Chapter XIV…

Chapter XIV

Exertions of Thayendanegea for the moral and social improvement of his people--His religious views--Efforts for the religions instruction of his people--Letter to Sir John Johnson upon the subject of obtaining a resident clergyman--Farther correspondence--Interview of Brant with the Bishop--Disappointment--Letter to the Chief Justice--Appeal of Brant to the Lord Bishop, but without success--Application to the American church--Letter to Colonel Burr--Succeeds in obtaining the ordination of Mr. Phelps--Estimate of Brant's character by the clergy--Letter of Rev. Dr. Mason--Rev. Elkanah Holmes--Letter of Brant to the Rev. Dr. Miller--Ardent spirits--Efforts of Brant to prevent their introduction--Letter to Sir John Johnson--Interposition of the women--Address of Brant in reply--Indian games and pastimes--National game of Cricket--Great game at Grand River, between the Senecas and Mohawks--Judge Woodruff's visit to Brant's residence--Description of his person--Indian funerals--Respect for the dead--Estimate of women--Their influence--Funeral speech of Seneca-George--Death of Mrs. Claus--Speech of condolence by Captain Brant--Captain Claus in reply--Brant's visit to New-York, Philadelphia, and Hartford, in 1797--Attentions to him in Philadelphia--Dinner party of Colonel Burr--Talleyrand and other distinguished guests--Letter of introduction from Colonel Burr to his daughter--Dinner party in his honor by Miss Theodosia--His manners described by Dr. Miller and by General Porter--Designs upon his life in the Mohawk country--The late John Wells--Striking incident in Albany--Anecdotes--Brant and General Gansevoort--Brant and Colonel Van Courtlandt--Reasons of Brant for taking up arms for the King--His reasonings in defence of the Indian mode of warfare.

Had no other subjects demanded the consideration, and required the active personal exertions, of Captain Brant, during the last twelve years of his career, than those already reviewed, his life must still have been considered one of uncommon industry. But the cares upon his hands were multitudinous in other respects. His desire for the moral and social improvement of his people led him to a vigilant oversight of all their domestic concerns. Rude as was their government, it was still to be administered, and a domestic police, of some kind, was to be observed. The administration of their government, moreover, was probably attended by none the less difficulty from the peculiar position in which the Mohawk Indians were placed at that particular period of their history. Their society was in a transition state--being neither the hunter nor the agricultural, but partaking in part of both; while, notwithstanding the advice of the Duke of Northumberland, it was the strong desire of the Chief to draw them from the former to the latter course of life. Before their transplantation from their native valley, they had, many of them, made considerable advances in the pursuit of husbandry, Brant himself having cultivated an excellent farm in the neighborhood of General Herkimer's residence, near the Upper Mohawk Castle; [FN] and though the vicissitudes of war had cast them once more into a primitive forest, entirely unsubdued, the Chief had no idea of relinquishing the certainty of agricultural competence for the precarious supplies of the chase.

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[FN] The author visited the plantation formerly belonging to Brant in the Autumn of 1836. Nothing of his domicile, save the cellar, remained. His orchard of apple-trees, however, was thrifty and in full bearing.

Nor was he ignorant of what alone can form the basis of an industrious and truly moral community. Whether he was himself a man of experimental religion, in the evangelical sense of the term, is a question which it is not the province of the historian to decide. There is no doubt that he was a believer in the great and essential truths of revelation, and it is equally certain that after his return from Dr. Wheelock's school, he was the subject of deep religious impressions. But whether these impressions were entirely effaced during the long years of arduous and active public service in which he was subsequently engaged, both as a warrior and a politician--in the battle-field, in the council of war, and in the Indian Congress--threading the solitudes of his native forests, or amidst the splendid gaieties of the British metropolis--is not for this writer to affirm or deny. Be this, however, as it may, he was a man of too much sagacity not to perceive the importance of education and religion, as auxiliaries in carrying forward the moral and social improvement of his nation; and the preponderance of testimony favors the opinion that he was never careless of the spiritual interests of his charge. It has been seen, that when quite a young man, he was engaged with the Episcopal and other Christian missionaries, assisting in translating the Church Prayer Book and the Holy Scriptures. And immediately after the close of the long conflict in which he had borne so active a part, he was again found recurring, of his own volition, to the same labors, and superintending the printing of the Gospel of Mark, and other religious works, in London. One of his first stipulations with the Commander-in-chief, on the acquisition of his new territory, was for the building of a church, a school-house, and a flouring mill; and no sooner had the North-western Indian wars been brought to an end, than the religious principle was again in action, and his thoughts and exertions once more directed to the means of imparting to his people a knowledge of their relation to God, and the consequences flowing therefrom. In proof of this assertion, the following letter may be appropriately introduced:--

"Captain Brant to Sir John Johnson, Bar't.

"Grand River, Dec. 15, 1797.

"Dear Sir,

"Since writing the letter accompanying this, the Chiefs have conferred together respecting the state of religion among the Five Nations, which now appears to be a subject of more serious consideration among them than formerly. We are sensible, Sir, of the goodness of Government, among other benefits, in accommodating us with a church, and we have long been desirous of having a clergyman to reside constantly with us; this, we apprehend, would be highly promotive of morality and the Christian virtues among our people. We do not complain, Sir, of the neglect of the society in this respect, as we are satisfied that their benevolent attention to mankind has been equal to their means; for this reason we have hitherto omitted making application to them upon this head. Besides, we are sensible how difficult it must be for them to find a suitable character willing to settle among us in this rude and distant quarter.

"In order to discharge my duty in this important affair, and that I may rest in peace, I have conferred with a gentleman of a liberal education, Mr. Davenport Phelps, with whose character and family I have long been acquainted, who has ample testimonials respecting his literary and moral qualifications, and who, I believe, will consent to devote his life to the service of the Church among us, provided his Lordship, the Bishop of Quebec, shall think proper to ordain him to the sacred office. Mr. Phelps with great candor observes, that from his not having been so conversant with books for a number of years past as he could have wished, particularly classical ones, he is diffident of a critical examination in the dead languages. But, Sir, from his general, I may say almost universal, character among the discerning, I consider the prospect of his usefulness among us very great; and assure you that it is the desire of the Chiefs in general, and my most ardent wish, that he may be ordained a missionary for the Five Nations on this river. And from your official relation to us, I take the liberty of begging you to communicate our wishes to his Lordship the Bishop respecting this gentleman, that we may be informed, if possible, before the opening of the Spring, whether a character of Mr. Phelps's description will be approved by his Lordship, and deemed a proper subject for ordination.

"I am, dear sir, Your most obedient And humble serv't, Jos. Brant.

"Sir John Johnson, Bar't.

"P. S. I know you will excuse my observing that we shall be glad to know what sum the society, and what government will severally think proper to allow our missionary; since, should their allowances be insufficient for his support, by other means it must be made adequate."

The Baronet lost no time in bringing the subject before the Bishop, but difficulties were interposed by his Lordship, and an occasional correspondence of two or three years ensued, before the wishes of the Indians, for the ordination of a spiritual teacher, were complied with. The first objection was that the candidate for orders had not been examined. In reply, Captain Brant apologized for their ignorance as to the prerequisites, and urged that an examination might be undergone before the Rev. Mr. Addison, "who, having gone through the forms himself, must be acquainted with the business." Both the Chief and his people were impatient of delay; and the Captain reminded the Bishop, through Sir John, of the pledge which the Archbishop of Canterbury had made to him in the presence of the King, that whenever the Indians, by the erection of a church, should be ready for religious instruction, he would do all in his power to supply their wants.

In the Spring of 1798, the Chief had an earnest correspondence with Mr. Russell, the provincial Governor, upon the subject, in the course of which, in one of his letters, he said:--"With respect to any uncertainty or difficulty there may be in obtaining a salary from government, we would wish that that should not entirely restrain his Lordship; for, should government not be willing to grant an allowance for a clergyman, sooner than want one we would strain every point ourselves to procure a salary, and would be joined by several respectable families of white people in the neighborhood."

In the Summer of the following year, on his return from a visit to the lower province, the Captain met with the Lord Bishop at Kingston, and again urged his attention to the subject; and, as he supposed, arranged matters for an examination of Mr. Phelps at Niagara, to which place his Lordship was preparing to extend his visit. But there was again disappointment, arising from a cause altogether unexpected. The following spirited letter will disclose the motive of the delay:

"Captain Brant to the Chief Justice.

"Grand River,--" [FN]

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[FN] The date is wanting in the copy. It must have been, however, toward the close of 1799.

"Sir,

"I feel myself under the necessity of representing to your Honor, that from the consideration of the great importance of having a missionary resident among the Indians, and that from the knowledge I have long had of Mr. Davenport Phelps, and my particular acquaintance with his family and connexions, I have been earnestly desirous that he might be ordained to that office. To this end, the Winter before last I wrote the Honorable Sir John Johnson, who communicated my wishes, and those of the other chiefs, in this respect, to his Lordship the Bishop of Quebec. No determinate answer was given, and in consequence the subject thus remained till the Summer past, when, on my return from Lower Canada, at Kingston, in a conversation with his Lordship, he was pleased to express the utmost readiness to do what was incumbent on him to carry what was desired into effect--manifesting a cheerful willingness to examine Mr. Phelps, in order to his ordination.

"Thus circumstanced, I requested Mr. Phelps to accompany me to Newark, [FN] to offer himself for examination; but to my great disappointment found, that previous to our arrival his Lordship had sailed for Quebec. I was, Sir, however, surprised to learn, that he had left information pointedly against the expected examination; which, though then to me mysterious, I more fully understand since the arrival of his Excellency Governor Hunter, at that place, who has told me that he had been informed that Mr. Phelps had been at the head of a mob in the province. This charge, replete with odium, I have good evidence to believe was originally made by Mr. White, Attorney General, and as long ago as 1795. I must acknowledge, Sir, that it is unaccountable in my mind how a charge of this nature, made by one whose duty it is to prosecute seditious practices, should remain unnoticed until so late a period, and then be suggested, as I have too much reason to believe, to defeat a purpose earnestly desired by many friends to the cause of religion and morality."

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[FN] Formerly a town on the Niagara--now called Niagara.

"I cannot, in justice to truth, omit to observe that the proposal of Mr. Phelps's being ordained to the church did not originate with him, (nor has it since been solicited by him,) but by myself and others of respectability, who have long known his virtues and abilities; who have an indubitable claim to the honor of having defended this country against the King's enemies; and whose loyalty and discernment cannot with decency be disputed. If, however, a charge of this nature be proved, I shall remain silent. If not, I humbly conceive justice and humanity require that due reparation be made.

"Your Honor's love of justice makes me confident of your best advice, and wise interference in this affair.

"I cannot but farther observe, that, considering the nature and circumstances of this affair, I have a right to expect that Mr. White, or whoever else has made this charge, be called on to prove it without delay. I shall be much obliged by your answer to this by the bearer. I have the honor to be, &c."

It is manifest from this letter, that the government were entertaining political objections to the candidate. The conduct of the Attorney-General, however, would not stand the scrutiny to which the Mohawk was disposed to subject it. Nothing could be more apparent than that the charge was either frivolous, or adduced as a pretext, or that the Attorney General had been remiss in the performance of his own official duty. The Indians still adhered to Mr. Phelps; and such was the strength of their attachment to him, that Captain Brant subsequently prepared a formal memorial to the Lord Bishop, setting forth his excellent qualities--his talents, his virtues, and his loyalty--and urging his ordination, "as their choice had been, and still was, fixed on him, in preference to any other." [FN] But every effort to obtain the ordination of Mr. Phelps from the English prelate was fruitless, and the attention of Captain Brant was thereupon directed to the Episcopal Church of the United States, through the interposition of General Chapin, the American Indian Agent residing at Canandaigua, and Colonel Aaron Burr. Mr. Phelps, the candidate for orders, visited the city of New-York, and was the bearer of the following letter to Colonel Burr upon the subject:--

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[FN] The warmth of Brant's friendship for Mr. Phelps, and the strength of his attachment to him, are explained by the circumstance that Mr. Phelps had married the daughter of the elder President Wheelock, with whom the Chief had doubtless' become acquainted while at the Moor Charity School. As Mr. Phelps subsequently became the pioneer of the Episcopal Church in the western part of the State of New-York, some farther notice of him will be proper in this place. He was a native of Hebron, (Connecticut,) where he was born in 1755. He was graduated at Yale College, with high credit for his classical attainments, in 1775. Soon afterward he entered the army of the Revolution, in Colonel Beadle's regiment--was made prisoner and taken to Montreal, where he remained so long that he acquired the French language so as to speak it with elegance. He was married to Catharine Wheelock in 1785, and was for a time engaged in the mercantile business, in company with his brothers-in-law, Ebenezer and James Wheelock, in Hartford (Conn.) He afterward removed to New-Hampshire, where he practised law, and served as a magistrate. In 1798 he visited Upper Canada in company with James Wheelock, where they jointly obtained a grant of eighty-four thousand acres of land from Governor Simcoe. Soon afterward he removed his family to Upper Canada, and settled for a time at Niagara, where he commenced the practice of the law, and established a printing-office. He also had a mercantile concern at that place, the business of which was chiefly conducted by an agent. He had a taste for agricultural and horticultural pursuits, and paid much attention to husbandry and the cultivation of fruit. A close intimacy subsisted between himself and Captain Brant, and between their families. He appears to have been early a religious man, and had, for some time anterior to Brant's application in his behalf for orders, a strong desire to enter the Episcopal Church.--MS. Life of Rev. Davenport Phelps, in preparation by the Rev. Dr. Rudd of Utica.

"Captain Brant to Colonel Burr.

"Grand River, May 7, 1800.

"Sir,

"About three weeks since, I received a message from O'Bail to attend a council at Buffalo, where I expected the pleasure of seeing you. We attended, and waited a few days; but the chiefs there not being ready to meet us, and we having business that required our attendance at this place, were under the necessity of coming away. Had I been so fortunate as to have met you there, it was my intention to have conversed with you upon a subject which I have long considered as most important to the present and future well-being of the Indians on both sides of the lakes and at large; namely, their situation in a moral point of view, and concerning measures proper to be taken in order that regular and stated religious instruction might be introduced among them.

"You well know, Sir, the general state of the Indians residing on Grand River, as well as in other parts. A considerable number of some of these nations have long since embraced Christianity, and the conversion of others must depend, under the influence of the Great Spirit, on the faithful labors of a resident minister, who might visit and instruct both here and elsewhere, as ways and doors might from time to time be opened for him.

"The establishment and enlargement of civilization and Christianity among the natives must be most earnestly desired by all good men; and as religion and morality respect mankind at large, without any reference to the boundaries of civil governments, I flatter myself that you, Sir, will approve what many of the chiefs here, with myself, are so greatly desirous of.

"I have in view, as I have before suggested, the welfare of the Indians at large; being fully persuaded that nothing can so greatly contribute to their present and future happiness as their being brought into the habits of virtue and morality, which, I trust, may and will be gradually effected by instruction, if properly attended and enforced by example.

"I well know the difficulty of finding a gentleman suitably qualified, and willing to devote his life to the work of a missionary among them; and especially one of talents and manners to render him agreeable in a degree highly to favor his usefulness. And, in order to satisfy myself in this respect, I faithfully inquired and consulted, and am clearly of opinion, that Mr. Davenport Phelps, who is recommended as a gentleman of virtue and respectable accomplishments, is the most suitable character for this office of any one within my knowledge. My long acquaintance with his family, and particular knowledge of him, as well as the opinion and wishes of the most respectable characters among the white people in this vicinity, who earnestly wish, for themselves as well as for us, that he may be ordained a missionary, make me earnestly hope that you will officially recommend both the design and him to the Right Reverend Bishops in the United States, or to some one of them, and to such other characters as you may think proper.

"From the consideration that religion and politics are distinct subjects, we should not only be well satisfied to receive a Missionary from a Bishop in the United States, but, for various other reasons, would prefer one from thence.

