adding machines, mimeograph machines, etc., were stolen.
The ADGB possessed a huge library of about 10,000 volumes for the use of its members. Every single book was torn and thrown into the courtyard.
The Workers’ Secretariat, which was joined to the ADGB, had an extensive professional library of about 500 volumes, among them valuable works on literature of social security and labor legislation. These were also thrown out and torn to pieces. A similar fate met about 750 to 800 files covering the cases of beneficiaries of pensions (social, war and accident cases) whose claims for pensions were being worked on.
The SA posted continuous guards in the office building and nobody was permitted to enter. When I made the attempt to enter in spite of it, Wurzbacher said: “The Red rascal will get in but will not come out alive.” When I got in later in spite of him, the SA tried to catch me, but I escaped.
In order to guarantee the continued function of the trade union, which was most urgently needed at that time, I set up an emergency office in Nurnberg, Hummelsteinerweg. This was occupied on 2 May 1933 by SA, led by Pessler who was the District-leader [Gauobmann] of the NSBO [National Socialist Factory Cell Organization; Nationalsozialistische Betriebszellen Organisation later DAF; the German Labor Front]. Erhardt Kupfer, the district secretary of the ADGB, was arrested at that time, kicked with rifle butts and led away by the SA in shackles. As the deputy of NSBO, a certain Mueller was appointed. Three SA men guarded the office day and night. Upon seizure, Pessler’s first question to me was: “Where do you have your cars? I know you have three cars.” When I answered that I never had a personal car, he threatened to put me in jail until I would confess. When he finally realized that I did not have a car, he asked me what funds the Nurnberg local committee of the ADGB possessed. I said truthfully: “235,000 RM minus the sum stolen by the SA from the safes when they broke into the offices on the Breite Gasse and which amounted to about 4,000 RM.” Whereupon he threatened again to have me arrested but he did not do so, probably on the basis of the general order not to arrest the chairmen of the local committees [Ortsausschussvorsitzende]. I learned about this order only a few days ago.
On 1 June 1933, the deputy Mueller came into the office and asked me whether I had not been arrested yet. I said no and indicated that the night before I had been in the apartment of my mother-in-law who was severely ill. I left the office without being noticed, hurried home, packed the most necessary things, and left by bicycle with my wife. We stayed away for about five weeks, traveling from one place to another.
After returning, I was arrested towards the end of August 1933, under the charge that I had agitated against the National Government and had conducted illegal recruiting for the forbidden ADGB and the Socialdemocratic Party. When no proof could be produced, I was released, but arrested again after 3 days. This time I was accused of having had knowledge of the arsenal of the Reichsbanner (Militant Organization of German Social democrats), and that I had organized the arming of the members of the Trade Union Offices. In cross-examinations conducted over many weeks, they tried to force a confession out of me. When I did not confess anything, I was to go to the concentration camp in Dachau. However, my wife succeeded in preventing this. After 3½ months, I was released again. After this release I tried to start a business, no matter of what kind. It was in vain. Similarly, it was impossible for me to find work in my former line as engine-builder. Reason: political unreliability. Thus I lived on a weekly unemployment benefit of 14.40 marks, with my wife, until my further arrest in August 1935. At this time I was charged with participation in the so-called middle-German insurrection of 1934, and with the smuggling of illegal writings from abroad. In spite of the greatest efforts and the application of the foulest methods, such as the poorest and most inadequate food, depriving me of fresh air, threatening me with being shot and beaten, again the Gestapo did not succeed in proving anything against me. I was again set free after 12½ weeks. During this period of confinement, Kriminalrat Otto, the Gestapo-chief, tried to persuade my wife to convert me to National Socialism. He told her: “If your husband comes to us, this will be of greater value for us than the adherence of 1,000 other people. Your husband would get a position in which he would earn 3 times as much as ever before.” My wife refused consistently.
