Chapter XII
Suspected duplicity of the British authorities--Conduct of Simon Girty--Disclosures upon the subject by Captain Brant--Council at Buffalo, and Indian report of the doings of the Great Congress--Speech of Captain Brant respecting the Miami council--Mission of General Chapin to Philadelphia, with the speech--Answer unsatisfactory to the Indians--Red Jacket--Indian council--Speech of Captain Brant in reply to the answer of the United States--Troubles thickening between the United States and Great Britain--Inflammatory speech of Lord Dorchester--Question of its authenticity settled--Conduct of Governor Simcoe--Indignation of President Washington--His letter to Mr. Jay--Speech of Captain Brant against holding a council at Venango--The design frustrated--Affairs farther in the West--Singular message from the distant Indians under the Spanish and French influence--Their speech--Operations of General Wayne--Encroachments of Pennsylvania upon the Indian lands--Indian council upon the subject--Address to General Washington--Important letter of Brant to Colonel Smith--Pennsylvania relinquishes Presque Isle--Defeat of Major McMarion near Fort Recovery--Indians repulsed in their attack upon the fort--Letter to Brant giving an account of the battle--Advance of Wayne to the Au Glaize and Miamis of the Lakes--Little Turtle apprised of his movements and strength by a deserter--The Chief determines to give battle--Wayne makes one more effort for peace--Failure of the attempt--Advance of Wayne to the Rapids--Position of the Indians--Battle and defeat of the Indians--Little Turtle opposed to the hazard of a battle--Opposed by Blue-Jacket and overruled--Tart correspondence between Wayne and Major Campbell--Destruction of Indian property by fire, and burning of Colonel McKee's establishment--Disappointment of the Indians that Major Campbell did not assist them--Letter of Governor Simcoe to Brant--Aggression at Sodus Bay--Simcoe and Brant repair to the West--Interfere to prevent a peace--Indian council--The hostiles negotiate with Wayne--Simcoe's address to the Wyandots--Division in their counsels--Brant retires displeased--Letter of apology from the Chiefs--The distant Indians become weary of the war.
The return of the Commissioners to the eastern extremity of Lake Erie was immediate; from whence both the government of the United States and General Wayne were apprised of the failure of the negotiation, for which such long and anxious preparation had been made. It has been charged that, notwithstanding the apparent friendship of Governor Simcoe and his little court at Niagara, and their seeming desire of peace, this unpropitious result was measurably, if not entirely, produced by the influence of the British officers in attendance upon the Indian councils--Colonel McKee, Captain Elliot, and the notorious Simon Girty. The Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, at the request of General Knox, accompanied the Commissioners, and was present at the delivery of the last message from the council, refusing an interview, which, as delivered, both in matter and manner was exceedingly insolent. Elliot and Girty were both present when this message was delivered, the latter of whom supported his insolence by a quill, or long feather run through the cartilage of his nose cross-wise. He was the interpreter of the message; and Mr. Heckewelder states that he officiously added a sentence not transmitted from the council. Two Delaware chiefs, visiting the Commissioners from the council, while at Detroit River, on being questioned by Mr. Heckewelder why the Commissioners were not allowed to proceed to their quarters at the Rapids, replied:--"All we can say is, that we wish for peace; but we cannot speak farther, our mouths being stopped up when we left the council!" In other words, they had been forbidden to disclose any of its secrets.[FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Heckewelder's Narrative of the Moravian Missions.
These circumstances, from the pen of such a witness, furnish strong presumptive testimony of duplicity on the part of the Canadian administration. But there is yet other evidence of the fact, so strong as to be indisputable. It is that of Captain Brant himself, who, of all others, participated most largely in the deliberations of those councils. In one of the speeches delivered by him in the course of his land difficulties with the Canadian government, some time subsequent to the war, the following passage occurs:--"For several years" (after the peace of 1783,) "we were engaged in getting a confederacy formed, [FN-1] and the unanimity occasioned by these endeavors among our western brethren, enabled them to defeat two American armies. The war continued without our brothers, the English, giving any assistance, excepting a little ammunition; and they seeming to desire that a peace might be concluded, we tried to bring it about at a time that the United States desired it very much, so that they sent Commissioners from among their first people, to endeavor to make peace with the hostile Indians. We assembled also for that purpose at the Miami River in the Summer of 1793, intending to act as mediators in bringing about an honorable peace; and if that could not be obtained, we resolved to join with our western brethren in trying the fortune of war. But to our surprise, when on the point of entering upon a treaty with the Commissioners, we found that it was opposed by those acting under the British government, and hopes of farther assistance were given to our western brethren, to encourage them to insist on the Ohio as a boundary between them and the United States." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] In another portion of the same speech, Captain Brant stated that General Haldimand exhorted them to the formation of that union with the different nations.
