Chapter VII…

Chapter VII

Character of Joseph Bettys--His exploits--Capture and execution--Progress of the war--Gradual cessation of hostilities--Dwindling down to mere affairs of outposts and scouting parties--Commissioners appointed to negotiate a treaty of peace--Indian battles on the Kentucky frontier--Defeat of Colonel Boon--Destruction of the Shawanese towns--The Moravians on the Muskingum--Their removal to Sandusky by the Wyandots--Return to secure their crops--Invasion of their towns by Colonel Williamson--Treachery of Williamson and his men to the Indians--Horrible massacre--Invasion of the Sandusky country by Crawford and Williamson--Defeat of their army--Colonel Crawford captured--Sentenced to die by torture--His interview with the sachem Wingemond--His execution--Close of the year--Doubts as to a treaty of peace--Colonel Willett's attempt to surprise Oswego--The news of peace--Sufferings of Tryon County--Return of its population--End of the wars of the Mohawk.

Among the minor, but yet not unimportant events of the border war at the north and west of Albany, was the capture, some time in the Winter of 1781--'82, of the celebrated loyalist marauder, Joseph Bettys, whose name has occurred in connexion with that of John Waltermeyer in the preceding chapter. Bettys, or "Joe Bettys" as he was commonly called, was a man of uncommon shrewdness and intelligence. Bold, athletic, and of untiring activity; revengeful and cruel in his disposition; inflexible in his purposes; his bosom cold as the marble to the impulses of humanity; he ranged the border settlements like a chafed tiger snuffing every tainted breeze for blood, until his name had become as terrific to the borderers, as were those of Kidd and Pierre le Grande upon the ocean in the preceding century. At the commencement of the war, Bettys was an inhabitant of Ballston. He early took the field in the cause of the republic, and a sergeant's warrant was conferred upon him in Colonel Wynkoop's regiment. But he had a proud, independent spirit, that could ill brook the severity of military discipline; and for some act of contumacy, he was reduced to the ranks. Still, knowing well his determined character and unflinching courage, and unwilling that his country should lose his services, the same gentleman [FN] who had obtained his first warrant, procured him another, and a transfer to the fleet under the command of General Arnold on Lake Champlain, in the Summer of 1776.

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[FN] The late Colonel Ball, of Balston.

In the severe naval engagement fought on that lake between Arnold and Sir Guy Carleton, on the 11th of October of that year, Bettys exhibited great bravery, and was of signal service during the battle, which lasted four hours. He fought until every commissioned officer on board his vessel was either killed or wounded. Assuming the command then himself, he continued the fight with such reckless and desperate intrepidity, that General Waterbury, Arnold's second in command, perceiving that his vessel was about to sink, was obliged to order Bettys and the survivors of his crew on board his own vessel. Having thus observed his good conduct, General Waterbury stationed him by his side on the quarter-deck, and gave orders through him, until his own vessel in turn became entirely crippled--the crew mostly killed--the General himself wounded--and only two others, exclusive of Bettys, left in fighting condition--when his colors were struck to the enemy. General Waterbury afterward spoke in the most exalted terms of the high courage of Bettys, adding, that the shrewdness of his management showed that his conduct was not inferior to his courage.

While a prisoner in Canada, the arts of the enemy subverted his principles. He was seduced from the service of his country, and entered that of the enemy with the rank of ensign--proving himself an enemy equally subtle and formidable. From his intimate knowledge of the country and his artful address, he was frequently employed, sometimes as a messenger, at others as a spy, and at others, again, in the double capacity of both. During one of his missions of this nature, he was captured, tried, and condemned to the gallows. But the entreaties of his aged parents, and the solicitations of influential Whigs, induced General Washington, on a promise of reformation, to grant him a pardon. Yet if honor, generosity, and gratitude, had ever been qualities of his soul, they had taken their departure.

Losing no time in rejoining the ranks of the enemy, he became alike reckless of character and the dictates of humanity; and instead of suitably requiting the kindness which had successfully interposed to save him from an ignominious death, he became the greatest scourge of his former friends and neighborhood. Ballston, in particular, had long reason to deplore the ill-judged leniency. He returned, and recruited soldiers for the King in the midst of the settlements; he captured and carried off the most zealous and efficient Whigs, and subjected them to the severest sufferings; and those against whom he bore the strongest hate, lost their dwellings by fire or their lives by murder. No fatigue weakened his resolution--no distance was an obstacle to his purpose--and no danger appalled his courage. No one of the borderers felt secure. Sometimes in the darkness of the night he fell upon them by stealth; and at others, even at mid-day, he was seen prowling about, as if scorning disguise, and unconscious of danger. Indeed, he boldly proclaimed himself a desperado--carrying his life in his hand--equally careless of it as he said he should be of the lives of others were any again to attempt his arrest. His liberty, he declared, would only be yielded with his life; and whoever should attempt to take him, might rest assured that their heart's blood would in the same moment be drunk by the earth. His threats were well understood to be no unmeaning words; and, what added to the apprehension of the people, was the well-known fact, that he had always at his beck, openly or in concealment, according to the nature of the purpose immediately in hand, a band of refugees partaking of his own desperate character.

His adventures while engaged in this species of warfare were many and hazardous. Nor did he always confine his operations to the border-settlements, since he at one time entered the precincts of Albany, and made a similar attempt to that of Waltermeyer to abduct General Schuyler from the mansion of the Patroon, where he was then lodged. [FN]

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[FN] This account of Joe Bettys has been written from a Fourth-of-July speech delivered by the late Colonel Ball some ten or twelve years ago. Among the prisoners made by Bettys and Waltermeyer from Ballston, in the Spring of 1781, were the following persons, viz: Samuel Nash, Joseph Chord, Uri Tracy, Ephraim Tracy, Samuel Patchin, Epenetus White, John Fulmer, and two men named Bontas, who were brothers. They were all taken to Canada, and roughly used.

It must not be supposed, however, that all hearts quailed before Joe Bettys. Far from it; and many were the ineffectual attempts made for his arrest before the measures undertaken for that purpose were again crowned with success. But in the course of the Winter now under consideration his wonted vigilance was at fault. A suspicious stranger having been observed in the neighborhood of Ballston, upon snow-shoes, and well-armed, three men of that town, named Cory, Perkins, and Fulmer, little doubting as to the identity of the man, immediately armed themselves and went in pursuit. He was traced by a circuitous track to the house of a well-known loyalist, which was fortunately approached with so much circumspection as to enable the scouts to reach the door unobserved. Breaking the barrier by a sudden effort, they sprang in upon the black and doubly-dyed traitor, and seized him before he had opportunity of resistance. He was seated at dinner when they entered, his pistols lying upon the table, and his rifle resting upon his arm. He made an attempt to discharge the latter; but forgetting to remove the deer-skin cover of the lock, did not succeed. Powerful and muscular as he was, the three were an over-match for him, and he was immediately so securely pinioned as to render resistance useless and escape morally impossible.

Apparently resigning himself to his fate, Bettys now requested permission to smoke, which was readily granted. While taking the tobacco from his box, and making the usual preparations, he was observed by Cory adroitly to cast something into the fire. It was instantly snatched from thence with a handful of coals, and proved to be a small leaden box, about the eighth of an inch in thickness, and containing a paper in cipher, which the captors could not read; but it was subsequently ascertained to be a despatch addressed to the British commander in New-York. It also contained an order for thirty guineas, provided the despatch should be safely delivered. Bettys pleaded hard for permission to burn the paper, and offered a hundred guineas for the privilege. But they refused his gold, and all his proffered bribes for the means of escape, with the most unyielding firmness. He then exclaimed--"I am a dead man!" It was even so. He was taken to Albany, where he was tried, convicted, and executed as a spy and traitor.

If the conduct of the three captors of Major Andre was patriotic, that of the three captors of Joe Bettys was both patriotic and brave. Andre was a gentleman, and without the means of defence; Bettys was formidably armed, and known to be a desperado. The capture of Andre was by accident; that of Bettys, by enterprise and design. The taking of the former was without danger; that of the latter a feat of imminent peril. Andre was a more important man, by rank and station, than Bettys; but not more dangerous. Both tempted their captors by gold, and both were foiled. [FN] The captors of Andre were richly rewarded, and the achievement has been emblazoned in history, and commemorated by monumental granite. The captors of Bettys have, until now, never been known to history; and their only visible reward was the rifle and pistols of their terrible captive. With such partial hand are the honors and rewards of this world bestowed!

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[FN] Colonel Ball.

As already remarked, the substantial fighting of the war was ended by the surrender of Cornwallis. It is true, there were affairs of outposts occurring afterward, and some partial fighting took place at the south early in the season of 1782, between General Wayne and sundry small British posts, after General Greene had detached the former into Georgia. The most serious of these affairs was a smart brush with a party of Creek Indians, near Savannah, on which occasion the British garrison sallied out to their assistance, but were repulsed. For the most part, however, the year 1782 was rather a period of armed neutrality than of active war. The news of the catastrophe at Yorktown at once and materially strengthened the opposition to the farther prosecution of the contest in the House of Commons, by which a resolution was soon afterward passed, declaring "That the House would consider as enemies to his Majesty and the country, all who should advise or attempt the farther prosecution of offensive war on the Continent of North America." Sir Henry Clinton was superseded in the chief command by Sir Guy Carleton, who was specially instructed to use his endeavors to effect an accommodation with America. Commissioners for the negotiation of a treaty of peace were soon afterward appointed, viz: John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens on the part of the United States, and Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Oswald on that of Great Britain. On the 30th of November these commissioners had agreed on provisional articles of peace, as the basis of a treaty by which the Independence of the United States was acknowledged in its fullest extent.

As the surrender of Earl Cornwallis was the last important military event between the main armies, so was the disastrous expedition of Majors Ross and Butler the last attempt of any magnitude upon the Valley of the Mohawk. True, indeed, that beautiful region of country had been so utterly laid waste, that there was little more of evil to be accomplished. But the chastisement of Major Ross, equally severe and unexpected, had discouraged the enemy from making any farther attempt in that quarter. Not, however, that the Indians were entirely quiet. On the contrary, they hung around the borders of the settlements in small parties, sometimes causing serious alarms, and at others great trouble and fatigue, and likewise inflicting considerable injury. On one occasion a party of thirty-five Indians crossed over from Oswegatchie to Palatine. Falling in with a scouting party, consisting of Jacob Timmerman and five others, the Indians fired upon them. Timmerman was wounded, and with one of his comrades taken prisoner. Two of the party were killed, and the other two succeeded in making their escape. The prisoners were taken to Oswegatchie, and thence down to Montreal, where they were confined until the peace. In consequence of exposures of this description, a vigilant watchfulness was necessary at all points; and Colonel Willett, who retained the command, was exactly the officer for the station. He had frequent occasion to despatch considerable bodies of troops against the straggling parties of Indians and Tories; but their lightness of foot, and dexterity in threading the mazes of the forests, generally, if not always, enabled them to escape. So that no important event transpired in that section of country during the year.

But while there was so little active warfare on the frontiers of New-York during the Summer of 1782, the Indians of the remoter west were more active along the Kentucky frontier than in the preceding year. In May they ravished, killed, and scalped a woman and her two daughters near Ashton's station. [FN] The Indians perpetrating this outrage were pursued by Captain Ashton, at the head of a band of twenty-five men. Being overtaken, a battle ensued, in which the Indians were victorious. The Captain was killed, together with eight of his men, and four others were mortally wounded. In the month of August another Kentucky settlement, called Hoy's Station, was visited by the Indians, by whom two lads were carried into captivity. This band was also pursued by Captain Holder, with a party of seventeen men, who, coming up with the Indians, were likewise defeated with a loss of seven killed and two wounded. [FN]

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[FN] Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boon. There is strong reason to doubt whether the Indians abused the persons of the women. If true, it was the only instance of the kind that is believed to have occurred during the war. It is a proud characteristic of the Indians, that they never violate the chastity of their female prisoners.

On the 15th of August, the post at Briant's station, five miles from Lexington, was invested by a far more considerable party of the enemy, numbering five hundred Indians and Canadians. After killing all the cattle in the neighborhood, they assaulted the post on the third day but were repulsed with a loss of about eighty killed and numbers wounded;--how many, was not known. They were pursued on their retreat by Colonels Todd, Trigg, and Boon, and Major Harland, at the head of one hundred and seventy-six men, well armed and provided. The Indians drew the pursuers into an unfavorable position on the 19th, when a severe battle ensued, in which the Kentuckians were beaten with the loss of seventy-six men; among whom were Colonels Todd and Trigg, Major Harland, and a son of Colonel Boon. The battle lasted only fifteen minutes. The retreat from the field was yet more disastrous than the battle itself. It was fought on the banks of the main fork of the Licking river, at the great bend, forty-three miles from Lexington. The Kentuckians were pursued across the river, some on horseback and others on foot. Some were killed in the river, and others while ascending the cliffs beyond. The arrival of the fugitives at Lexington with the melancholy tidings, occasioned a scene of weeping and deep lamentation, since a large portion of the male population had fallen. Being reinforced a few days afterward, Colonel Boon returned to bury the dead, which he represents as an affair of a most painful description. So mangled and disfigured were the bodies, that their identity could not be ascertained. The Colonel was afterward informed that when the Indians discovered their own loss to have been four more than that of the Kentuckians, four of the seven prisoners they had taken were handed over to their young men to be put to death by torture.

On hearing of this disastrous affair, General Clark, who was at the Falls of the Ohio, directed a pursuit of the Indians to their own towns of Old and New Chilicothe, Peccaway, and Wills Town. Colonel Boon seems to have led this expedition, although the fact is not expressly stated in his narrative. Failing in an attempt to fall upon the Indians by surprise, the Colonel took possession of their deserted towns, which were burnt with fire. Seven prisoners and fifteen scalps were taken by the Kentuckians, whose own loss was but four men; two of whom were killed by accident, not by Indians. With these incidents closed the Indian war of the Revolution on the Kentucky border.

But there yet remains a tale of murderous character to be recorded, which, in its black and inexcusable atrocity, transcends any and every Indian massacre which marked that protracted and unnatural contest It is a tale of blood, too, in which the white men--not the Indians--are to be branded as the savages.

On the banks of the Muskingum resided several communities of Indians, who had embraced the peaceable tenets of the Moravians. They were of the Delaware nation, and had removed to the Muskingum from Friedenshutten on the Big Beaver, and from Wyalusing and Sheshequon on the Susquehanna, in the year 1772. Notwithstanding the annoyance experienced by them in consequence of the Cresap war, in 1774, their settlements, which were named Schoenbrunn, Salem, and Gnadenhuetten, rose rapidly in importance, and in a short time numbered upward of four hundred people. Among their converts was the celebrated Delaware chief Glickhickan, famous alike for his bravery on the war-path, his wisdom in council, and his eloquence in debate. Their location, being a kind of half-way station between the white settlements and the hostile Indians of the lakes, was unpleasant after the war of the Revolution came on, and subjected them to difficulties alternately arising from the suspicions of both or all of the belligerent parties, against whose evil intentions toward them they were occasionally admonished. Still, their labors, their schools, and their religions exercises were conducted and practised as usual.

Their spiritual guides, at the period now under discussion, were, Michael Jung, David Zeisberger, and John Heckewelder, known in later times as the Indian Historian. These people looked upon war with abhorrence; maintaining that "the Great Being did not make men to destroy men, but to love and assist each other." They had endeavored to dissuade some of their own race from taking any part in the contest, and had likewise given occasional information to the white settlements when threatened with Indian invasions.

The hostile Indians frequently hovered around their settlements, and sometimes threatened their destruction, under the pretext that their neutrality was equivocal, and that they were secretly in alliance with the Americans, to whom they were in the practice of giving timely notice of the hostile advances of the Indians in the service of the King. [FN] In 1777 they were visited by the noted Huron chief, Half King, at the head of two hundred of his warriors, on his way to attack some of the frontier settlements of Virginia. Half King at first menaced the Moravian non-combatants; but Glickhickan appeased his ire by a timely supply of refreshments, and diverted him from his purpose by an opportune speech, declaring their religious sentiments and praising their missionaries.

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[FN] Doddridge.

The British authorities at Detroit were by no means friendly to these Moravian towns; early in the year 1781 they applied to the Great Council of the Six Nations, assembled at Niagara, to remove them out of the country. A message was accordingly sent by the Iroquois to the Ottawas and Chippewas to this effect: "We herewith make you a present of the Christian Indians to make soup of;" a figurative Indian expression equivalent to saying--"We deliver these people to you to be killed." But neither the Ottawas nor Chippewas would receive the message, which was returned with the laconic reply--"We have no cause for doing this." The same message was next sent to the Wyandots, but they at that time were equally indisposed to make war upon their inoffensive brethren. [FN] But in the Autumn of the same year, under the influence of McKee and Elliott, who had now become captains in the ranks of the crown connected with the Indian service at Detroit, and by reason of the more immediate persuasions of Simon Girty, the bloodthirsty refugee associate of McKee and Elliott, who was living among the Wyandots, over whom he had acquired great influence, the poor Moravians, with their pious and self-denying ministers, were forcibly removed, or rather compelled, by the hostile Indians, at the instigation of those men, to remove to Sandusky. The leaders of the Wyandots compelling this emigration, were Girty, Half King, and the celebrated Captain Pipe. The sachem-convert, Glickhickan, was also carried to Sandusky; and a young female relation of his, by her courage and generosity, had well-nigh cost him his life. Apprehending that evil would befall her friends, she stole a fine horse belonging to Captain Pipe, and rode to Pittsburgh, to give the alarm in regard to the captive missionaries and their congregations. In revenge for this courageous action, Glickhickan was seized by a party of the Wyandot, or Huron warriors, who raised the death-song, and would have put him to death but for the interference of the Half King in his favor. Glickhickan was subsequently examined by his captors, and his innocence of all participation in the mission of the heroic squaw fully made to appear.

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[FN] Heckewelder.