"We shall be able here to do something considerable towards Mr. Phelps's support; and I doubt not but others, who have ability, will be disposed to assist in promoting so good a work. I will add no more than that I have great satisfaction in being confident of your friendly and influential exertions in this important affair, and that I am, with great sincerity, yours, &c.,

"Joseph Brant." [FN]

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[FN] Brant had had some previous acquaintance with Colonel Burr and his family, as will appear in a subsequent page. This letter was enclosed by Colonel Burr to his daughter Theodosia, then Mrs. Alston, in December, 1801, with the following remark:--"Yesterday Mr. Phelps, mentioned in the enclosed, delivered to me two pair of moccasins, directed--'From Captain Joseph Brant to Mr. and Mrs. Alston.' Your ship having sailed, I don't know how or when I shall forward them to you; but we will see. I send the original letter of Captain Brant, merely to show how an Indian can write. It is his own hand-writing and composition. Upon this notice of his attention you should write him a letter of acknowledgment for his hospitality," &c. The author will here remark, that the orthography of Captain Brant was remarkable and almost invariably accurate.

The application to the American Church was successful, and the Missionary was ordained. [FN-1] But whether the measure was facilitated by the exertions of Colonel Burr, is not known. The subject has been treated thus at large, for the purpose of developing with more distinctness the religious bias of the Chieftain's character, as illustrated by the earnest perseverance with which he sought the Christian improvement of his people. From other letters and documents among his papers, it is farther rendered certain that several religious gentlemen of distinction in the United States were in occasional correspondence with him upon religious and other subjects connected with the history and condition of his people. His house, likewise, seems to have been the free and open quarters of the Missionaries employed at that early stage of the modern missionary enterprise, among the borderers, both Anglo-Saxon and Aboriginal. [FN-2] As an example of this description of correspondence, the following letter is given--for the double purpose of showing the estimate placed upon the character of Captain Brant by the great and good of that day, and of embalming the name of one of the most devout and faithful pioneers of Christianity that ever made the wilderness ring with the Gospel trumpet--the Rev. Elkanah Holmes:

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[FN-1] Mr. Phelps was ordained a Deacon in Trinity Church, in the city of New-York, by Bishop Benjamin Moore, on Sunday, December 13, 1801. He immediately returned to Canada, and entered upon the active duties of a missionary, holding frequent services, and traveling far and wide in the discharge of his duties. His residence then, and for several years before, was upon his farm about three miles from Burlington Bay. Captain Brant had repeatedly endeavored to induce him to accept a grant of land, probably with a view to his residence with, or near him, at Grand River, but without success--as the accumulation of wealth was not the desire of Mr. Phelps. In 1803 he was ordained as a priest in St Peter's Church, Albany, also by Bishop Moore. Thenceforward he entered upon the life of a missionary in the western part of New-York, and in 1805 removed his family from Upper Canada to Onondaga. He subsequently removed to Geneva, where he died some years since.--MS. Account of his life by Dr. Rudd.

[FN-2] Mr. Phelps had much intercourse with Captain Brant and his family. When he preached in the vicinity of the family of Brant, that household formed a part, and a very attentive part, of his audience.--MS. of the Rev. Dr. Rudd.

"Rev. John M. Mason, D. D., to Captain Brant.

"New-York, June 16, 1801.

"Sir,

"The Directors of the New-York Missionary Society have instructed me to tender you their acknowledgments for your friendship to their missionary, the Rev. Elkanah Holmes. [FN] This gentleman, in whose discretion and integrity they repose entire confidence, they have employed in a second mission to those tribes of Indians whom your influence particularly affects. The purity of their views, embracing the moral and religions interests of the Indians, induces them to believe that their attempts will not be unacceptable to you; and your former kindness to Mr. Holmes emboldens them to ask for him such countenance and advice as your intimate knowledge of Indian affairs, and the weight of your opinion in directing them, render it expedient for you to give. For your farther satisfaction with regard to the missionary system, Mr. Holmes will present you with a volume containing the sermons preached before the Society, and the annual accounts of their procedure; of which the directors do themselves the pleasure to request your acceptance."

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[FN] Mr. Holmes devoted many years to missionary labors among the Indians, of whom he took his leave about the year 1812. He lived many years afterward, and died at a very advanced age. Like Heckewelder, he imbibed the most enthusiastic admiration of the Indian character in its native unsophisticated state. In the course of his experience, however, he arrived at the painful conclusion that it is all but impossible to do any good to them while subject to the moral contagion of white men and strong drink. His appearance in the latter years of his life was truly patriarchal. His hair, long and white, fell down upon his shoulders; his manner was remarkably impressive, and his whole demeanor that of one who was ripe for heaven. He was a Calvinistic Baptist.

"With respect, I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, John M. Mason, Secretary.

"Captain Joseph Brant."

The Chief was likewise in correspondence with the Rev. Samuel Miller of New-York, now Doctor Miller, of Princeton, as appears by the following letter:--

"Captain Brant to the Rev. Samuel Miller.

"Grand River, Feb. 9, 1801.

"Sir,

"I feel a particular satisfaction that I have now had an opportunity of answering your letter by the Rev. Mr. Holmes. I have explained, as far as in my power, the queries you have proposed. I hope you will excuse the long delay I have made since I received your letter, and not altogether attribute it to neglect or unwillingness to serve you; for I have myself a strong inclination for searching into the antiquities of our nations and others, but the multiplicity of business I have always had on hand, has hitherto prevented me. Even now, what I have said on the subject is in haste, and as brief as possible. Should it so happen that I might have it in my power further to assist you, I shall do it with pleasure." [FN]

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[FN] It is a matter of no small regret that the author has not been able to procure a copy of the letter referred to. At the time when the now venerable Dr. Miller opened a correspondence with Brant, he was projecting a History of New-York, and was then collecting materials for that object. Brant had also contemplated writing a history of The Six Nations; and it is quite probable that his reply to the queries of Doctor Miller was both a valuable and a curious document. When Doctor Miller removed from New-York to Princeton, in the year 1813, he was just recovering from a fit of sickness, which disabled him from attending to his papers. The consequence was, that owing to the carelessness of others, his manuscripts and historical collections were greatly scattered, and many of them irrecoverably lost. Among the latter were the letters of Captain Brant, as the author has been informed by the Doctor himself, in reply to a letter addressed to him. After stating the circumstance attending the loss of his manuscripts, the Doctor says--"after the most diligent search that I can make, I cannot find a line of what I received from that remarkable man."

"I cannot omit acknowledging the satisfaction I feel from what the Rev. Mr. Holmes has acquainted me with, respecting the generous intentions of your society for diffusing religion and civilization among the Indian nations in general. I would be happy to hear from you, how far your society may propose to extend their goodness, with respect to the education of Indian youths that might be well recommended to them. And also, if they would be willing, and it might be consistent with their constitution, to assist some Indians who have yet claims on lands in the United States, such as the Nantikokes in Maryland, and the Munsees near Minisink, who have requested me to make the application. The Rev. Mr. Holmes can more particularly inform you on this subject."

Unfortunately the Mohawks, like all other primitive American nations with whom the white people have come in contact, were lovers of rum, and subject, of course, to the evils consequent upon that species of debasement. The prevalence of this vice seems to have been viewed with deep solicitude by Captain Brant, and a system of prevention early entered into his views on commencing the labor of building up his nation anew. But all experience has shown how futile are these attempts to keep the fire-waters from the lips of the Indian, so long as unprincipled white men are permitted to approach their borders with their alembics, or minister the ready-made liquor to their burning appetites. In like manner were the efforts of Captain Brant frustrated. In a letter to Sir John Johnson, dated June 30th, 1800, in reference to this subject, he said:--"The accidents which have happened in the drunken frolics here, have principally proceeded from an opposition party to those chiefs who wished to adopt some necessary regulations. Captain Clans seems very uneasy, and wishes to take some steps to prevent those melancholy misfortunes. He urges me to point out some mode in which it can be effected. In answer I furnished him in writing with a detail of the plan, (of which I presume he will send you a copy,) which was adopted when we first settled here, and which could at that time have been carried into effect, but for the insurmountable impediments thrown in the way by the government. I should be glad of your opinion on this unfortunate subject."

It must be reckoned among the mysteries in the economy of Providence, that women, of every age, and hue, and clime, are doomed to suffer more severely from the effects of intemperance in the other sex than men. The maddening poison of the intoxicating cup infuriates the stronger passions of the men, and imparts fiend-like energy to their already superior physical powers; and among savage as well as civilized men, those under its diabolical influence often wreak their senseless violence upon the least offending and the least capable of resistance. It was thus among the Mohawks. At least nothing less can be inferred from the following memoranda of proceedings upon this subject, among the papers of Captain Brant:--

"On the 22d of May, 1802, the women assembled in council, to which they called the chiefs. They then addressed them as follows:

"Uncles: Some time ago the women of this place spoke to you; but you did not then answer them, as you considered their meeting not sufficient. Now, a considerable number of those from below having met and consulted together, join in sentiment, and lament as it were with tears in our eyes, the many misfortunes caused by the use of spirituous liquors. We therefore mutually request that you will use your endeavors to have it removed from our neighborhood, that there may be none sold nigher to us than the mountain. We flatter ourselves that this is in your power, and that you will have compassion on our uneasiness, and exert yourselves to have it done."

Strings of Wampum.

How like woman! She discerned the cause of the evil she saw and felt: yet she indulged no resentments--she complained not of her sufferings--but mildly entreated that the cause might be removed. Thus, ever forward to shield those she loved from temptation and danger, by her influence and persuasions exerting might in her weakness, and rendering tho strong man stronger by her anxious yet watchful guardianship of his virtue. But their counsel did not end here. There had been domestic feuds and collisions among their lords. The Seneca demagogue had sown dissensions between the warriors and their chiefs, and the Mohawk women appeared also in their own true and beneficent character of peace-makers. After the portion of their address quoted above had been delivered, "some others," (says the manuscript,) spoke thus:--

"Uncles: The division and separation of the warriors from the chiefs gives us much uneasiness; we therefore entreat you, both chiefs and warriors, that you will bury all dispute, that your affairs may go on with the usual friendship and tranquility. As for our part, we have been, in a great measure a principal cause in influencing our male relations; but we now drop it, and promise to observe a quite different conduct, and we hope in future that no reports shall be able to rekindle the fire of contention."

Strings of Wampum.

The manner in which these rude females of the forest made their appeal, might serve as a pattern of delicacy to many of the sex of loftier pretensions. Nor was it without its effect upon the council of chiefs to whom it was addressed. After adjourning a short time for consideration, they returned, and Captain Brant delivered their reply to the following purpose:--

"Nieces: We are fully convinced of the justice of your request; drinking has caused the many misfortunes in this place, and has been, besides, a great cause of the divisions, by the effect it has upon the people's speech. We assure you, therefore, that we will use our endeavors to effect what you desire. However, it depends in a great measure upon government, as the distance you propose is within their line. We cannot therefore absolutely promise that our request will be complied with."

Strings.

"Nieces: With respect to your request to bury all differences, we heartily comply with it, and thank you for the wisdom yon showed in here interfering. It was the custom of our ancestors for the women, by their moderation, to heal up all animosities. Be assured, therefore, that we bury every thing disagreeable that may have happened hitherto; and in future we shall be upon our guard against tales, and also saying anything thoughtlessly ourselves; we only regret that the warriors are not here present, to concur with us in re-establishing unity and amity."

Strings.

If the proceedings of this female council appear rather too episodical for direct historical narrative, they are nevertheless illustrations of Indian manners and character. It is, moreover, a satisfaction thus to secure from oblivion, and preserve, a document bearing beautiful testimony, that even in a barbarous state of society, women are still found foremost in the conservation of virtue, and as persevering peace-makers in the midst of anarchy and strife. And besides, the females of no other race have had so little justice done to their character as those of the American Indian. While the women of every other people have been apotheosized, even down to the ebon daughter of Africa who moistened the parched lips of Mungo Park; who has ever rendered the just meed of homage to the patient, unostentatious virtues, and the noble qualities, of the tawny daughters of the American forest, save in the case of Pocahontas?

The reader has already seen that the religious tenets of Captain Brant were Episcopalian. It came not within the requisitions of his creed, therefore, even had policy been out of the question, to discountenance the games and amusements of his people. On the contrary, he loved to encourage their pastimes and divertisements, and by so doing, gave evidence of his wisdom. Indeed, it may well be doubted whether, in this respect, the ancients, and all uncivilized nations, have not been wiser in their generations than the modern Anglo-Saxons and their American children. Relaxation of mind and body is necessary alike to the health and elasticity of both. When the Puritans of New England banished the merry Christmas festival of Old England, they soon saw the necessity of creating a substitute, which was found in the feast of Thanksgiving. Still, the people of the United States have ever been so thoroughly utilitarian in the use of their hours, as really to deny themselves time for a suitable indulgence in rational amusements. Thus the harvest-home is forgotten; the rustic gambols of Christmas are almost unknown; no joyous groups dance around the Maypole, or twine the garland for the brow of its queen. The Americans have no seasons for reinvigorating their systems by wholesome athletic exercises, or dispelling care by rural sports among flowers, and groves, and fountains. The native sports of the Indians are less refined and poetical than were the pastimes and festivals of the Greeks and Romans; but they doubtless contribute as much to the enjoyment of the people, while they are no less rational, and are marked by a high degree of moral purity.

The neglect of athletic exercises, and games, by the white people, moreover, works positive injury. Contrast the tall, erect posture, the elastic tread of the Indian, with the plodding pace and inclining gait of the white man! Is it not obvious that the difference is attributable to the difference of physical training? The white laborer is generally worked too hard when young. His labors, whether in the field or the work-shop, are invariably such as to draw the body forward, while there is no exercise allowed the antagonistic muscles--those which sustain the body in an upright position. The consequence is, that while the Indian indulges in those sports which expand the chest, and throw back the shoulders, and impart agility and grace to the movements of the limbs, the white man, instead of looking upward to the heavens, is bowed down to the posture of the brute creation.

Among other amusements, in addition to their own native sports of running, wrestling, and leaping [FN]--their dances and songs--their sacrifices, and other festivals of war and of thanksgiving--the Six Nations had adopted from the whites the popular game of ball, or cricket. Indeed, so much attached were they to this manly exercise, that the game had become national throughout the Confederacy; and it was no uncommon thing for one nation to challenge another to play a match--upon a much larger scale, beyond doubt, than was ever practised among the pale-faces.

* * * * *

[FN] Mary Jemison states that these athletic games and exercises were practised, not only that their bodies might become more supple, or rather that they might not become enervated, but that they might be enabled to make proper selection of chiefs for the councils of the nation and leaders for war.

A game of this kind was commenced on one occasion, in the year 1794, between the young Mohawks and Senecas, which was well nigh attended with fatal consequences. The Mohawks were the challengers. After the game had proceeded for a considerable time, one of the Mohawks, in a struggle with a Seneca for a stroke at the ball, struck his antagonist a sharp blow with his bat. The occurrence having been observed by the players, the Senecas dropped their bats instantly, to a man, and retired to their posts with silent, though evident resentment. Without speaking a word, but with bosoms heaving with indignation, they took up the stakes they had deposited, and retired to their own country, on the upper waters of the Genesee, toward the northern spur of the Alleghenies. About three weeks subsequent to the occurrence, a Seneca messenger arrived at the Mohawk village, dispatched thither by Red Jacket, the Corn-planter, and others, complaining of the insult, demanding satisfaction for the affront, and denouncing war in case of refusal. The Mohawks, feeling that they were in the wrong, were somewhat troubled at the message. Brant convened a council of his chiefs, and after consultation, a message was returned to the Senecas, proposing an amicable meeting of the chiefs of both nations, to confer upon the subject matter of complaint, with a view of healing the wound by compromise and explanation, and of course without bloodshed. The Senecas, anxious to avoid hostilities against a nation with which they had been in alliance so long, acceded to the pacific proposition, and a joint council was the consequence. Red Jacket, however, did all he could to prevent a reconciliation. He delivered an inflammatory speech, laboring with all his art and eloquence to aggravate the insult, and urging his nation to avenge the insult by an appeal to arms. But Captain O'Bail, and some others of the older Seneca chiefs, were for the adoption of a more conciliatory course. They were little moved by the exciting philippic of Red Jacket, and desired nothing more of the Mohawks than a reasonable and honorable atonement for the wrong done to their young warrior by the party offending. The proposition was met with equal magnanimity on the part of the Mohawks, and the result of the council was an adjustment of the difficulty. The calumet was smoked, and the chiefs--all save the disappointed demagogue, Red Jacket--separated upon the most amicable terms. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Notes of a visit to Captain Brant, and of conversations with him, by Samuel Woodruff, Esq. of Windsor, Con.