[FN-2] Quoted from the manuscript copy of the speech, contained among the Brant papers, in the hand-writing of the Chief himself.
The deputation from the Six Nations and the Seven Nations of Canada, (the Caughnawagas,) having returned from the Miami, a council was convened at the village of the Onondagas residing at Buffalo Creek, to hear their report--intended not only for their own people, but for the information of the British and American Superintendents, Colonel Butler and General Chapin. The council-fire was kindled on the 8th of October. The procedure, it will be seen, was characteristic and striking. The belts, pictures, and emblems used by the several nations represented in the Grand Council at the Miami Rapids, were forwarded to the Six Nations by the hands of their deputies, and after the council had been regularly opened, these were produced, and the speeches with which their delivery had been accompanied, were repeated, in the form of a report, with incidental explanations. By this process, though tedious, the proceedings of the Grand Congress were probably reported to the Buffalo council, with as much accuracy as though they had been written out in form by a committee of the more civilized "Congress of the Thirteen Fires."
All things being ready, the proceedings were commenced by Clear-Sky, a chief of the Onondagas, who spoke as follows:--
"Brothers: We thank the Great Spirit for our happy meeting, that he has preserved us through all difficulties, dangers, and sickness, and given us an opportunity of meeting together at this place."
The ceremony of condolence for the loss of friends since the last council, having been regularly performed and reciprocated by all the tribes present, and also by the Superintendents, the business of the council was resumed by the Farmer's Brother, who delivered the speech of the Shawanese, Delawares, and Twithuays, as follows:--
"Brothers: Colonel Butler and General Chapin, we wish you to attend the Shawanese and other nations of Indians. We thank the Six Nations for their attention. We were glad to see them at the Great Council-fire which had been kindled some time at the Rapids of the Miami." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] In order to understand the report, the reader must bear in mind that the speech of each belt is delivered by the bearer of it, as though he were in fact a delegate from the nation whose report he is making.
"Brothers: You are acquainted with the friendship that once subsisted between you and our fathers, and the reason that the present fire is kindled, is to renew that friendship.
"Brothers: We mentioned this to you last Fall at a council at the Glaize, and we now repeat it to put you in mind of that friendship which once subsisted between you and our wise forefathers."
[A belt of white wampum was here presented, made in a circular form, representing their place of meeting, as in the centre, and crossed by four stripes of black wampum, representing all their confederates, East, West, North, and South.]
"Brothers: The ancient confederacy which subsisted between us and the Five Nations, [FN] was, that if any of the Five Nations were in distress, we would take them to us; we now see that you are in distress; that you are surrounded by water, and have not any land to stand upon; that a large white beast stands with open mouth on the other side, ready to destroy you. We have dry land for you to stand on; and we now take you by the hand, and invite you to come, and bring your beds, and sit down with us."
[Belt of seven rows of black and white wampum.]
* * * * *
[FN] In answer to a question by the Seven Nations of Canada, how long this confederacy had existed between the Shawanese, &c. the reply was, "three lives."
The warriors here joined with the Chiefs, and repeated the ancient agreement, recommended a union of all the different nations, and asked them to follow what was recommended by the chiefs. Puck-on-che-luh, head warrior of the Delawares, [FN] then spoke:--
* * * * *
[FN] After the defeat of St. Clair, on which occasion the Delawares fought bravely, the Mohawks, who had formerly declared the Delawares to be women, or, in other words, degraded them from the rank of warriors, reversed the sentence of disgrace, and wiped out the stigma, by formally declaring the Delawares no longer women, but MEN.