It was at a great sacrifice of property and comfort that these Indians were torn thus from their homes. They had more than two hundred heads of black cattle, and upward of four hundred swine, of which they were deprived, together with large stores of corn, and three hundred acres more just ripening for the harvest. They arrived at Sandusky on the 11th of October--a distance of one hundred and twenty-five miles from their homes. They were treated with great harshness on their march, especially by Girty, who, in the course of the Winter subsequent to their removal, caused their missionaries to be arrested by order of the commandant at Detroit, to which place they were transferred. [FN]

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[FN] These good men, after many trials and vexations, were ultimately released, and Half King charged all the blame upon Girty, whose iniquity in the premises the Indian prince indignantly exposed and denounced. The British Government also censured the conduct of its officers in regard to the proceedings, especially the harsh treatment of the missionaries.

While the meek and pious missionaries, amid the tears and other manifestations of grief of their people, were preparing for the journey to Detroit, intelligence of a most painful character was received. Being pressed by hunger at Sandusky, a considerable number of the Moravian Indians, with some of their families, had been allowed to return to their former habitations on the Muskingum, to secure their corn, and such other provisions as they could find, and forward the same from time to time to their suffering brethren. Unhappily, while this peaceable party were thus engaged at Salem and Gnadenhuetten, the weather being favorable for the operations of scalping parties, a few hostile Indians of Sandusky had made a descent upon the Pennsylvania frontier, and murdered the family of Mr. William Wallace, consisting of his wife and five or six children. A man named John Carpenter was taken prisoner at the same time.

Enraged at these outrages, a band of between one and two hundred men, from the settlements of the Monongahela, turned out in quest of the marauders, thirsting for vengeance, under the command of Colonel David Williamson. Each man provided himself with arms, ammunition, and provisions, and the greater number were mounted. They bent their course directly for the settlements of Salem and Gnadenhuetten, arriving within a mile of the latter place at the close of the second day's march. Colonel Gibson, commanding at Pittsburgh, having heard of Williamson's expedition, despatched messengers to apprise the Indians of the circumstance, but they arrived too late.

It was on the morning of the 7th of March that Williamson and his gang reached the settlement of Gnadenhuetten, the very day on which the Indians, having accomplished their labors, were bundling up their luggage for retracing their steps to Sandusky. Some of their number, however, were yet in the fields gathering corn, as were many others in the town of Salem, at no great distance thence. The party of Williamson divided themselves into three detachments, so disposed as to approach the settlements from as many different points at once. The Indians had indeed been apprised of Williamson's approach by four Delaware Indians on the day before; but, conscious of their own innocence, and least of all anticipating harm from the Americans, they continued in their pacific occupations without suspicion of danger.

When within a short distance of the settlement, though yet in the woods, the advance guard of one of Williamson's divisions met a young Indian half-blood, named Joseph Shabosh, whom they murdered in the most cruel and wanton manner. The youth was catching horses, when he was shot at and wounded so badly that he could not escape. He then informed them who he was; stated that his father was a white man and a Christian; and begged for his life. But they regarded not his entreaties. His arm had been broken by the first shot. He was killed by a second, tomahawked and scalped, and cut into pieces with the hatchets of his murderers. Another Indian youth, a brother-in-law of young Shabosh, who was engaged in binding corn, about one hundred and fifty yards from the town, saw the white men approaching. Knowing some of them, however, and supposing them to be friends, he addressed them as such. But he was soon undeceived. He saw them shoot one of his Indian brethren who was crossing the river in a canoe, and immediately ran away in affright. Unfortunately, in his panic he ran from the village instead of toward it, so that no alarm was given until the Americans had quite proceeded into the heart of the town.

Many of the Indians were scattered over the fields at work, and were hailed by Williamson's men representing themselves as "friends and brothers, who had come purposely from Fort Pitt to relieve them from the distress brought upon them by the enemy, on account of their being friends to the American people." The Indians, not doubting their sincerity, gave credence to their professions, and walking up to them, thanked them for their kindness. Their treacherous visitors next persuaded them to cease work and go into the village; as it was their purpose to take them to Fort Pitt, in order to their greater security from the Wyandots, where they would be abundantly supplied with all they might want. Delighted with such an unexpected friendly visitation, the Indians mingled with the strangers with the utmost cordiality, walking and conversing with them like old acquaintances. They delivered up their arms, and began with all alacrity to prepare food for their refreshment. Meantime a messenger was despatched to Salem, "to inform the brethren and sisters there of what had taken place at Gnadenhuetten; the messenger giving it as his opinion that perhaps God had ordained it so, that they should not perish upon the barrens of Sandusky, and that those people were sent to relieve them."

Pleased with the communication, and yet unwilling to act precipitately, the party at Salem deputed two of their number to confer with their brethren and the white men at Gnadenhuetten. Communications were interchanged, which were mutually satisfactory. The dissembling of Williamson and his men was so complete as to win the entire confidence of the simple-minded people; and at the solicitation of the party at Gnadenhuetten, those at Salem came over and joined their insidious visitors, for the purpose of removing to the white settlements, where, as they were farther assured, all their wants would be supplied by the Moravian brethren at Bethlehem. A party of Williamson's men were detached to Salem to assist in bringing all the Indians and their effects to Gnadenhuetten; and, still farther to win upon the easy confidence of their victims, this precious collection of assassins made zealous professions of piety, and discoursed to the Indians, and among each other, upon religious subjects. On leaving Salem, the white men applied the torch to the houses and church of the village, under the pretext of depriving the hostile Indians of their benefit.

Having, like their brethren at Gnadenhuetten, delivered up all their arms, their axes, hatchets, and working-tools, under the stipulation that they were all to be returned to them at Pittsburgh, the party from Salem set out with light hearts to enjoy the white man's kind protection. But on approaching the other village, their apprehensions were awakened, by marks in the sand, as though an Indian had recently been weltering there in his blood. They, nevertheless, proceeded to the village to join their brethren; but on their arrival thither a sad change came over their waking dream of happiness. Instead of being treated as Christian friends and brothers, they were at once roughly designated as warriors and prisoners; and already, previous to their arrival, had their brethren, sisters, and children at Gnadenhuetten, been seized and confined for the purpose of being put to death. The party from Salem were now completely within the toils of their enemies. They could neither fight nor fly. Besides that their religious creed forbade them to do the one, they had no weapons of defence, and they were surrounded by armed men, who would not suffer them to escape.

As a pretext for this usage, Williamson and his men now charged them with having stolen their horses, and all their working tools and furniture--charges not only untrue, but known to be so by their accusers. A more humble, devout, and exemplary community of Christians, probably, was not at that day to be found in the new world. Under the untiring instructions of their missionaries, they had been taught the dress and practices of civilized life. They were tillers of the soil, and had become so well acquainted with the usages of society, and were so well furnished with the necessaries and some of the luxuries of life, that they could set a comfortable table and a cup of coffee before a stranger. All the animals and articles charged upon them as having been stolen, were their own private property, honestly acquired. But their protestations of innocence, and their entreaties, alike were vain. Their betrayers were bent upon shedding their blood.

Still, the officers were unwilling to take upon themselves the exclusive responsibility of putting them to death, and the solemn farce of a council was held upon the subject. By this tribunal it was determined that the question of life or death should be decided by a vote of the whole detachment. The men were thereupon paraded, and Williamson put the question, "whether the Moravian Indians should be taken prisoners to Pittsburgh, or put to death?" requesting all in favor of saving their lives to advance in front of the line. Only sixteen or eighteen of the whole number were by this process found to be inclined to mercy, and the poor trembling prisoners were immediately admonished that they must prepare to die.

Some, indeed, there were among the blood-thirsty gang eager to commence the work of death instanter; but as the victims united in begging a short delay for their devotions, the request was granted. "Then, asking pardon for whatever offence they had given or grief they had occasioned to each other, the Indians kneeled down, offering prayers to God their Saviour--and kissing one another under a flood of tears, fully resigned to his will, they sang praises unto Him, in the joyful hope that they would soon be relieved from all pains, and join their Redeemer in everlasting bliss. During the time of their devotions, the murderers were consulting on the manner in which they would put them to death." Some were for setting fire to the houses, and dispatching them as by an auto da fe; others were for killing them outright, and bearing their scalps as trophies back to their homes; while those who had opposed the execution yet protested against "the deep damnation of their taking off," and withdrew. Impatient of delay, the blood-thirsty wretches interrupted the last hymn they could sing in this world, and demanded if they were not ready for death. They were answered in the affirmative--the victims adding: "That they had commended their immortal souls to God, who had given them the assurance in their hearts that he would receive their souls." Then seizing a mallet from a cooper's shop, one of the ruffians commenced the work of murder by knocking the Indians on the head. Having killed fourteen successively in this manner, he desisted, and handing the weapon over to another, remarked--"Go on in the same way; I think I have done pretty well!" Those who had opposed the murder stood at a distance, wringing their hands, and calling God to witness "that they were innocent of the lives of these harmless Christian Indians."

The first victim in the other slaughter-house--for such both in which the Indians were confined became--was an aged Indian woman named Judith, a widow, of great piety. In a few minutes the work of death was completed. Ninety Indians, Christians and unarmed--unoffending in every respect--were murdered in cold blood. Among them were old men and matrons, young men and maidens, and infants at their mothers' breasts. Sixty-two of the number were grown persons, one third of whom were women, and the remaining thirty-four were children. Five of the slain were assistant teachers, two of whom had been exemplary members of the pious Brainard's congregation in New Jersey. The convert chief Isaac Glickhickan, was also among the slain. Only two of the captives escaped this shocking massacre. They were both young. One of them eluded the murderers by creeping unobserved into a cellar, from whence he stole into the woods; and the other having been knocked down and scalped, feigned death, and escaped after the murderers left the place. This they did not do, however, until they supposed all were dead. On completing the work, they retired for a short distance to recruit their strength; but, as though resolved that not a living soul should have the remotest chance of escape, they returned to take another look at the dead; and observing a youth, scalped and bloody, supporting himself with his hands upon the floor in order to rise, the monsters dispatched him with their hatchets! As night drew on, they set fire to the buildings, and thereupon departed for their own homes, singing and yelling with demoniac joy at the victory they had achieved. According to the accounts of the American newspapers of that day, this massacre was a very commendable transaction; it was represented that the attack of Williamson was made upon a body of warriors, who had been collecting a large quantity of provisions in the Muskingum, for supplying their own warriors and other hostile savages. It was stated, as the cause of their destruction having been so complete, that they were surprised and attacked in their cabins at night; and it was exultingly added, that "about eighty horses fell into the hands of the victors, which they loaded with the plunder, the greatest part furs and skins--and returned to the Ohio without the loss of a man!" [FN]

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[FN] Pennsylvania Gazette, April 17,1782. The author will add, in this place, that the preceding account of this unparalleled case of wholesale murder has been chiefly prepared from the accurate and laborious Heckewelder, together with extracts from Doddridge's Notes on the Indian Wars, and Loekiel, as quoted in Drake's Book of the Indians.

If through the whole extent of the voluminous records of savage wars in America, a deed of darker treachery, or of deeper atrocity, than this massacre of the Moravian Indians, is to be found, it has thus far escaped the research of the author of the present work. The uncivilized and unchristianized savages themselves were amazed at the enormity of the bloody deed. But the construction they put upon the transaction, as a providential occurrence, was curious and striking. They said they had envied the condition of their relations, the believing Indians, and could not bear to look upon their happy and peaceful lives in contrast with their own lives of privation and war. Hence they had endeavored to take them from their own tranquil homes, and draw them back, into heathenism, that they might be reduced again to a level with themselves. But the Great Spirit would not suffer it to be so, and had taken them to himself. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Heckewelder--Nar. Moravian Missions.

After this massacre, the Indians at Sandusky--not only those who were Christians, but the Wyandots, and others who were hostile, watched the movements of the whites along the Ohio with ceaseless vigilance. Two months having expired after the destruction of the Moravians, another expedition was organized to go against the Wyandots and other Indian tribes in the Sandusky country. The number of men volunteering for the campaign, was four hundred and eighty. They were mustered at the old Mingo towns on the western bank of the Ohio. An election was held for the office of Commander-in-chief of the expedition--Colonels Williamson and William Crawford being the candidates. The choice devolved upon the latter, who was an unwilling candidate, and accepted the post with reluctance. The same men who had murdered the Moravians, composed the present army in part, and the march was commenced with a determination that not the life of an Indian, friend or foe, should be spared. The expedition had been organized with great secrecy, as it was supposed; and as the men were mounted, the intention was by a rapid march to fall upon the Wyandot towns by surprise. Arriving, however, at the Moravian towns where the murders had been committed, three Indians were discovered by Crawford, who fled at a pace too rapid to be overtaken. The pursuit of them was disorderly, and from the conduct of his men on that occasion, their commander lost confidence in them, and from that moment entertained a presentiment of defeat. So far from the advance of Crawford being a secret, it ultimately appeared that the Indians had been narrowly watching his progress at every step. They saw the gathering at the Mingo towns, and counted their numbers. They had also been apprised of the resolve that "no quarter was in any instance to be given." [FN] It was to be expected, then, that at some point they would be prepared for Crawford's reception.

* * * * *

[FN] Doddridge.

Crawford and Williamson had intended first to strike upon the Moravian town on the Sandusky; but on arriving at that place, they discovered that the Indians had seasonably withdrawn so that the brave Williamson had no non-combatants to vanquish. The town was, in fact, covered with tall grass, the Indians having removed to the Scioto some time before. Crawford and Williamson then directed their course for several towns of the hostile Indians--by whom they were unexpectedly drawn into an engagement upon an open prairie, the Indian warriors themselves being concealed by the shrubbery upon its margin. Night came on before the battle was terminated; and the Indians, expecting a reinforcement from the Shawanese before morning, made their dispositions for surrounding the Americans at daylight. But when morning came, the white man was not there. The Americans, indeed, had not acquitted themselves like soldiers during the engagement of the preceding afternoon, and they availed themselves of the darkness to escape--greatly to the mortification of the Indians and their daring leader, Captain Pipe. They had encamped upon the prairie; and so silent was their flight, that some of them, not aware of the retreat, were found by the Indians in the morning still sleeping amid the tall prairie-grass, where they had laid themselves down.

An active pursuit of the fugitives took place, and many straggling parties were overtaken and cut to pieces. Upward of a hundred were thus either killed outright or taken. Among the latter were Colonel William Crawford, his son, and Doctor McKnight. The former of these gentlemen had rendered himself particularly offensive to the Indians by his successful campaigns against them, so that his capture was a triumph. It was still more unfortunate for him that he was taken while serving with such a commander as Williamson--against whom, for his cruel treachery at Gnadenhuetten, the savages were cherishing the bitterest feelings of revenge. Crawford, however, had not been engaged in that shameful affair, but being found among the same men who had murdered their friends and relations in March, the Indians could not draw the distinction. They had anxiously sought for Williamson, but on being informed that he was among the first to escape, they called out "revenge! revenge!" on whomsoever they had in their power.

Crawford would probably have made good his retreat but that he lingered behind in anxiety for his son, whom he supposed yet to be in the rear. After wandering two days in the woods with Dr. McKnight, both were taken by a party of Delawares, and conducted to the Old Wyandot town. Here Captain Pipe, with his own hands, painted the prisoners black, a certain premonition of the doom that awaited them. From thence they were taken to the New Wyandot town, passing on the way the mangled remains of a number of their fellow-captives. At the new town, the place appointed for the execution of Crawford, they found the noted Simon Girty. It had been decided that Crawford should die by the most aggravated torture, to atone in some degree for the murders by Williamson and his men at Gnadenhuetten. After he was bound to the fatal post, the surviving Christian Indians were called upon to come forth and take vengeance on the prisoner; but they had withdrawn, and their savage relations stepped forward in their stead. Before the work of torture was commenced, Captain Pipe addressed the Indians at some length, and in the most earnest manner, at the close of which they all joined in a hideous yell, and prepared for the work in hand. The fire was kindled, when it occurred to poor Crawford, that among the sachems he had a particular friend, named Wingemund. "Where is my friend Wingemund?" he asked, "I wish to see him." It is true that this chief had been the warm friend of Colonel Crawford, by whom he had been entertained at his own house. Under these circumstances Crawford indulged, a faint degree of hope, that if he could see the chief, his life might yet be saved. Wingemund was not far distant, having, in fact, retired from the place of execution, that he might not behold what he could not prevent. He was sent for, however, and an interesting and even affecting conversation ensued between himself and the prisoner. This conversation was commenced by Crawford, who asked the chief if he knew him. He replied that he believed he did, and asked--"Are you not Colonel Crawford?" "I am," replied the Colonel; and the conversation was thus continued--the chief discovering much agitation and embarrassment, and ejaculating--"So!--Yes!--Indeed!"

"Colonel Crawford. Do you not recollect the friendship that always existed between us, and that we were always glad to see each other?

"Sachem. Yes, I remember all this; and that we have often drunk together, and that you have been kind to me.

"Col. C. Then I hope the same friendship still continues.

"Sachem. It would, of course, were you where you ought to be, and not here.

"Col. C. And why not here? I hope you would not desert a friend in time of need; now is the time for you to exert yourself in my behalf, as I should do for you were you in my place.

"Sachem. Colonel Crawford, you have placed yourself in a situation which puts it out of my power, and that of others of your friends, to do any thing for you.

"Col. C. How so, Captain Wingemund?

"Sachem. By joining yourself to that execrable man, Williamson, and his party. The man who, but the other day, murdered such a number of the Moravian Indians, knowing them to be friends; knowing that he ran no risk in murdering a people who would not fight, and whose only business was praying.

"Col. C. But, I assure you, Wingemund, that had I been with him at the time, this would not have happened. Not I alone, but all your friends, and all good men, reprobate acts of this kind.

"Sachem. That may be, yet these friends, these good men, did not prevent him from going out again to kill the remainder of those inoffensive yet foolish Moravian Indians. I say foolish, because they believed the whites in preference to us. We had often told them that they would one day be so treated by those people who called themselves their friends. We told them there was no faith to be placed in what the white men said; that their fair promises were only intended to allure, that they might the more easily kill us, as they have done many Indians before they killed those Moravians.

"Col. C. I am sorry to hear you speak thus. As to Williamson's going out again, when it was known that he was determined on it, I went out with him to prevent him from committing fresh murders.

"Sachem. This the Indians would not believe, were I to tell them so.

"Col. C. And why would they not believe it?

"Sachem. Because it would have been out of your power to prevent his doing what he pleased.