The same story as before: unemployment, occasional meagre earnings, until the next arrest on 26 January 1938. This time they did a fullsized job and arrested my wife too. We were accused of preparing high treason against the country [Hoch- und Landesverrat] as well as maintaining connections abroad. The interrogations lasted until the middle of April. The Gestapo agent Beetz had a predilection for interrogations at night. Five searchlights illuminated the spot where you were sitting. Behind and before me, and on both sides, four men sat a distance of a few meters, pointing their revolvers at me and clicking the triggers. The interrogations, which were of course always fruitless, were repeated sometimes two or three times in one night. Terms like “Greatest scoundrel,” “most common criminal,” and others were used. One morning at five o’clock, Beetz called me and said: “You know your wife has been arrested too. She had a complete breakdown and struggles with death in her cell. She expressed the wish to see you once more before her death. I am willing to grant her wish, but only if you make a full confession.” When I refused he had me taken back into my cell and in an indescribable psychic condition. Beetz asserted several times that the material at hand condemning me was sufficient for 5 years in the penitentiary. I then demanded to be taken before the investigating judge. This, however, was refused, and on 20 April 1938, I was shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. There I came immediately into solitary confinement and had to undergo 32 days of severe bunker (strenger Bunker)-punishment. During this time I had to sleep on a wooden board without blankets, and received warm food only every 4th day. On 9 July, I was released from the bunker and taken into the camp. There I had to perform the heaviest work, in spite of my greatly weakened physical condition. One day I received from an SS guard a kick in the back which threw me against a lorry which was just passing by, and thus I broke my lower right rib. Once when a prisoner had escaped from the camp, all of the camp-inmates had to fall out after work and stand at attention in ranks throughout the night. There were 17 dead next morning. On 13 July 1939, on order of the Nurnberg-Gestapo, I was taken off work and again put into the bunker and received again 64 days of rigid bunker-arrest until 28 September 1939, and was then shipped to Buchenwald Concentration Camp. There I came into the bunker again and stayed there until my release. During the whole time in Buchenwald I had to sleep on a board without a blanket. The food in the Buchenwald camp was so inadequate and inferior that at the time of my release I was a skeleton with skin over it. I wish to add that during my transfer to Camp Buchenwald, I suffered an inguinal rupture on the left side when jumping from a railroad car.
The release from the camp was accompanied by the express warning not to reveal anything about happenings in the camp. Otherwise, I would be returned there and never would have a chance to get out again. After my return to Nurnberg, I had to report daily at 10 o’clock sharp at the main office of the Gestapo. From July 1941, I had to report twice weekly to the police station in my district. After I was completely bombed out, on 9 March 1943, the order to report was rescinded.
After this release from Camp Buchenwald, I again could not find a job anywhere, although the Gestapo had told me that if I could not show that I had a job within 6 weeks, I would be returned to the camp, since my release was tentative only. It was only due to the kindness of a textile shop owner who employed me in spite of the warnings of the Gestapo that I was not taken into protective custody again.
On 22 August 1944, I was again taken to Dachau Concentration Camp because of the attempt against Hitler’s life, and I remained there for six weeks.
I may add that I had to undergo 6 house-searches during which everything in my apartment was upset. In these instances, all books which seemed to be dangerous, magazines, pamphlets, etc., were taken away.
I was chairman of the A.D.G.B., Local Committee of Nurnberg, 1930-33.
(signed) Lorenz Hagen Chairman of ADGB, Local Committee of Nurnberg formerly: Karthaeusergassergasse Residence: Furth, Ritter v. Aldebertstr. 3.
Today on the 17th of November 1945, I have reread each single page of the statement given by me on 19 October 1945 and I have signed it. I declare hereby under oath that this statement is true.
Signed: Lorenz Hagen
Sworn to before me this 17th day of November 1945 at the Justice Building, Nurnberg, Germany.
Signed: D. A. Sprecher, O2055516 Captain, AUS
# # # # #
Appendix to the Statement of the Chairman of the ADGB, Local Committee of Nurnberg
When I arrived at the concentration camp at Dachau, the manager of the Stokers and Machinists Union, Josef Staimer, who had been active in the above organization until 1933, was still in the Dachau camp. He had been arrested in March 1933 and shipped to Dachau. He was released from there near the end of 1938 or the beginning of 1939.