"Brothers: I call you my uncles, and all the other Indians my grand-children. Them I have already united and bound together, and I now bind you all together with this string."
[A large bunch of black wampum.]
The Sachems of the Delawares then spoke:--
"Brothers: You have heard the speech of the chief warriors. We join with them, and are glad to hear they have bound all their grand-children together, and that they have spoken with great respect to their uncles, and recommended to them to be of one mind."
[A large bunch of black wampum.]
The Wyandots then spoke:--
"Brothers: You came to us one hundred and fifty years ago, when we lived above Detroit, with a speech from the Six Nations, assembled at their council-fire at Onondaga Hill, and recommended to us to be friends, and advised us not to listen to any bad report, or any thing that would disturb our minds.
"Brothers: Listen to a few words more we have to say to you. We hear the Virginians are near us; we shall not go to meet them; but if they should come among us, we do not know what will be the consequence."
[The Wyandots spoke with a very large belt of wampum, with three pictures upon it, one in the middle, and one at each end, representing the Americans at one end, the Six Nations in the middle, and themselves at the other end, and expressed their sorrow that the Americans were gone before they had had an opportunity of speaking to them.]
The Chippewas and twenty-six other nations, their confederates, then spoke:--
"Brothers: We are sorry that the business for which the council-fire at the Rapids of the Miami was kindled has not been completed as we could wish. We were desired by the different nations which we represent, to attend the council, and use our efforts to bring about a general peace, and unite all nations."
The Chippewas, Ottawas, and Pottawattamies, deputies from twenty-seven nations, inhabiting along the lakes, and above Michilimackinack, then spoke:--
"Brothers: We are sorry that we have attended all Summer at the council-fire, and have not done any business as we expected.
"Brothers: We are now united with you, the Six Nations, and ask you to return to your seats, and let the United States know our determination, and return with an answer to us by the middle of winter, and not stop, as some nations may confuse you and make your minds bad."
To which the Six Nations replied:--
"Brothers: We thank you, and as soon as we get to our seats we will kindle our council-fire, and call Canadasago, an agent, appointed by the United States to meet with us, and through him will have our determination communicated to Congress."
The Six Nations then, addressing General Chapin and Colonel Butler, said:--
"Brothers: We have now made known to you our proceedings at the late proposed treaty at the Rapids of the Miami, and have informed you of the proposed line between the Indians and the United States, which if accepted, we shall assist the white people to make peace."
Captain Brant and the Mohawks were not present at the council on the 8th, a circumstance regretted by the deputation in making their report. The Farmer's Brother remarked that Captain Brant would be able to give fuller explanations than they had done of the proceedings at Miami, and the determination at which the nations there assembled had arrived. The Mohawk having arrived on the 9th, the council-fire was again raked open, when Captain Brant thus addressed Colonel Butler the British, and General Chapin the American Superintendent:--
"Brothers: You, the King, our father, and you, our brother, the United States, attend to what we have to say. We will now explain to you the material point upon which we have requested your attendance at this council, and which has not been fully explained. We wish to act openly, that the world may judge of our proceedings.
"Brothers: It is unnecessary to repeat what passed at the great council at the Miami Rapids, as we know that you are already acquainted therewith. We shall therefore point out the cause of our parting from the meeting in the manner we did.
"Brothers: When the first deputation from the confederate Indians met the Commissioners of the United States at Niagara, every thing seemed to promise a friendly termination of the treaty; but before their return to the council-fire at the Rapids of the Miami, messengers from the Creek nation arrived there, and brought authentic information of the white people having encroached upon that part of the confederacy.
"This intelligence at once gave a change to the face of our proceedings, and, probably, was the sole cause of the abrupt termination of the negotiations for peace. Thus you see that claims upon our lands always have been, and still continue to be, the cause of war.
"Brothers: About five years ago we agreed upon a line of demarcation with the United States, which you know to be the Muskingum; and, notwithstanding the various accidents that have since occurred, we will still adhere to that boundary.
"Brothers: We think the United States will agree to this line, which will show the sincerity and justice they always profess for the Indians; should they agree to this, we sincerely hope that peace will still take place, and we think that the weight of our branch of the confederacy will be able to accomplish peace upon the reasonable line we have just mentioned, and we shall be exceeding sorry to find that this proposal should not be generally accepted by the confederacy. If it is rejected, we must be involved in difficulties in our own country.