"Col. C. Out of my power? Have any Moravian Indians been, killed or hurt since we came out?

"Sachem. None. But you went first to their town, and finding it empty and deserted, you turned on the path toward us. If you had been in search of warriors only, you would not have gone thither. Our spies watched you closely. They saw you while you were embodying yourselves on the other side of the Ohio. They saw you cross that river; they saw where you encamped at night; they saw you turn off from the path to the deserted Moravian town; they knew you were going out of your way; your steps were constantly watched; and you were suffered quietly to proceed until you reached the spot where you were attacked.

"Col. C. (With emotion.) What do they intend to do with me?

"Sachem. I tell you with grief. As Williamson, with his whole cowardly host, ran off in the night at the whistling of our warriors' balls, being satisfied that now he had no Moravians to deal with, but men who could fight, and with such he did not wish to have any thing to do; I say, as he has escaped, and they have taken you, they will take revenge on you in his stead.

"Col. C. And is there no possibility of preventing this? Can you devise no way to get me off? You shall, my friend, be well rewarded, if you are instrumental in saving my life.

"Sachem. Had Williamson been taken with you, I and some friends, by making use of what you have told me, might, perhaps, have succeeded in saving you; but as the matter now stands, no man would dare to interfere in your behalf. The King of England himself were he to come to this spot with all his wealth and treasure, could not effect this purpose. The blood of the innocent Moravians, more than half of them women and children, cruelly and wantonly murdered, calls aloud for revenge. The relatives of the slain, who are among us, cry out and stand ready for revenge. The Shawanese, our grand-children, have asked for your fellow-prisoner; on him they will take revenge. All the nations connected with us cry out, revenge! revenge! The Moravians, whom you went to destroy, having fled instead of avenging their brethren, the offence has become national, and the nation itself is bound to take revenge.

"Col. C. My fate is then fixed, and I must prepare to meet death in its worst form.

"Sachem. Yes, Colonel. I am sorry for it, but I cannot do any thing for you. Had you attended to the Indian principle, that good and evil cannot dwell together in the same heart, so a good man ought not to go into evil company, you would not have been in this lamentable situation. You see now, when it is too late, after Williamson has deserted you, what a bad man he must be. Nothing now remains for you but to meet your fate like a brave man. Farewell, Colonel Crawford! They are coming. I will retire to a solitary spot." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Heckewelder's Indian Nations.

On turning away from his friend, whom it was not in his power to assist, it is said the old Sachem was affected to tears, and could never afterward speak of the incident without deep emotion. The moment the chief had left the Colonel, a number of the executioners rushed upon him, and commenced the work of torture, which was in progress three hours before the victim fell upon his face and expired with a groan. During the proceedings against him, he was continually and bitterly upbraided for the conduct of the white men at Gnadenhuetten. If not himself a participator in that atrocious affair, they reproached him for having now come against them with the worst kind of murderers--such as even Indians had not among them. "Indians," said they, "kill their enemies, but not their friends. When once they have stretched forth their hand, and given that endearing name, they do not kill. But how was it with the believing Indians on the Muskingum? You professed friendship for them. You hailed and welcomed them as such. You protested they should receive no harm from you. And what did you afterward to them? They neither ran from you, nor fired a single shot on your approach. And yet you called them warriors, knowing they were not such! Did you ever hear warriors pray to God, and sing praises to him, as they did? Could not the shrieks and cries of the innocent little children excite you to pity, and to save their lives? No! you did not! You would have the Indians believe you are Christians, because you have the Great Book among you, and yet you are murderers in your hearts! Never would the unbelieving Indians have done what you did, although the Great Spirit has not put his Book into their hands as into yours! The Great Spirit taught you to read all that he wanted you to do, and what he forbade that you should do. These Indians believed all that they were told was in that Book, and believing, strove to act accordingly. We knew you better than they did. We often warned them to beware of you and your pretended friendship; but they would not believe us. They believed nothing but good of you, and for this they paid with their lives." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Heckewelder's Narrative of the Moravian Missions. "There was farther a circumstance much against this unfortunate man, which enraged the Indians to a high degree. It was reported that the Indian spies sent to watch their movements, on examining a camp which Crawford and Williamson had left, west of the Ohio, had found on trees peeled for the purpose, the words, written with coal and other mineral substances--'No quarters to be given to an Indian, whether man, woman, or child.' When the Indians find inscriptions on trees or other substances, they are in the habit of making exact copies of them, which they preserve until they find some one to read or interpret them. Such was the fact in the present case, and the inscription was sufficient to enrage them."--Idem.

It was, indeed, most unhappy for Colonel Crawford, that he had been captured in such company; but never were reproaches more righteously heaped upon the heads of the guilty than on this occasion. Never was the scorpion lash of satire more justly inflicted--could but the really guilty have been there to feel its withering rebuke. The son of Colonel Crawford, himself doomed to the same fate, was present with Dr. Knight, {sic} and obliged to behold the torture, and listen to the agonising ejaculations of his parent, without being able to render assistance or offer a word of consolation. [FN] The sufferings of the son followed close upon those of the father; but with Dr. Knight it was otherwise. He was reserved for sacrifice by the Shawanese, and while on his way thither contrived to escape, and, after twenty-one days of hardship and hunger in the wilderness, succeeded in gaining Fort McIntosh.

* * * * *

[FN] Withren's Chronicles, quoted by Drake in his Book of the Indians. Dr. Ramsay says it was Colonel Crawford's son-in-law who was present, and subsequently underwent the same fate.

The defeat of Colonel Boon at the Blue Licks in August, the massacre of the Moravian Indians, and the fate of Crawford and his expedition, are the last tales of blood connected with the American Revolution. It is true that in September following, a large body of Indians laid siege to the fort at Wheeling, but the siege was raised without farther bloodshed than the death of one man in the fort and of three or four without. A barn was burnt at Rice's fort, which was also invested, but not seriously, and the Indians withdrew to their own wilds. Should the details of the last few pages be considered rather too ample for the general plan of the present work, it must be remembered that the awarding of justice to the Indian character also entered largely into its design. The transaction on the Muskingum forms one of the darkest pages in the records of civilized war; unsurpassed, certainly, if not unparalleled, in the history, written or unwritten, of the whole aboriginal race. The victims were not only innocent and harmless, but, obedient to the precepts of their religion, offered no resistance to their hypocritical murderers, and poured out their blood like water--crimson libations in sacrifice to the white man's rapacity and hate. Nor can the Indians be censured for the fate of Crawford.

With the exception of the Indian details in the present chapter, the year 1782 passed away without furnishing any military operations of moment, under the immediate direction of the respective Commanders-in-chief. Sir Guy Carleton had probably been restrained from offensive war by instructions conforming to the pacific vote of the House of Commons, cited in the early part of the present chapter; while the condition of the American army, had Washington been otherwise disposed, disabled him from making any attempt on the posts in possession of the British. Generals Greene and Wayne had reconquered the south; and Sir Guy Carleton had directed the officers of his Majesty in the north to send out no more Indian expeditions and to recall those already on foot. Still, notwithstanding all these conciliatory indications, there remained a possibility that the conflict was not yet ended. A change of ministers in England might produce a change of policy. In view of this uncertainty, the Commander-in-chief relaxed none of his efforts during the year to preserve the discipline of the army, and keep the country in an attitude of defence. In pursuance of this policy, in the month of January, 1783, news of the signing of a treaty of peace not having yet been received, the Commander-in-chief conceived the project of surprising and obtaining possession of the important fortress of Oswego. It was the occupation of this post which gave the British such ready facilities for intriguing with the Six Nations on the one hand, and for pouring their motley battalions down upon the American settlements; and the Commander-in-chief judged wisely, that in the event of another campaign the possession of that fortress would be of the first consequence to the Americans, being then one of the most formidable military defences on the Continent.

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[FN] Marshall.

Having determined to attempt its capture by surprise, the execution of the project was confided to Colonel Willett. With the utmost secrecy therefore, as to destination, the troops of his command were suddenly assembled at Fort Herkimer on the eighth of February. Commencing their march immediately, on the night of the 9th they crossed the Oneida lake, and arrived at Oswego Falls, a few miles only from the fortress, by two o'clock P. M. on the following day. With the small force under his command, and without the means of prosecuting a siege, it was of course necessary to carry the works by escalade if at all. Halting, therefore, at the Falls, the necessary ladders were constructed and the march was resumed. At 10 o'clock in the evening they were within four miles of the fort. After which, having marched about two hours, and not coming in sight of the point of destination, an investigation of the cause was undertaken, when, to the astonishment and mortification of the Commander, and to the vexation of the whole corps, it was ascertained that, by diverging from the river, their guide, a young Oneida Indian, had lost his way. The situation was, indeed, awkward and perplexing. They had been at one time nearly within speaking distance of the works, and the shout of victory was almost raised in anticipation, when suddenly they discovered that they were lost in a deep forest, in the depth of winter, and amid mountains of snow. It was too late to prosecute the enterprise any farther that night. They could not remain in the vicinity of the fortress over the ensuing day without being discovered. And the instructions of the Commander-in-chief were peremptory, that if they failed in surprising the fort, the attempt would be unwarrantable. The only alternative, therefore, was to relinquish the enterprise, and reluctantly retrace their steps. It was a sad mistake of the poor Indian, but not an error of design. The march had been one of great severity and fatigue. The guide had led them into a swamp, and while they were standing still, after discovering themselves to be lost, so cold was the weather, that the feet of some of the men froze into the mire. The return march was even more painful still, because of the lameness of some and the varied sufferings of others. One man was frozen to death. But all happened well in the end, for on Colonel Willett's return to Fort Rensselaer, and thence to Albany, he arrived at the ancient Dutch capital just in season to hear the welcome news of peace proclaimed by the Town Clerk at the City Hall, and to mingle his rejoicings with those of the inhabitants.

An agreement for the cessation of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain was signed by the respective commissioners of the two powers on the 20th of January, upon the basis of the articles stipulated in Paris on the 30th of the preceding November. And on the 24th of March, a letter was received from the Marquis de Lafayette, announcing a general peace. On the 11th of April Congress issued its proclamation, declaring the cessation of arms by sea and land.

In regard to the failure of Colonel Willett's last expedition, no possible censure was imputable to him. In reply to the Colonel's official account of the affair, General Washington wrote a characteristic letter, approving of his conduct, and consoling him for his disappointment. "Unfortunate as the circumstance is," said the Commander-in-chief, "I am happy in the persuasion that no imputation or reflection can justly reach your character; and that you are enabled to derive much consolation from the animated zeal, fortitude, and activity of the officers and soldiers who accompanied you. The failure, it seems, must be attributed to some of those unaccountable events which are not within the control of human means, and which, though they often occur in military life, yet require, not only the fortitude of the soldier, but the calm reflection of the philosopher to bear. I cannot omit expressing to you the high sense I entertain of your persevering exertions and zeal on this expedition; and beg you to accept my warm thanks on the occasion; and that you will be pleased to communicate my gratitude to the officers and men who acted under your command, for the share they had in that service."

Thus ends the history of the border wars of the American Revolution--the principal theatres of which were in the districts north and west of Albany. The vale of the Mohawk, including its intersecting valley of the Schoharie-kill, was among the most thickly populated and wealthy agricultural districts of the country at the commencement of the war. The productiveness of its soil, and the riches of its people, rendered it ever an inviting object of plunder to the enemy--especially to the savages, and the swarms of refugees who had fled from the country, and were sharing a precarious livelihood among the Indian wigwams and in the wilds of Canada. Its geographical position, moreover, rendered it the most easily assailable of any well-peopled section of the whole Union; while at the same time the larger armies of the enemy were employed elsewhere, and of course required the greatest portion of the physical strength of the country elsewhere to oppose them. The consequence of these, and other circumstances that might be enumerated, was, that no other section or district of country in the United States, of the like extent, suffered in any comparable degree as much from the war of the Revolution as did that of the Mohawk. It was the most frequently invaded and overrun; and that, too, by an enemy far more barbarous than the native barbarians of the forest. Month after month, for seven long years, were its towns and villages, its humbler settlements and isolated habitations, fallen upon by an untiring and relentless enemy, until, at the close of the contest, the appearance of the whole district was that of wide-spread, heart-sickening, and universal desolation. In no other section of the confederacy were so many campaigns performed, so many battles fought, so many dwellings burnt, or so many murders committed. And those who were left at the return of peace, were literally a people "scattered and peeled." It was the computation, two years before the close of the war, that one third of the population had gone over to the enemy, and that one third had been driven from the country, or slain in battle and by private assassination. And yet, among the inhabitants of the other remaining third, in June, 1783, it was stated, at a public meeting held at Fort Plain, that there were three hundred widows and two thousand orphan children. But with the news of peace the dispersed population began to return to the sites of their former homes. [FN] Their houses were rebuilt, and their farms once more brought into cultivation; while different and not less enterprising occupants, deriving their titles from the state, took possession of the confiscated lands of those who had adhered to the cause of the crown. The spirit of industry and enterprise, so characteristic of the American people, was not long in imparting a new aspect to the scene; and Tryon County, exchanging her name for that of the patriot Montgomery, soon smiled through her tears.

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[FN] Along with the returning patriots, as Satan was wont in the olden time occasionally to present himself in better company, some of the Tories began to steal back into the country they had forsaken, and assisted to drench in tears of blood. But the Whig population would not endure their presence. The preceding narrative of events has shown that the Tryon County loyalists, who had taken arms in company with the Indians, were far more revengeful and bloody than were the Indians themselves. It is no marvel, therefore, that a feeling of peculiar bitterness against them existed in the bosoms of those who had suffered so keenly at their hands. These feelings were embodied and declared at two public meetings held in different sections of Tryon County, in June, 1783; for which, see Appendix, No. V.

Other scenes and other wars will afford materials for the remaining chapters of the present volumes, as connected with the subsequent life and career of Joseph Brant--Thayendanegea.

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Chapter VIII

The Treaty of Peace--Neglect of her Indian allies by Great Britain--Brant's negotiations with General Haldimand for a new territory--The Senecas invite the Mohawks to settle in the Genesee Valley--Declined--The Grand River country granted to the Mohawks by Sir Frederick Haldimand--Indian policy of the United States--Views of Washington and General Schuyler--Treaty with the Six Nations at Fort Stanwix--Corn-planter and Red Jacket take opposite aides--Peace with the Six Nations--Dissatisfaction of the Indians--Of Thayendanegea in particular--Letter of Brant to Colonel Monroe--Relinquishes his design of going then to England--Returns to Grand River--Differences of opinion with Sir John Johnson--Brant sails for England in the Autumn of 1785--His arrival--Glimpses of his ulterior designs--His distinguished reception--Enters upon the business of his mission--Letter to Lord Sidney--Speech of Brant to Lord Sidney--Letter of Lord Sidney in reply--Question of half-pay--Brant's Letter to Sir Evan Nepean--His associations with the great--Keen sarcasm upon a nobleman--Striking incident at a grand masquerade--Brant's attention to the moral wants of his people--His return to Canada.

The treaty of November, 1782, restoring peace between the United States and Great Britain, and recognising the unconditional independence of the former, was such as to gratify every reasonable wish of the American people. In regard to questions of boundary and the fisheries, it was, indeed, more liberal than their allies, France and Spain, desired. Professedly, France had drawn the sword in behalf of the United States; but the negotiations for peace presented the singular fact, that but for the diplomacy of the former, the treaty of peace would have been sooner completed. The negotiation was a work of intricacy, requiring skill, penetration, judgment, and great firmness on the part of the American commissioners--qualities which their success proved them to possess in an eminent degree. But, although the American treaty was first definitively concluded, less than two months elapsed before preliminary articles of peace were agreed upon and signed between Great Britain, France, and Spain; France having the satisfaction of seeing her great rival dismembered of the fairest portion of her American possessions, as she herself had been by that very power twenty years before.

In the treaty with the United States, however, Great Britain had made no stipulation in behalf of her Indian allies. Notwithstanding the alacrity with which the aboriginals, especially the Mohawks, had entered the service of the crown--notwithstanding their constancy, their valor, the readiness with which they had spilt their blood, and the distinguished services of their Great Captain, Thayendanegea, the loyal red man was not even named in the treaty; while "the ancient country of the Six Nations, the residence of their ancestors from the time far beyond their earliest traditions, was included within the boundary granted to the Americans." [FN-1] What with the descent of Colonel Van Schaick upon the Onondagas, and the expedition of General Sullivan into their territory farther west, their whole country had been ravaged with fire and sword; and the Mohawks, in particular, had sacrificed the entire of their own rich and beautiful country. It appears, however, that when the Mohawks first abandoned their native valley to embark in his Majesty's service, Sir Guy Carleton had given a pledge, that as soon as the war was at an end they should be restored, at the expense of the government, to the condition they were in before the contest began. In April, 1779, General Haldimand, then Captain General and Commander-in-chief in Canada, ratified the promise of his predecessor, pledging himself, under hand and seal, as far as in him lay, to its faithful execution "as soon as that happy time should come." [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] MS. memorial of the Six Nations, presented to Lord Camden by Teyoninhokarawen, commonly called John Norton.

[FN-2] MS. order of General Haldimand, among the Brant papers.

At the close of the war the Mohawks were temporarily residing on the American side of the Niagara river, in the vicinity of the old landing-place above the fort. The Senecas, who had been in closer alliance with the Mohawks during the war than any other of the Six Nations, and who had themselves been chiefly induced by the former to take up the hatchet against the United States, offered them a tract of land in the valley of the Genesee. But, as Captain Brant long afterward said in one of his speeches, the Mohawks were determined "to sink or swim" with the English; and besides, they did not wish to reside within the boundaries of the United States. The generous offer of the Senecas was therefore declined, and the Mohawk Chief proceeded to Montreal to confer with the Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, Sir John Johnson, and from thence to Quebec, to claim from General Haldimand, the Commander-in-chief, the fulfillment of his pledge. The General received the warrior with great kindness, and evinced every disposition to fulfill the pledge in the most honorable manner. The tract upon which the chief had fixed his attention was situated upon the Bay de Quinte, on the north side of the St. Lawrence, or rather of Lake Ontario; and at his request General Haldimand agreed that it should be purchased and conveyed to the Mohawks.