Three years afterward, in the Summer of 1797, another match of cricket was played between the two nations. The Senecas were this time the challengers, but the game was played at the Mohawk village, on the Grand River, and was commenced during the visit of the gentleman to whom Captain Brant had related the particulars of the foregoing unpleasant occurrence. It was, in fact, the conversation naturally flowing from the pending match that led the Chief to speak of the incidents connected with the former. The playing was to commence at 9 o'clock in the morning, and the invitation of Captain Brant to see the amusement, was accepted by his guest.

The place selected for the trial of strength, agility, and skill, was a broad and beautiful green, of perhaps one hundred acres, perfectly level, and smooth as a carpet, without tree or shrub, or stone to encumber it. On one side of the green the Senecas had collected in a sort of irregular encampment--men, women, and children--to the number of more than a thousand. On the other side the Mohawks were actively assembling in yet greater numbers. The stakes deposited by each party were laid upon the ground in heaps, consisting of rifles, hatchets, swords, belts, knives, blankets, wampum, watches, beads, broaches, furs, and a variety of other articles of Indian utility and taste--amounting, in the whole, according to the estimate of Captain Brant, to upward of a thousand dollars a side. By the side of the stakes were seated a group of the aged Chiefs--"grave and reverend seigniors," whose beards had been silvered by the frosts of many winters, and whose visages gave evidence of the toils of war and the chase.

The combatants numbered about six hundred upon a side, young and middle-aged men--nimble of foot, athletic and muscular. Their countenances beamed with animation and high hope. In order to the free and unfettered use of their sinewy limbs, their persons were naked with the exception of a single garment like an apron, or kilt, fastened around the waist, and descending nearly to the knee. The area of the play-ground was designated by two pair of "byes," placed at about thirty rods distant from each other, and the goals of each pair about thirty feet apart. The combatants ranged themselves in parallel lines on each side of the area, facing inward, and leaving a space between them of about ten rods in breadth. Their bats were three feet six inches in length, curved at the lower end somewhat in the form of a ladle, the broad part for striking the ball being formed of net-work, woven of thongs of untanned deer-skin, strained to the tension of tight elasticity. The ball, large as a middling-sized apple, was also composed of elastic materials.

On one side of the area, near the centre of the line, and in a conspicuous place, were seated a body of elderly sachems, of each nation, with knives and tally-sticks, to score the game. The rules governing the game were somewhat intricate. None of the players were allowed to touch the ball with hand or foot, until driven beyond the "byes" or land-marks. It was then thrown back by hand toward or into the centre of the area, when the game proceeded as before. Their mode of counting the game was peculiar, the tallies-men not being in all cases bound by arbitrary rules, but left to the exercise of a certain degree of discretionary power. Each passage of the ball between the goals, at the end of the play-ground, counted one, so long as the contest was nearly equal; but, for the purpose of protracting the game, whenever one party became considerably in advance of the other, the tally-chiefs were allowed to check or curtail their count in proportion to the excess. For instance, if the leading party had run up a regular count to thirty, while their opponents had numbered but fifteen, the tallies-men, at their discretion, and by consent of each other, though unknown to the players, would credit the winning party with only two notches for three passages of the ball--varying from time to time, according to the state of the game. The object of this course was to protract the game, and to increase the amusement, while despondency upon either side was prevented, and the chance of ultimate victory increased. Frequently, by this discretionary mode of counting, the game was continued three or four days.

The game on this occasion was commenced by about sixty players on a side, who advanced from their respective lines with bats in their hands, into the centre of the play-ground. Of this number about twenty were stationed at the end land-marks, to guard the passage of the ball. The players who were to begin, were apparently mingled promiscuously together. All things being thus ready, a beautiful maiden, richly dressed in the native costume of her people, wearing a red tiara plumed with eagles' feathers, and glittering with bracelets and other ornaments of silver, came bounding like a gazelle into the area, with the ball, which she placed upon the ground in the centre. Instantly the welkin rang with the shouts of the whole multitude of spectators, and the play began; while the bright-eyed maiden danced back, and joined her own circle among the surrounding throng. The match was begun by two of the opposing players, who advanced to the ball, and with their united bats raised it from the ground to such an elevation as gave a chance for a fair stroke; when, quick as lightning, it was sped through the air almost with the swiftness of a bullet. Much depends upon the first stroke, and great skill is exerted to obtain it.

The match was played with great spirit, and the display of agility and muscular strength was surprising. Every nerve was strung; and so great were the exertions of the players, that each set was relieved by fresh hands every fifteen or twenty minutes; thus alternating, and allowing every player of the whole number to perform his part, until the game was finished. The scene was full of excitement and animation. The principal Chief entered fully into the enjoyment, and by his explanations to his guest heightened its interest, which of itself, the latter declared to have afforded him a greater degree of satisfaction than any game or pastime that he had ever beheld. The contest was continued three days, at the end of which, after a severe struggle, the Senecas were proclaimed the victors, sweeping the stakes, to the great mortification of the proud-spirited Mohawks--the head of the Confederacy.

Mr. Woodruff, from whose notes the preceding description has been derived, was highly gratified with his visit to the Chief, with whom he passed several days. In his person he said he was graceful and dignified--easy and affable in conversation. His stature was five feet eleven inches--of the finest form and proportions--robust and firm, and possessing great muscular power. His countenance was open, placid, and inviting--his eyes brilliant and expressive--in short, every thing in relation to his person was engaging and prepossessing.

No people are more particular in paying honors to the dead than the Indians, and their funerals are marked with deep and affecting solemnity. As among civilized nations, the pomp and pageantry of woe vary according to the rank of the deceased and the wealth of the family, or the ability and disposition of friends to defray the expenses of the funeral, the entertainment at the grave, and the presents to be distributed. But, however humble the deceased, the remains are never unhonored or unwept; and among no people on earth are stronger evidences given of tender affection. Nor are funeral honors bestowed only upon the men. There is a mistaken idea generally prevalent, that the Indian woman is treated with contempt, arising from the well-known fact, that certain offices and labors, accounted as menial among the whites, or as improper to be imposed upon women, are always performed by them among the Indians. But the allotment of those duties to the women has arisen from their usages, and the peculiar structure of their society, time immemorial. Nor is the custom any evidence of disrespect or contumely. On the contrary, it may be doubted whether the females of the white people, even among nations of the most refinement, exercise a higher or more salutary degree of influence, than do the Indian women. Nor, when dead, are they treated with less respect than the warriors. "The greatest honors are paid to the remains of the wives of renowned warriors and veteran chiefs, particularly if they were descended themselves of a high family, which is by no means an indifferent thing among the Indians, who love to honor the merit of their great men in the persons of their relatives." [FN] The funerals of chiefs and warriors, and of distinguished women, were attended by the heads of the tribe, and all the people, and their ceremonies were highly impressive. On the opening of all their councils, a ceremony of condolence was performed, and an appropriate speech delivered, in memory of those who had died, or been slain on the war-path, since their last meeting. These ceremonies were solemn, and their speeches often full of simplicity, tenderness, and pathos. Among the papers of Sir William Johnson is a manuscript of a speech of condolence, delivered at the opening of a council in 1761, by Seneca George, a few passages of which may be cited as an example:--

* * * * *

[FN] Heckewelder.

"Brothers: We suppose that in the late troubles you may have lost many of your people, either by sickness or war, since we were last together; by this string, therefore, we wipe away the tears from your eyes, clear your throats, wash away the blood from your bodies, sweep the council chamber, and throw the dirt out of doors, that you may see and speak to us clearly at the present conference."

[A String.]

"Brothers: We are sorry, from the bottom of our hearts for the death of your men, women, and children, and by this belt we collect all their bones together, bury them in one grave, and cover them up."

[A black belt, eight rows, streaked with white.]

"Brothers: We are at great loss, and sit in darkness as well as you, by the death of Conrad Weiser, [FN] as, since his death, we cannot so well understand one another. By this belt we cover his body with bark."

[A white belt of seven rows, with four black streaks.]

* * * * *

[FN] Celebrated in the Indian Annals, for many years, as an interpreter.

"Brothers: By the last belt, I mentioned to you that we both sat in darkness. Now, by this belt I remove the clouds from before the sun, that we may see it rise and set, and that your hearts may be eased from sorrow on account of what I mentioned before. [Delivered a white belt of five rows, with three black bars.] We pray the Great God above, who can enlighten our hearts, that we may live in love and peace until death."

From the manuscripts of Captain Brant, it seems frequently to have been his duty to perform the ceremony of condolence, and he sometimes speaks of making a journey to a considerable distance for that sole purpose. Only one of his speeches, however, on such an occasion, remains among his papers. That was delivered in the name of the Five Nations, on the 24th of February, 1801, at Fort George, (Niagara,) on the death of Mrs. Claus, [FN] the mother of the Deputy Superintendent:--

* * * * *

[FN] Daughter of Sir William Johnson.

"Speech of Condolence to Captain Claus.

"Brother: We are here now met in the presence of the Spirit above, with intent to keep up the ancient custom of condolement. We therefore condole with you for your late loss of our well-beloved sister, whom now you have interred.

"Brother: We hope that this may not damp your heart so much as to make you forget us, who are your brothers--not only ourselves, but our wives and children.

"Brother: We say now again, that by our late loss, it seems our fire is somewhat extinguished. But we have now found a few brands remaining, and have collected them together, and have raised a straight smoke to the clouds.

"Brother: We therefore with this string of wampum wipe away the tears from your eyes, and would take away all sorrow from your heart. But that is impossible: still, it is the customary way of making the speech. We therefore mention it: and with the said wampum we wipe away all stains of whatever should remain on your seat, so that you may sit down in comfort.

"Brother: We say again with this string of wampum, as you seem to be all in darkness, we with the same string enlighten the skies above us, so that it may appear to us all as it formerly used to do.

"Brother: We say again with this string of wampum, as we have now made our speech of condolement, we hope to raise you upon your feet, as you formerly used to be; for since our late loss, it seems you have been confined as one absent." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Captain Claus had been so much affected by the death of his mother, as to be confined to his room; and although he met the Chiefs in council on this occasion, he was unable to reply---but sent his speech afterward in writing.

"Brother: We hope you will not forget our calamities--hoping that this shock may not put us out of your memory entirely--and also that you may continue to help us, as you formerly used to do.

"Brother: This last string which now I give you, is given by the whole Six Nations, so as to strengthen your mind and body--that you may not be too much cast down by the occasion of our late loss."

An address was likewise transmitted to the council from the women, which was delivered by a sachem called Old Thomas; but a copy has not been preserved. Only the last half sheet of Captain Claus's reply is now to be found. The conclusion was this:--

". . . She was good, and was a friend to you all, as far as she had it in her power, by speaking in your favor always. But was I to continue, I should again bring to my memory her great love for me, and fill my eyes and heart again, so that I could not attend to your affairs. Accept my grateful thanks for your condolence, and allow me to look upon you as my friends--wishing you, and all belonging to you, health and all happiness.

"Brothers, I now address myself again to you. As the business is now over, and you will be turning your faces toward home, I pray to the Great Spirit that he will make your road smooth, and leave no obstacle in the way, that will either hurt or stop you; but that you may get safe home, and meet your friends all well; whom I beg you will salute for me. I shall always be happy to be numbered among your friends."

In private life, the character of Brant was estimable, and in the social circle often very agreeable. The testimony of the Baroness De Reidesel, who met him at the castle at Quebec, has already been cited in a former chapter. During the portion of his life now under review, being the last twelve years, he had many journies to perform,--to the lower province to look after the interests of his own immediate people; to the upper lakes, to keep the chain of friendship with his old confederates from becoming rusty; and to Canandaigua, and elsewhere, to visit his friends, and upon matters of business. In addition to all these, early in the year 1797 he made another visit to Albany and Philadelphia, striking from New-York into New England on his return. [FN] Judging from the tone of a letter which he wrote after his arrival home, to a friend among the upper Indian nations, he must have encountered some unpleasant circumstances during that journey. It was not, however, entirely divested of agreeable associations; and several incidents have been collected by the author, which will serve as better illustrations of his social character than any other in the entire history of his career. An extract from the letter just referred to follows:--

* * * * *

[FN] His quarters in the city of New-York, daring that visit, were at Batton's Hotel, the old brick edifice yet standing on the south corner of Nassau and John streets. The Hon. Jeromus Johnson, of New-York, has furnished the author with an account of a visit made by him to the Chief in that hotel, in company with Dr. Dinglej and the celebrated Dr. Priestley. See Appendix, No. XVI.

"Grand River, July 2, 1797,

"Dear Sir,

"It is some time since I received your letter, and I have already answered it by way of Fort Erie; but I did not in it mention the particulars of my jaunt to the States. In the first place, I met with a very cool reception, insomuch that I did not see any of the great men at Philadelphia. I suppose, by this, that they must have forgot that I was a Yankee when I was there before, and also at the last meeting we had at the foot of the Rapids, when it was reported among you, gentlemen of the Indian department, that I was favoring the Yankee interest. I expected they might have paid a little more attention to me, after the great service you supposed I had done them. I was greatly insulted on the road between Philadelphia and Jersey, by a Yankee colonel whose name I don't recollect, insomuch that the affair was nearly coming to blows. At New-York they were very friendly, and likewise in Connecticut, (in New England,) they were very civil. At Albany there were several people who threatened to kill me behind my back; so that the great men there thought it necessary to send a man with me, as a protector, to the end of the settlement at German Flats. I suppose these people have also forgot that I was a Yankee."

By the term "great men at Philadelphia," the old Chief must have meant the heads of the administration, since he was most hospitably entertained by some distinguished gentlemen then at the seat of government. The attentions which he received from "the great men at Philadelphia," five years before, were bestowed under peculiar circumstances. He was there at that time in a semi-official capacity, and at the urgent solicitation of the government itself; and it was the duty of the government to render all those civilities which might contribute to the pleasure of his visit. The government, moreover, were hoping that important results might flow from that visit, and very marked attentions were the natural consequence. It is, indeed, too much the way of the world--especially of courts, whether republican or monarchical--to caress and flatter where they have a purpose to serve, as in turn the great are caressed and flattered by those hanging upon their favors. But, under the circumstances of this second visit of the Mohawk, divested, as it was, altogether of official character and importance, his expectations of particular official attentions were probably unreasonable. He had seen far too much of the world, and had mingled too much in society of all ranks and conditions, yet to retain the simplicity of unsophisticated nature, and he might therefore have understood his altered position, and spared his sarcasm. Certainly, though he might not have breathed the air of the court, or been shouldered by the factious bandyings of its favorites, he was treated with marked attention by gentlemen at that time of high distinction, and his society much courted. Among others, the late Colonel Burr, then a Senator in Congress, gave him a brilliant dinner party. The Senator had previously been in correspondence with the Chief, and liked him much. Indeed, it was upon the Colonel's invitation that he visited Philadelphia at that time. Among the guests from abroad assembled on that occasion, were the minister of the French Republic; Volney the traveler; Talleyrand, and other distinguished gentlemen of that nation, brought hither by the political troubles of their own country. Knowing his colloquial powers to be very good, and that he had the faculty of rendering himself not only agreeable but fascinating in conversation, the Colonel and his friends were somewhat disappointed, in the earlier stages of the entertainment, at the Chieftain's taciturnity. All the cold reserve of his race seemed to have come over him, and for a while every effort to draw him out in discourse was ineffectual. Meantime the Indians, their character, history, and destiny, became the leading topics of conversation. At length, after various suggestions had been made as to the most feasible and effectual methods of their civilization, Brant suddenly joined in the discussion; treating the subject with good sense, but with alternate gravity and humor. He avowed it as his settled conviction, however, that the only effectual process of civilizing his people, must be their amalgamation with the blood of the whites; that the Indian could only be tamed by intermarriages. Occasionally during his own participation in this discussion, there was a drollery in his manner that created great amusement. During the residue of the evening he contributed his full share to the conversation, exhibiting at all times sterling good sense, and enlivening the hours with sallies of pleasantry and wit which "set the table in a roar." The result was not only an agreeable, but highly intellectual entertainment. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Conversations of the author with Colonel Burr, noted down on the day they were held.