"Brothers: We will now proceed to explain the line upon which we hope peace will be made. We know that the lands along the Ohio are claimed by the Indians, but we propose to give up such part of these lands as are actually settled and improved, which settlements are to be circumscribed by a line drawn around them, and no farther claims are to be admitted beyond such line. The remainder of the boundary to be explained by General Chapin, for which purpose it is the general wish of the Six Nations that General Chapin, himself, will proceed with the speech to Congress."
[A belt of black and white wampum.]
Agreeably to this request, General Chapin proceeded to the seat of government, to submit their speech to the President, and make the necessary explanations. The Secretary of War replied on the 24th of December, reiterating the desire of the United States to cultivate relations of friendship with the Indians, evading a decision upon the boundary recommended by Captain Brant, and proposing another Indian Council in the spring, to be held at Venango. But in the event of the Indians, hostile or otherwise, agreeing to meet in such council, they were distinctly told that the army would not in the mean time be restrained from hostile operations, as had been the case the preceding season. Farther to secure the good-will of the Six Nations, however, a supply of warm winter clothing was sent to them, with the letter from the Secretary containing the President's decision, which was delivered, and well received at a council holden at Buffalo Creek on the 7th of February, 1794. This council had been convened expressly to receive the answer to the proposals of Captain Brant; and the same having been read, it was soon perceived to be less acceptable to the Indians than they had anticipated. Red Jacket, after a long pause, replied to General Chapin:--
"Brothers (of the United States:) We have heard the speech that has been delivered to us with great attention, and shall now remove the council-fire to our castle, to take it into private consideration."
Two days afterward, the council was re-opened, when Red Jacket spoke:--
"Brothers: We have taken your speech into consideration, and our eldest brother, Captain Brant, is to relate the result of our meeting in private council yesterday."
Captain Brant then spoke as follows, with nine strings of white and black wampum:--
"Brothers: I now address to you, General Chapin of the United States, and to you, Major Littlehales [FN] in behalf of the King, and thank the Great Spirit for bringing us again together in council, as what we are a going to relate we wish the world to know."
* * * * *
[FN] Private Secretary of Governor Simcoe attending the council in his absence.
"Brothers: You have both heard the message we delivered to our brothers of the United States, last Fall, relative to a boundary line; and we expected a positive answer from you, brothers of the United States, whether you would accept of it or not.
"Brothers: When we delivered the message to you last Fall for the United States, we had first taken it into serious consideration; we spoke the language of our hearts, and the Great Spirit knew our minds; all the Six Nations were of tho same opinion, and we are well assured that, had the United States accepted our proposed boundary line, peace would certainly have taken place.
"Brothers: The speech you have brought us, has given us great uneasiness; we are greatly at a loss how to act; we expected a direct answer to our proposals of a boundary line; now we are much distressed that you have brought us but half an answer; the kindling a council-fire at a distant place is what we are not prepared to give a reply to.
"Brothers: Provided the United States had accepted our proposed boundary line, we should have sent immediately to our Western brethren, who know our sentiments, and we should have attended your council and confirmed it.
"Brothers: Make your minds easy; but, in consequence of the importance of your speech, we must have time to deliberate very seriously upon it; we cannot give you an immediate answer; we must have a general council of all the Chiefs; only a few are now present, and we should all be together. The reason of so much counseling at different times has proceeded from so small a number of our sachems and chiefs being assembled, and this has been the principal cause of the present trouble.
"Brothers: You, General Chapin, live near us; we have two months and a half to consider of your speech, and by that time we will give you a final answer. We pray the Great Spirit that these difficulties may terminate to the happiness of both parties.
"Brothers: You requested an answer as soon as was convenient, but in such very weighty business, it is impossible to give one immediately. With regard to provision, there is plenty in your country; and if we should agree to meet you, you need not be particular about what we shall consume, for we shall not expect any thing but provision.
"Brothers: We now conclude, and we pray the Great Spirit to protect you safe home, and we desire you will bear it continually on your minds, that you will soon receive an answer."