On the return of Thayendanegea to Niagara, the Senecas were disappointed at the arrangement, and pained at the idea that their friends were to be located at so wide a distance from them. They were apprehensive that their troubles with the United States were not yet at an end; and were, therefore, exceedingly desirous that the Mohawks should reside so near as to assist them in arms if necessary, or afford them an asylum should they be obliged to flee from the oppression of the United States. Under these circumstances Captain Brant convened a council of his people, and it was resolved that he should make a second visit to Quebec, and, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, request another and more convenient territory. The country upon the Ouise, or Grand River, flowing into Lake Erie some forty miles above the Falls of Niagara, was indicated to General Haldimand as a location every way convenient, not only for maintaining a ready intercourse with the residue of the Six Nations, but also as affording facilities for corresponding with the nations and tribes of the upper lakes. His Excellency approved of the suggestion, and promptly ordered a second purchase to be made in conformity with the request. On inquiring the extent of the territory expected by the Mohawks, the Captain replied, "Six miles on each side of the river, from the mouth to its source." With assurances that the grant should be formally secured in fee, in due season, the chief returned once more to Niagara, and shortly afterward entered into possession of the lands allotted for the new home of his people. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] This narrative of facts is derived from a long speech of Captain Brant, made in council, to Gov. Simcoe, in 1795, a copy of which is preserved among the Brant papers.

In the Autumn of 1784, having learned that General Haldimand was about returning to England, the vigilant chief repaired to Quebec a third time upon this business, in order to make sure of the title deed. The result of this visit was a formal grant by Sir Frederick Haldimand, in the name of the crown, of a tract of land "upon the banks of the river Ouise, commonly called Grand River, running into Lake Erie, of six miles breadth from each side of the river, beginning at Lake Erie, and extending in that proportion to the head of said river; which the Mohawks, and others of the Six Nations who had either lost their possessions in the war, or wished to retire from them to the British, with their posterity, were to enjoy forever." [FN-1] The course of the river Ouise is about one hundred miles, so that the grant embraced a territory of that extent in length by twelve miles in width. "This tract, though much smaller than that which they had been obliged to forsake within the United States, amply satisfied these loyal Indians, who preferred living under the protection of His Britannic Majesty, (ready to fight under his standard again, if occasion should require,) to a more extensive country." [FN-2] The district of country thus granted, is said to be alike beautiful and fertile. The Grand River rises in the interior of the country toward Lake Huron, and winds its way to Lake Erie through a long and picturesque course. It is navigable for small vessels many miles upward, and for large boats a much greater distance still. The land along its whole course is uncommonly productive.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Copy of the Grant, among the Brant papers.

[FN-2] Norton's Memorial to Lord Camden.

The policy to be observed by the United States toward the Indians residing within their borders, was a question of grave and weighty importance, and early arrested the consideration of American statesmen. Very soon after the English came into possession of the Colony of New-York, the Six Nations relinquished their own primitive right of absolute sovereignty, and placed themselves and their lands under the protection of the government of New-York, [FN-1] reserving to themselves a kind of qualified sovereignty. The immediate object of this act, on the part of the Indians, was to secure the alliance of the English in their wars with the French, and the Huron and Algonquin Indians in Canada. [FN-2] Subsequently, during the Colonial administration, the Indians were considered as separate but dependent nations. [FN-3] Aside from this circumstance, however, by the treaty of peace the sovereignty of all the Indian countries within the prescribed limits granted to the United States by Great Britain, became vested in the former, to the same extent, of course, as it had been exercised by Great Britain. With that sovereignty, moreover, the exclusive right of preemption to all the Indian lands lying within the territory of the United States also became vested in them--subject to the possessory right only of the natives. [FN-4] These rights had been acquired by England by discovery, which, under the practice of the European nations, was held to be equivalent to conquest; and although the natives were admitted to possess a just and legal claim, as the original occupants of the soil, to retain and use it according to their own discretion, still they were not allowed to dispose of the soil at their own will, except to the government claiming the right of preemption. [FN-5] Such was the practice of Spain, France, Holland, and England; and as early as 1782, Mr. Jay, then the American Minister at the Court of Madrid, in his correspondence with the Count d'Aranda, asserted the adoption of the same principle on the part of the United States. [FN-6] But while the right of sovereignty, as it had been exercised by England, passed over to the United States by virtue of the treaty, under the complicated system of the confederacy, the preemptive right to the soil became vested in the respective States within whose boundaries or grants they were situated--the States themselves being so many sovereign powers in all matters of national import which had not been specially conceded to the Government of the Union under the Articles of Confederation.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Kent's Commentaries, vol. iii. p. 399.

[FN-2] Colden's Canada.

[FN-3] Kent's Commentaries.

[FN-4] Kent's Commentaries, vol. i. p. 257.

[FN-5] Idem, vol. iii. p. 379.

[FN-6] Life and Writings of John Jay.

The treatment of the Six Nations by the Dutch Colonial Government had been kind and liberal. So, also, had it been under the Colonial Government of England--the Indians, in no instance, being dispossessed of a rood of ground, except by purchase. Immediately on the conclusion of the war, however, England having made no stipulation in behalf of the Indians, a disposition was manifested by the Legislature of New-York to expel the Six Nations from all the country within the bounds of that state, which had not been ceded by them previous to the war. [FN] This disposition, which seems, likewise, to have been entertained to some extent in other states, was viewed with great concern by Generals Washington and Schuyler, who united in the opinion that such a line of policy would be alike injudicious, inhuman, and unjust. General Schuyler addressed a memorial to Congress upon the subject in July. Coinciding entirely in the sentiments of Schuyler, Washington followed up that communication by a long letter to James Duane, then in Congress, in September. The views of these gentlemen were, that the most liberal and humane policy should be adopted in respect to the Indians. True, they had taken up the hatchet in favor of the crown, and by a rigid construction of the laws of conquest, they might be dispossessed of their lands, and driven, with their allies, north beyond the lakes. But General Washington strongly urged, that while the Indians should be informed of the strict right of the United States to deal thus severely with them, and compel them to share the same evil fortune with those whom they had chosen for their allies, nevertheless, looking upon them as a people who had been deluded into the service of the crown, they should be allowed honorable terms of peace, and to retain the possession of lands and hunting grounds, to be designated by treaty, within the boundaries of which they should not be molested. It was the desire of Washington, that with regard to these children of the forest, a veil should be drawn over the past, and that they should be taught that their true interest and safety must henceforward depend upon the cultivation of amicable relations with the United States. In regard to the Six Nations, he thought the course which the Legislature of New-York seemed desirous of pursuing would involve the country in another Indian war, since the Indians would never surrender their whole territory without another struggle; while he justly held that all the territory that was actually wanted by the people of the United States might be obtained by negotiation and compromise. As a general principle, moreover, it was held that, in all time to come, it would be much cheaper to obtain cessions of land from the Indians, from time to time, as they should be required for the extension of settlements, by purchase, than to acquire them by conquest--to say nothing of the sufferings, the evils, and the guilt of war. Upon this whole subject of Indian policy there was an entire coincidence of opinion between Washington and Schuyler. Most happily it prevailed, and the subsequent cession by the states of their Indian lands to the general government, facilitated the benevolent action of the latter under that system; the wisdom of which, irrespective of its justice and humanity, has become every year more apparent since.

* * * * *

[FN] Letter of Washington to James Duane, Sept 7, 1783.

It was while the Mohawk chief was occupied in making his final arrangements with the Canadian Commander-in-chief, as has been seen a few pages back, that the sachems and warriors of the Six Nations were holding a treaty with the United States at Fort Stanwix. At this negotiation, the Mohawks, Onondagas, Senecas, Oneidas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, and Seneca-Abeal [FN-1] nations were represented. The Commissioners on the part of the United States were Oliver Wolcott, Richard Butler, and Arthur Lee. The records of this treaty, containing the speeches interchanged on the occasion, seem not to have been preserved, as has been usual in diplomatic matters with the Indians. Nothing appears upon the subject among the Indian state-papers at the seat of Government, save the naked result of the council, in the form of a very brief treaty, signed by the nations represented instead of the several chiefs. It is known, however, that among the leading chiefs who took an active part in the negotiations, were the Corn-planter and Red Jacket; and enough is to be gathered from the records of subsequent transactions with the Indians, to afford a general idea of the course of these proceedings. Beyond doubt the representatives of the Six Nations at that council were opposed to a separate negotiation with the United States. Their desire was, that no definitive treaty of peace and boundaries should be concluded, unless the whole ground was covered at once; and, as a consequence, they strenuously urged that the Hurons, Ottawas, Shawanese, Chippewas, Delawares, Pottawattamies, the Wabash Confederates, and the Cherokees, should be represented, in order that the whole question of boundaries, on all the Indian borders, might be determined. [FN-2] But the Commissioners on the part of the United States would listen to no such delay. The Six Nations, as such, had taken up the hatchet in favor of the crown, and it was determined to punish them by a dismemberment of their territory. Red Jacket, a somewhat younger chief than the Corn-planter, was opposed to a burial of the hatchet, and spoke with great eloquence and vehemence in favor of a continuance of the war by the Indians on their own account. "His speech was a masterpiece, and every warrior who heard him was carried away with his eloquence." [FN-3] The Corn-planter was a wiser man than his junior associate. He saw the folly of a war to be waged by the Indians single-handed against the United States, and he exerted himself with all his power in favor of peace. He saw that the only alternative of his people was the relinquishment of a portion of their territory by compromise, or the loss of the whole by force. His efforts were in the end successful, and on the 22d of October a treaty was signed, by which the United States gave peace to the Mohawks, Senecas, Onondagas, and Cayugas--the four hostile nations of the confederacy--and received them under their protection on condition that all the prisoners, white and black, in the possession of the said nations, should be delivered up; the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were secured in the possession of the lands then in their occupation; the Six Nations at the same time relinquishing all claims to the country west of a line beginning at the mouth of the Oyonwayea Creek, flowing into Lake Ontario four miles east of Niagara; thence southerly, but preserving a line four miles east of the carrying path, to the mouth of the Tehoseroron, or Buffalo Creek; thence to the north boundary of Pennsylvania; thence west to the end of that boundary; and thence south along the Pennsylvania line, to the river Ohio. All the Six Nations were to be secured in the possession of the lands they were then occupying; and six hostages were to be delivered to the United States, to remain in their possession until all the prisoners, whose liberation was stipulated, should be surrendered by the Indians. [FN-4] There was likewise a stipulation that the Indians should deliver up certain persons of their own people, who were considered very great offenders, to be tried by the civil laws of the United States. Two persons were surrendered under this stipulation; but the Indians afterward complained, that, instead of being tried according to law, they were wrested from the hands of the magistrate by some of the lowest of the white people, and immediately put to death. [FN-5]

* * * * *

[FN-1] The clan of the Senecas residing with the Corn-planter on the Allegheny.

[FN-2] Speech of the united Indian nations at a confederate council, holden at the month of the Detroit River, November and December, 1786.

[FN-3] Drake, who translates from Levasseur's Lafayette in America. The Marquis de Lafayette was present at the treaty, and, when visited by Red Jacket at Buffalo, during his tour through the United States in 1824-25, the General was reminded by the venerable chief of the circumstance of their former meeting at Fort Stanwix. This is the earliest account given of the eloquence of the man of the woods who afterward became so renowned for his oratory.

[FN-4] Vide the treaty itself, American State Papers, Indian Affairs, vol. i. Originally the Five Nations claimed "all the land not sold to the English, from the mouth of Sorel River, on the south side of Lakes Erie and Ontario, on both sides of the Ohio until it falls into the Mississippi; and on the north side of those lakes, that whole territory between the Ottawa river and Lake Huron, and even beyond the straights between that and Lake Erie."--Smith's History.

[FN-5] Speech of Big Tree, Corn-planter, and Half-Town, to President Washington, in 1790.

The result of this negotiation gave great dissatisfaction to the Indians generally; and the crafty Red Jacket afterward availed himself of the advantages of his position, in stealing the hearts of the Senecas from the Corn-planter to himself. The Mohawk chief, Thayendanegea, was likewise highly displeased with the conditions of the treaty, the more so, doubtless, from the circumstance that Captain Aaron Hill, a subordinate chief of the Mohawk nation, was detained as one of the hostages under the treaty. When he heard of the proceedings, the old chief was at Quebec. He had completed his business with Sir Frederick Haldimand, and was on the point of embarking for England, to adjust the claims of his nation upon the crown for their sacrifices during the war. The design of going abroad was immediately relinquished for that season, and Captain Brant hastened back to his own country, to look after the welfare of his own people at home. He arrived at Cataraqui on the 27th of November, and two days afterward addressed a long letter to Colonel James Monroe, [FN] in which, after expressing a wish that the letter may find the Colonel in health, and thanking him for some recent personal civilities, he says--

* * * * *

[FN] Whether the Colonel Monroe, to whom this letter was addressed, was the late President of the United States, the author has not ascertained; and if so, it does not appear how he was connected with the Fort Stanwix treaty.

"I was at Quebec, getting ready to set off from thence for England (you know my business there perfectly well.) About the same time I received an account that our chief, Capt Aaron Hill, [FN] was detained, and kept as a prisoner at Fort Stanwix by the commissioners of Congress, and understood that he was to be kept until all the American prisoners returned to their own places, from the different nations of Indians, who are still remaining amongst them. When I received, this disagreeable news, I immediately declined going any farther from there. It did alarm me very much of hearing this, because it was me that encouraged that chief to come and attend that meeting at Fort Stanwix."

* * * * *

[FN] This chief was connected with the family of Thayendanegea. Aaron Henry Hill married one of his daughters, and is spoken of by Captain Brant, fifteen years afterward, in his correspondence with Thomas Morris, Esq.

"I never did expect that it should be the cause of detaining chiefs in the matter; for I thought the affair was too far gone to happen any such things. The Congress have past their words to us that they wish to be friends with all the Indians; and we likewise did the same to them. However, suppose the commissioners of Congress did find it necessary for them to detain some of the chiefs, I should have thought they could reasonably have excused our chief, and let him gone, and kept other right persons, who ought to be detained, because we are clear from keeping prisoners since peace. As soon as the word came, peace, we let all our prisoners go, except one or two children which could not help themselves. Captain Aaron Hill had no conveniences to take with him when he went to Fort Stanwix. We also all along advised the other tribes of Indians, since peace, that the prisoners should go to their homes; and have during the war always favored the prisoners, especially women and children; and likewise did push the matter forward since, to promote peace, and to renew the friendship with you again as we formerly had, in honestly manner. We mean to go through with it and be done with it, that every body should mind their own business and be happy. This is our customs and manners of the Mohocks, whenever engaged any thing. They are all-ways active and true;--no double faces at war, or any other business. All this makes me think the commissioners should consider this, and our chief should [have] gone home, for we have been a generous enemy to you during the war, and very active in forwarding the matters of settling peace with you all last Summer. I believe the commissioners must have some spite against the Mohocks of using them so, through the advice of Priest Kertland and the Oneidas, and he did likewise even to the Senekas, who were our friends. He tried all he could that they should themselves be against the Mohocks; all this I am well informed. Sir, these low-live tricks (it is very odd to me why it should be so,) confuses me very much. I believe we shall be at last prevented of becoming good friends with you. If it should be the case, the fault shall not be ours, which I hope you will find so. It would relieve me many points if you would be so kind as to answer me this letter, as far as you will understand my English, and please to explain me at once of your sentiments concerning this kind of complaint of mine, let it be what it will, because whatever must be done its no help for it, it must be so. If I could see you, and talk with you, I could explain myself better than a letter half English half Indian. You remember I told you that I should be happy to be present if any council-fire of yours should be held in the Spring; I mean about the Indian affairs; and I wanted to see you in New Jersies if I had time. But, my dear sir, I begin to be backward about going there, since my chief is detained. Perhaps I should be served the same, and be kept from my different sweethearts, which would be too hard for me. It is the very thing which will deprive me from having the pleasure to see you, and attending your council in the Spring--except the affairs change in different footing. But believe me this, let the affairs turn out what it will, I should be always very happy to see you. I shall winter here, myself and family; early in the Spring I shall leave this, and go to my new country at Grand River.

"I am your well-wisher, And humble servant, JOS. BRANT, or Thayendanegea. [FN]

"To Col. James Monroe."

* * * * *

[FN] The MS. of this letter, preserved among the papers of Capt. Brant, is probably the first rough draft. It was evidently written in great haste, and the author has made a very few corrections where the errors seemed clearly to be the effect of carelessness. Otherwise, it stands as it was written. Captain Brant improved in his English composition very much and very rapidly in after years.

What effect was produced by this letter, or how just were the complaints set forth therein, is not known; but the probability is, that the difficulty in regard to the detention of Hill was satisfactorily adjusted. In any event, Captain Brant accomplished his purpose of visiting England at the close of the year following, (1785.) Before his embarkation, however, he seems to have formed a plan somewhat analogous to that entertained, and in part accomplished, twenty years before, by Pontiac--that of combining all the great north-western Indian nations into a single grand confederacy, of which he was to be chief. In furtherance of this design, he visited the country of the upper lakes, and held councils with the nations. It is not known whether, like Pontiac, he meditated war upon the United States, unless in the event of being attacked. Still, he could not but look upon hostilities, in the event of the formation of his confederacy, as more than probable. Ostensibly, his visit to England was undertaken for the purpose of adjusting the claims of the loyal Mohawks upon the crown, for indemnification of their losses and sacrifices in the contest from which they had recently emerged. And such, probably, was the sole design of the visit, when originally projected, the preceding year. But the dissatisfaction existing in regard to the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and other indications among the Indians, had probably increased the objects of his mission. At all events, it soon appeared that, coupled with the special business of the Indian claims, was the design of sounding the British government, touching the degree of countenance or the amount of assistance which he might expect from that quarter, in the event of a general Indian war against the United States.