Karl Hermann, manager of the Union of Factory Workers, pay office [Zahlstelle] of Nurnberg, was for several weeks imprisoned in the same cell with me when I was taken into protective custody in 1935 in the prison of Nurnberg. The total period of his imprisonment was about 7 weeks at that time. The reason for his arrest was to force him to give his approval of the notarial transfer of the house of the Factory Union to the DAF. As private owner of the house, Hermann had been appointed together with another colleague of his organization to be the trustee of this house by the organization. In 1943 the two above mentioned men were taken to the Concentration Camp Flensburg. In 1944 they died in the camp.
During my stay in Dachau, we had Brigadier-General [Oberfuehrer] Loritz, who was the commander of the SS-Death Head-Unit [Totenkopfstandarte] and chief camp commandant. He was a violent, brutal man. Here is only one example for this:
For a while I was occupied in an SS clothing camp with a prisoner-detachment. An SS 1st Lt. who was in the tailoring section, whose name I unfortunately do not recall, sent a prisoner to the gate of the building on which there was a clock to find out what time it was. Loritz caught sight of the man, struck at him with his riding-whip and had his name taken. When the detachment returned at noon, the man was led away and without being allowed to defend himself, he received 25 lashings [stockhiebe] and 3 days arrest with water and bread. The rest of the detachment had to stand at attention during the noon recess and return to work without eating. The camp commander of Dachau at that time was Captain Koegel, who was transferred in September 1938 to the concentration camp for women in Lichtenburg, near Prettin, where my wife was at the time of this transfer.
Captain Gruenewald followed him as camp commander. Gruenewald was transport commander when we were shipped to Buchenwald. I myself saw, during the unloading of the train at Weimar, how Gruenewald hit Czech arrestees, older people, in the face and neck with his fist. One of the men fell to the ground and could rise only with difficulty.
In my time, the SS-First Sergeants [Rapportfuehrer; work detail-leaders] were Hofmann from Bamberg and Luedtkemeyer, from Northern Germany. These two were also very brutal fellows, with whom beating and smacking on the pettiest grounds were the order of the day for satisfying their sadistic inclinations.
[signed] Lorenz Hagen Residence: Furth, Ritter v. Aldebertstr. 3. Office: Nurnberg, formerly Krathausergasse 12.
Today, on the 17th of November 1945, I have reread a duplicate copy of the appendix, which is an exact copy of the appendix to my statement of 19 October 1945. I have found that this statement is true. I declare this hereby under oath.
[signed] Lorenz Hagen Lorenz Hagen
Sworn to before me this 17th day of November 1945 at the Justice Building, Nurnberg, Germany.
D. A. Sprecher, O2055516 Captain, AUS
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2335-PS
Josef Simon, born May 23, 1865
Since 1900, first chairman of the German shoemakers Union, located in Nurnberg.
In April, 1933, Georg Pessler, Nurnberg, Guntherstr. 33/I, the deputy assigned by the Nazis for the trade unions, came into our office, Essenweinstrasse 1 and declared that trade union dues were embezzled there. When we asserted that no embezzlements had occurred in our office, he asked for the cash book which we submitted to him. After turning the pages for a short while, he declared: “25,000 Marks are missing”. He put the cash book into the safe, closed the safe and gave the key to the policeman, who had come with him.
We asked for an official public accountant to examine the books. A few days later the accountant, who had been assigned by Pessler, arrived and after checking he ascertained that with a cash amount of 4¼ millions there was a surplus of 13 pfennigs in the safe. In spite of this testimony, Pessler did not return the keys of the safe to us, closed our bank and checking accounts and asserted in meetings of factories that we had embezzled union dues. Only 3 weeks later could we get the keys of the safe again with the aid of the police.
On 2 May 1933, our office in Nurnberg was occupied; I myself had gone to Berlin on 1 May, because a meeting of the ADGB [Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund: German Trade Unions] was to take place there on 2 May. The trade union building there was occupied and the majority of the officials were arrested.
I was arrested on 3 May at 6 a. m., in my apartment in Berlin at the request of the Criminal Police of Nurnberg. After being kept in police custody in Berlin until 9 May, I was taken to the prison in Nurnberg and was shipped to the Dachau concentration camp on 30 June together with other arrested people (the social-democratic City Counsellors [Stadtraete] of Nurnberg). In Dachau the SS Guards had stirred up the Communists who had been imprisoned there for quite some time with these words: “Today your tormentors [Bonzen] will arrive, give them a nice welcome”. It was only due to the insight of a few reasonable Communists that they kept their comrades from violent acts; nevertheless, we were greeted in the camp with the vilest invectives. If it had come to acts of violence, we would of course have defended ourselves and then the SS would have shot at the people, fighting with each other. That was the intention of the SS as we learned later.