[The nine strings of wampum, delivered to General Chapin.]
Notwithstanding the postponement of a definitive answer, on the part of the Indians, to the proposition for the assembling of another council at Venango, it was the opinion of General Chapin, at the close of these proceedings, that they would yet accede to it. Circumstances, however, arose during the intervening period, which materially changed the aspect of the border relations of the United States, and the tone and temper of the Six Nations. The protracted and sanguinary wars between England and the French Republic had then commenced, as also had the invasions of the rights of neutrals by those powers, so frequent and so aggravated during that furious contest. In order to cut off the supplies of bread stuffs from France, Great Britain had resorted to the strong and questionable measure of stopping all vessels loaded in whole or in part with corn, flour, or meal, bound to any port in France, and sending them in to the most convenient ports, where their cargoes were to be purchased for his Majesty's service, at a fair value, after making a due allowance for freight, &c. The British government labored to justify this measure by citations from some modern writers upon national law, but it was nevertheless esteemed a violation of neutral rights, and produced much feeling among the American people, and strong remonstrances from the government The assumption set up by Great Britain, of the right of impressing seamen, British subjects, from neutral vessels, by the exercise of which it was asserted that many American seamen had been seized, and carried forcibly into foreign service, was now producing farther and still greater irritation. Added to all which were the incendiary machinations of Citizen Genet to undermine the administration of Washington, alienate from his government the affections of the people, and involve the United States in a war with Great Britain. Party spirit was already running high, and from the blind zeal with which the anti-federalists had espoused the cause of revolutionary France, as against England, very serious apprehensions wore entertained that another war between the latter power and the United States would be the result.
One of the consequences of the apparent probability of such an event, was a manifest change of temper on the part of the British officers in the Canadas, and at the posts yet in British occupancy along the north-western frontier of the United States. That during the whole controversy between the Indians and the United States, from 1786 to the defeat of St. Clair, the former had been countenanced and encouraged by English agents, and repeatedly incited to actual hostilities by the traders, there was no doubt. Latterly, however, a better state of feeling had been manifested. Lord Dorchester, previous to a visit to England at the close of the year 1791, had sent a speech to the Indians, of a complexion rather pacific; and it has been seen, that in the Summer of the preceding year, (1793,) Governor Simcoe had displayed a better feeling than had previously been evinced by the officers of that nation, since the close of the Revolutionary contest. But the difficulties between the two nations, already referred to, now daily becoming more serious, and threatening, at no distant day, a resort to the ultima ratio regum, had wrought a decided change in the views of the Canadian authorities respecting an Indian pacification. In the event of a war, the Indians would again be found valuable auxiliaries to the arms of his Majesty, for the annoyance they would inflict upon the United States, if not by reason of any important victories they might gain. Hence, instead of promoting a pacification, the efforts of the Canadian government were obviously exerted to prevent it. Meshecunnaqua, or the Little Turtle, had made a visit to the province of Lower Canada, after the victory over St. Clair, for the purpose of engaging all the Indian forces he could, in that quarter, in the farther prosecution of the war. Lord Dorchester had now returned from England, and was waited upon by the Indians of the Seven Nations of Canada, as a deputation from all the Indians at the Grand Miami council of the preceding Autumn. Their object was to ask advice, or procure countenance or assistance, in regard to the boundary for which they had been so long contending. His Lordship answered the deputation on the 10th of February, in language, respecting the United States, far from conciliatory or pacific. After referring to the proceedings of a council with the Indians, held at Quebec, previous to his departure for Europe, two years before, and the expression in his speech on that occasion, of a hope that he should hear in England of a satisfactory adjustment of their difficulties with the United States, his Lordship proceeded:--
"Children: I was in expectation of hearing from the people of the United States what was required by them; I hoped that I should have been able to bring you together, and make you friends.
"Children: I have waited long, and listened with great attention, but I have not heard one word from them.
"Children: I flattered myself with the hope that the line proposed in the year eighty-three, to separate us from the United States, which was immediately broken by themselves as soon as the peace was signed, would have been mended, or a new one drawn, in an amicable manner. Here, also, I have been disappointed.