Sir John Johnson, who visited England immediately after the war, had returned to Canada during the Summer of 1785. He seems likewise to have been charged with the claims of the Mohawks, but accomplished nothing to their satisfaction. Still, he was opposed to the mission of Captain Brant, and wrote on the 6th of November, strongly dissuading him from undertaking the voyage. Sir John thought the claims in question might be adjusted to mutual satisfaction before the lapse of another year; and he hinted to his friend that his own interest required his attention at home. "I need not, I am sure," said the Baronet, "endeavor by many words, to point out to you the critical situation of your own affairs; I mean those of your confederacy; and how much the aid of every man of weight and influence among you is wanting at present, to guard against the designs of your enemies, who, by calling meetings at this time in every quarter, mean to spare no pains to divide and separate your interests, thereby to lessen your consequence and strength, and to answer their designs upon your country and liberty." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] MS. Letter of Sir John Johnson, among the Brant papers.

But the chief was not to be diverted from his purpose. Embarking immediately, and having a short passage, he was received by the nobility and gentry with great consideration and respect. His arrival at Salisbury was thus noted in a letter from that place, dated December 12, 1785, and published in London. "Monday last, Colonel Joseph Brant, the celebrated King of the Mohawks, arrived in this city from America, and after dining with Colonel De Peister, at the head-quarters here, proceeded immediately on his journey to London. This extraordinary personage is said to have presided at the late grand Congress of confederate chiefs of the Indian nations in America, and to be by them appointed to the conduct and chief command in the war which they now meditate against the United States of America. He took his departure for England immediately as that assembly broke up; and it is conjectured that his embassy to the British Court is of great importance. This country owes much to the services of Colonel Brant during the late war in America. He was educated at Philadelphia; is a very shrewd, intelligent person, possesses great courage and abilities as a warrior, and is inviolably attached to the British nation."

What particular Indian council is referred to in the preceding quotation, is unknown. Most likely it was connected with the ambitious project of Thayendanegea already indicated; and it is, moreover, very likely that the discontents of the north-western Indians, chiefly in relation to questions of boundary, which ultimately produced the war of 1789-'95--may, even thus early, have been at work in the bosoms of the Indians. Undoubtedly, if such a council was held, "the Great Captain of the Six Nations" was present. Certain it is, that while prosecuting the just claims of the Mohawks at the British Court, he did not fail, with great adroitness, though indirectly, to present the other subject to the consideration of Lord Sidney, then Secretary for the Colonies. Indeed, it appears from a passage in the letter of Sir John Johnson, already quoted, that that gentleman had previously been sounding the government on the same question. "With regard to the assistance required or expected in case of war," said the Baronet in the letter referred to, "I think I explained that to you also, and shall more fully when I see you."

The reception of the distinguished Mohawk in the British capital was all that the proudest forest king, not unacquainted with civilized life, could have desired. In the course of the war he had formed many acquaintances with the officers of the army, upon whom he must have made a highly favorable impression, since all who met him in London recognised him with great cordiality. Some of these he had met in the salons of Quebec, as well as been associated with them in the field. His visits to the Canadian capital had been frequent during and subsequent to the war. On one of these occasions the Baroness Riedesel met him at the provincial court, which gave her occasion to speak of him thus in her memoirs:--"I saw at that time the famous Indian chief, Captain Brant. His manners are polished; he expressed himself with fluency, and was much esteemed by General Haldimand. I dined once with him at the General's. In his dress he showed off to advantage the half military and half savage costume. His countenance was manly and intelligent, and his disposition very mild." [FN-1] Aside, therefore, from the novelty of gazing upon an Indian prince in the British capital, his education and associations, his rank as a warrior, and his bravery, were so many substantial reasons why he should be received with kindness and courtesy. Sir Guy Carleton, afterward Lord Dorchester, who was then on the point of embarking for America to relieve Sir Frederick Haldimand in the government of the Canadas, was well acquainted with the Chief. Earl Moira, afterward Marquis of Hastings, who had served in America as Lord Rawdon, had formed a strong attachment to Captain Brant, and gave him his picture set in gold. [FN-2] The late General Sir Charles Stuart, fourth son of the Earl of Bute, who, while serving in America, had often slept under the same tent with him, had the warmest regard for him, [FN-3] and cordially recognised him as his friend in London. With the late Duke of Northumberland, then Lord Percy, he had likewise formed an acquaintance in America, which ripened into a lasting attachment, and was maintained by a correspondence, continued at intervals until his death. With the Earl of Warwick, and others of the nobility and gentry, he had become acquainted during his first visit, ten years before. His acquaintance was also sought by many of the distinguished statesmen and scholars of the time; among whom were the Bishop of London, Charles Fox, James Boswell, and many others. He sat for his picture for Lord Percy, as he had done for the Earl of Warwick and Boswell when first in England; and Fox presented him with a silver snuff-box, bearing his initials. [FN-4] With the King and royal family he was a great favorite--not the less so on the part of his Majesty, for having proudly refused to kiss his hand on his presentation. The dusky Chief, however, in declining that ceremony, with equal gallantry and address remarked that he would gladly kiss the hand of the Queen. George the Third was a man of too much sterling sense not to appreciate the feelings of his brother chief, and he loved his queen too well not to be gratified with the turning of a compliment in her Majesty's favor, in a manner that would have done no discredit to the most accomplished cavalier of the Court of Elizabeth--Sir Walter Raleigh.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Letters and memoirs of the Baroness de Riedesel.

[FN-2] Now in possession of the lady of Colonel William J. Kerr, the daughter of Thayendanegea.

[FN-3] Letter of Thomas Campbell to the late John Brant, or Ahyonwaeghs, the son of Thayendanegea; of whom more hereafter.

[FN-4] Still in the possession of Mrs. Kerr.

Equally well did he stand in the graces of the Prince of Wales, [FN] who took great delight in his company; sometimes inviting him in his rambles to places "very queer for a prince to go to," as the old chief was wont to remark in after-life. He was also, it is believed, an occasional guest at the table of the Prince, among that splendid circle of wits, orators, and scholars, who so frequently clustered around the festive board of the accomplished and luxurious heir apparent. It has been asserted, likewise, that these associations, and the freedom with which the leading Whigs were accustomed to speak of the King, had an unhappy effect upon the mind of the warrior, by lessening his reverence for the regal office, if not for his Majesty's person.

* * * * *

[FN] His late Majesty George IV.

But, amidst all the attractions of the metropolis, and the hospitalities in which he was called to participate, the Chief did not neglect the special object, or objects, of his mission. He had left his nation suffering from their losses of property and other sacrifices, by which, as well as their arms, they had proved their loyalty, or rather their good faith to the King as allies, during the late war, and his first object was to obtain relief. The claims of his people had previously been presented to the consideration of his Majesty's Government, as already staled, by Sir John Johnson; but, apparently receiving no attention, on the 4th of January, 1786, Captain Brant addressed the following letter to Lord Sidney, his Majesty's Secretary for the Colonial Department:--

Captain Brant to Lord Sidney.

"My Lord,

"The claims of the Mohawks for their losses having been delivered by Sir John Johnson, His Majesty's Superintendent General for Indian affairs, to General Haldimand, and by him laid before your Lordship, who cannot but be well informed that their sufferings, losses, and being drove from that country which their forefathers long enjoyed, and left them the peaceable possession of, is in consequence of their faithful attachment to the King, and the zeal they manifested in supporting the cause of His country against the rebellious subjects in America.

"From the promises made by the Governor and Commander-in-chief of Canada, that their losses should be made good, and that soon, when I left them, I was desired to put His Majesty's ministers in mind of their long and sincere friendship for the English nation, in whose cause their ancestors and they have so often fought and so freely bled,--of their late happy settlements, before the rebellion, and their present situation,--and to request their claims might be attended to, and that orders may be given for what they are to receive to be paid as soon as possible, in order to enable them to go on with the settlement they are now making; in some measure stock their farms, and get such articles and materials as all settlements in new countries require, and which it is out of their power to do before they are paid for their losses.

"On my mentioning these matters, since my arrival in England, I am informed orders are given that this shall be done; which will give great relief and satisfaction to those faithful Indians, who will have spirit to go on, and their hearts be filled with gratitude for the King, their father's, great kindness, which I pray leave, in their behalf, to acknowledge, and to thank your Lordship for your friendship.

"JOSEPH BRANT, Captain, or Thayendanegea.

"London, 4_th January,_ 1786."

On the same day Captain Brant was honored by an interview with the Secretary, on which occasion he addressed his Lordship in the following speech, a copy of which was delivered in writing.--

Speech of Captain Brant to Lord Sidney.

"My Lord,

"I am happy at the honor of being before your Lordship, and having an opportunity of delivering the following speech to you, in behalf of the Five United Nations of Indians, and their confederates in North America.

"The cause of my coming to England being of the most serious consequence to the whole Indian Confederacy, I intreat your Lordship patiently to hear and listen to what I am going to say.

"We hope it is a truth well known in this country, what a faithful part we took in their behalf in the late dispute with the Americans; and though we have been told peace has long since been concluded between you and them, it is not finally settled with us, which causes great uneasiness through all the Indian nations.

"When we heard peace was made between his Majesty and the Americans, we made application to General Haldimand at Quebec, to know our situation, delivering him a speech at the same time, which we requested might be sent to the King--a copy of which I now deliver to your Lordship.

"Having in that speech, in as few words as possible, pointed out what friendship we had shown to the English from the earliest time of their arrival in America, and being conscious of the active part our forefathers and we had taken in their favor in every dispute they have had with their enemies, we were struck with astonishment at hearing we were forgot in the treaty. Notwithstanding the manner we were told this, we could not believe it possible such firm friends and allies could be so neglected by a nation remarkable for its honor and glory, whom we had served with so much zeal and fidelity. For this reason we applied to the King's Commander-in-chief, in Canada in a friendly and private way, wishing not to let those people in rebellion know the concern and trouble we were under. From the time of delivering that speech, near three years, we have had no answer, and remain in a state of great suspense and uneasiness of mind. This is well known to the officers who commanded at the upper posts in America, as is also our zeal for His Majesty's service during the war.

"Our trouble and distress is greatly increased by many things the Americans have said, to whom we have avoided giving any direct answers, or entering into any engagements with, before we have an answer. On the arrival of Sir John Johnson, our Superintendent-General, in Canada, we hoped to have received it; in full expectation of which, several of our first and principal chiefs came down the country to meet him and hear it, and were very much mortified and sorry at being disappointed. It was then resolved that I should come to England, and I hope the necessity we are under of getting this answer will plead my excuse for the trouble I give your Lordship.

"It is, my Lord, the earnest desire of the Five United Nations, and the whole Indian Confederacy, that I may have an answer to that speech; and from our present situation, as well as that of the American States, who have surveyed and laid out great part of the lands in our country, on our side of the boundary line fixed at Fort Stanwix in 1765, the last time we granted any territory to the King, (at which time some of the governors attended in person, and where they did not, commissioners, vested with full powers, appeared on their behalf; so that we had all the reason to hope that the transaction was binding with respect to all parties,) but through their encroaching disposition, we have found they pay little regard to engagements, and are therefore apprehensive of immediate serious consequences. This we shall avoid to the utmost of our power, as dearly as we love our lands. But should it, contrary to our wishes, happen, we desire to know whether we are to be considered as His Majesty's faithful allies, and have that support and countenance such as old and true friends expect.

"I beg liberty to tell your Lordship, that your answer to these matters will be the means of relieving all our nations from that very troublesome and uneasy suspense they now labor under, and this they all hope for on my return.

"JOS. BRANT, Captain, or Thayendanegea.

"London, 4_th Jan._ 1786. The Right Hon. Lord Sidney."

The forest chief was not an unsuccessful envoy, as will appear by the subjoined communication from Lord Sidney--so far at least as relates to the indemnification claimed by the Mohawks and their allies of the Six Nations:--

Lord Sidney to Captain Brant.

"Whitehall, 6th April, 1786.

"Sir,

"The King has had under his royal consideration the two letters which you delivered to me on the 4th of January last, in the presence of Colonel Johnson and other officers of the Indian Department; the first of them representing the claims of the Mohawks for losses sustained by them and other tribes of Indians, from the depredations committed on their lands by the Americans during the late war; and the second, expressing the desire of the confederacy to be informed what assistance they might expect from this country in case they should be engaged in disputes with the Americans relative to their lands, situated within the territory to which His Majesty has relinquished his sovereignty.

"Were the right of individuals to compensation for losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy to be admitted, no country, however opulent it might be, could support itself under such a burthen, especially when the contest happens to have taken an unfavorable turn. His Majesty, upon this ground, conceives that, consistently with every principle of justice, he might withhold his royal concurrence to the liquidation of those demands; but His Majesty, in consideration of the zealous and hearty exertions of his Indian allies in the support of his cause, and as a proof of his most friendly disposition toward them, has been graciously pleased to consent that the losses already certified by his Superintendent-General shall be made good; that a favorable attention shall be shown to the claims of others, who have pursued the same system of conduct; and that Sir Guy Carleton, his Governor General of his American dominions, shall take measures for carrying his royal commands into execution immediately after his arrival at Quebec.

"This liberal conduct on the part of His Majesty, he trusts, will not leave a doubt upon the minds of his Indian allies that he shall at all times be ready to attend to their future welfare; and that he shall be anxious, upon every occasion wherein their happiness may be concerned, to give them such farther testimonies of his royal favor and countenance, as can, consistently with a due regard to the national faith, and the honor and dignity of his crown, be afforded to them.

"His Majesty recommends to his Indian allies to continue united in their councils, and that their measures may be conducted with temper and moderation; from which, added to a peaceable demeanor on their part, they must experience many essential benefits, and be most likely to secure to themselves the possession of those rights and privileges which their ancestors have heretofore enjoyed.

"I have the honor to be, With great truth and regard, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, Sidney.

"_To Captain Joseph Brant, Thayendanegea._"

It appears, that during his negotiations with the ministers, conversations had been held touching his claim to half-pay; but from the loss of papers, it is difficult to arrive at the precise circumstances of the case. Captain Brant held His Majesty's commission during the war as a Captain. But it was probably a special commission, not in the regular line of the army, and consequently there may have been doubts as to his title to half-pay on the reduction which followed the war. No matter, however, for the exact circumstances of the case, such doubts were entertained, and were the occasion of the following magnanimous letter from the chief to one of his Majesty's under Secretaries, a copy of which was preserved among the private papers of the warrior:--

Captain Brant to Sir Evan Nepean. (No Date.)

"Sir:--

"Since I had the pleasure of seeing you last, I have been thinking a great deal about the half-pay, or pension, which you and I have talked about.

"I am really sorry that I ever mentioned such a thing to you. It was really owing to promises made to me by certain persons several times during the late war, that I should always be supported by the government, at war or peace. At that time I never asked any body to make me such a promise. It was of their own free will.

"When I joined the English at the beginning of the war, it was purely on account of my forefathers' engagements with the King. I always looked upon these engagements, or covenants, between the King and the Indian Nations, as a sacred thing. Therefore I was not to be frighted by the threats of the rebels at that time. I assure you I had no other view in it. And this was my real case from the beginning.

"However, after this, the English gave me pay and a commission from the Commander-in-chief, which I gladly received as a mark of attention, though I never asked for it; and I believe my trouble and risques was of equal value to the marks of attention I received; I am sure not too much in the eyes of the Indians, or I should not have accepted them, as I should be sorry to raise jealousies. My meaning for mentioning those things to you, is because I saw there was some difficulty on your part how to act on this head relative to half-pay or pension;--and when it does not seem clear, I should be sorry to accept it. Therefore I beg of you will say no more about it;--for was I to get it when there were doubts about the propriety of it, I should not be happy. For which reason I think it is best to go without it.

"I am now, Sir, to beg you will return my best thanks to Government for what they [have] done for me, and am, Sir,

"Your most obedient, Humble servant, Joseph Brant.

"To Sir Evan Nepean, Under Secretary, at Home."

There are a frankness and manliness of tone and spirit in this letter, which will illustrate a striking feature in the character of the writer, and are worthy of high approbation. It is the only paper of any consequence connected with the Captain's mission to England, in addition to those already cited, that remains.

The chieftain's visit must have been most agreeable, since, in addition to the success which crowned his labors in regard to the claims of the Indians, no pains were spared to render his residence in London one of uninterrupted gratification. He was caressed by the noble and the great, and was alike welcome at court or at the banquets of the heir apparent--who, with all his faults, was "the first gentleman in the realm;"--a fine classical scholar himself, and a lover of genius and intellect---of letters and men of letters--of sparkling wit, as well as wine. Among his most frequent guests were Fox, Burke, and Sheridan, and others of that splendid galaxy of eloquence and intellect--the master spirits of the opposition in the House of Commons--who were at that time basking in the sunshine of the Prince's favor, and living in the hope of more substantial things to come. Though deficient in his literary acquisitions, Brant, with great strength of mind and shrewdness of observation, had, moreover, sufficient taste and cultivation to appreciate society, even of this elevated and intellectual character. The natural reserve of the Indian temperament he could assume or throw off at pleasure, and with a keen sense of the ludicrous, he could himself use the weapons of humor and sarcasm with a good share of skill and dexterity.

Several anecdotes have been preserved in well-authenticated tradition, illustrative of these traits of character. One of these is the following:--Among the gentlemen of rank with whom Brant was acquainted, was a nobleman of whom it was scandalously reported that his place was purchased by the illicit favors bestowed upon another by his beautiful wife. On one occasion his Lordship undertook to rally the forest chief upon the subjects of the wild and rude manners and customs of the Indians, to which they pertinaciously adhered notwithstanding all the attempts made to improve them by the arts of civilization. Some of their absurd practices, of which the English, as his Lordship remarked, thought very strange, were particularised. Brant listened very patiently until it became his turn to speak, when he replied that there were customs in England, also, of which the Indians thought very strange. "And pray what are they?" inquired his Lordship. "Why," answered the chief, "the Indians have heard that it is a practice in England for men who are born chiefs to sell the virtue of their squaws for place, and for money to buy their venison!" The Mohawk occupied a position which enabled him to say what he pleased with impunity. But in the present instance the rebuke was doubly withering,--from the gravity and assumed simplicity with which it was uttered, and the certainty that the titled gentleman could not mistake the direction of the arrow, while he could neither parry nor avoid, nor appear to notice it.