On leaving Philadelphia for New-York, Colonel Burr gave the Chief the following letter of introduction to his youthful and gifted daughter Theodosia [FN]--afterward Mrs. Alston:--

* * * * *

[FN] Miss Burr was then in her fourteenth year.

"Colonel Burr to his Daughter.

"Philadelphia, Feb. 28, 1797.

"This will be handed to you by Colonel Brant, the celebrated Indian Chief. I am sure that you and Natalie [FN] will be happy in the opportunity of seeing a man so much renowned. He is a man of education--speaks and writes the English perfectly--and has seen much of Europe and America. Receive him with respect and hospitality. He is not one of those Indians who drink rum, but is quite a gentleman; not one who will make you fine bows, but one who understands and practices what belongs to propriety and good breeding. He has daughters--it you could think of some little present to send to one of them--a pair of ear-rings, for example,--it would please him. You may talk to him very freely, and offer to introduce him to your friend Mr. Witbeck, at Albany. Vale, et ama,

"A.B.

"Miss Theodosia Burr, No. 30 Partition-street, New-York."

* * * * *

[FN] Natalie Delagie, an adopted child of Colonel Burr, born in France, and Subsequently married to a son of General Bumpier, of South Carolina.

Miss Theodosia received the forest Chief with all the courtesy and hospitality suggested; and, young as she was, she performed the honors of her father's house in a manner that must have been as gratifying to her absent parent as it was creditable to herself. Among other attentions, she gave him a dinner party selecting for her guests some of the most eminent gentlemen in the city, among whom were Bishop Moore and Doctors Bard and Hosack. In writing to her father upon the subject, she gave a long and sprightly account of the entertainment. She said that, in making the preliminary arrangements she had been somewhat at a loss in the selection of such dishes as would probably suit the palate of her principal guest. Being a savage warrior, and in view of the many tales she had heard, of

The Cannibals that each other eat, The anthropophagi, and men whose heads Do grow beneath their shoulders--

she added, sportively, that she had a mind to lay the hospital under contribution for a human head, to be served up like a boar's head in ancient hall barberic. But, after all, she found him a most Christian and civilized guest in his manners. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Conversations of the author with Colonel Burr. The Colonel was anxious that this letter from his daughter should be found among his papers; but Mr. Davis, his biographer, after diligent search, has not discovered it--nor has he been able to find the correspondence between Brant and Colonel Burr. By the papers of Captain Brant, it appears that Miss Burr visited him at Grand River, after she became Mrs. Alston, in company with her husband. Seeing that when the Chief saw her in New-York "she was very young, and had since assumed a new name," Governor George Clinton gave the young married couple a cordial letter of introduction to the Chief.

It has been seen from his own letter, that the Chief was well pleased during his visit in New-York. He had, indeed, reason to be gratified, for he was treated with marked kindness and consideration. His own deportment was, moreover, such as to secure the respect and esteem of those with whom he came into association. The Rev. Dr. Miller, who became acquainted with him during that visit, in a letter to the author already referred to in a note, thus speaks of him:--"I have called Joseph Brant 'a remarkable man.' He was, in my opinion, truly so. My personal intercourse with him was not considerable; but it was quite sufficient to impress me with most respectful sentiments of his intellectual character, his personal dignity, and his capacity to appear well in any society. I met with him repeatedly;--was with him at a dining party--and listened to his conversation in various situations--some of them rather trying; and was surprised at the simple, easy, polished, and even court-like manners which he was capable of assuming; though, at the same time, I was assured that he was capable of being as great a savage as any individual of his nation. I remember, on one occasion, that when some very impertinent and unseasonable questions were addressed to him by a gentleman who ought to have known better, he evaded them with perfect civility, and at the same time with an adroitness and address which showed that he was fitted to be no mean diplomatist."

Another gentleman, whose opportunities of studying the manners and character of Captain Brant were extended through several years of occasional intercourse with him, remarks:--"His manners, which were greatly improved, if not formed, by a constant intercourse, not only with the best society in the province, but also in England--which he visited more than once, and was there received and caressed in the families of the nobility and gentry--were remarkably easy and dignified. When among strangers, or in mixed company, he was reserved and taciturn; but extremely affable and communicative when with friends in whom he could confide. Although not particularly distinguished as a public speaker, he was a man of strong mind, possessed a voice of surpassing softness and melody, a fascinating address, and great colloquial powers, which rendered him a most interesting companion. He lived in the style of a gentleman, and was punctilious in the observance of the rules of honor and etiquette practised among individuals of that caste in their social relations." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Letter to the author, from General Peter B. Porter.

From New-York, the Chief made a trip through Connecticut and into Massachusetts, in the course of which he was well received, as appears from his own letter. At Northampton he purchased an elegant horse, which, greatly to his regret, sickened and died in Albany. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] My venerable friend Douw Fonda, now of Albany, says Brant was an excellent horseman, and remarkably fond of fine horses. After the death of his Northampton horse he purchased another in Albany, to pay for which Mr. Fonda loaned Him the money. The note for the amount was promptly met at maturity.--Author.

It was during this visit in Albany, that he was again exposed to some danger, by threats against his life. The sufferers of the Mohawk Valley had neither forgotten nor forgiven the ravagers of their country in the Revolutionary war; and "the monster Brant" was still held responsible for every act, either of barbarity, or of death, or devastation, by the wonted usages of war. The Mohawk Germans of that day were neither educated nor discriminating; and knowing that Brant was the great leader of the Indians, they attributed every torch that had been applied, and every butchery committed, to his own single hand. Hence, as has been stated before, it was notoriously the purpose of many in the valley to take his life if possible, during some of his transits through that country. And it is not unlikely that some persons from the valley might have been watching for an opportunity to accomplish the purpose in Albany, as had been desired by a Mohawk German in New-York, during his visit in 1792.

Added to these unpleasant designs, was an incident coming somewhat nearer to the point of action, which is worth recording as an illustration both of history and character. In the account of the ravaging of Cherry Valley, the reader will doubtless recollect the massacre of the entire family of Mr. Wells, with the exception of John, then a lad at school in Schenectady. But that lad was now a member of the bar, of high spirit and uncommon promise. The tragedy by which his whole family had been cut off, had imparted a shade of melancholy to his character, deepening with the lapse of time, and descending with him to the grave. Nineteen years had elapsed since it was enacted; but there was a feeling in the breast of young Wells, which only wanted awakening by opportunity, to prompt a strong desire of avenging the foul murders. He happened to be in Albany during the visit of the Chief, and erroneously looking upon him as the author of the murders, his feelings by proximity became exceedingly bitter and exasperated. Indeed, he could not restrain his desire of revenge; and hastening to the tavern at which Brant had put up, he inquired furiously where he should find his enemy--declaring that he would slay him on the spot. Of course his friends remonstrated, and otherwise opposed his purpose; but it was not without difficulty that he was persuaded to forego it. Brant, hearing the disturbance, asked what caused it; and was told that a young man, whose father had perished at Cherry Valley, was below, and threatening to take his life. His answer was brief, and given with a remarkably fine assumption of dignity and composure. Not a feature changed--not a muscle of his countenance was seen to move--but, slightly drawing himself up as he sat, and his eyes glittering for an instant more keenly, even than was their wont, he said, calmly and quietly, "Let him come on;" and nothing more escaped him on the subject, until word was brought that Mr. Wells had left the house. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] The particulars of this incident have been derived from William Inman, Esq. now of Leyden, N. Y. who was at the hotel at the time of its occurrence.

It was in consequence of these unpleasant indications that Governor Jay directed a guard to accompany him through the Mohawk Valley on his return to Upper Canada. But, notwithstanding these drawbacks to the pleasure of his visit in Albany, there were circumstances and incidents contributing to render it otherwise than disagreeable on the whole. He was hospitably received and entertained by some of the most respectable citizens; and during that and a subsequent visit, made to Albany in 1805 or 1806, had opportunities of meeting at the festive board some of the veteran officers of the American army, whom he had met in the field, or rather in the forest fights of the frontiers; on which occasions, with the best feelings possible, the old soldiers "fought their battles o'er again," as old soldiers are wont to do. Dining with General Gansevoort, the hero of Fort Stanwix, their conversation turned upon the memorable campaign of Sullivan, and the march of Gansevoort with his regiment at the close of that campaign, through the wilderness from Seneca Lake to Fort Schuyler. Although Gansevoort had no idea that Brant was nearer to him than Niagara, Brant assured him that he was hovering about him during the whole march; and was so near that, to use his own words, "I roasted my venison by the fires that you left." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Conversations of the author with Gen. Peter Gansevoort, of Albany, who was present at the dinner, though a lad at the time.

He also met, on one of these occasions, with the late General Philip Van Courtlandt, who had served in the New-York line, and who was one of the expedition of Sullivan and Clinton to Chemung, and thence into the Seneca country. While conversing upon the subject of the battle at Newtown, Brant inquired--"General, while you were standing by a large tree during that battle, how near to your head did a bullet come, which struck a little above you?" The General paused for a moment, and replied--"about two inches above my hat." The Chief then related the circumstances. "I had remarked your activity in the battle," said he, "and calling one of my best marksmen, pointed you out, and directed him to bring you down. He fired, and I saw you dodge your head at the instant I supposed the ball would strike. But as you did not fall, I told my warrior that he had just missed you, and lodged the ball in the tree."

Another incident may be introduced in this connexion, illustrative at once of his sagacity, his strong sense of justice, and his promptness of decision and execution. Among the border settlers west of the Hudson, opposite the Manor of Livingston, was an opulent farmer named Rose. He was an Irishman; and having no child to inherit his wealth, had sent to the Emerald Isle for a nephew, whom he had adopted. In one of Brant's hostile incursions upon the settlements, during the war of the Revolution, Rose and his nephew, with others, were taken prisoners, and marched in the direction of Niagara. During the journey, Brant took Rose aside one morning, and admonished him not to move far away from himself (Brant,) but at all times on their march to keep within call. "I have reason to believe," said the Chief, "that that nephew of yours is plotting your death. He is endeavoring to bribe one of my Indians to kill you. I shall keep an eye upon them, and if I find my suspicions true, I will execute him on the spot." The caution was observed by Rose, and no long time elapsed before Brant informed him that his suspicions were well-founded. The nephew, for the purpose of an earlier possession of his confiding uncle's estate, had agreed upon the price of his murder with the savage who was to do the deed. Having full evidence of the fact, the stern purpose of the Chief was executed upon the ingrate by his own hand, and the life of the uncle was saved. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Conversations of the author with General Morgan Lewis, of whose family connexions Rose had purchased his land.

His notions on the subject of public wars were founded, however, upon those of a savage. The reader has already seen that he was perfectly aware of the detestation in which his name was held in different parts of the United States, and particularly among the inhabitants of the Mohawk and Susquehanna countries, where some of the most revolting scenes of savage, Tory, and Indian barbarity were perpetrated during the war of the Revolution, in which he bore so prominent a part; and he always seemed particularly anxious to justify, by frank and gratuitous explanations to those who received him as friends--for he was too proud to make explanations to his enemies--the course he had taken in the commencement and conduct of that war; and his plausible statements and reasonings were well calculated to lessen the horror and execration with which the public have been too prone to regard the Indian character, in consequence of their atrocities in war.

The Indians, he said, engaged in that contest reluctantly, but from necessity. At the period of its commencement, the Americans, he said, as well as they, acknowledged the authority of the British government, and were living under its protection; that none of the inducements which led the colonies to revolt had any place with them, and that they fought against the colonies to protect their women and children, and to preserve the lands which God had given to them, and of which the British authorities threatened to deprive them unless they would join in their defence; and it is apprehended that stronger or better reasons for going to war will rarely be found, even among civilized nations.

In justification of the savages' practices of Indian warfare, his course of reasoning was somewhat like the following: That the object of each party, when engaged in war, was to destroy his enemy, or to weaken and intimidate him so much as to force him into a reasonable peace. The Indians, he said, were destitute of many of the means and implements of war which the white people possessed. They could not successfully contend with them in the open field, man to man, because they had no artillery, so indispensable to, and so destructive in, a field fight. Besides, if they could, the Indians being generally inferior in numerical force to their white enemies, would soon be subdued by an equal sacrifice of man for man; that the Indians had no forts to resort to for protection after a discomfiture in the field; no battering trains to dislodge the enemy after they had retired to theirs; and no depots or jails for securing the prisoners they might capture. The simple and necessary principle, therefore, of Indian warfare, was extermination--to destroy as many of the enemy, and save as many of themselves, as practicable; and for this purpose, to resort to ambuscades, stratagems, and every species of deception, direct or indirect, to effect their object. Brant justified taking the lives of prisoners, but disapproved the practice, so common among savages, of torturing them; and he always maintained that he had himself at different times, by great efforts, saved several, not only from torture, but death. As to taking life, he thought (and with some truth,) that in this respect there was but little practical difference between the red and white men; for the death of an Indian prisoner was as certain a consequence of his capture, as that of a white man taken by the Indians. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Conversations of Brant with General Peter B. Porter.

Spotted a typo or a problem in this chapter? Tell us

Chapter XV

Domestic relations of Brant--Account of his family--Bad character of his eldest son--his death by the hand of his father--Condolence of the Chiefs--Grief of the father at the event--Anxiety for the education of his sons--Proposed memorial to the Duke of Portland--Letter of Brant to Colonel Smith--Correspondence with the Wheelock family--Letter from Brant to James Wheelock--Two of his sons sent to school at Plymouth--Various letters from and to the Wheelocks--Correspondence upon other subjects--Reply to the question, whether the Indians have beards--Letter from Bishop Peters--Views of Brant on imprisonment for debt--Tumuli--Opinion of Brant touching their origin--Indian tradition of white settlements cut off in a single night--Investigations of Samuel Woodruff---Brant's inquiries in Paris--The discoveries of the Northmen--Review of the life and character of Brant--His death.

The life and character of the Mohawk Chief in his domestic relations, remain to be considered. These have never been accurately illustrated or understood; or rather, they have been greatly misrepresented and misunderstood, from the circumstance of a severe family affliction, the particulars of which have never been truly set before the public. Those even partially acquainted with the domestic history of Brant will readily perceive that reference is here made to the death of one of his sons by his own hands. Several accounts of this unfortunate transaction have been published by travelers, missionaries, and others, but most of them darkly shaded, and reflecting in a greater or less degree upon the father. In the preparation of material for the present work, great efforts have been made to arrive at the truth in regard to this painful incident.

Captain Brant, it will be recollected, was thrice married. By his first wife, the daughter of an Oneida Chief, he had two children, Isaac and Christiana. His great solicitude for the well bringing up of those children has been noted in the early history of his life. By his second wife, the sister of his first, he had no children. By his third he had seven, [FN] the eldest of whom, Joseph, was born in 1783.

* * * * *

[FN] Joseph, Jacob, John, Margaret, Catharine, Mary, and Elizabeth, (the present Mrs. Kerr.) Joseph, John, and Mary, are dead.