"Children: Since my return, I find no appearance of a line remains; and from the maimer in which the people of the United States rush on, and act, and talk, on this side; and from what I learn of their conduct toward the sea, I shall not be surprised if we are at war with them in the course of the present year; and if so, a line must then be drawn by the warriors.
"Children: You talk of selling your lands to the State of New-York. [FN] I have told you that there is no line between them and us. I shall acknowledge no lands to be theirs which have been encroached on by them since the year 1783. They then broke the peace, and as they kept it not on their part, it doth not bind on ours."
* * * * *
[FN] The Caughnawaga Indians, residing near Montreal, were about this time in treaty with Governor George Clinton for the sale of some of their lands lying within the boundaries of the state of New-York. The late Egbert Benson was a Commissioner on the part of the State.
"Children: They then destroyed their right of preemption. Therefore all their approaches toward us since that time, and all the purchases made by them, I consider as an infringement on the King's rights. And when a line is drawn between us, be it in peace or war, they must lose all their improvements and houses on our side of it. Those people must all be gone who do not obtain leave to become the King's subjects. What belongs to the Indians will, of course, be secured and confirmed to them.
"Children: What farther can I say to you? You are witnesses that on our parts we have acted in the most peaceable manner, and borne the language and conduct of the people of the United Stales with patience. But I believe our patience is almost exhausted." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The authenticity of this speech of Lord Dorchester is denied by Chief Justice Marshall, and Mr. Sparks, in his Life and Correspondence of Washington, notes that denial without dissent. Hence it hat been received as spurious, and Lord Dorchester, with his Government, has escaped the responsibility of having uttered such an unwarrantable document. The first copy was forwarded to President Washington by Governor Clinton, who did not doubt its genuineness. Neither did the President; since, in his letter to Governor Clinton acknowledging its receipt, he scales his reasons at large for dissenting from the opinions of those who were proclaiming it to be spurious. On the contrary, he declared that he entertained "not a doubt of its authenticity." Equally strong was he in the opinion, that in making such a speech Lord Dorchester had spoken the sentiments of the British Cabinet, according to his instructions. [See Letter of President Washington to Governor Clinton, March 31, 1794.] On the 20th of May the attention of the British Minister, Mr. Hammond, was called to the subject by the Secretary of State, Edmund Randolph, who remonstrated strongly, not only against the speech, but against the conduct of Governor Simcoe, who was then engaged in measures of a hostile character. Mr. Hammond replied on the 22d of May rather tartly; and, what renders the denial of the speech by Marshall and Sparks the more singular, is the fact that the British Minister said in that letter,--"I am willing to admit the authenticity of the speech." [See T. B. Wait & Sons' Edition of American State Papers, Vol. I. pages 449--453.] But if doubt has existed before, as to the genuine character of that document, it shall no longer exist. I have myself transcribed the preceding extracts from a certified manuscript copy, discovered among the papers of Joseph Brant in my possession.--Author.
There could be no doubt as to the effect of such an address upon the warlike tribes of the upper lakes, chafed, as they were, by what they really believed to be wrongs, and by the presence of a hostile army in the heart of their own country--buoyed up in their spirits, moreover, by the complete success which had crowned their arms in the two preceding campaigns. But the Governor General did not here cease his exertions to keep the Indians, the Six Nations not excepted, on the qui vive of the war feeling. Soon after the close of the council at Buffalo in the same month, his Lordship transmitted an inflammatory speech to those tribes, which was interpreted to them by Colonel Butler, and produced an obvious and decided change in their feelings toward the United States. Large presents were likewise sent up from Quebec, and distributed among them, and the British officers in the Indian Department took pains, on all occasions, to represent to them that a war between the two nations was inevitable. [FN] Such was doubtless their opinion, for with the arrival of Lord Dorchester's speech, early in April, Governor Simcoe repaired overland to Detroit, and with a strong detachment of troops proceeded to the foot of the Miami Rapids, and commenced the erection of a fortress at that place. This movement caused fresh irritation among the American people, since the retention of the old posts had been a continual source of dissatisfaction, although the non-fulfillment of a portion of the treaty of peace by the United States still furnished the pretext for such occupancy. But the movement of Governor Simcoe into the Miami country, and the erection of a fortress there--the territory being clearly within the boundaries of the United States--awakened yet stronger feelings of indignation in the bosom of the