During his stay in London, a grand fancy ball, or masquerade, was got up with great splendor, and numerously attended by the nobility and gentry. Captain Brant, at the instance of Earl Moira, was also present, richly dressed in the costume of his nation, wearing no mask, but painting one half of his face. His plumes nodded as proudly in his cap as though the blood of a hundred Percies coursed through his veins, and his tomahawk glittered in his girdle like burnished silver. There was, likewise, in the gay and gallant throng a stately Turkish diplomat of rank, accompanied by two houris, whose attention was particularly attracted by the grotesque appearance of the chieftain's singular, and, as he supposed, fantastic attire. The pageant was brilliant as the imagination could desire; but among the whole motley throng of pilgrims and warriors, hermits and shepherds, knights, damsels, and gipsies, there was, to the eye of the Mussulman, no character so picturesque and striking as that of the Mohawk; which, being natural, appeared to be the best made up. He scrutinised the chief very closely, and mistaking his rouge et noir complexion for a painted visor, the Turk took the liberty of attempting to handle his nose. Brant had, of course, watched the workings of his observation, and felt in the humor of a little sport. No sooner, therefore, had Hassan touched his facial point of honor, under the mistaken idea that it was of no better material than the parchment nose of the Strasburgh trumpeter, than the Chieftain made the hall resound with the appalling war-whoop, and at the same instant the tomahawk leaped from his girdle, and flashed around the astounded Mussulman's head as though his good master, the Sultan, in a minute more, would be relieved from any future trouble in the matter of taking it off. Such a piercing and frightful cry had never before rung through that salon of fashion; and breaking suddenly, and with startling wildness, upon the ears of the merry throng, its effect was prodigious. The Turk himself trembled with terror, while the female masquers--the gentle shepherdesses, and fortune-telling crones, Turks, Jews and gipsies, bear-leaders and their bears, Falstaffs, friars, and fortune-tellers, Sultans, nurses and Columbines, shrieked, screamed and scudded away as though the Mohawks had broken into the festive hall in a body. The matter, however, was soon explained; and the incident was accounted as happy in the end as it was adroitly enacted by the good-humored Mohawk. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] This incident was somewhat differently related by the British Magazine, which represented that the weapon was raised by Brant in sober earnest; he having taken the freedom of the Turk for a real indignity. But such was clearly not the fact. His friends never so understood it.

But neither the pleasures of society, nor the follies of the Prince of Wales, nor the special business of his mission, nor the views of political ambition which he was cherishing, made him forgetful of the moral wants of his people. Notwithstanding the ceaseless activity of his life, he had found time to translate the Gospel of Mark into the Mohawk language; and as most of the Indian Prayer and Psalm Books previously in use had been either lost or destroyed during the war, the opportunity of his visit was chosen by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, to bring out a new and superior edition of that work, under Brant's own supervision, and including the Gospel of Mark as translated by him. This was the first of the Gospels ever translated entire into the Mohawk language. The book was elegantly printed in large octavo, under the immediate patronage of the King. It was printed in alternate pages of English and Mohawk; and the volume contained the psalms and occasional prayers before published, together with the services of communion, baptism, matrimony, and the burial of the dead. It was embellished with a number of scriptural engravings, elegant for the state of the arts at that day; the frontispiece representing the interior of a chapel, with portraits of the King and Queen, a bishop standing at either hand, and groups of Indians receiving the sacred books from both their Majesties. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] A handsome copy of this valuable book, in morocco gilt, has been loaned to the author by Mrs. Kerr. It belonged to the widow of the old chief, and contains the record of his death.

It is not known at what time of the year 1786 Captain Brant turned his back upon the gay metropolis of England, to bury himself once more in the deep forests toward the setting sun. It must, however, have been soon after receiving Lord Sidney's dispatch of April 6th, since, among the papers of the chief, there is a letter addressed to him after his return, by Major Matthews, who was attached to the military family of Sir Guy Carleton, dated at Montreal, July 24, 1786. Early in the month of December following he will also be found attending an Indian Council far in the country of the Great Lakes.

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Chapter IX

Difficulties between Great Britain and the United States after the Treaty--Refusal of the former to surrender the western posts--Mission of Baron Steuben to Canada--Indications of fresh Indian hostilities--Movements of Captain Brant--Grand Indian Council at the Huron Village--Address to the United States--Letter of the Secretary at War, General Knox, to Captain Brant--Letter of Sir John Johnson to Brant--Letter of Major Matthews to Brant, disclosing the views of Lord Dorchester respecting the retention of the western posts--Message from the Hurons to the Five Nations, proposing another grand Council--Preparations of General St. Clair for negotiating with the Indians--Brant begins to distrust them all--Letter of Brant to Patrick Langan, Sir John Johnson's Secretary--Letter of Brant to Sir John Johnson--Great Council at Miamis--Letter of Captain Brant to Patrick Langan--St. Clair's negotiations at Fort Harmar--The policy of dividing to conquer--letter of Captain Brant to Major Matthews--Jealousies of Brant among the Indians--Council against him at Montreal--Letter to him from Major Matthews--Letter of Brant in reply--Letter to Colonel McDonnell--Suspected plot against the English at Detroit, and Brant and his Mohawks, by the Hurons, Chippewas, and Pottawattamies--Letter to Brant from Sir John Johnson--Brant turns his attention to the cultivation of letters--Endeavors to obtain a stated Missionary--Resumes the preparation of Religious books--Letter from President Willard--John Norton--Land difficulties among the Indians in the state of New-York--Letter from Governor Clinton to Brant.

Unhappily the treaty of peace did not bring the United States and Great Britain immediately to so good an understanding with each other as could have been desired. Several important questions remained for subsequent arrangement. The treaty proposed a general restoration of confiscated property to all such loyalists as had not actually borne arms in the service of the King. The American Congress passed a resolution recommending the fulfillment of this clause of the treaty by the several states; but it was not considered binding, and South Carolina alone approached to a compliance therewith. There was, likewise, an explicit provision in the treaty, respecting the payment of debts due by Americans to British subjects, not resting upon a recommendation only; the fulfillment of which was sadly neglected. Indeed, the states in which those debts chiefly lay, showed but too plainly an indisposition to aid in carrying the stipulation into effect. On the other hand, the Negroes belonging to American citizens who were in the possession and service of the officers of the British army, were not restored; and, contrary to all expectation, Great Britain refused to surrender the military posts upon the American side of the great lakes. The surrender of those posts was expected with the utmost conscience, as one of the most immediate consequences of the ratification of the treaty. To this end, Congress instructed the Commander-in-chief to make all the necessary arrangements to receive and occupy the posts in the Summer of 1783; and in July of that season, the Baron Steuben was despatched by General Washington on a mission to Sir Frederick Haldimand at Quebec, to concert the necessary dispositions, and proceed along the frontiers as far as Detroit, to examine the different posts, and report in regard to their condition, and how many and which of them it would be expedient for the United States permanently to occupy. [FN-1] The Baron met General Haldimand at Sorel, on his way to visit the country of the lakes himself. But on making known his business, the British commander informed him that he had received no instructions for the evacuation of the posts, or for any other objects than a cessation of hostilities, with which he had complied. He did not consider himself at liberty to enter, into any negotiations with the Baron upon the subject, and even refused him the necessary passports for visiting Niagara and Detroit. [FN-2] In addition to this, under the pretext that the government of the United States had not sufficient power to enforce the observance of a commercial treaty, Great Britain refused to join in the negotiation of such an instrument. [FN-3] Thus situated--the government and people of each nation complaining of the other--crimination and recrimination ensued, until the public feeling became irritated almost to exasperation.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Letter of Washington to General Haldimand, July 12, 1783. Also, Instructions of the same to Baron Steuben.

[FN-2] Sparks.

[FN-3] The fact was but too true. After the common danger of the war had ceased to bind the States together, the articles of the Confederation were but a rope of sand. The government was, indeed, but a rickety concern until the formation of the Constitution of 1787.

The Indians, in the mean time, brooding over the real or fancied wrongs they had sustained at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and irritated at the onward current of the white population pressing in their own direction, were becoming restiff; particularly the more distant tribes at the south-west; and their movements indicated any thing but pacific intentions. Indeed, along some portions of the western frontier, particularly on the Ohio river, it could scarcely be said that they had been at peace. Both in 1785 and in 1786, acts of individual hostility were not unfrequent on the banks of the Ohio and on the Kentucky border; and in both of those years larger parties had repeatedly attacked the crews of boats descending the river. It was likewise certain that two years only had elapsed after the close of the war before a hostile combination of the great north-western nations was supposed to have been formed; and documentary proof has been adduced in the preceding pages that a powerful and influential messenger, in the person of Captain Brant, had been instructed by those nations to ascertain prospectively the measure of assistance they might, in the event of hostilities, expect to receive from Great Britain. It is true that Lord Sidney, in his reply to the message of Thayendanegea, had avoided committing himself either way upon this point. But the message of the Mohawk chief; and the reply of the minister, were alike unknown to the public at that day. Still, it was to the detention of the posts on the lakes that the hostile temper manifested by the Indians, and their frequent outrages on the frontier, were ascribed; with more justice, as will hereafter appear, than Great Britain would be willing to allow.

The conduct of Captain Brant, moreover, when illustrated by his private correspondence as well as his public actions, will presently appear very mysterious, if not equivocal. By retiring with his own nation into Canada, the Mohawks had not withdrawn from the Confederacy of the Six Nations, nor had Thayendanegea relinquished his official rank as the principal or superior chief of the whole, though five of them remained within the United States. The differences which thus early sprang up between the United States and the Indians, arose upon a question of boundary; the latter maintaining that the Ohio river was not to be crossed by the people of the former. Captain Brant espoused the cause of the Indians at large upon this question, and had early and strenuously exerted himself to compass a grand confederation of all the north-western tribes and nations, of which, it is believed, he intended to be the head. The incipient steps to the formation of such a confederacy, the reader has already seen, had been taken in 1785, previous to his departure for England. On his return in the following year, his efforts for that object were renewed. [FN] In December, 1786, a grand confederate council of the Indians north west of the Ohio, including the Six Nations, was held at Huron Village, near the mouth of the Detroit River. This council was attended by the Six Nations, and the Hurons, Ottawas, Twitchtwees, [Miamis,] Shawanese, Chippewas, Cherokees, Delawares, Pottawattamies, and the Wabash Confederates. On the 18th of that month, an address to the Congress of the United States was agreed upon, the tone of which was pacific--provided the United States made no encroachments upon their lands beyond the Ohio. After a declaration of their surprise that they were not included in the treaty of peace, they observed that they had nevertheless received a message from the King, advising them to remain quiet. They had likewise received two very agreeable messages from the thirteen States, from the tenor of which they had anticipated a period of repose. But while they were devising the best measures to secure this result and form a lasting reconciliation--while they had "the best thoughts in their minds, mischief had happened." Still, they were anxious to prevent farther trouble, as a principal means of which they recommended that no treaties should be formed by the United States with separate Indian tribes or nations; but that all treaties for lands should be negotiated openly and above board, in the most public manner, and by the united voice of the Confederacy. They attributed the "mischief and confusion" that had arisen, to the fact that the United States would have every thing their own way--that they would "kindle the council-fires wherever they thought proper, without consulting the Indians." At the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784, they had urged a different policy; and they believed that, had the course then recommended, of treating only in a general conference of the nations, been pursued, all would have continued peace and concord between them. Notwithstanding the mischiefs that had happened, the council professed their strong desire of peace. "This," they said, "is the determination of all the chiefs of the Confederacy, now assembled, notwithstanding that several Indian chiefs were killed in our villages, even when in council, and when absolutely engaged in promoting peace with you, the thirteen United States." In order to ensure this desirable result, they proposed a grand confederate council, to be holden at some half-way place in the ensuing spring--recommending to the United States, in the meantime to prevent their surveyors and other people from crossing to the Indian side of the Ohio. This important address concluded in the following words:--"Brothers: It shall not be our faults, if the plans which we have suggested to you should not be carried into execution. In that case the event will be very precarious, and if fresh ruptures ensue, we hope to be able to exculpate ourselves, and shall most assuredly, with our united force, be obliged to defend those rights and privileges which have been transmitted to us by our ancestors; and if we should be thereby reduced to misfortunes, the world will pity us when they think of the amicable proposals we now make to prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood. These are our thoughts and firm resolves, and we earnestly desire that you would transmit to us, as soon as possible, your answer, be it what it may."

* * * * *

[FN] Letter of General Knox, Secretary of War--11th May, 1786.

This address, the ultimatum antecedent to the general war that afterward arose, was not signed by individual chiefs, but by the nation, the name of the nation being written, and the bird or animal adopted as the national emblem rudely marked upon the paper. Thayendanegea was present and active at this council, as will appear by the annexed letter, found among his papers, from the American Secretary of War, General Knox:--

"General Knox to Captain Brant.

"War Office, July 23_d_, 1787.

"Sir:--

"On the 17th instant, and not before, I received the favor of your letter, dated 'Huron Town, Dec. 18th, 1786,' enclosing the original speech by the several nations of Indians met at the same time and place, to the United States in Congress assembled.

"It appears from the information of General Butler, the Superintendent, that the Shawanese neglected to forward the above despatches at the time it was expected they would; and it appears by a letter from Captain Pipe, of the Delawares, and the Half-King of the Wyandots, dated at Sandusky the 3d of June, that they forwarded the despatches finally to Fort Pitt--at which place, and at the same time also, your messengers arrived with your letters to General Butler, dated Buffalo Creek, the 16th of May, 1787, enclosing a copy, or translation, of the speech of the chiefs, transmitted by Captain Pipe and the Half-King of the Wyandots.

"I mention these circumstances, to convince you that the result of your council, at the Huron village, in December, has been a long time in traveling to this city.

"On the receipt of your papers, they were submitted to Congress, who have taken the same, into consideration, and will soon come to some decision thereon, which will be communicated to the Superintendent, in order to be transmitted to you.

"I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient, Humble servant, H. Knox.

"Colonel Joseph Brant, One of the Chiefs of the Mohawk Nation."

Neither the preceding letter, nor that in reply to which it was written, has been preserved in the archives of the American Department of War. The signature of "The Five Nations," however, stood at the head of the list, and from the rank and superior intelligence of Thayendanegea, there can be little doubt that the address to the Government of the United States was dictated, if not written, by him. That it was in entire accordance with his views, appears most fully by the following letter from Sir John Johnson. This letter is worthy of preservation, as affording the first authentic evidence of the equivocal attitude Great Britain was assuming in regard to the Indian relations of the United States.

"Sir John Johnson to Captain Brant.

"Quebec, March 22d, 1787.

"Dear Sir,

"I have received your letter of the 14th of February. I am happy to find things turned out as you wished at your several meetings in the Indian country near Detroit, and I hope it may have the effect you wish in preventing the Americans from incroaching on your lands. Your conduct, I hope, for your own sake, will always be such as to justify the good opinion that has been entertained of you by your friends the English, and such as will merit the continuance of their friendship. I hope in all your decisions you will conduct yourselves with prudence and moderation, having always an eye to the friendship that has so long subsisted between you and the King's subjects, upon whom alone you can and ought to depend. You have no reason to fear any breach of promise on the part of the King. Is he not every year giving fresh proofs of his friendship? What greater could you expect than is now about to be performed, by giving an ample compensation for your losses, which is yet withheld from us, his subjects? Do not suffer bad men or evil advisers to lead you astray; every thing that is reasonable and consistent with the friendship that ought to be preserved between us, will be done for you all. Do not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that it will be for your interests to sit still and see the Americans attempt the posts. [FN-1] It is for your sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold them. If you become indifferent about them, they may perhaps be given up; what security would you then have? You would be left at the mercy of a people whose blood calls aloud for revenge; whereas, by supporting them, you encourage us to hold them, and encourage the new settlements, already considerable, and every day increasing by numbers coming in, who find they can't live in the States. Many thousands are preparing to come in. This increase of his Majesty's subjects will serve as a protection for you, should the subjects of the States, by endeavoring to make farther encroachments on you, disturb your quiet. At present I think there is little to apprehend from any but the Southern States; those to the eastward are already opposed to each other in arms, [FN-2] and have shed blood, and the disorder seems to be spreading throughout. Men of character are coming in here to see if no assistance will be given them; and the people of New England, who were the most violent at the commencement of the war, are now the most desirous of returning under the British government, should Great Britain incline to receive them, which many think they would not."

* * * * *

[FN-1] Oswegatchie, Oswego, Niagara, Detroit and Mackinaw--withheld from the United States, as heretofore stated in tho text.

[FN-2] This allusion refers to the memorable insurrection of Captain Shays, in Massachusetts.

"Remember me in the most friendly manner to Mrs. Brant, all your family, and to all my brothers in your settlement, and tell them to be patient, and that they will find that all that has been promised them, coming within my knowledge, will be per-formed. I hope to see you in the course of the summer; in the mean time, I remain with truth,

"Dear Sir, Your friend and Humble servant, John Johnson." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Copied from the original, among the Brant papers.

The object of this communication will be seen at a glance. It is unfortunate, that the letter of Thayendanegea, giving the private history of the great Amphictyonic council of the Indians, has not been discovered. Still, enough can be learned from the scattered correspondence that remains, to show that Great Britain was by no means an indifferent observer of the storm gathering in the north-west. It is also evident that the officers of the crown in Canada were rejoicing in the insurrection of Captain Shays in Massachusetts; which, though at one moment of threatening importance, had been crushed but a few days before the Baronet's letter was written, of which result he had not then been apprised. That insurrection was a consequence, in the main, of the weakness of the government of the confederacy. Fortunately, however, instead of working farther detriment to the republic, its influence was not inconsiderable in binding the states more firmly together, by means of the Constitution, which arose from the ruins of the old Articles of Confederation in the course of the same year. There is another feature in the letter of Sir John deserving to be noted. It discloses the fact, that already, even so early as the year 1787, had the British authorities imbibed the absurd notion that the people of New England, who had been first in raising the standard of revolt, wearied with their freedom, were seeking a dismemberment of the Union, that they might throw themselves back into the arms of their former sovereign. Nor was this idea eradicated until after the failure of a miserable intrigue, under the Canadian administration of Sir James H. Craig, with a worthless fellow named John Henry, in 1810.

Great Britain not only continued to retain possession of the north-western posts, but added to their strength. Upon this subject, and the policy by which she was governed in regard to it, the following letter reflects additional light. It was addressed to Captain Brant by Major Matthews, whose name has already occurred as an officer in the suite of Sir Guy Carleton--who had now become Lord Dorchester. Matthews had been assigned to the command of Detroit, and was on his way thither when the letter was written:--

"Major Matthews to Captain Brant.