The Communist Scheberle from Roothenbach near Lauf was Camp Senior and was in charge of assigning work details. He made us who had come in on 30 June fall out early on 1 July; we had to form ranks and then he shouted: “Reichstag deputy Simon step forward!” In this way a considerable number, particularly those who had had some responsible job, were called up and then we were led by the SS to work. I was ordered to collect horse dung which was lying on the roads of the camp with my bare hands, without shovel or broom and to carry it to a nearby container. Since I did not bend down fast enough in the opinion of my guard, an SS man about 19-20 years, he yelled at me and demanded faster work. I answered: “When you will be 68 years old and have sciatica, you will not bend down so fast either”. By collecting the partly wet horse dung, my hands were soiled very much. When the work was finished, I asked the guard whether I could wash my hands at the water hydrant. He refused with the words: “No, you can go and eat with them”. In the afternoon we had to fall out again and were assigned for work. I was ordered together with 19 other prisoners (among them, the meanwhile deceased “Kupfer”, district leader of the ADGB) for work in the kitchen. There we had to clean the still very hot food-kettles. Since the circumference of the kettle was so big that we could not reach the other end, we had to crawl into the hot kettles which almost burnt our shoes. Bathed in sweat, we had to perform the work. When this was over, we had to line up in a group to have our photographs taken. I was in the center and a ready-made sign was hung around my neck which bore the inscription: “I am a class conscious Socialdemocratic tormentor [Bonze].” Twice I tore the sign off and left it hanging only after having been threatened with beatings. After the pictures were taken, the younger ones had to fall in line and after the command “Attention” was given, the commander went to the rear and commanded “Forward march”, then “halt”, and said: “Repeat the following words: Fuehrer, we thank you that today for the first time we were able to perform some honest work”. Then I was to go with the penal company to the gravel-pit. My son who was also in Dachau asked to go to the penal company instead of me. That was granted. Gradually, I was no longer assigned to work details. Anyhow there was a regulation that people over 65 should not be assigned to work any longer. In spite of this regulation, I, with my 68 years, was treated as mentioned above.
I was not mistreated, but at each and every opportunity abused with vile invectives. After almost 9 months of protective custody, among them 7 months in Dachau, I was released on 25 January 1934. Though I had to report every other day in Nurnberg to the police and was watched by the Gestapo.
At the beginning of August 1935, I was rearrested on the following grounds: “Simon was for many years a member of the Socialdemocratic Party and for a while of the Independent Socialdemocratic Party. From 1907 to 1918 he was Landtagdeputy of the Socialdemocratic Party and from 1908 to 1930 Social Democratic City Counsellor [Stadtrat] in Nurnberg. In view of the decisive role which Simon played in international trade unionism and in regard to his connections to international Marxist leaders and central agencies which he continued after the National Revolution, he was placed under protective custody on 3 May 1933 and was kept until 25 January 1934 in the Dachau Concentration Camp. Simon is under the grave suspicion that even after this date he worked for the illegal continuation of the Socialdemocratic. He took part in meetings which aimed at the illegal continuation of the Socialdemocratic Party and at the propagation of illegal Marxist printed matter in Germany.
Through this radical attitude, hostile to the State, Simon directly endangers public order and safety.”
I was released from this protective custody on 20 December 1935. But it was this protective custody which caused much psychic suffering to me and undermined my health.
When in 1934 we were released from Dachau, the commander “Eicke” delivered an address, at the end of which he said: “Remember this, whoever returns here does not get out any more.” Now I was afraid every day to get to Dachau again, and I was repeatedly threatened with it. Therefore, I suffered strongly in body and soul. My heart and nerves were particularly affected and there was in addition the bad food. When I was released on 20 December, I was already sick. Nevertheless, I had to report to the police every other day. When on 27 December I wanted to fulfill again my obligation to report there, I collapsed and lost consciousness in the garden of the police building. The ambulance took me home and I was unconscious for almost 3 hours. I recovered only gradually but since that time I suffer from a weak heart.