Isaac, the eldest of the children, was partly educated at a school in the Valley of the Mohawk, and his education was completed at Niagara. His disposition, bad, from his youth, grew worse as he increased in years, and was not improved by his associations at the military post of Niagara, after the war of the Revolution. Many of the officers on that station were free, sometimes to excess, in their living; and in the progress of his intercourse with them he became addicted to strong drink. When in his cups, he was always quarrelsome, even toward his parents--forgetting the honor due from a son to a father, and particularly disrespectful to his step-mother. As the younger family grew up, he became jealous of them, imagining that they received a larger share of parental favor than his sister and himself. Nothing could have been more groundless than were his suspicions, since from the concurrent testimony of the survivors of the family, and the aged contemporaries of the old Chief yet living at Grand River, no parent was ever more scrupulous in the impartial bestowment of his affection among all his children than Captain Brant. As an evidence of this fact, it may be mentioned, that when in England, in 1786, he sat for his likeness in miniature, which he transmitted in a golden locket to Christiana, the sister of Isaac. Isaac himself, moreover, notwithstanding his untoward conduct, received the most indubitable evidence of parental affection. With a view of keeping him more immediately under his own eye, and if possible reclaiming him, his father had caused him to be married to a beautiful girl, the daughter of a chief of the Turtle tribe, and installed him in the capacity of his own secretary. [FN] But all to no purpose. The demon of jealousy had gained possession of his bosom; and during his drunken frolics, among his Indian associates, he often threatened to take the life of his father. Still, he was treated with kindness, and his step-mother invariably kept silent during his paroxysms of insult and abuse.

* * * * *

[FN] MS. notes of conversations with Brant, by Samuel Woodruff.

His career, however, in addition to his intemperance, without the circle of his own family, was marked by outrage and blood. On one occasion, long before the catastrophe fatal to himself, soon to be recorded, he grievously assaulted a young man, who was riding on horseback on the King's highway--killed the horse, and sadly maimed the young man himself. His father was obliged to pay a large sum of money by way of compensation for the outrage.

Subsequently to this brutal affair, and not long before the painful incident with his father soon to be noted, he killed a white man at the Mohawk (Grand River) village, outright, and in cold blood. The name of his victim was Lowell, a harness-maker by trade. He was busily engaged in his shop at work, when Isaac Brant entered, and said--"Lowell, I am going to kill you." The man, supposing him to be jesting, at first laughed at the threat; and then remarked--"Why should you kill me? I have never injured you, neither have we ever quarreled." The savage then deliberately drew a pistol and shot him.

But his reckless and cruel career was soon arrested, by a death wound, received, under the highest degree of provocation, at the hand of his father. The circumstances were these: At the time of the occurrence there was an assemblage of the Six Nations at Burlington Heights, near to the residence of Colonel Beasley, for the purpose of receiving the annual bounty of the government, consisting of presents of clothing and other articles. On this occasion Isaac, with some of his young Indian companions, again drank to intoxication, and renewed his threats against the life of his father, declaring his intention to kill him that night. The Chief had that evening taken tea with Colonel and Mrs. Beasley, (who then lived near the margin of Burlington Bay,) and afterward walked up to a small inn upon the hill, at a short distance from the Colonel's residence, to lodge for the night. Isaac followed his father to the inn, entered an adjoining room, and began abusing him to the people about, in language perfectly audible to his parent, the two apartments being divided only by a board partition. Becoming quite violent in his conduct, his father entered his son's apartment, but had no sooner done so, than the latter sprang toward him for the purpose of assault--armed, as it was asserted by some, though the fact was denied by others, with a sharp-pointed knife. Be that as it may, the Captain was badly wounded by a cut across the back of his hand. Young Brant had been seized around the waist by some of the Indians, at the instant he was leaping upon his father; while the latter, irritated by the wound, had also been seized in like manner by some white men, to prevent farther injury. The affray was the work of an instant, during which Captain Brant had drawn a large dirk, which he always carried upon his thigh, and with which he struck at his son. In the descent of the blow, the point of the dirk fell upon the head of Isaac, and, cutting through his hat, inflicted a wound which would have been more severe had the position of the parties been that of closer proximity. The wound was by no means considered dangerous at the time it was inflicted, although, from excitement and intoxication, it bled profusely. But such were the rage and violence of the young man, that he resisted all attempts to dress the wound--tearing off the bandages as fast as they could be applied, until, ultimately, they were compelled to bind him fast for the return of sobriety. He then allowed his head to be dressed properly; but the next day he resumed his drinking, and tearing the dressings from his wound, caused it of course to bleed afresh. His perverse conduct continued several days; a severe fever of the brain ensued, and the result was a speedy termination of his life. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Such were the real facts of this unhappy affair, as collected, recently, for the use of the author, from the statements of the witnesses of the transaction, and the surviving contemporaries of Captain Brant. And yet Dr. Morse and Dr. Belknap, who in the year following the event were sent forth by the Board of Commissioners of the society established in Scotland for the propagation of Christian Knowledge, to visit the Oneida and Mohokunuh, or Stockbridge Indians, recorded the incident in their report as a murder:--"Last Summer, Joseph Brant, a Mohawk Chief, and a captain in the British service, formerly one of Doctor Wheelock's scholars, murdered his own son, who was, indeed, a bad fellow, and had attempted the life of his father."

This painful transaction took place in the year 1795. The afflicted father immediately surrendered himself to the civil authorities, and resigned the commission which he yet retained in the British service, and upon which he drew half pay. Lord Dorchester, however, would not accept the resignation; and the death of Isaac was universally regarded as in the main accidental, and in any aspect of the case justifiable homicide. [FN] The Chief called a council of his elderly sachems and warriors on the occasion, to whom, when assembled, he related the circumstances of the melancholy catastrophe. After great deliberation--for the Indians never decide hastily upon questions of moment--the council delivered an opinion nearly in the following words:--

* * * * *

[FN] Morse and Belknap's Report to the Scot's Society.

"Brother: We have heard and considered your case. We sympathise with you. You are bereaved of a beloved son. But that son raised his parricidal hand against the kindest of fathers. His death was occasioned by his own crime. With one voice we acquit you of all blame. We tender you our hearty condolence. And may the Great Spirit above, bestow upon you consolation and comfort under your affliction." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] "The account of this proceeding I received from the Secretary of the Upper Province, at Newark, while at his office to obtain the copy of an Indian deed."--Note by Samuel Woodruff.

But the affliction was a very severe one to the old Chief, notwithstanding the condolence of his people, the convictions of his own conscience that he had not done intentional wrong, and the acquittal of all. Doctor Allen, President of Bowdoin College, has stated, upon the authority of Joseph Brant, jun., that as his father lay upon his bed and looked at the dirk with which the wound was inflicted, and which hung up in his room, he was accustomed to cry in the sorrow of his heart. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Allen's Biographical Dictionary. Isaac Brant left a widow and two children. Judge Woodruff, in his notes, says--"The widow and two lovely children which he left, I saw in Brant's family." The eldest of these "lovely children," was Isaac, to whom his grandfather, the old Chief, left a just proportion of his real estate. He also devised an equal proportion of his real estate to his eldest daughter, Christiana. The younger Isaac, however, grew up with the same disposition, and walked in the footsteps of his father. He was nevertheless a brave fellow in the field, and exhibited his prowess during the late war between the United Slates and Great Britain, 1812--15. He was afterward killed in a drunken frolic, at Brantford, by a blow with a gun-barrel, inflicted, as was supposed, by a white man. But so bad had his character become, that his poor mother, then living, seemed rather relieved than otherwise by the occurrence, being in constant fear that he would commit some dreadful act which would bring him to an ignominious end.

Taking all the circumstances of this trying event into consideration, notwithstanding the unfavorable impressions, arising from prejudice and an imperfect knowledge of the facts, that may have prevailed, no just conclusion can be drawn to the disadvantage of the Chief as a parent. While, on the other hand, all the evidence that can be obtained, goes to establish the fact that both in husband and father, his own family circle was most happy. Certainly nothing could have been stronger than his desire for the education and moral culture of his children. Knowing his solicitude upon this subject, and appreciating the disadvantages of his position in that respect, several gentlemen, in the year 1800, suggested to him the expediency of an appeal to the parent government for the education of his sons at the expense of the crown. A memorial for that object, addressed to the Duke of Portland, was drawn up by one of his friends in the Upper Canadian administration, and submitted for his consideration. In this document a strong case was made, arising from the peculiar services which the Captain had rendered to the Crown, and the policy of having his sons educated in sound principles of loyalty. But the Chief peremptorily declined making such an overture. The following is an extract from his letter announcing his determination:--

"Captain Brant to Colonel Smith.

"Grand River, September 20, 1800.

"Dear Sir,

"I have very seriously considered the petition to his Grace the Duke of Portland, for the education of my sons, which your friendship for me prompted you to advise me to make, and must acknowledge the particular satisfaction I feel at this further instance of your inclination to serve me with your friendly advice. I am confident it must have been suggested to your mind from the most friendly motives, of which I have had sufficient proofs since our acquaintance. But I am sorry I cannot altogether comply with your opinion on this point; for, considering the many oppositions I have met with since the establishment of the government of this province, in obtaining what I only considered as our rights, and which indeed seems yet to be in some measure undetermined, I cannot flatter myself with any prospect of succeeding in asking such a particular favor. I therefore decline, purely from the apprehensions of having my feelings farther hurt by a refusal. Notwithstanding, I think such a thing being granted would be extremely for the good of my family, and give me heartfelt satisfaction, could it be obtained for me by my friends, without my running the risk of meeting with farther rebuffs."

The Chieftain's papers afford evidence that an occasional correspondence must have been maintained between Captain Brant and the family of his old preceptor, President Wheelock, for many years. The venerable founder of Moor's Charity School, and subsequently of Dartmouth College, had slept with his fathers, before the close of the Revolutionary war, being succeeded in the presidentship of the college by his eldest son, John Wheelock, Esq., who was recalled from active service in the army, to assume the duties of that station. James Wheelock, another son, had resided near the Chief in Upper Canada, after the conclusion of the Indian wars, and there was a renewal of ancient acquaintance and friendship. During this period, Mr. Wheelock had proposed taking charge of the eldest surviving son, Joseph; and having relinquished the project of applying to the government for assistance in the premises, the Captain once more turned his attention to the land in which, and the friends with whom, forty years before, he had acquired the rudiments of his imperfect education. With this view a correspondence was opened with James Wheelock, and his brother, the president, which was attended by the desired results. Extracts from this correspondence will not be found uninteresting, affording, as they will, farther and very gratifying illustrations of the Chieftain's domestic character:--

"Captain Brant to James Wheelock, Esq.

"Niagara, 3_d October,_ 1800.

"Dear Sir,

"Although it is long since I have had the pleasure of seeing or corresponding with you, still I have not forgot there is such a person in being, and now embrace the kind offer you once made me, in offering to take charge of my son Joseph, whom I certainly should at that time have sent out, had it not been that there was apparently a jealousy subsisting between the British and Americans; however, I hope it is not yet too late. I send both my sons, Joseph and Jacob, who, I doubt not, will be particularly attended to by my friends. I could wish them to be studiously attended to, not only as to their education, but likewise as to their morals in particular; this no doubt is needless mentioning, as I know of old, and from personal experience at your seminary, that these things are paid strict attention to. Let my sons be at what schools soever, your overseeing them will be highly flattering to me. I should by this opportunity have wrote Mr. John Wheelock on the same subject, but a hurry of business at this time prevents me. I shall hereafter take the first opportunity of dropping him a few lines; until when, please make my best respects to him, and I earnestly solicit his friendship and attention to my boys, which be assured of, I shall ever gratefully acknowledge. I am, dear Sir, wishing you and your family health and happiness,

"Your friend and well wisher, Jos. Brant.

"Mr. James Wheelock."

The lads were sent to Dartmouth in charge of Colonel Benjamin Sumner, of Claremont, (N. H.) a gentleman who had resided fifteen months among the Canadian Indians. Colonel Sumner gave Dr. Wheelock a very gratifying account of the surprising progress the Mohawks had made in the art of husbandry, and the conveniences of living, in consequence of the influence exercised over them by Captain Brant. He also repeated to the Doctor the anxious charge which he had received from the Chief, that his sons should be educated not only in letters, but in piety and virtue. [FN] The lads arrived at Hanover safely, were well received by President Wheelock and his brother James, and domesticated in the family of the latter. Both the President and James Wheelock wrote to the Captain on the 3d of November, announcing the fact, and informing him of the arrangements that had been made. These were highly satisfactory to the parent, as will appear from the subjoined letters:--

* * * * *

[FN] McClure's Life of Wheelock.

"Captain Brant to President John Wheelock.

"Grand River, Feb. 9, 1801.

"Dear Sir,

"I have received your favor of the 3d of November last. I have delayed answering it until the return of Captain Brigham.

"I receive an inexpressible satisfaction in hearing from you, that you have taken my sons under your protection, and also to find that you yet retain a strong remembrance of our ancient friendship. For my part, nothing can ever efface from my memory the persevering attention your revered father paid to my education, when I was in the place my sons now are. Though I was an unprofitable pupil in some respects, yet my worldly affairs have been much benefited by the instruction I there received. I hope my children may reap greater advantages under your care, both with respect to their future as well as their worldly welfare.

"Their situation at your brother's meets my highest approbation. Your goodness, in having provided for them out of the funds, far exceeds my expectations, and merits my warmest thanks. The reason that induced me to send them, to be instructed under your care, is the assurance I had that their morals and education would be there more strictly attended to than at any other place I know of.

"I am much pleased at the kindness you show in pressing them to be familiar at your house. I beg you will be constant in exhorting them to conduct themselves with propriety. The character you give me of the worthy gentleman, their preceptor, is extremely pleasing. From the whole, I feel perfectly easy with respect to their situation, and the care taken of their education, and am fully convinced that all now depends on their own exertions. The steady friendship you do me the honor to assure me of, is what, from numberless obligations, I doubly owe your family on my part; and I beg leave to assure you, that until death, I remain your sincere friend.

"Should there be any thing you might wish from these parts, curiosities or the like, I shall be happy to send them to you.

"Dear Sir, I am Your very humble serv't. Jos. Brant.

"Hon. John Wheelock."

"From same, to James Wheelock, Esq.

"Grand River, Feb. 9, 1801.

"Dear Sir,

"It is now some time since I had the pleasure of receiving your kind letter of the 3d of November, 1800. It gives me unspeakable satisfaction to find that my boys are with you, as I am fully confident they could not have a better or more agreeable situation. I am assured, from the known reputation of the President, that if they do not make a progress in their studies, it will be owing to themselves. I therefore hope you will shew me the kindness to make free, and be particular in exhorting them to exert themselves, and to behave in a becoming manner.

"I am happy to find you yet retain the same sentiments of friendship for me that you have ever testified. I was apprehensive the manner in which I disappointed you respecting my son, when you was here, would have too much affected you. The occasion of it then was, the too great jealousy showed by our government here.

"I yet add, that I should wish them to be learned that it is their duty to be subject to the customs of the place they are in, even with respect to dress, and the cutting of their hair.

"The reason I did not answer you sooner, is that I have expected Captain Brigham back this way, and thought him the safest opportunity to send by. Any thing you might want from this quarter, I should be happy to assist you in.

"Dear Sir, I am, With respect and esteem, Your friend and humble servant. Jos. Brant.

"James Wheelock, Esq."

"James Wheelock to Captain Brant.

"Hanover May 1, 1801.

"Very Dear Sir,

"I received your polite and very agreeable letter of February 9th some days ago, for which please to accept my sincere and cordial thanks.

"I am very happy in again gratifying your parental feelings, with the information that your very worthy sons conduct themselves still in a most agreeable manner; are quite attentive to their school, and make, I believe, very laudable progress in learning. By their amiable dispositions and manly behavior they are continually growing in our esteem; and I sincerely hope and trust that your and our expectations concerning their future usefulness and respectability in life, will be highly gratified. You may depend on my friendly freedom in advising and exhorting them whenever I may see occasion. But, Sir, (without flattery,) such occasions will be very rare.

"What has become of my old friend, Mr. Phelps? I want to hear from him; but I have written so often without return, that I have done. Please when you see him to remember and mention me to him with cordial affection, and ask him to think of our former friendly days.

"I wish we could have the pleasure of seeing you here--perhaps, some time or other, we may be indulged in this wish. Please to remember me, with Mrs. Wheelock, affectionately to your lady, and believe that I continue to be, with attachment and respect, very dear Sir,

"Your sincere friend, And humble servant, Jas. Wheelock.

"Captain Joseph Brant."