President. Mr. Jay was at that time the American minister near the Court of St. James, and the President gave vent to his feelings in a private letter to that functionary, in the most decided terms of reprobation. "Can that government," asked the President in the letter to Mr. Jay, "or will it attempt, after this official act of one of their Governors, to hold out ideas of friendly intentions toward the United States, and suffer such conduct to pass with impunity? This may be considered as the most open and daring act of the British agents in America, though it is not the most hostile or cruel; for there does not remain a doubt in the mind of any well-informed person in this country, not shut against conviction, that all the difficulties we encounter with the Indians--their hostilities, the murders of helpless women and innocent children along our frontiers--result from the conduct of the agents of Great Britain in this country. In vain is it, then, for its administration in Britain to disavow having given orders which will warrant such conduct, whilst their agents go unpunished; whilst we have a thousand corroborating circumstances, and indeed almost as many evidences, some of which cannot be brought forward, to know that they are seducing from our alliance, and endeavoring to remove over the line, tribes that have hitherto been kept in peace and friendship with us at a heavy expense, and who have no causes of complaint, except pretended ones of their creating; whilst they keep in a state of irritation the tribes who are hostile to us, and are instigating those who know little of us or we of them, to unite in the war against us; and whilst it is an undeniable fact that they are furnishing the whole with arms, ammunition, clothing, and even provisions, to carry on the war; I might go farther, and if they are not much belied, add men also in disguise."
* * * * *
[FN] Letter from General Israel Chapin to the Secretary of War, April 29, 1794. See Indian State Papers--p. 480.
It was under these altered circumstances that General Chapin met the Six Nations again in council on the 21st of April, to receive their reply to the communication from the Secretary of War, General Knox, proposing the holding of another treaty at Venango, as heretofore mentioned. The proceedings were opened by the Onondaga chief, Clear Sky, who addressed the Superintendents as follows:--
"General Chapin: We are happy to see that you are arrived safe at our council-fire, and that you have been preserved by the Great Spirit in good health.
"Colonel Butler: We are also very happy to see you at our council-fire, as representing the King."
Captain Brant thereupon rose, and addressed the two Superintendents as follows:--
"Brothers: You of the United States listen to what we are going to say to you; you, likewise, the King.
"Brothers: We are very happy to see you, Colonel Butler and General Chapin, sitting side by side, with the intent of hearing what we have to say. We wish to do no business but what is open and above-board."
Then addressing himself exclusively to General Chapin, he proceeded:--
"Brother: You, of the United States, make your mind easy, on account of the long time your President's speech has been under our consideration; when we received it, we told you it was a business of importance, and required time to be considered of.
"Brother: The answer you have brought us is not according to what we expected, which was the reason of our long delay; the business would have been done with expedition, had the United States agreed to our proposal. We would then have collected our associates, and repaired to Venango, the place you proposed for meeting us.
"Brother: It is not now in our power to accept your invitation; provided we were to go, you would conduct the business as you might think proper; this has been the case at all the treaties held, from time to time, by your Commissioners.
"Brother: At the first treaty after the conclusion of the war between you and Great Britain, at Fort Stanwix, your Commissioners conducted the business as it to them seemed best; they pointed out a line of division, and then confirmed it; after this they held out that our country was ceded to them by the King; this confused the Chiefs who attended there, and prevented them from making any reply to the contrary; still holding out, if we did not consent to it, that their warriors were at their back, and that we could get no farther protection from Great Britain. This has ever been held out to us by the Commissioners from Congress; at all the treaties held with us since the peace, at Fort McIntosh, at Rocky River, and every other meeting held, the idea was still the same.
"Brother: This has been the case from time to time. Peace has not taken place, because you have held up these ideas, owing to which much mischief has been done to the southward.
"Brother: We, the Six Nations, have been exerting ourselves to keep peace since the conclusion of the war; we think it would be best for both parties; we advised the confederate nations to request a meeting, about half way between us and the United States, in order that such steps might be taken as would bring about a peace; this request was there proposed by us, and refused by Governor St. Clair, one of your Commissioners. The Wyandots, a few Delawares, and some others, met the Commissioners, though not authorized, and confirmed the lines of what was not their property, but common to all nations.