"Niagara, 29_th May,_ 1787.

"My Dear Friend,

"A few days before I left Quebec, I had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 3d April, and was happy at the prospect I had of so soon answering it in person, and once more shaking hands together upon our old ground. On my arrival yesterday, I was much disappointed to hear that you had left this place, and gone by a route which, for the present, prevents our meeting; for though there is nothing I wish more than to pay you a visit in your settlement, and to have a conversation with you, the despatch which I am under the necessity of making to Detroit, renders it impossible. I therefore sit down to thank you for the information in your last, and to renew our old agreement of communicating freely to each other whatsoever we may know or think is for the mutual advantage and well-being of that cause, which has always been common, and which, I am persuaded, is equally dear to us both; and being better informed of what relates to the situation of affairs in this quarter than when I last wrote to you, I shall begin by informing you of what his Excellency, Lord Dorchester, desired I would, should I chance to fall in with you. His Lordship wishes you should be acquainted that, when he arrived at Quebec last fall, it was too late to forward any thing more than a few provisions necessary for the posts and Indians, a part of which even could not proceed on account of the ice; but that he did not forget the presents intended for the Indians; and had, as soon as the communication opened, ordered them to be sent up from Montreal. At the same time his Lordship was sorry to learn, that while the Indians were soliciting his assistance in their preparations for war, some of the Six Nations had sent deputies to Albany to treat with the Americans, who, it is said, have made a treaty with them, granting permission to make roads for the purpose of coming to Niagara; but that, notwithstanding these things, the Indians should have their presents, as they are marks of the King's approbation of their former conduct. In future his Lordship wishes them to act as is best for their interest; he cannot begin a war with the Americans, because some of their people encroach and make depredations upon parts of the Indian country; but they must see it is his Lordship's intention to defend the posts; and that while these are preserved, the Indians must find great security therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater difficulty in taking possession of their lands; but should they once become masters of the posts, they will surround the Indians, and accomplish their purpose with little trouble. From a consideration of all which, it therefore remains with the Indians to decide what is most for their own interest, and to let his Lordship know their determination, that he may take his measures accordingly; but, whatever their resolution is, it should be taken as by one and the same people, by which means they will be respected and become strong; but if they divide, and act one part against the other, they will become weak, and help to destroy each other. This, my dear Joseph, is the substance of what his Lordship desired me to tell you, and I request you will give his sentiments that mature consideration which their justice, generosity, and desire to promote the welfare and happiness of the Indians, must appear to all the world to merit.

"In your letter to me, you seem apprehensive that the English are not very anxious about the defence of the posts. You will soon be satisfied that they have nothing more at heart, provided that it continues to be the wish of the Indians, and that they remain firm in doing their part of the business, by preventing the Americans from coming into their country, and consequently from marching to the posts. On the other hand, if the Indians think it more for their interest that the Americans should have possession of the posts, and be established in their country, they ought to declare it, that the English need no longer be put to the vast and unnecessary expense and inconvenience of keeping posts, the chief object of which is to protect their Indian allies, and the loyalists who have suffered with them. It is well-known that no encroachments ever have or ever will be made by the English upon the lands or property of the Indians in consequence of their possessing the posts, how far that will be the case if ever the Americans get into them, may very easily be imagined, from their hostile perseverance, even without that advantage, in driving the Indians off their lands and taking possession of them.

"In regard to myself, I have to acquaint you, that in consequence of the reports which reached Quebec from the upper country respecting the intentions of the Americans against the posts, Lord Dorchester has been pleased to permit me to take the command of Detroit, which is garrisoned by the regiment I am in, and has ordered that another regiment be sent up for the protection of the posts in general, two companies of which, under the command of your acquaintance, Captain Malcolm, arrived with me in the Seneca, and I am to take two companies of the 53d from hence, to reinforce Detroit; so that I think we shall have but little to apprehend from any thing in the power of the Americans to attempt. I confess to you I have no idea they have any serious intention of the kind, the few troops they can muster not being sufficient to support their government; they are, besides, in rebellion, and cutting each others throats. A people in this situation are but ill able to march considerable armies with artillery and the necessary stores, (which they must have to be successful,) through a distant and difficult country.

"Inclosed I send you a letter from Sir John Johnson. It will probably inform you that the presents mentioned by Lord Dorchester are sent up; they crossed the lake in the ship with me, and are stored here, waiting the arrival of Sir John for the distribution of them.

"On your way to the Southern Council, I shall hope for the satisfaction of seeing you at Detroit; in the meantime I remain, with very sincere regard,

"My dear friend, Your faithful and obedient servant, R. Matthews.

"If Mrs. Brant is with you, I beg you will recommend me in the kindest manner to her."

There can be no misunderstanding touching the purport of this letter. Lord Dorchester would no more commit himself on the question of a direct participation, in the event of actual declared hostilities between the Indian Confederacy and the Americans, than Lord Sidney had done. Captain, now Major Matthews, was anxious to confer with Captain Brant "for the mutual advantage and well-being of that cause, which had always been common, and equally dear," &c. His Lordship wished the Indians to act as was best for their own interest--"he could not begin a war with the Americans," but "they must see that it was his Lordship's intention to defend the posts; and while these were preserved, the Indians must find great security therefrom, and the Americans greater difficulty in taking possession of their lands," &c. Indeed, the whole tenor of the letter was to promote a feeling of hostility in the bosoms of the Indians against the United States, with a mutual understanding that the British government was maintaining the posts for the benefit of the Indians; while the Indian hostilities, should they ensue, would serve to check or prevent the Americans from obtaining possession of them.

There are neither printed nor written records, from which any additional information can be drawn respecting the conduct and movements of Captain Brant during the residue of the year 1787. The delay in the transmission of his despatches to the government of the United States, as mentioned in the letter of General Knox, had of course disappointed the Indians in their expectation of an early reply from Congress. In consequence of this delay, another grand council was determined upon by the western Indians, of which, among the papers of Captain Brant, is the following notification to his nation:--

"Message from the Hurons of Detroit to the Five Nations.

"January 2l_st,_ 1788.

"Brethren,

"Nothing yet has reached us in answer to the messages sent to the Americans on the breaking up of our General Council, nor is it now probable we shall hear from them before our next meeting takes place; a circumstance that ought to expedite us in our business. The nations this way have adhered hitherto to the engagements entered into before we parted, at least as far as has come to our knowledge; and we intend immediately to call them to this council-fire, which shall be uncovered at the time appointed; that without farther delay some decisive measures may be finally fixed upon for our future interest, which must govern hereafter the conduct of all the nations in our alliance; and this we intend to be the last council for the purpose; therefore it is needless for us to urge farther the indispensable necessity of all nations being present at the conclusion of affairs tending so much to their own future welfare and happiness. And we do in a particular manner desire you, the Five Nations, to be strong and punctual in your promise of being with us early and in time; and that not only the warriors, but the chiefs of your several nations attend on this occasion. We shall therefore endeavor to have as many of the western and southern Indians as possible collected.

"Strings of Wampum."

Accompanying this address to the Five Nations, was another of similar import, (save only that it expressed the dissatisfaction of the Hurons at the proceedings of the former grand council,) directed to the other tribes of Canadian Indians, and summoning them to appear at the great council-fire of the Confederacy in the Spring.

It will appear by the three letters next successively to be introduced, that Captain Brant was preparing in March to attend the proposed council, and that, having attended the said council, his views became more pacific. He had, however, begun to distrust all the nations of his own confederacy, excepting only the Mohawks--and probably not without reason. The Congress of the United States; in the Autumn of the preceding year, had given instructions to Major General St. Clair, then Governor of the North-western territory, to inquire particularly into the temper of the Indians, and if he found it still hostile, to endeavor to hold as general a treaty with them as he could convene; and although the purchase of the Indian right to the soil was not to be considered a primary object, yet he was instructed if possible to extinguish their title as far westward as the Mississippi river. It will be seen presently, that Brant had, even thus early, reason to suppose, that in a war with the United States the majority of the Five Nations would not be found in arms. The gentleman to whom two of these letters were addressed, was Patrick Langan, Esq. private secretary to Sir John Johnson:--

"Captain Brant to Lieutenant Langan. [FN]

"Grand River, March 20_th,_ 1788.

"Dear Sir,

"I hope you have enjoyed your health since I had the pleasure to see you last. We have had no particular news here from the southward, only they are preparing to have another great Council in that country early in the Spring, and I am obliged to attend myself there. As for the Five Nations, most of them have sold themselves to the Devil--I mean to the Yankeys. Whatever they do after this, it must be for the Yankeys--not for the Indians or the English. We mean to speak to them once more. We must, in the first place, get the Mohawks away from the Bay of Quinte. As soon as we can get them here, we shall begin to argue to the Five Nations, and will show our example of getting together ourselves; also, we shall know who is for the Yankeys and who is not. I forgot to mention to Sir John I wanted very much to have the papers here. I mean the list of our losses and claims, and our names. I should be much obliged to you if you would be so kind as to send me those papers, or the copies of them, as there are some disputes here concerning those lists. I should be exceeding happy if you could get me a quarter of a pound of sewing thread, of silk, of different colors, and send me the account and the money I owed you before. Also, I wish you could get me a pipe tomahawk. Please to get the best, if you can.

"Sir, I remain Your most obedient, humble servant, Joseph Brant."

"To Lieutenant Langan."

* * * * *

[FN] Copied from the original by the author.

There is no farther information of Brant or his movements until the closing week of August, at which time he was in the neighborhood of Detroit, preparing to mingle in the deliberations of the great council spoken of in the preceding letter. The following is a copy of a letter found among his papers, written at this time:

"Captain Brant to Sir John Johnson.

"Huron Village, mouth of the Detroit. } 28th August, 1788. }

"Sir,

"I am happy to inform you of our having arrived at Detroit the 10th inst. The party with Capt. David who went by water, and those with myself who went by land, being so lucky as to arrive the same inst. And wishing to lose as little time as possible, the next day we met the principal men of the Hurons, Chippewas, Ottawas, and Pottawattamies. As they had lost three of their Chiefs, we went through our ancient custom of condoling with them, by giving about 10,000 wampum, as we could not proceed with our public business till such time as that ceremony was over; when, upon examining into the business we came about, I plainly foresaw numberless difficulties, owing to the people here not being so unanimous as the situation of affairs requires. The Wyandots do not wish to attend at the place that was last Fall agreed upon, but wish to have the Council at this place; but that we strenuously opposed, and have got them to consent to meet at the Miamis; their reason is, I believe, that they would wish to have a private and separate meeting with the Americans to settle matters for themselves. On the other hand, the Twightwees or Miamis are quite the reverse,--wishing by no means to fall in with the Hurons in their way of thinking, but would wish to be at open war with the Americans. Thus are matters here situated. However, I have some reason to think that if we can get them at the appointed place of rendezvous, we will be able to point out to them their error, and get them again to adopt the measures that the whole of us agreed upon, and cause that unanimity to subsist among us, which is so requisite in our situation, and without which we cannot expect the business will terminate so much to our satisfaction as it otherwise would. In case that they should be headstrong, and not wish to fall in with our plan of operation, I shall scarcely know how to act upon it, but shall take every necessary precaution to prevent the minds of those who unanimous being any ways inflamed by those nations in opposition and wavering. Still I hope to have the pleasure of writing to you a more favorable account after we have had a meeting. Capt McKee has given us every assistance that he could towards forwarding our business, and I expect will attend the Council at the Miamis, which I sincerely hope will now be soon. Upon leaving Niagara, I found from the multiplicity of business which we should have, that it would be highly requisite to have a man with us who understood the English language, and capable of transacting business, for which purpose we have thought proper to appoint Ralph Clement, and will make him some allowance out of the money we are to receive next summer for the lands sold the Americans. In the meantime I have to request you will be so kind as to allow him something towards defraying his necessary expenses out of the Indian store at Niagara. Upon application made to Col. Butler, he did not think proper to advance him any thing without he should have your order for it. As to the news from the Southern Indians and American Commissioners, we have some accounts, but must refer you to Capt McKee, who writes you by this vessel, for the particulars. This is the fourth letter I have written you since I had the pleasure of seeing you last.

"Your most obedient servant, Joseph Brant.

"Sir John Johnson."

From the nomadic habits of the Indians, and the long distances most of their nations were obliged to travel, the gathering of their great council was a work of time. Thus it will be seen that six weeks more elapsed, before the kindling of the council-fire, and how much longer it is impossible to tell, from the brokenness of the correspondence of the chief, who was probably the only writer among them. On the 7th of October the Captain wrote as follows:--

"Captain Brant to Lieutenant Langan.

"Miamis River, 7_th October,_ 1788.

"Dear Sir,

"The business I have been obliged to attend to since I had the pleasure of seeing you, had so much taken up my attention, and kept me so busily employed, that I have scarcely had time to write any of my friends. And, indeed, nothing worth communicating has occurred, or otherwise I should have strained a point to have dropt you a line, as my intention always was to correspond with you, who, I am certain, would at any time spare a moment to acknowledge the receipt. I have done myself the pleasure of writing four letters to Sir John, who, I hope, has received them, [FN] as I would wish to give him every information affecting our proceedings. Probably his time is too busily employed to attend to them, and that it would be more agreeable to him if I corresponded with you on public business. I should be happy to hear from time to time whether my conduct met with his approbation, as I would not wish to act in any manner that he would not approve; he being at the head of the department, is the one we look to for advice."

* * * * *

[FN] One only of these has been discovered--that of the 25th of August, on the preceding page. The author has made many efforts to obtain the papers of Sir John Johnson, where these letters, probably, may yet be found--but without success. They are either scattered and lost, or have been taken to England.

"Upon my arrival at Detroit I found the nations there. All had forgot our last Fall's agreements, and were averse to attend the council at this place. However, we talked over matters with them, and convinced them of the necessity there was for our being unanimous, and determining the business that has been so long in agitation, and after some time, I prevailed, and have got them all here. After waiting at this place, for near five weeks, the arrival of the Shawanese, Miamis, Onias, and the rest of the nations westward of this, are at last arrived; so that I am in hopes in a few days to be able to give you the particulars of our meeting. I have still my doubts whether we will all join or not, some being no ways inclined for peaceable methods. The Hurons, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, and Delawares, will join with us in trying lenient steps, and having a boundary line fixed; and, rather than enter headlong into a destructive war, will give up a small part of their country. On the other hand, the Shawanese, Miamis, and Kickapoos, who are now so much addicted to horse-stealing that it will be a difficult task to break them of it, as that kind of business is their best harvest, will of course declare for war, and not giving up any of their country, which, I am afraid, will be the means of our separating. They are, I believe, determined not to attend the treaty with the Americans. Still I hope for the best. As the major part of the nations are of our opinions, the rest may be brought to, as nothing shall be wanting on my part to convince them of their error. I sincerely hope our business may terminate to our general interest and satisfaction. We have not as yet entered upon public matters, as the Shawanese have a great feast, which will take up a couple of days, after, which we will have a general meeting, and then we will be certain of each other's opinions. Till then, I am, with compliments to Sir John and Mrs. Claus,

"Your most obed't friend, And very humble serv't, Jos. Brant.

"P. Langan."

The tone of the three immediately preceding letters, is more pacific than might have been anticipated. Indeed, they seem to indicate a change in the intentions of the writer, which it will be found somewhat difficult to reconcile with portions of his subsequent conduct. He is in these letters--particularly the last addressed to Lieutenant Langan, though intended more especially for the information of Sir John Johnson--the friend of peace--perhaps being compelled to assume that attitude by the force of circumstances--having reason to anticipate the success--temporary, as it proved--which was to crown the Indian diplomacy of General St Clair. In his first letter to Langan, Brant had declared that "the Six Nations had sold themselves to the devil," or, in other words, "to the Yankees," which in his opinion was equivalent thereto--and the result was shortly afterward such as to sustain his sagacity.

No records of the proceedings of the grand council so long assembling in the Autumn of 1788, have been discovered, although it appears by a letter from Captain Brant to his friend Matthews, who had returned once more to Quebec, written in March, 1789, that all the proceedings and speeches had been forwarded--by Captain McKee probably--to Lord Dorchester. The presumption is, that the council came to no harmonious conclusion, inasmuch as a treaty was shortly afterward held with the Americans at Fort Harmar, which was attended by only a part of the Indians, while its proceedings were subsequently disavowed by other and the larger portions of the nations.

Be these things, however, as they may, on the 2d of May following, (1789, [FN-1]) General St. Clair wrote to President Washington from New-York, announcing that on the 9th of the preceding month of January, he had concluded two separate treaties with the Indians assembled in council at Fort Harmar; the first with the sachems and warriors of the Five Nations, the Mohawks excepted--and the second with the sachems and warriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottawattamie and Sac Nations. The reason of these separate negotiations, as explained by General St. Clair, Was found in the Roman maxim--"Divide et impera." "A jealousy," says the General, "subsisted between them, which I was not willing to lessen by appearing to consider them as one people. They do not so consider themselves; and I am persuaded their general confederacy is entirely broken. Indeed, it would not be very difficult, if circumstances required it, to set them at deadly variance." [FN-2] This Machiavellian policy of dividing to conquer--of poising nations, tribes, and factions against each other, that all may the more easily be crushed at will--is an ancient mode of war, and has been practised by every government having the opportunity. Its morality, however, cannot be defended--more especially in regard to the simple children of the American forests, against whom it has been prosecuted with the greatest success. Still, there was an approximation to justice, in a pecuniary point of view, toward the Indians, in these negotiations of General St Clair, which had not been previously countenanced by Congress. From the date of the peace with England, to the reception of the address of October, 1786, from the Grand Council at Huron Village, Congress had acted upon the principle that the treaty with Great Britain invested them with the fee of all the Indian lands within the boundaries of the United States. The address of the Indian Council, of December, 1786, written, as has been assumed, by Captain Brant, asserted a contrary principle--viz: that the Indians were the only rightful proprietors of the soil. And this principle was acceded to in the instructions of Congress to General St. Clair, of October, 1787, and July, 1788. [FN-3] However greatly the Indians may have been defrauded since that date, such has at least been the basis of all subsequent negotiations with them for lands.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Erroneously dated, May 2d, 1788, in the State Papers as will be seen by the dates of the treaties, and by the Report of the Secretary of War, July 7, 1789.