"President Wheelock to Captain Brant.

"Dartmouth College, May 6, 1801.

"Dear Sir,

"Though I have but a moment now allowed me to write, yet I cannot omit embracing it to express my thanks for your kind favor of February 9th ult.

"I rejoice to hear of your good health; and great also is my happiness to be able to inform you of the regular conduct, and steady application, and laudable improvements of your dear sons with me. I will do all I can for their good, and future usefulness; and may God grant that they shall be, and long continue, great sources of comfort and assistance to you in the sublime business of enlightening and meliorating your nations. I will write longer when I may have a good opportunity, and can now only ask the favor that you will accept this as a token of my cordial respect, and perfect friendship; I am,

"Dear Sir, Your most ob'dt serv't, John Wheelock.

"Capt. J. Brant, &c. &c."

"Captain Brant to President Wheelock.

"Buffalo Creek, July 23, 1801.

"Dear Sir,

"It gives me great satisfaction to hear that my sons have so conducted themselves as to merit your approbation. The hope you form of them, is pleasing beyond expression. When my sons went away, I promised they should remain only one year; but as they seem to make progress, I hope you will begin by times to convince them it is their interest to remain another winter, and exert themselves in their studies. I intend going to England this Fall, and should I return safe in the Spring, I will see them, and they might then come out on a visit home.

"I am, Dear Sir, Your friend sincerely, Jos. Brant.

"Hon. John Wheelock."

"The same to James Wheelock, Esq.

"Buffalo Creek, July 23, 1801.

"Very Dear Sir,

"Your kind letter gives me an extreme pleasure to find that you and family are well, and that my sons grow in your esteem. I hope sincerely they may continue to behave in such a manner as to deserve a continuance of it. I have not seen Mr. Phelps since I received your favor, but expect I shortly shall, and I will then mention what you desire. We are likely to succeed in getting him ordained for a minister.

"It is a long time since I sent any pocket money to the boys. I shall in a few days send by Mr. Gideon Tiffany, a note for a hundred pounds, N. Y. C. I would do it sooner, but have not had the opportunity of conveyance. My best respects to Mrs. Wheelock and family.

"I am, Dear Sir, sincerely, Your friend and Humble servant, Jos. Brant.

"P. S. I send a letter of Captain Elliott's son, their cousin, who is much younger than they, to shew them how he improves. [FN]

"James Wheelock, Esq."

* * * * *

[FN] The name of Captain Elliott has repeatedly occurred before, in connexion with the British-Indian affairs at Detroit and the Miamis. Captain Brant, in one of his letters to Sir John Johnson, complained that Elliott was dismissed from the public service, for some reason not stated, and without trial.

"James Wheelock to Captain Brant.

"Marcellus, Sept. 19th, 1801.

"Very Dear and Respected Sir,

"I am almost overjoyed at meeting your worthy son, Joseph, this morning, on his way homeward. By him I have only a moment to write to express my respect for you, and my attachment and regard for your dear and promising sons. They have been so long in my family, that to see Joseph seems like meeting one of my own children; indeed they are both, by their pleasing conduct, which has been uniform, highly esteemed by all their acquaintance with us. I sincerely hope that your expectations concerning them will be answered, and that they will both be good, useful, and honorable in the world.

"It is some weeks since I left home. I want much to see you, and Joseph mentions that by a letter from you since I left home, we may expect that pleasure next Spring, on your return from your intended European tour. I hope we shall not be disappointed. I wish I could have the pleasure of my friend Joseph's company on my return home, as I have mentioned to him. May every blessing and happiness constantly attend you and yours, is the sincere wish of,

"Dear Sir, your very Sincere friend, and Humble servant, Jas. Wheelock.

"Capt. Joseph Brant."

"Captain Brant to Mr. Wheelock.

"Grand River, 22_d Oct._ 1801.

"My Dear Sir,

"I received your kind letter favored by my son Joseph, and am extremely happy to find they both give such great satisfaction to their friends, of their good conduct, as well as to me. I cannot express myself the great pleasure you give me by the great attention to my children. I would really wish you to take the opportunity to continue them as your own children, and give them every good advice, so they may be useful and honorable in the world. As for my European route, it is uncertain.

"I remain, Dear Sir, Your sincere friend, And very humble serv't, Jos. Brant.

"Jas. Wheelock, Esq."

Unfortunately, while thus happily situated, pursuing their studies with diligence, and so demeaning themselves toward their friends as to win golden opinions from all, some difficulty arose between the brothers themselves, which produced a separation; Joseph, the eldest, leaving the school and returning home. Jacob followed in the course of the Spring, on a visit only, returning to the school again in the Autumn. Two or three letters more will close all that can be found of this interesting correspondence.

"Captain Brant to Mr. James Wheelock.

"Grand River, March 20, 1802.

"My Dear Sir,

"I received your favor of the 25th January, and I am sorry to learn by it that your friendly arguments had not the desired effect of dissuading Joseph from his determination of coming this way. I regret very much his leaving, so unreasonably, the advantageous situation he was in, for improvement; for I am fully confident he could not have been in a better place, and I shall ever remain thankful for your kind attention and that of the President, although the imprudence of youth has rendered it ineffectual. At the same time I must assure you that Joseph has a grateful remembrance of the civilities he received from you and family, and acknowledges to have been as happy and comfortable as he could wish to be; and perfectly at home in your house.

"After the great care and attention the worthy President has been pleased to show to my sons, it doubly grieves me that any part of their conduct should have the least appearance of neglect, or disrespect to a character that it was their duty to revere, and to which they were so much indebted.

"The only reason Joseph can allege for his coming away, is the perpetual disagreement between him and his brother Jacob. Mrs. Brant joins me in thanks and best respects to you and Mrs. Wheelock, and be assured we think equally well of your kind endeavors as if they had had the desired effect.

"My best respects to the President, and in a short time I shall write him in answer to the letter I received.

"My Dear Sir, I remain, affectionately, Your friend and Humble servant, Jos. Brant.

"James Wheelock, Esq'r."

"James Wheelock to Captain Brant.

"Hanover, April 19, 1802.

"Very Dear Sir,

"It is with much pleasure I acknowledge the receipt of your friendly and obliging letter of March 20th,--am glad to learn that Joseph arrived at home; for I assure you, I felt not a little anxious for him, on his setting out, horseback, at such a season of the year, so long a journey. I hope he, as well as Jacob, will somewhere complete his education, and that they both will have a disposition and abilities, to follow the example of their worthy parent, in promoting eminently the happiness, prosperity and advantage of their fellow men, while you and I shall be asleep with our fathers.

"My brother, the President has mentioned particularly concerning the conduct, &c. of Jacob, which renders any thing from me in his praise unnecessary; however, I must just say, that from what I have seen and understood since he left our house, (not from our desire, but his own,) his conduct has been quite unexceptionable, amicable, and pleasing; and I shall always rejoice in an opportunity to shew him any mark of friendship, by advice, or otherwise, that may be in my power.

"My brother has likewise mentioned to him Captain Dunham, [FN] the gentleman who will accompany Jacob. He is a gentleman we highly esteem and respect, and I doubt not but he will meet with your friendly notice and attention."

* * * * *

[FN] Captain Josiah Dunham, an officer in the American service--a gentleman of talents and letters. After the surrender of the Northwestern posts, so long retained by Great Britain, Captain Dunham was stationed at Michillimackinack. Subsequently, during the earlier part of Mr. Madison's administration, Captain D. edited a political paper with signal ability, in Vermont.

"I shall always be happy in an opportunity to render you, or any of yours, any services that may be in my power; but how happy should I be in an opportunity, especially at my own house, to see you, and to manifest that respect to which you are so justly entitled, and to which my own feelings so warmly would prompt me. Mrs. Wheelock joins me in cordial respects to yourself and Mrs. Brant.

"I am, very Dear Sir, &c. &c. Jas. Wheelock.

"Capt. Joseph Brant, &c. &c."

"From Captain Brant to James Wheelock.

"Niagara, 17_th December,_ 1802.

"My Dear Sir,

"I received your very polite and friendly letter by my son Jacob, and am very much obliged to you, your brother, and all friends, for the great attentions that have been paid to both my sons; likewise to Captain Dunham, for the great care he took of Jacob on the journey.

"My son would have returned to you long before this but for a continued sickness in the family for three months, which brought Mrs. Brant very low; my son Jacob and several of the children were very ill.

"My son now returns to be under the care of the President, and I sincerely hope he will pay such attention to his studies, as will do credit to himself, and be a comfort to his parents. The horse that Jacob rides out, I wish to be got in good order after he arrives, and sold, as an attentive scholar has no time to ride about. Mrs. Brant joins me in most affectionate respects to you and Mrs. Wheelock.

"I am, Dear Sir, With great respect, your sincere friend and Humble servant, Jos. Brant.

"_James Wheelock, Esq., Hanover._"

The only remaining letter of this branch of Captain Brant's correspondence which has been obtained, was addressed to James Wheelock, in October, 1804. It relates to matters indifferent to the present work, save only the mention that by the bursting of a gun, his son Jacob's left hand had been shattered, and that he was "about marrying one of our Mohawk girls." [FN] The whole of this correspondence, however, speaks the old Chief exceedingly well in his domestic relations. No parent could have been more solicitous for the moral and intellectual training of his offspring. His letters are characterised by an amiable temper, and by good, sound, common sense--breathing a spirit of kindness and affection throughout. And such was his general character in his family.

* * * * *

[FN] Joseph Brant, Jr. died several years ago. Jacob Brant is yet living, [July, 1837.] A daughter of Captain Brant married a Frenchman, who, in June, 1789, was killed by a party of Indians while peaceably traveling up the Wabash River. He was in company with nine others, four of whom were killed, and three wounded. When the hostile party came up to them, and discovered the son-in-law of the Mohawk Chief, they assisted in drawing the arrows from the wounded, and then went off--Carey's Museum--quoted by Drake.

In addition to his correspondence upon public affairs, upon the business of his own nation exclusively, and in regard to his private and domestic concerns, which must have been very extensive, Captain Brant wrote many letters upon miscellaneous subjects to which his attention was from time to time invited. His fame was co-extensive with England and the United States, and he must have had acquaintances in France. His personal friends were very numerous, and those to whom he was known, far more numerous still. The consequence of these friendships and this celebrity, was frequent applications analogous to those made by Doctor Miller, for information in regard to the history, condition, and polity of his own people, or for the purpose of eliciting his own views and opinions upon given subjects. Of these miscellaneous letters, but few have been preserved. The annexed is given as an example. It had long been contended by physiologists, both in Europe and America, that the American aboriginals naturally have no beards. Nor is the opinion uncommon at the present day. It was for a solution of this question that a Mr. McCauseland wrote to Brant, soon after the close of the American war. The following was the Chiefs reply:--

"Niagara, April 19, 1783.

"The men of the Six Nations have all beards by nature; as have likewise all other Indian nations of North America, which I have seen. Some Indians allow a part of the beard upon the chin and upper lip to grow, and a few of the Mohawks shave with razors, in the same manner as Europeans; but the generality pluck out the hairs of the beard by the roots, as soon as they begin to appear; and as they continue this practice all their lives, they appear to have no beard, or, at most, only a few straggling hairs, which they have neglected to pluck out. I am however of opinion, that if the Indians were to shave, they would never have beards altogether so thick us the Europeans; and there are some to be met with who have actually very little beard.

"Joseph Brant, Thayendanegea."

Among others, the late eccentric Samuel Peters, LL. D., either opened, or attempted to open, a correspondence with the Chief, a few years before his decease. Dr. Peters was a native of Hebron, (Conn.) He was graduated at Yale College in 1757, and, taking orders in the Episcopal Church, had charge of the churches at Hartford and Hebron, at the commencement of the Revolutionary contest. Being a friend of the crown, he went to England, where he remained many years, and in 1781 published his extraordinary, and in many respects fabulous, history of his native state. In the year 1805, he returned to the United States; and in 1817 or 1818, made a journey into the country of the great northwestern lakes, to the Falls of St Anthony; claiming a large extent of territory in that region, under a grant to the ancient traveler, Captain Carver. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] A letter of Dr. Peters to Captain Brant, written in April, 1803, is so characteristic of its author that a place has been assigned to it in the Appendix, (No. XVII,) as a curiosity. Doctor, or Bishop Peters, as he was called, died in the city of New-York, April 19,1826, at the advanced age of 90. His remains were interred at Hebron.

On the subject of imprisonment for debt, his views were those of an enlightened philosopher and philanthropist, as will be manifest from the following interesting letter discovered among the papers of the late Thomas Eddy; a name ever to be revered, as among the most honorable, if not the brightest, adorning the annals of humanity. [FN] Mr. Eddy was at the period mentioned, and for years afterward, directing his attention to the subject of prison discipline, and his mind was much occupied on the question of imprisonment for debt. The views of the Mohawk Chieftain were coincident with his own. Both were more than a quarter of a century in advance of public opinion in the United States, in that important feature of English and American jurisprudence; and how much in advance of England, remains to be seen.

* * * * *

[FN] This letter was transcribed by Thomas Eddy, into a volume of Indian documents, speeches &c., collected by him while in the discharge of his duties as an Indian commissioner for certain purposes. He had much intercourse with the Oneida, Stockbridge, and some other tribes of Indians, some forty years ago, and was led to inquiries and exertions for their moral and social improvement.

"Letter from Joseph Brant to--

"My Dear Sir,

"Your letter came safe to hand. To give you entire satisfaction I must, I perceive, enter into the discussion of a subject on which I have often thought. My thoughts were my own, and being so different from the ideas entertained among your people, I should certainly have carried them with me to the grave, had I not received your obliging favor.

"You ask me, then, whether in my opinion civilization is favorable to human happiness? In answer to the question, it may be answered, that there are degrees of civilization, from Cannibals to the most polite of European nations. The question is not, then, whether a degree of refinement is not conducive to happiness; but whether you, or the natives of this land, have obtained this happy medium. On this subject we are at present, I presume, of very different opinions. You will, however, allow me in some respects to have had the advantage of you in forming my sentiments. I was, Sir, born of Indian parents, and lived while a child among those whom you are pleased to call savages; I was afterward sent to live among the white people, and educated at one of your schools; since which period I have been honored much beyond my deserts, by an acquaintance with a number of principal characters both in Europe and America. After all this experience, and after every exertion to divest myself of prejudice, I am obliged to give my opinion in favor of my own people. I will now, as much as I am able, collect together, and set before you, some of the reasons that have influenced my judgment on the subject now before us. In the government you call civilized, the happiness of the people is constantly sacrificed to the splendor of empire. Hence your codes of criminal and civil laws have had their origin; hence your dungeons and prisons. I will not enlarge on an idea so singular in civilized life, and perhaps disagreeable to you, and will only observe, that among us we have no prisons; we have no pompous parade of courts; we have no written laws; and yet judges are as highly revered amongst us as they are among you, and their decisions are as much regarded.

"Property, to say the least, is as well guarded, and crimes are as impartially punished. We have among us no splendid villains above the control of our laws. Daring wickedness is here never suffered to triumph over helpless innocence. The estates of widows and orphans are never devoured by enterprising sharpers. In a word, we have no robbery under the color of law. No person among us desires any other reward for performing a brave and worthy action, but the consciousness of having served his nation. Our wise men are called Fathers; they truly sustain that character. They are always accessible, I will not say to the meanest of our people, for we have none mean but such as render themselves so by their vices.

"The palaces and prisons among you form a most dreadful contrast. Go to the former places, and you will see perhaps a deformed piece of earth assuming airs that become none but the Great Spirit above. Go to one of your prisons; here description utterly fails! Kill them, if you please; kill them, too, by tortures; but let the torture last no longer than a day. Those you call savages, relent; the most furious of our tormentors exhausts his rage in a few hours, and dispatches his unhappy victim with a sudden stroke. Perhaps it is eligible that incorrigible offenders should sometimes be cut off. Let it be done in a way that is not degrading to human nature. Let such unhappy men have an opportunity, by their fortitude, of making an atonement in some measure for the crimes they have committed during their lives.