[signed] Josef Simon Nurnberg, 18 October 1945
I hereby declare under oath the correctness of the above statement which oath is given by me on this thirteenth day of November 1945 at Nurnberg, Justice Building, before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.
[signed] Josef Simon Josef Simon
Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice Building, in Nurnberg, Germany.
[signed] D. A. Sprecher D. A. Sprecher, O2055516, Capt., AUS
# # # # #
Josef Simon, Nurnberg, Ziegelsteinstr. 106
As above already stated in my report on my arrest, my son Willi was also arrested on 29 June and taken to Dachau Concentration Camp. Nothing could be proved against him, except that he was my son. My son “Josef” was to be arrested also and taken to Dachau. He avoided being arrested by fleeing and going via Schleswig-Holstein to Denmark, where he lives and works at present as a refugee.
My son Willi was asked by the SS guards in Dachau what sort of post he held. When he answered that he had had none, he was slapped in the face and ordered to confess, and at each declaration that he had no post he was slapped in the face again and again. Then the SS men poured water out in the basement of the washhouse and while my son had to wipe it off with a little rag he was beaten several times. After he had wiped up the water, the basement was drenched again with water and under further beatings he again had to wipe up the water.
During bathings in the winter of 1933 the prisoners who in the opinion of the SS did not get ready soon enough in the cold washroom were sprayed with a hose while half-dressed and chased outside. Because of the wet clothing my son contracted a severe cold in the form of an arthritis of the hip. He came into the dispensary. The pains became worse all the time and finally he was taken to a clinic in Munich for examination. The physician declared that my son had to remain in the clinic for treatment. This, however, was refused by the accompanying SS and he was taken to Dachau again, where he was again taken to the dispensary. I visited him in the dispensary and asked the medic to put his bed near the stove, a request that was granted. Only after several weeks did the condition of my son improve, and on 18 January 1934 he was released from Dachau.
For the truth of the above statements vouches.
[signed] Josef Simon Nurnberg, 23 October 1945
I have again read carefully the report submitted by me on 23 October 1945 and I hereby declare under oath that the content is true. This statement is herewith made by me today, the 13 November 1945 at Nurnberg, in the Justice Building before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.
[signed] Josef Simon Josef Simon
Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice Building, Nurnberg, Germany.
[signed] D. A. Sprecher D. A. Sprecher O2055516 Captain, Army of the United States
# # # # #
Josef Simon, Nurnberg, Ziegelsteinstr. 106.
Karl Hermann, official of the Union of the Factory Workers, was arrested together with Staimer, on the denunciation by his nephew that he had together with Staimer, listened to foreign radio stations; they were shipped to the concentration camp Flossenbuerg in the Oberpfalz. There he was slain and the ashes were sent to his family.
I cannot name witnesses for this deed, but I attach a death certificate sent to his family. [See Document 2333-PS]
I vouch for the truth of the above statements.
[signed] Josef Simon Nurnberg, 23 October 1945
# # # # #
Josef Simon
Nurnberg
Ziegelsteinstr. 106
When I was shipped on 30 June 1933 to the Dachau Concentration Camp, I met there Josef Staimer, an official of the Unions of Stokers and Machinists, who had already been arrested in April and sent to Dachau. As far as I remember, he was not released from Dachau until 1938.
In 1940, Staimer together with Hermann was arrested again on the basis of a denunciation and came to Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp in the Oberpfalz. He was slain there after a few months and burned in the Crematorium. The ashes were sent to his family.
I cannot name witnesses for this deed, but I attach a death certificate sent to his family. [See Document 2332-PS]
For the truth of the above statements vouches.
[signed] Josef Simon
Nurnberg, 23 October 1945
I have reread carefully both reports, as submitted by me on 23 October 1945, and declare herewith under oath, that the content is true. This statement is herewith made by me today, the 13th of November 1945 at Nurnberg, in the Justice Building before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.
[signed] Josef Simon Josef Simon
Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice Building in Nurnberg, Germany.