[FN-2] St. Clair's letter, Am. State Papers, Vol. IV. p. 10.

[FN-3] Vide State Papers, Vol IV. p. 9; and report of the Secretary of War, July 15, 1789--same vol. p. 13.

Although the Mohawks were not parties to the treaty of Fort Harmar, yet it appears that they, at least their chief, Thayendanegea, must have been present at its negotiation. This fact is disclosed in a passage in his letter to Major Matthews, already referred to: "You'll hear by this opportunity the result of our jaunt to the southward, as Captain McKee has sent down all the proceedings of our councils with the American Commissioners, speeches, and answers. Our proceedings have been such as I hope will be approved of. I must farther mention that much may yet be done, if we meet with necessary assistance, as business cannot be carried on in the upper country to advantage without the attendance of the Five Nations, which they cannot do without being more amply supplied than heretofore with ammunition, provisions, &c. I have ever been forward in pointing out what I thought would tend to the good of our service, and which has ever been attended to, notwithstanding that my friends below seem to credit these reports. Still, my attachment to government is such, that personal injury will not have sufficient weight to make me swerve from the duty I owe my King." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Letter from Joseph Brant to Capt. Matthews, March 8,1789, among the Brant papers. Writing to Governor Clinton respecting the conduct of Captain Brant touching St. Clair's proceedings at Fort Harmar, President Washington said--"Captain Brant has not been candid in his account of General St. Clair, nor done justice in his representation of matters at Muskingum. It is notorious that he need all the art and influence of which he was possessed to prevent any treaty being held; and that, except in a small degree, General St. Clair aimed at no more land by the treaty of Muskingum than had been ceded by the preceding treaties."Letter from President Washington to Governor Clinton, Dec. 1, 1790.

There is an allusion, in the closing sentences of this quotation, to certain "private griefs" of the writer, requiring an explanation. Captain Brant was no more exempt than other men from the ill-will and evil machinations of the envious and jealous. "Great honors are great burdens" as well among the red men as the white; and it was the fate of the noble Mohawk to encounter his full share of trials of this description. Difficulties had already sprung up in the administration of his affairs, not only with the Provincial Government, in regard to the nature of the title which the Mohawks were to receive of the lands granted them on the Ouise or Grand River, but also between the chief and some of the Indians themselves; not Mohawks, but stragglers from other tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy. During the protracted absence of the Captain to the councils of the preceding year, in the country of the great lakes, it appears that a council of disaffected Indians had been held at Montreal; the object of which was to denounce the conduct of Brant, but in what respects does not exactly appear. Strong complaints were preferred against him, however, at that council, "not only in the name of the Five Nations, but by some of his relations and intimate friends," under circumstances, and with an air so imposing, as to give serious alarm to his friends at the castle of St. Lewis.

On the 3d of January, 1789, Major Matthews addressed a long letter to his Mohawk friend, on the subject of that council, and the charges then and there preferred against him. This letter was written by Matthews with the knowledge and approbation of a distinguished personage, who, although his name is not given, must have been Lord Dorchester. Major Matthews did not specify the charges made against his friend, and they can only be vaguely surmised from the following extract: "The circumstances which have been alleged against you, you have no doubt been minutely informed of. It is therefore unnecessary, and would be painful to me, to recapitulate them. Your friend [FN] wishes you to reflect seriously upon the fatal consequences that must attend a misunderstanding and disunion of your nation, and of those Indians who might make the settlement upon the Grand River a happy retreat for themselves and their posterity, by a cordial and friendly union. How materially the contrary must weaken their interest, and yours in particular, in the great scale of the Indian Confederacy; and how heavy the blame must fall upon whoever shall be considered the promoter of so great a calamity. He therefore recommends to you, as the safest and surest road to consequence and fame, to effect, without loss of time, a perfect reconciliation with your friends and fellow-settlers; convincing them, by your mildness and generosity, and still more by a strict attention to justice, that you are worthy of their confidence; exert all your powers in establishing perfect union and friendship among your own nation, and you will convince those at a distance that you are capable and worthy of cementing a general union for good purposes."

* * * * *

[FN] Lord Dorchester doubtless, meaning.

"Having thus far given you the sentiments of a hearty well-wisher, I cannot conclude without adding from myself, in the language and with the heart of an old and sincere friend, that I feel more sensibly than I can find words to express, for the critical situation in which every person who was present at the Council must consider you to stand with your nation. For my own part I could scarce believe my own eyes and ears, when I saw and heard our old friends, whose hands and hearts have been so long joined together in one common cause, pour out complaints against you; and they did it at the same time with such reluctance and concern, that it was the more affecting. It is impossible that men who were born, brought up, who have so oft fought by each others' sides, and bled together, can seriously disagree. The whole must be a misunderstanding, and must be explained with reconciliation. It is noble and generous to acknowledge an error, and mutually to forgive injuries; and, my dear Joseph, listen to mine, and to the voice of your friends, who wish your happiness by seeing you so firmly re-united with your own flesh and blood as to resist any power on earth that would separate you from them." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Extracted from the original letter of Capt. Matthews, among the Brant papers.

It is from the reply of Captain Brant to this communication, that the brief reference to the proceedings of the western councils has been quoted. In regard to the proceedings at Montreal to which his attention had been so earnestly invited by his correspondent, the answer of Captain Brant was full and frank, manifesting on his own part, a feeling of dignified and conscious rectitude. The charges themselves were not specified by the chief in his defence, but the inference deduced from his language is, that his integrity had been impeached in regard to their lands, and his loyalty questioned to the King; and farther, that he had been censured for introducing a few white settlers upon the Indian lands--his object in so doing, being to benefit the Indians by the better examples of the whites in husbandry, and also by the introduction of some of the mechanic arts among them. He regrets that his enemies, few in number, as he says, had availed themselves of his absence to assail his character, at a moment, too, when in a distant country he was exerting all his energies for the benefit of his people; and regrets still more that his friends in Montreal had listened to the charges for a moment, until after he could have a hearing. If he had erred at all, he maintained that it could only have been in the warmth of his ardour in promoting the substantial interests of his nation. In the course of his letter, he pointed with modest exultation to the proceedings of a full Council of the Five Nations, held at Niagara, in presence of the agent and the commanding officer, subsequent to the denunciation at Montreal, by which his conduct had been approved. Should the proceedings of this council be insufficient to remove "the censure thrown upon him by a seditious and discontented few, and make the complainants appear in their proper light," the Captain suggested that he should make application to the agents at Detroit and Niagara for certificates of his conduct during the war and since the peace; and thus provided, he would repair to head-quarters with all the principal men, both sachems and warriors, [FN] of all the nations settled in that country, and let them speak freely. After which, he hoped to stand better with "the great men below" than he had reason to suppose he did at that time.

* * * * *

[FN] "Both Sachems and warriors." "A Sachem is considered a civil magistrate, who takes precedence of all war-chiefs in time of peace, and is hereditary. Not so the war-chiefs. They, as by all the rest of the world, are made by the voice of the nation for their gallantry in the field. In time of war, the war-chiefs take the commend, and direct all the movements,--what is called in civilized life,--martial law." Letters to the editor from Colonel William J. Kerr. The distinction is scarcely ever observed in writing of Indian affairs, since sachems, warriors, chiefs, are most usually written indiscriminately, as it happens.

With the conclusion of the treaties of January, 1789, by General St. Clair, the purpose of forming a grand Indian Confederacy, to include the Five Nations, which should be lasting, was defeated, at least for that time; and although peace had not been restored to the south-western settlements on the Ohio, yet the name of Captain Brant does not again appear in connexion with the affairs of the western Indians during the residue of the year 1789 and the two succeeding years. It appears, however, by the copy of a letter found among his papers, addressed by him to Colonel McDonnell, in September, that the Shawanese had then just sent an embassy, "inviting the Five Nations very strongly to a grand council of the different nations, to be held at the Wyandot Town, near Detroit, for the purpose of renewing and strengthening the Confederacy." "We left it," the letter continues, "entirely to the Buffalo Creek people to determine how to act, because they are in general backward and dilatory; but for our parts, we can always be ready at the shortest notice. I, however, think, myself, that it cannot take place until next Spring, since by this time the young men have begun to scatter in the woods for hunting; and it would be necessary to have them present to hear what is agreed upon by the chiefs; and by that means whatever may be agreed on will more firmly effect and unite the different nations. The larger number present from the different nations the better." Whether the proposed council was held, or whether, if held, Captain Brant participated in its deliberations, is not known.

But while Thayendanegea had successfully vindicated himself from the aspersions of the disaffected of his own people, as has been seen, and while he was pondering upon the invitation of the Shawanese to attempt the assembling of another great council in the west, he was admonished of the rumored existence of a plot against the English garrison at Detroit, and also against himself and his own people in their new location, concerted by his recent quasi confederates, the Hurons, Pottawattamies, and Chippewas. The inauspicious rumor was communicated to him in writing by Sir John Johnson.

"Sir John Johnson to Captain Brant.

"Montreal, 4_th Nov._ 1789.

"Dear Joseph,

"I do not think I should be justifiable in not acquainting you (though perhaps you may have heard the report,) that an account has been received at Detroit, upon the oath of one the party concerned, that the Hurons, Pottawattamies, and Chippewas are concerned in a plot to cut off the garrison at Detroit, and your settlement, this Winter, or as soon as the navigation of the lakes is shut up. Though this information wants farther confirmation, and I give very little credit to it, I think you had better be on your guard, and try to find out the real situation, designs, and disposition of those nations, by sending some trusty, unsuspected persons among them. I should imagine that you had some friends among the Hurons that you could rely upon to give you all the information you want, and that some trusty Messissagoes might be got to go among the other nations to watch their motions; any recompense for these services will be readily granted, if you think them necessary, upon producing this letter to Lieut. Col. Butler, or Mr. McKee.

"I have your letter to Langan of the 23d of September. As to the business of Aaron and Isaac, so much has been said on that already, and, in fact, it is so trifling, that nothing farther is necessary to be said in answer to that part of your letter; but I must acknowledge that I am a little hurt at the other queries you put to him, as they are the offspring of an ungenerous suspicion, and ill-founded doubts of the conduct and sincerity of your best and only friends. Rest assured that we know nothing of the intentions of government to relinquish or give up the posts; so far from any appearance of it, I am well informed that the post of Niagara is put, or putting, into the best state of defence the nature of the works will admit of, as I believe all the others are likewise; and I am confident no such step will ever be taken without some previous notice given to all interested. As to the department I have the honor to superintend, I have no reason to think any change or alteration will take place in it, that can in any manner affect the interests of the Indians.

"You wish to know our news. All we have that can be interesting to you is, that one of the most wonderful revolutions has happened in France that ever was known in so short a time. The people have been made, by the more enlightened part of the nation, to view their situation in its proper light, and to throw off the yoke of bondage, slavery, and oppression, under which they have for ages groaned, and have compelled their grand monarch to yield to a Constitution similar, in most respects, to the happy one under which we live. They have abolished all their monks and nunneries, and have made such changes as are wonderful to relate. With my best regards to Mrs. Brant, &c. and to all at the village, I remain, as ever,

"Your friend and faithful servant, John Johnson." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Respecting the rumor which elicited this letter, there is no farther information. Indeed, the letter of Sir John itself has been inserted in the text, more for the purpose of disclosing the liberal spirit in which the Baronet hailed the beginning of the French Revolution, (as all the civilized world did at first,) as the dawn of liberty in France, than for any other purpose.

Relieved, temporarily at least, from the cares and labors of diplomacy among the nations of the more distant lakes, Brant was enabled, early in the year 1789, to direct his attention more closely to other matters of business; not forgetting the pursuits of literature, so far as under the disadvantages of his situation he was enabled to attend to its cultivation. He was ever anxious for the moral and intellectual improvement of his people; and as a primary means of such improvement, he now earnestly sought for the settlement of a resident clergyman among them. Visiting Montreal for that purpose, he wrote to Sir John Johnson, who was absent (probably at Quebec) at the time, and through him appealed to Lord Dorchester to procure the removal of the Rev. Mr. Stuart from Kingston to the neighborhood of Grand River. Many of the Indians, he said, wished to be near a church where there should be a proper minister; and nowhere, as he thought, could one be found who would suit their dispositions so well, and exert such a desirable influence over the morals of the young people, as Mr. Stuart, who had been a missionary among them in the Valley of the Mohawk. "This good thing," he said in his letter to Sir John, "I know must be done by his Lordship, and through your kind interposition; which, be assured, I would not mention, if I was not very well a convinced of the good that would arise from it." [FN] He wrote other pressing letters to the same purport; but the transfer of Mr. Stuart was not effected.

* * * * *

[FN] MS. letters among the Brant papers.

He is believed at about the same time to have resumed the labor of translating devotional books into the Mohawk language. In addition to the work published in England in 1786, as already mentioned, he translated the entire liturgy, and also a primer; a copy of each of which works was presented to Harvard University. The donation was acknowledged by a vote of thanks, which was enclosed in the following letter from the President of that institution:--

"President Willard to Captain Brant.

"Cambridge, July 20th, 1789.

"Sir,

"I have the pleasure of enclosing you a vote of thanks of the Corporation of the University in this place, for your present of books to the library, which were received but a little while before the date of the vote. [FN] To the vote of thanks from the whole corporate body for this acceptable present, give me leave, Sir, as head of the University, to add my thanks in particular.

"I am pleased to hear, from the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, that you are writing a history of the natives of this country. I hope, when you have finished it in your own language, you will give us a translation in English, as I doubt not we shall have many curious and important things contained in it, respecting the various Indian nations, that we are now unacquainted with.

"Mr. Kirkland is so obliging as to take charge of this letter, and I doubt not will convey it to you as soon as possible,

"I am, Sir, With sentiments of great esteem, Your very humble servant, Joseph Willard.

"Colonel Joseph Brant."

* * * * *

[FN] See Appendix, No. VI.

The historical work mentioned in the preceding letter, it is believed, was never commenced, although it had been projected, or rather, Captain Brant had designed writing a history of the Six Nations. But he had, probably, too many demands upon his time, and cares upon his mind, to allow of the execution of his plan. The work of translating the New Testament was continued by Captain Brant's friend and fellow-chief, John Norton, alias Teyoninhokaraven, which was his Indian name. This chief translated the Gospel of John, which was printed by the British and Foreign Bible Society; and he intended to proceed with the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, but probably the work was not completed. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Norton's name will appear frequently hereafter. He was a half-breed, his father being an Indian, and his mother a Scotch woman. He received a classical education at an English school. Next to Thayendanegea, Teyoninhokaraven was the moat distinguished of the modern Mohawks. His observations were said to be acute, and his language in conversation strong and elegant. He was well versed in ancient and modern history, and particularly well informed in geography. On every subject connected with his own country and people his knowledge was minute. In his person he was tall and muscular, with a large and expressive eye.

But, aside from the cultivation of letters, Captain Brant had ample employment, for both mind and body, in regulating his domestic Indian relations. The planting of his own nation upon their new territory at Grand River, and the exertions necessary to bring them into order, and persuade them to substitute the pursuits of husbandry for the chase, were labors of no small moment. The grant of land on the Grand River was doubtless intended solely for the Mohawks, who had been dispossessed of their own native valley; but other Indians of the Six Nations intruded upon them, even some of those who had borne arms against the crown and the Mohawks. Jealousies and heart-burnings were the consequence, which occasionally called for the interposition of the chief, sometimes to the injury of his popularity, as has already appeared.

Nor was his attention alone required to regulate the affairs of the Indians on the British side of the line. Difficulties sprang up as early as 1789 among the Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas, in consequence of the intrusion of the whites upon their lands, and the unlawful purchases effected by some of them, from Indians not authorized to sell. All the weight of these troubles seemed to fall upon the shoulders of Captain Brant, between whom and Governor George Clinton an active correspondence took place upon the subject, in 1789 and the following year. The Governor made every possible effort to cause justice to be done to the Indians; for which purpose, several councils were held at Fort Stanwix, and at least one special interview was held between the Governor and the chief in relation to it. The result was an amicable arrangement. In his letters, Governor Clinton treated the Indian chieftain not only with marked respect, but with evident personal kindness and regard. The following letter will serve as a specimen of this correspondence on the part of that distinguished man:--

"Governor Clinton to Captain Brant.

"New-York, 1_st September,_ 1790.

"Sir,

"I was favored with your letter of the 21st of July yesterday, and am happy to hear of your health and safe arrival at your place of residence.

"A rumor of a Spanish war also prevails among us. It is certain, that both that and the British nation are equipping powerful naval armaments; the ostensible object of which is the settlement of a dispute which has taken place between them, with respect to their possessions on the north-west part of this Continent, and the right of fishery in that quarter. It is, however, probable that all this political bustle may terminate in negotiation, by one conceding and the other accepting of what neither have any well-founded pretensions to, farther than mere discovery and the displaying of a national flag by the permission of the hospitable and unsuspecting natives.

"The gentlemen who are appointed commissioners of Indian affairs, and whom you saw with me at Fort Stanwix, chiefly reside in the country, and are now so dispersed that it is not practicable to confer with them. I perfectly recollect the conversation which passed between you and me relative to the land you was to have had from Doctor Benton, and I communicated the import of it at the time, to the commissioners; and you will remember I afterward informed you that, however strong their dispositions were to serve you, yet they could not consent to any thing that would give the least sanction or countenance to any part of Benton's transactions, as they considered them not only contrary to law, but committed by him in open defiance of the authority of the State. They expressed, at the same time, sentiments of the warmest friendship for you; and I considered the present which they directed me to make you, as the only way they had in their power to evince the sincerity of their professions.

"I shall be happy to see you here next Summer, and will endeavor to make your visit agreeable to you. Colonel Varick and your brother, the sachem, are the only two of the gentlemen who were at Fort Stanwix, now in town. They request you to accept of their best respects. I will not fail to communicate your expectations to Mr. L'Hommedieu, that he may stand prepared to discharge the tribute.

"I am Your most obed't servant, Geo. Clinton.

"Captain Joseph Brant."

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