"But for what are many of your prisoners confined?--for debt!--astonishing!--and will you ever again call the Indian nations cruel? Liberty, to a rational creature, as much exceeds property as the light of the sun does that of the most twinkling star. But you put them on a level, to the everlasting disgrace of civilization. I knew, while I lived among the white people, many of the most amiable contract debts, and I dare say with the best intentions. Both parties at the time of the contract expect to find their advantage. The debtor, we will suppose, by a train of unavoidable misfortunes, fails; here is no crime, nor even a fault; and yet your laws put it in the power of the creditor to throw the debtor into prison and confine him there for life! a punishment infinitely worse than death to a brave man! And I seriously declare, I had rather die by the most severe tortures ever inflicted on this continent, than languish in one of your prisons for a single year. Great Spirit of the Universe!--and do you call yourselves Christians? Does then the religion of Him whom you call your Saviour, inspire this spirit, and lead to these practices? Surely no. It is recorded of him, that a bruised reed he never broke. Cease, then, to call yourselves Christians, lest you publish to the world your hypocrisy. Cease, too, to call other nations savage, when you are tenfold more the children of cruelty than they."

Few subjects of greater interest have been presented for the consideration of antiquaries in North America, than those monuments of an age and a people that are lost, found scattered over western New-York, through the state of Ohio, and in great numbers in the valley of the Mississippi, called Tumuli. These mounds, or barrows, as they are usually termed in older countries, have been objects of extensive inquiry and much speculation; but their origin, in America, and the purposes of their erection, are yet among those hidden mysteries which it is probable that even time itself will not unfold. Among the Greeks, on the steppes of Tartary, in the north of Europe, in England, Ireland, and New South Wales, in all which countries, and several others, they abound, it has been well ascertained that these Tumuli were monumental heaps, of greater or less extent, raised over the remains of the dead. But in the United States, and in Mexico, where similar barrows are numerous, appearances, in regard to very many of them, have seemed to warrant a different opinion as to the object of their formation. Their magnitude in this country is much greater than in any other, some of the largest American Tumuli being approached in dimensions only by the celebrated Irish barrow at New Grange, described by Governor Pownall; [FN] while the form of very many of the American has induced at least a plausible conjecture, that they were the military defences of a people long since become extinct.

* * * * *

[FN] The Irish barrow in New Grange, county Meath, covers two acres at the base, the circumference at the top being three hundred feet, and its height ninety. It consists of small pebbles, and has a gallery within, sixty-two feet long, leading to a cave. There is one near Wheeling, on the Ohio, between thirty and forty rods in circumference at the base, one hundred and eighty at the top, and seventy feet high. Near Cahokia there is a numerous group, stated at about two hundred in all--the largest of which is a parallelogram, about ninety feet high, and eight hundred yards in circuit. [Ency. Americana.] There are some very large and of evident military formation, in the Wyoming Valley.

While, therefore, every inquiry of the white man concerning these remains in America has ended as it began, leaving the subject of investigation as deep in obscurity as before, the opinion of a man of Brant's information and sagacity, thoroughly conversant, as he was, with the traditions of his own people, may not be unacceptable to the curious reader. That opinion, or rather such information as the Chief had derived from the dim light of Indian tradition, has been supplied in the manuscript notes of Mr. Woodruff, already referred to several times in the preceding pages. A few extracts follow:--

"Among other things relating to the western country," says Mr. Woodruff, "I was curious to learn in the course of my conversations with Captain Brant, what information he could give me respecting the Tumuli which are found on and near the margin of the rivers and lakes, from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. He stated, in reply, that the subject had long been agitated, but yet remained in some obscurity. A tradition, he said, prevailed among the different nations of Indians throughout that whole extensive range of country, and had been handed down time immemorial, that in an age long gone by, there came white men from a foreign country, and by consent of the Indians established trading-houses and settlements where these Tumuli are found. A friendly intercourse was continued for several years; many of the white men brought their wives, and had children born to them; and additions to their numbers were made yearly from their own country. These circumstances at length gave rise to jealousies among the Indians, and fears began to be entertained in regard to the increasing numbers, wealth, and ulterior views of the new comers; apprehending that becoming strong, they might one day seize upon the country as their own. A secret council, composed of the chiefs of all the different nations from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, was therefore convoked; the result of which, after long deliberation, was a resolution that on a certain night designated for that purpose, all their white neighbors, men, women and children, should be exterminated. The most profound secrecy was essential to the execution of such a purpose; and such was the fidelity with which the fatal determination was kept, that the conspiracy was successful, and the device carried completely into effect. Not a soul was left to tell the tale.

"The Captain expressed no opinion himself as to the truth of the tale, but added, that from the vessels and tools which had been dug up in those mounds, or found in their vicinity, it was evident that the people who had used them were French.

"In the year 1801, having occasion to travel through the States of New-York and Ohio, and a part of Pennsylvania," (continues Judge Woodruff,) "I had frequent opportunities of viewing these artificial mounds, as well as the entrenched plots of land contiguous to them. They are all placed upon small and handsome elevations of ground. The entrenched plots are of various dimensions, from six to ten rods square. The ditches and their banks are yet plainly visible. Their antiquity may be inferred from the size of the trees standing both in the ditches and on the banks--being as large as any of those in their vicinity. Many of these trees I saw which were more than two feet in diameter. Near one corner of each of these areas, is a space of twelve feet in width, where the ground appears never to have been broken. It is evident that these spaces were used for gate-ways. About ten or fifteen yards from these gate-ways, stand the mounds. These are of different dimensions, in different places, from ten to fifteen feet in diameter at the base, and from six to twelve feet elevation, being now much flattened down.

"Various have been the conjectures for what use these mounds were raised. Some have supposed they were made as depositories of the dead; others, for places in which to store provisions in winter; and others, for watch-towers, on which sentinels were posted to guard the garrisons from approaching danger. While in Ohio, I felt an anxiety to satisfy myself, if possible, for which of these uses, or for what other, these Tumuli were designed. I employed a party of young men to dig down through one of them, beginning at the centre of the apex. When they had descended through to the natural surface of the ground, it appeared by the mould, or soil, that the earth had not there been broken. All we found there, were a few oaken chips, nearly sound, and bearing the mark of the axe. These circumstances, in my judgment, served greatly to strengthen the probability that the mounds had been designed and used only for watch-towers. Mr. Quimby, the owner of the land, shewed me a tinner's anvil, a pair of shears, and an adze, which he had found on the area within the lines of the entrenchment. All these were evidently of French origin. Many other tools and vessels, as I was well informed, had been found at other of these stations, in different parts of the western country, all of the same character.

"In farther conversation with Captain Brant, he informed me that he had ever entertained a strong desire to know something more decisive concerning those white people--their former neighbors--and that while in England, he made a visit to the French capital for the purpose of pushing his inquiries upon the subject. Letters of introduction were furnished by his friends in London, to some literary gentlemen in Paris, by whom he was received with great politeness and respect, and kindly assisted in making researches in the public libraries. Nothing, however, could be found in any of their histories, respecting the object of his inquiries, excepting, that about the year 1520, (if I rightly remember,) several ships were fitted out and sailed from L'Orient, bound to North America, freighted with goods suitable for that market, and carrying out a number of traders, and other enterprising individuals, with their families, to plant a colony in that part of the world. But nothing farther was recorded concerning the enterprize. Hence Captain Brant was induced to give additional credit to the tradition before mentioned." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] John Norton, the intelligent Mohawk Chief, heretofore repeatedly mentioned, gave a different version of the tradition upon this subject. Being at Albany, upon the business of the St. Regis Reservation, during the administration of Governor Jay, the Governor took occasion to ask Norton if he knew any thing concerning the origin of the Indian fortifications, as they were called, found in such numbers in many parts of the United States. He answered, that there was a tradition in his tribe that they were constructed by a people who in ancient times occupied a great extent of country, but who had been extirpated; that there had been long and bloody wars between this people and the Five Nations, in which the latter had been finally victorious. He added, that one of the last of the fortifications which was taken, had been obstinately defended; that the warriors of the other four nations of the Confederacy had assaulted it without waiting for the Mohawks, and had been repulsed with great loss, but that the latter coming to their assistance the attack was renewed, the place taken, and all who were in it destroyed.--Letter to the author from the Hon. Peter Augustus Jay, who was present during the conversation.

There seem to be many strong reasons for believing, that at some remote period of time, a race of men, different from the Indians found in occupancy by the English, farther advanced in civilization, and possessed of arts of which they were ignorant, must have been in possession of portions of this country. The Indians have various traditions upon the subject of such a lost race of men, differing, however, among different tribes, and often among individuals of the same tribes. Mary Jemison, who was raised among the Senecas, and spent a long life with them, states that the Indians held that the flats of the Genesee were cleared, and had been cultivated, by another people, before the Indians came into possession. They were a people of whom they could give no account, because "their fathers had never seen them." By the sliding of a bank of Mary's farm into the river, a burial-place was discovered, of which the Indians had no knowledge, and they held that the bones were not those of Indians. [FN-1] But of what race, nation, or complexion, were this ancient people, will probably never be known. That the continent of North America was discovered by the Normans, during the patriarchal government of the Colony of Greenland, by Erik the Red, five centuries before the voyages of Columbus, is no longer a matter of doubt. The shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the coast of New England, were visited by Lief and Thorwald, the sons of Erik, and colonies planted, as far back as the tenth century. These colonies, however, were soon lost or extirpated; and from the Icelandic records, and the histories of the Northmen, [FN-2] there is but faint reason for supposing that the few colonists of Vinland, as the new country was named, or their descendants, could have extended themselves from the estuary of the St Lawrence across into the valley of the Mississippi. [FN-3]

* * * * *

[FN-1] See Appendix, No. XVIII.

[FN-2] Vide, History of the Northmen, by Henry Wheaton; Voyages of Sebastian Cabot, &c. &c.

[FN-3] See Appendix, No. XIX.

The tradition recited by Brant, however, tends, especially in its details, to corroborate the well-known legend of the Welsh, concerning Prince Madog, or Madoc, which has occasioned so many stories of White and Welsh Indians, rather than any other tale of discovery and colonization with which the public is acquainted. According to the Welsh tradition, Madoc--if indeed there was such a veritable personage--in consequence of some domestic dissensions, went to sea, with ten ships and three hundred men, in the twelfth century, and discovered land far to the west. He made several voyages to and from this unknown land, but finally, with all his followers, was lost to the knowledge of his countrymen. The tradition of Brant, that the white strangers made annual voyages to and from their own country for several years, corresponds with the story as related in the Welsh Triads, and by Hakluyt, who has given an account of the supposed voyages of the Prince. The cutting off of the colonists at one fell stroke, as related by Brant, also shows very satisfactorily why his fate was never known. OEdipus solved the riddle of the Sphinx; but unless he was able to solve still greater mysteries, the origin and uses of the American Tumuli present questions that would have baffled the wisdom even of the accomplished though unfortunate son and husband of Jocasta.

In bringing the life and actions of Joseph Brant--Thayendanegea, to a close, something in the form of a summary review of his character will doubtless be expected at the hands of the biographer. This task can be readily and expeditiously executed, from the method adopted in the composition of the work itself. Nor, after the record already given of his public life and conduct, and the occasional anecdotes and illustrations of character introduced in the regular progress of the narrative, will the reader be surprised to find the author disposed, not only to set aside, but to reverse the popular estimate, and all previous decisions of history, in relation to the character of that remarkable man.

His fine personal appearance in the full maturity of manhood has already been described from the notes of Mr. Woodruff and General Porter. His early advantages of education were limited, but of these he evidently made the best use. Probably, being connected by the alliance of his sister with Sir William Johnson, he may have attended some of the missionary schools in the Mohawk Valley previous to his being sent by the Baronet to the Moor charity school, under the care of the elder Doctor Wheelock. But as he had already, though at so early an age, been upon the war-path in two campaigns, his opportunities of study could not have been great,--to say nothing of the reluctance with which an ardent youth, looking with delight upon the pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war, and inpatient of military renown, might be expected to confine himself to the dull and quiet pursuits of the school-room. Still, he acknowledged in after-life that he had derived great and lasting advantages from the instructions of Doctor Wheelock. The wars of Pontiac a third time called him to the field; but the campaign was no sooner ended, than he was again engaged in literary pursuits under the direction of the missionaries. The influence of his sister in the administration of the Indian department, called him more directly into active public life on the death of Sir William Johnson, although he had been much employed in the transaction of business with the Indians previous to that event. These avocations had of course deprived him of much time which might otherwise have been devoted to study; and when upon him had devolved the chieftainship of the whole confederacy of the Six Nations, it may well be imagined that the official claims upon his attention were in themselves sufficient to occupy, unremittingly, the most active mind. Then followed the protracted conflict of the American Revolution, requiring, from his position, and the side he espoused, the exercise of all his energies, physical and intellectual. But his return to his books, the moment that the great contest was ended; the progressive improvement in the style of his letters; and the fruits of his labors in the translations he produced, are circumstances proving his perseverance amidst the most harassing cares and perplexities of his after-life, and that he had a natural taste for literature, and was zealous in the acquisition of knowledge. His solicitude was great for the thorough education of his children; and he had himself not only projected writing a history of his own people, but had it in contemplation himself to acquire the knowledge of the Greek language, that he might be enabled to read the New Testament in the original, and thus make a more perfect translation of the Greek Scriptures in the Mohawk tongue.

His character has been represented as savage and cruel; and in the meagre sketches of his life hitherto published, although an occasional redeeming virtue has been allowed by some, anecdotes of treachery and blood have been introduced, to sustain the imputed disposition of relentless ferocity. [FN-1] The causes of this general libel upon the native character of the Indians, and upon that of Brant in particular, have been indicated in the commencement of the present work. Such, however, was not the fact. On the contrary, making the necessary allowances for his position, his own blood, and the description of warriors he commanded, after the most diligent and laborious investigation, the author is free to declare his belief that Brant was no less humane than he is on all hands admitted to have been brave. He was an Indian, and led Indians to the fight, upon their own principles and usages of war. Bold and daring, sagacious and wily, he often struck when least expected; but the author has in vain sought for an instance of wanton cruelty--of treachery--or of the murder of prisoners, or others, by his own hand, or by his permission, in cold blood. At the first outbreak of the American revolution, he interposed and saved the life of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland when on the point of becoming a victim to Indian fury, although not at that time on the very best terms with that gentleman. The first battle of the revolutionary war in which Brant was engaged, was that of the Cedars, on the banks of the St. Lawrence. Immediately after the fate of the day was decided, he interposed to save the prisoners, and actually, at his own private expense, appeased the Indians, and prevented the sacrifice of the brave Captain McKinstry. This gentleman was well known to the author, and he ever entertained a high regard for Captain Brant, by whom he was afterward visited on the manor of Livingston. The Chieftain's efforts at the massacre of Cherry Valley, to stay the effusion of innocent blood, have been mentioned in the account of that tragic irruption. In addition to the circumstances there narrated, Doctor Dwight, who was as careful as he was diligent in the collection of his facts, relates, that on entering one of the houses in Cherry Valley, Walter Butler ordered a woman and child, who were in bed, to be killed; but the Mohawk Chief interposed, and said--"What! kill a woman and child! No! That child is not an enemy to the King, nor a friend to the Congress. Long before he will be big enough to do any mischief, the dispute will be settled." At the affair of Wyoming, for which he has always received the severest condemnation, he was not present. His conduct to Captain Harper and his fellow-prisoners was anything but cruel, in the Indian acceptation of the term, although the execution of the aged and weary prisoner, if done with his knowledge or by his direction, was indefensible. But at Minisink, according to his own relation of the circumstances, (and his veracity has never been questioned,) his conduct has been grossly misrepresented. He exerted himself in the first instance to avert the effusion of blood, and was fired upon while in the act of making pacific overtures. True, Colonel Wisner was finally killed by his own hand; but the very blow was prompted by humanity, according to the reasoning of an Indian. The soldier was wounded past cure or removal; and after reflection upon the painful case, to prevent his dying agonies from being aggravated by beasts of prey, the Chief put an end to his sufferings through an honest dictate of compassion. A thoroughly civilized warrior would neither have reasoned nor acted as he did under the circumstances. Still, the act was prompted by feelings of humanity, and was doubtless such in reality. Lieutenant Wormwood was killed at Cherry Valley by mistake, and after refusing to stand when hailed. Lieutenant Boyd and his companion were treated with humanity by Brant after the capture in the Genesee country, and the dreadful tragedy which ended their lives was not enacted until Brant had departed for Niagara. The reader cannot well have forgotten the touching and beautiful incident of the restoration of the infant to its mother, at Fort Hunter, as related to the author by Governor Lewis, an eye-witness of the transaction. To all which may be added, that his last act of the last battle he fought was the rescuing of an American prisoner from a savage Irish ally of his own Indians, who was about to murder him. [FN-2]

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[FN-1] As a specimen of these bloody anecdotes, take the following, related many years since by a traveler named Weld, from whom it has been universally copied since. And yet there is not a syllable of truth in its composition:--"With a considerable body of his troops, he joined the forces under the command of Sir John Johnson. A skirmish took place with a body of American troops; the action was warm, and Brant was shot by a musket ball in his heel; but the Americans in the end were defeated and an officer and eighty men were taken prisoners. The officer, after having delivered up his sword, had entered into conversation with Sir John Johnson, who commanded the British troops, and they were talking to either in the most friendly manner, when Brant, having stolen slyly behind them, laid the American officer low with a blow of his tomahawk. The indignation of Sir John Johnson, as may be readily supposed, was roused by such an act of treachery, and he resented it in the warmest terms. Brant listened to him unconcernedly, and when he had finished, told him that he was sorry for his displeasure, but that indeed his heel was extremely painful at the moment, and he could not help revenging himself on the only chief of the party that he saw taken. Since he had killed the officer, he added, his heel was much less painful to him than it had been before."