[signed] D. A. Sprecher D. A. Sprecher, O2055516, Captain, AUS.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2336-PS
GERMAN LABOR FRONT
Organization Office
Chief Directorate of the Political Organization [P.O.] National Socialist Factory Cells Organization
Berlin W., 27 June 1933 Luetzowufer 18, II
SPECIAL CIRCULAR
on the Securing of the Associations of the German Labor Front [DAF] Against Hidden Marxist Sabotage.
To all:
Leaders of Worker and Employee Associations of the DAF Regional [Bezirke],
District [Kreis] and Local Chapter Directorate [Ortsgruppenleitungen] of the Worker and Employee Associations of the DAF,
Regional Leaders of the DAF,
Regional Leaders of German industry
and
National Socialist Works Organization [N.S.B.O.] of
“Landes” Representatives of the NSDAP
“Gau” Factory Cell Leaders of the NSDAP
District Factory Cell Leaders of the NSDAP
Local Chapter Factory Workers [Ortsgruppenbetriebswarte] of the NSDAP in Berlin and the Reich.
[Stamp]
Main Archives of the NSDAP No.____
[Stamp] Entered in the index of books 3 A/C current No. A-202.
# # # # #
Dear Party comrades.
The Situation
Today the third SA-man from Berlin has died, following on the burial yesterday, with the greatest ceremony, of his two comrades. The murderer was a Marxist trade union member.--A few days ago SA-men were fired at by Marxists in two other cities of the Reich.--Enemy aircraft dropped revolutionary Marxist leaflets over Berlin.--Shortly before the final edition of today’s local newspapers came out, it became known that a gigantic new scandal of corruption has been discovered in a land settlement society. The former Marxist “Gau” chairman of the Textile Workers’ Union [Textilarbeiter-Verbandes] has been arrested as the chief swine and money maker. In Silesia signs have been discovered of a secret Marxist organization (Communist Party).
This is a small selection of daily events, chosen at random. Marxists as murderers, Marxists as inciters to corruption, Marxists as foreign agents, Marxists as conspirators against the state and its institutions. The notorious enemies of the state are opposed by the great mass of honest German workers who fight for work and bread. For fourteen years the “labor leaders” of Prague, Paris, Amsterdam, Warsaw gave to the millions of German workers stones instead of bread, servitude to a foreign political system instead of liberty. The 30th January, 5th March, 2nd May, 22nd June finally struck one weapon after the other out of the hands of this “Fuehrer” mob [gesindel]. The force and thoroughness of the National Socialist coups [Aktionen] made those who did not disappear into concentration camps creep into every dark corner.
They Played Dead.
However, now the generosity of National Socialism towards its adversaries, which was rightly mentioned by party comrade Dr. Ley in one of the last decrees of the DAF leaders, seems to have encouraged them to new treasonable activities from the darkness. There is much to indicate this. Here is just a small sample from a report submitted by the Gestapo, Berlin:
The functionaries of the free trade unions have received instructions to dismiss the assertions of the National Socialist Works Organization regarding the former embezzlement of union funds as slanderous. What is aimed at is permanent agitation on a considerable scale, particularly with the cooperation of the treasurers of the Social Democrat Party. All trade union members who have joined the National Socialist Works Organization so as not to lose their jobs are registered with full details and then visited by functionaries in their homes. An attempt is being made to group together all “class-conscious” workers who reject Fascism. The aim is to keep the trade unions as fighting organs in spite of National Socialist leadership. The old trade union leaders are convinced even today that there is no suitable soil in Germany for the plant of Fascism; nevertheless every effort should be made to shorten its existence.
These new working methods are contrived on the instructions of the international association of trade unions with which the leading German trade unionists are, as ever, in close contact. In short, the activity of the functionaries of the Marxist parties and Trades Unions is becoming more and more effective [aktiv].
They want again, although of course considerably weakened, to use as a spring board the countless millions of German workers who long for work and bread. They shoot their arrows from ambush, try to organize themselves illegally, and now and then even assume a cynical and impertinent attitude. But they must have got a totally wrong idea of us! We are awake! As new and qualified leaders of the workers and employees of the DAF and as political officials [Amtswalter] of the victorious National Socialist Works Organization, the sword of the DAF, and finally also the old, confirmed National Socialists who are accustomed to persecution, in all the leading and authoritative positions of the DAF, are, thank God, guarantees that the doings of our enemies come to nought.
Since we know that, we act accordingly. Our aim is:
1. Expulsion of the last leading Marxist from all units of the associations of the “German Labour Front”;
2. Therefore no softness, no false belief that we can “convert” them, since they hate us from the very bottom of their hearts and because Marxist big-wigs [Bonzen] can never be converted;
3. No more financial settlements, no respecting of all their dishonestly made agreements;
4. Close observation and a close check on their private activities, for they carry on propaganda against the state under the cloak of honest citizens;
5. See to it that they are regarded by the people as outlaws who really deserved to be hanged;
6. Have close observation instituted in the factories;
7. Finally do everything that helps the German workers and the German employees but cuts off the deposed Marxist big-wigs from every type of activity hostile to the state.
We have one aim only; to unite the whole of German labour in a mighty block of workers for the blessing of the people and state. Adolf Hitler is the protector [Schirmheer] of the DAF--that explains everything.
The Marxists, at home and abroad, have also one aim only; to annihilate National Socialism and thus create chaos in Germany, nay, in Europe. The fronts are thus clear. The law of the National Socialist revolution demands therefore not only unceasing toil, but fast work at this very moment. Therefore the following orders are issued.
A
For the “General Association [Gesamtverband] of German Workers” of the DAF
1. _The organization office of the DAF is drawing up a “List of Outlaws” [Geaechteten]_
which is valid for the entire Reich and in which the names of all those Marxist trade union “big-wigs” [Bonze] will be included, who have carried on in the past and are still carrying on the most furious struggle against National Socialism and are continuing it in secret. Anyone on the “List of Outlaws”, will not be given work in the future. All organizations which have any vital connection with German industry are being sent this printed list, in order to prevent any of these traitors to the workers from returning to the factories by crooked means and possibly continuing their mutinous activity there.
In this connection, the Association leaders [Verbandsleiter] of the “General union [Gesamtverband] of German Workers” of the DAF will issue detailed executive instructions.
2. No treasurer (or person holding similar office) in the associations may be a Marxist because these persons have the greatest opportunity of forming illegal nucleus groups. It goes without saying that suspicious treasurers, who can of course continue their former activities in spite of the fact that they no longer have the right to collect subscriptions, should be constantly watched.
3. The local group associations [Verbandsortssgruppe] are to be filled up as soon as possible with the members of other associations or groups who have been brought into line (Christian, former yellow, Evangelic, and Catholic workers unions, etc.) so that the block of “free” association members which has up to now been a closed community, may be split up. Public places known to have been frequented by the Social Democrat, Reichsbanner, or Communist Party, may no longer be used as meeting places of the local group association [Verbandsortsgruppen].
B
For the General Association [Gesamtverband] of German employees of the DAF.
It is above all the Catholic party leaders whom the Trade Unions have taken over who should be removed from the associations, those men who, it has been ascertained, are maintaining their connections with political Catholicism just as they always have. They are dangerous because they simulate submission and cheerful cooperation while in reality they wantonly hold up our work of reconstruction and make no secret of it among themselves. For example, here is one of many reports from our intelligence service:
“On Sunday, 23 April, at 11 A. M. in the Vincent-House at Breslau a meeting of the Christian trade unions was held to which all the representatives of the authorities were invited. The report was given by the Chief Editor of the “Deutsche”, Wiedfeld of Berlin. The meeting came to an end about 1:00 p. m. and closed with the National Anthem. In the afternoon the delegates from the province assembled to discuss the report in the absence of the representatives of the various authorities. No comment was permitted on Herr Wiedfeld’s report in the morning, in order to appear in a good light in the eyes of the representatives of the authorities, and this was expressly stated by the chairman of the afternoon meeting. The lively discussion showed immediately the methods followed and the goal aimed at by the Christian Trades Union. Violent attacks were launched against the present Reich Cabinet [Reichsregierung]. A representative of the Christian Trade Union attacked the Reich Chancellor, asserting that Adolf Hitler would never allow the leaders of the Christian Trade Unions to voice their opinions.