[FN-2] This incident was mentioned to me by Colonel Kerr, his son-in-law. The occurrence was at the defeat of St. Clair.

In the course of his conversations with Major James Cochran and General Porter, long after the war, in regard to the alleged cruelty of his career, Brant assured those gentlemen that he had always spared in battle whenever it could be done without bringing upon himself the censure of his own people. In more instances than one, he said, he had been instrumental in preserving life when exposed to the fury of his warriors, and that he had winked at the escape of white prisoners, whose sufferings would not permit them to proceed on their march. He related one instance in particular, in which a young female prisoner had lagged behind, and whom he himself hid in the bushes that she might escape and return to her home. This account of himself was subsequently confirmed by Captain Philip Frey, son of Colonel Hendrick Frey, of Tryon county, of most respectable character and connexions, and an officer in the British army, who had served with Brant on several military expeditions, and shared with him the dangers of several battles. [FN]

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[FN] Letter of Major Cochran to the author. In farther illustration of Brant's general desire to prevent the shedding of blood unnecessarily, the following incident has been communicated to the author while these sheets were passing through the press:--"The late Jonathan Maynard, Esq. of Framingham, (near Boston,) Massachusetts, formerly a member of the Senate of that State, was actively engaged in the war of the Revolution, and, as he was in the habit of relating to his friends, was taken prisoner at one time in the western part of New-York by a party of the enemy, composed chiefly of Indians, under the command of Brant. The savages were disposed to put him to death according to the exterminating mode of warfare practised in that section of the country by the combined Indians and Tories; and preparations were making to that effect, when, having been partially stripped, Brant discovered the symbols of Freemasonry marked upon the prisoner's arms, which led him to interpose and save his life. Mr. Maynard was then sent a prisoner to Canada, where, after remaining several months, he was finally exchanged, and returned home. He lived to an advanced age, universally respected in the town where he resided, as an upright man and faithful magistrate; and was favorably known throughout the county of Middlesex, which he represented in the Senate of the commonwealth."--Letter to the author by George Folsom, Esq.

Having thus disposed of the principal events in his career during the war of the Revolution, in respect to which his conduct was certainly the opposite of savage and blood-thirsty, this point of his vindication may be appropriately closed by the following extract from a letter addressed to him in February, 1792, by the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, than whom none was more intimately acquainted with his general character and disposition:--

"Rev. Mr. Kirkland to Captain Brant.--(Extract.)

"Genesee, February 17_th,_ 1792.

"My Dear Friend,

"I was honored with your very polite and affectionate letter of the 1st inst. by Dr. Allen, last Saturday. The opportunity which now presents of addressing you, is very unexpected. Yesterday I had the pleasure of a short interview with Captain Williamson, who had lately passed through Philadelphia, where he received a large packet for Colonel Gordon, commanding at Niagara, soliciting his aid in behalf of a disconsolate mother, to inquire after the fate of her son, Captain Turner--an unfortunate officer, who is supposed to be a prisoner among the Miamis, and taken in the action of last Fall. I told Mr. Williamson that no person would be more willing and ready on such an occasion to make inquiry, and perhaps no one under equal advantages, to obtain the much-desired information, than your self; and that, notwithstanding all your martial fire and heroism, you possessed a sensibility of soul that would weep at the tale of woe. He gave me a most affecting account of the situation of the afflicted mother--probably he was a darling son. Mr. Williamson has accordingly written you on the subject."

One of the distinguishing features of his character was his strong sense of justice. It will be recollected, in the narrative of the captivity of Alexander Harper and others, that during their long and fatiguing march, when his own warriors and himself were suffering almost the extremity of hunger, he saw with his own eyes the most rigid impartiality exercised in the distribution of such scanty supplies of food as they were able casually to procure. Every prisoner was allowed a full share with himself; and at the end of their march, it has been seen how adroitly he averted the torture of the gauntlet-running, which it was so customary with the Indians to inflict upon their prisoners. This same love of justice, moreover, marked his conduct during the Indian wars of 1789--'95, and pervaded his correspondence connected with those wars, and his own subsequent difficulties with the British Government touching the Grand River land title, and in all his negotiations with the State of New-York. He honestly thought the claim of the north-western Indians to the Ohio and Muskingum boundary a just one. Hence his untiring exertions, year after year, to adjust the difficulties between the Indians and the United States upon that basis. When he thought the Indians claimed too much, he opposed them; and so far as he thought them in the right, he was ready to fight for them. In a letter to General Chapin upon this subject, written in December, 1794, he says:

"Your letters from Kanandaigua are now before me. I have to say that our meetings during the whole of last summer, at all of which our thoughts were solely bent on fixing a boundary line, such as we thought would be the means of fixing a peace on a solid basis, for which reason we pointed out the line we did, well knowing the justness of it, and being certain that the whole Indian confederacy would ratify it.

"I must regret, as an individual, to find that this boundary has been abandoned, as I am well convinced a lasting peace would have ensued had it been adopted. I, therefore, ever have, to bring about this desirable end, exerted every nerve, wishing for nothing more than justice between us. This line, you will recollect, was offered to Governor St. Clair at Muskingum. Notwithstanding the two successful campaigns of the Indians, I still adhered to the same line, and still do. This, I hope, will satisfy you that my wish ever was for peace. The offer made was rejected by Mr. St. Clair, and what the consequences have been you well know. . . . You will recollect that I differed even with my friends, respecting the boundary, [FN] and to the two last messages that you then received, my name was to neither, for the reason that I thought them [the Indians] too unreasonable. For this reason I was obliged to take more pains and trouble to bring the Indians and you to an understanding, than I was under any obligation to do, otherwise than having our mutual interests in view. As to politics, I study them not. My principle is founded on justice, and justice is all I wish for. Never shall I exert myself for any nation or nations, let their opinions of me be what they will, unless I plainly see they are sincere and just in what they may aim at, and that nothing more than strict justice is what they want. When I perceive that these are the sentiments of a people, no endeavors ever shall be wanting on my part to bring nations to a good understanding."

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[FN] Captain Brant had proposed a compromise boundary line, of which he was here speaking. But neither the United States nor the Indians would listen to it.

These views are frank, manly, and honorable; and correspond with the whole tenor of his speeches and correspondence, as well upon that as all other questions of controversy in which he was called to participate.

His efforts for the moral and religious improvement of his people were indefatigable. In addition to the details already presented upon this point, the fact is no less interesting than true, that the first Episcopal church erected in Upper Canada was built by Brant, from funds collected by him while in England in 1786. The church was built the same year, and the first "church-going bell" that tolled in Upper Canada, was placed there by him. [FN-1] The Rev. Davenport Phelps, in writing to President John Wheelock, November, 1800, upon the subject of the exertions of Captain Brant, and the progress his people were making in religious knowledge and the arts of civilized life, under his influence, remarks:--"I cannot, sir, but here observe, that strong hopes may be entertained that we may yet see the wilderness bud and blossom like the rose. There is already a degree of civilization among a number of the Indians which would surprise a stranger. And with some of them there is such an appearance of Christianity, that many of the whites who possess it, might well blush at a comparative view. Of this great and important alteration, and of the present pleasing prospect of success in extending the knowledge of the Redeemer among them, I am fully persuaded the labors of your venerable predecessor, under God, have been the cause. Colonel Brant greatly encourages civilization and Christianity. Through his exertions and influential example among the Indians, it is to be hoped their progress toward refinement may yet be considerable." [FN-2] His earnest desire, beyond a doubt, was to render himself a benefactor to his people.

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[FN-1] Letter to the author from Colonel W. J. Kerr.

[FN-2] McClure's Life of Wheelock.

As a warrior, he was cautious, sagacious and brave; watching with sleepless vigilance for opportunities of action, and allowing neither dangers nor difficulties to divert him from his well-settled purposes. His constitution was hardy, his capacity of endurance great; his energy untiring, and his firmness indomitable. His character, in his social and domestic relations, has been delineated at length, and needs no farther illustration. In his dealings and business relations he was prompt, honorable, and expert; and, so far as the author has been able to obtain information from gentlemen who knew him well, he was a pattern of integrity. The purity of his private morals has never been questioned, and his house was the abode of kindness and hospitality.

His manners in refined society have been described by Dr. Miller and General Porter. Without divesting himself altogether of the characteristic reserve of his people, he could, nevertheless, relax as occasion required, and contribute his full share, by sprightly and intelligent conversation, to the pleasures of general society. He was at once affable and dignified, avoiding frivolity on the one hand and stiffness on the other; in one word, unbending himself just to the proper medium of the well-bred gentleman. He has been described by some as eloquent in his conversation. Others, again, deny him the attribute of eloquence, either in public speaking or in the social circle; asserting that his great power lay in his strong, practical good sense, and deep and ready insight into character. Mr. Thomas Morris avers that his sagacity in this respect exceeded that of any other man with whom he has been acquainted. His temperament was decidedly amiable; he had a keen perception of the ludicrous, and was both humorous and witty himself--some times brilliant in this respect; and his conversation was often fascinating, by reason of its playfulness and vivacity. [FN]

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[FN] As an illustration of his shrewdness and sagacity, the following anecdote of Brant has been communicated to the author by Professor Griscom:--"When Jemima Wilkinson, (who professed to be, in her own person, the Saviour of the world in his second appearance on earth,) was residing on her domain in western New-York, surrounded by her deluded and subservient followers, she could not fail to attract the notice of Colonel Brant; while the celebrity of the Chieftain must, in turn, have forcibly commended itself to her attention. This led, of course, to a mutual desire to see each other, and Brant at length presented himself at her mansion, and requested an interview. After some formality he was admitted and she addressed to him a few words in the way of a welcome salutation. He replied to her by a formal speech in his own language, at the conclusion of which she informed him that she did not understand the language in which he spoke. He then addressed her in another Indian dialect, to which, in like manner, she objected. After a pause, he commenced a speech in a third, and still different American language, when she interrupted him by the expression of dissatisfaction at his persisting to speak to her in terms which she could not understand. He arose with dignity, and with a significant motion of the hand, said--'Madam, you are not the person you pretend to be. Jesus Christ can understand one language as well as another,' and abruptly took his leave." Since this striking and characteristic anecdote was received from Dr. Griscom, I have discovered that it has been attributed to Red Jacket. This Chief; however, was a Pagan--a disbeliever in Jesus Christ; and as Brant was the opposite, the anecdote is more characteristic of him than of the Seneca orator.

The implacable resentments imputed to the American Indians were not characteristic of him. In a speech to a council of Misissaguas--a clan of the Hurons, located on the Bay of Quinte,--on the occasion of certain grievous personal insults, of which some of their people were complaining, he remarked:--"Brothers, I am very glad you suffer these abuses so patiently. I advise you to persevere in your patience and prudence, never allowing yourselves to feel and exercise revenge, until every regular step be taken to remove them." [FN] In the whole course of his correspondence, positive hostility, of a personal character, seems only to have been cherished toward Colonel Claus, the Deputy Superintendent General of the Indian Department. The precise nature of this difficulty the author has not ascertained. It was connected, however, with the pecuniary affairs of the Indians, in regard to which Brant was exonerated from censure at every scrutiny. Still, perfection cannot be predicated of the Mohawk Chief more than other men, and the author has not discovered a particle of evidence, going to inculpate the moral or official conduct of Colonel Claus--save that he appears to have connived at the unsuccessful machinations of Red Jacket and other enemies of Brant, to effect the chieftain's deposition.

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[FN] MS. speech among the Brant papers.

Like other men, Brant doubtless had his faults, but they were redeemed by high qualities and commanding virtues. He was charged with duplicity, and even treachery, in regard to the affairs of the Indians and the United States, in connexion with his first visit to Philadelphia. But the aspersion was grievously unjust. During the years of those wars, his position was trying and peculiar. He had his own ulterior objects to consult in regard to the Indians of the upper lakes. He desired to see justice done to them, and also to the United States. And he likewise desired not to impair his own influence with those Indians. At the same time he had a difficult game to play, with the Colonial and British governments. The doubtful relations between England and the United States induced the former to keep the Indians in a very unpacific mood toward the latter for a series of years; sometimes even pushing them into hostilities, by means and appliances of which policy required the concealment, and the means of diplomatic denial, if necessary. At the same time, while Brant was thoroughly loyal to the King, he was nevertheless resolved upon maintaining the unfettered independence of his own peculiar nation; friendly relations with the Colonial government being also essential to his desire of a perfect title to his new territory.

Such a position must at all times have been full of embarrassment and difficulty, and at some conjunctures could not have been otherwise than deeply perplexing. And yet he sustained himself through the whole--proving himself above the influence of gold at Philadelphia, and passing the ordeal without dishonor. In letters, he was in advance of some of the Generals against whom he fought; and even of still greater military chieftains, who have flourished before his day and since. True, he was ambitious--and so was Caesar. He sought to combine many nations under his own dominion--and so did Napoleon. He ruled over barbarians--and so did Peter the Great.

A few years before his death, Captain Brant built a commodious dwelling-house, two stories high, on a tract of land presented him by the King at the head of Lake Ontario--directly north of the beach which divides the lake from the sheet of water known as Burlington Bay. The situation is noble and commanding, affording a glorious prospect of that beautiful lake, with a fruitful soil and a picturesque country around it. At this place, on the 24th of November, 1807, he closed a life of greater and more uninterrupted activity for the space of half a century, than has fallen to the lot of almost any other man whose name has been inscribed by the muse of history. He was a steadfast believer in the distinguishing doctrines of Christianity, and a member of the Episcopal church at the time of his decease. He bore his illness, which was painful, with patience and resignation. He died in the full possession of his faculties, and, according to the belief of his attendants, in the full faith of the Christian religion. [FN] His age was sixty-four years and eight months. His remains were removed to the Mohawk Village, on the Grand River, and interred by the side of the church which he had built. The interests of his people, as they had been the paramount object of his exertions through life, were uppermost in his thoughts to the end. His last words that have been preserved upon this subject, were contained in a charge to his adopted nephew, Teyoninhokarawen:--"Have pity on the poor Indians: if you can get any influence with the great, endeavor to do them all the good you can." With great justice the surviving Mohawks might have, made a similar exclamation to that of King Joash at the bed of the dying prophet--"My father, my father, the chariot of Israel, and the horsemen thereof!"

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[FN] See Appendix, No. XX.

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