Then they spoke of the National Socialist Works Organization and pulled it to pieces. Citing a number of examples they went on to make further attacks on the Reich Cabinet and the National Socialist Works Organization. First the Government was attacked; they said, for instance, that cars were left free of tax, while a great tax was levied on margarine and thus the standard of living of the poor was lowered. There had never been so much holiday work in upper Silesia as under the present Government. They declared that the NSDAP will have the surprise of its life in Autumn, when the people will have nothing to eat, they will then take to open fighting and destroy National Socialism in the same way as the Socialist Party has been destroyed today. We dealt with 1918 (i.e. Christian trade union) and will deal with the Nazis too. One must be on one’s guard against Minister Goering, for this fellow is heading straight for Dictatorship. It is important to keep a good watch on the National Socialist Works Organization, inform the people of every mistake and explain to the people that the Nazis are completely unable to carry out what they say.”
This “Christian”, sabotage applies of course also to the Workers’ Associations.
C
For the branches [Gliederungen] of the National Socialist Works Organizations
1. The National Socialist Works Organization is above all the security organ of the entire German Labour Front, i.e. it has to protect day and night the great work of our slowly progressing unification of all German workers and prevent any kind of sabotage. This is carried out in two ways:
a. Through the already National Socialist Works Organization officials [Amtswalter] in the associations themselves and
b. By keeping a watch on factories, houses and public places which appear suspicious to us, by means of NS B. O. patrols drawn from the “Gau” and District [Kreis] factory cell-divisions [Betriebszellenabteilung] and the local group factory wardens [Ortsgruppenbietriebswarte] detailed instructions will be issued later to the Gau factory cell divisions direct.
2. However, the branches of the National Socialist Works Organization must themselves be subjected to a thorough purge of members because their rapid growth has brought us many unreliable elements.
It is only the man who pledges his life-time unreservedly, unselfishly, and devotedly to the fight for the rise of German labour (brain and manual workers), and thus for the whole people, who should be a member of the National Socialist Works Organization. But any man who has joined the National Socialist Works Organization on the chance of amassing wealth, or has regarded his membership as a safeguard against losing his job, etc., in short, any man who has joined this fighting body [Kampftruppe] for material reasons, must leave it. The man who was a Marxist only yesterday and fought openly against us, but today will have nothing more to do with it, must also leave. These are nothing but dangerous disruptive elements [Spaltpilze] who poison morale when it comes to tests of endurance.
It would be a definite benefit for the National Socialist Works Organization if quite 100,000 of our most recent members leave our ranks. The Gau factory cell leaders [Gau-Betriebszellenleiter] must therefore issue orders to this effect.
3. Herewith an order is issued effective until further notice, prohibiting National Socialist Works Organization officials [Amtswalter] and/or ordinary members beyond the N.S.W.O. membership number 450,000, from holding any positions whatever in the associations of the German Labour Front. The new members do not yet possess that degree of suitability for leadership which we must demand for the great tasks which have to be accomplished in these associations.
Care has been taken that those “freshmen” who are not needed as officials [Amtswalter] in the National Socialist Works Organization or in the associations, are thoroughly familiarized by rapid courses with National socialist ideas, so that they can then be employed.
4. All positions on factory and employee counselors’ councils in Germany must be filled by National Socialists. There must no longer be any factory in which Marxists or “Christians” hold the leading positions. Orders should therefore be given immediately that Communist and Catholic factory or employee councils who are still holding office should be dismissed. To prevent this being carried out in a wild and undisciplined manner, it is laid down that the responsible Regional leader of the German Labour Front, in conjunction with the Gau Director of factory cells should from time to time, decide on the necessary orders (in agreement with the Regional leader of German industry).
The above schemes [Ausfuehrungen] and orders are to be put into effect immediately with proven National Socialist thoroughness. No pardon to the enemy but stake all for the victory of the National Socialistic revolution.
Signed Muchow
Director of the Office of the Organization of the German Labour Front and Deputy Director of the National Socialist Works Organization of the Political Organization of the N.S.D.A.P.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2340-PS
1937 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 41
German Public Officials Law of 27 January 1937
A career as a public official, rooted in the German people and permeated by National Socialist ideology and loyalty bound to the Fuehrer of the German Reich and people, forms a foundation pillar of the National Socialist State. Therefore the Reich Government has enacted the following law, which is hereby promulgated.