"Brother: This idea we all entertained at our council at Lower Sandusky, held for the purpose of forming our confederacy, and to adopt measures that would be for the general welfare of our Indian nations, or people of our color; owing to these steps taken by us, the United States held out, that when we went to the westward to transact our private business, that we went with the intention of taking an active part in the troubles subsisting between them and our western brethren; this never has been the case. We have ever wished for the friendship of the United States.
"Brother: We think you must be folly convinced, from our perseverance last summer, as your Commissioners saw, that we were anxious for a peace between you. The exertions that we, the Six Nations, have made toward the accomplishing this desirable end, is the cause of the western nations being somewhat dubious as to our sincerity. After we knew their doubts, we still persevered; and, last Fall, we pointed out methods to be taken, and sent them, by you to Congress; this we certainly expected would have proved satisfactory to the United States; in that case we should have more than ever exerted ourselves, in order that the offers we made should be confirmed by our confederacy, and by them strictly to be adhered to.
"Brother: Our proposals have not met with the success from Congress that we expected; this still leaves us in a similar situation to what we were in when we first entered on the business.
"Brother: You must recollect the number of chiefs who have, at divers times, waited on Congress; they have pointed out the means to be taken, and held out the same language, uniformly, at one time as another; that was, if you would withdraw your claim to the boundary line and lands within the line, as offered by us; had this been done, peace would have taken place, and, unless this still be done, we see no other method of accomplishing it.
"Brother: We have borne every thing patiently for this long time past; we have done every thing we could consistently do with the welfare of our nations in general, notwithstanding the many advantages that have been taken of us by individuals making purchases of us, the Six Nations, whose fraudulent conduct towards us Congress never has taken notice of, nor in any wise seen us rectified, nor made our minds easy. This is the case to the present day; our patience is now entirely worn out; you see the difficulties we labor under, so that we cannot, at present, rise from our seats and attend your council at Venango agreeable to your invitation. The boundary line we pointed out we think is a just one, although the United States claim lands west of that line; the trifle that has been paid by the United States can be no object in comparison to what a peace would be.
"Brother: We are of the same opinion with the people of the United States; you consider yourselves as independent people; we, as the original inhabitants of this country and sovereigns of the soil, look upon ourselves as equally independent, and free as any other nations. This country was given to us by the Great Spirit above; we wish to enjoy it, and have our passage along the lake within the line we have pointed out.
"Brother: The great exertions we have made, for this number of years, to accomplish a peace, have not been able to obtain it; our patience, as we have already observed, is exhausted, and we are discouraged from persevering any longer. We therefore throw ourselves under the protection of the Great Spirit above, who, we hope, will order all things for the best. We have told you our patience is worn out; but not so far but that we wish for peace, and, whenever we hear that pleasing sound, we shall pay attention to it."
[The belt and speech sent by General Knox were then returned to General Chapin.]
Thus was extinguished the hope of a council of pacification at Venango; and not only that, but the altered temper of the Six Nations seemed to threaten an augmentation of the hostile Indian power at the west, by the desertion to their cause of the whole of the Iroquois Confederacy, under a leader whose prowess and wisdom had both often been tested. In the mean time all the accounts from the west concurred in the fact, that the distant tribes were gathering for a renewal of the conflict--encouraged as they were by promises of strong assistance from the English. The traders and the "mixed multitude" constituting the refugees and parti-colored inhabitants of Detroit, were doubtless active in promoting these hostilities, and very probably made promises to the credulous Chiefs as coming from Governor Simcoe, of which he himself was ignorant. Two Pottawattamies were taken prisoners on the 5th of June by the troops of General Wayne, who made a variety of disclosures upon this subject. They represented, and intelligence to that effect was dispatched to the interior tribes by their Chiefs, that Governor Simcoe was to march to their assistance with fifteen hundred men. He was giving them clothing and all necessary supplies, and "all the speeches received from him were red as blood. All the wampum and feathers were painted red; the war-pipes and hatchets were red; and even the tobacco was painted red." Several Shawanese prisoners, however, were soon afterward captured, who were less confident of English assistance. They said "they could not depend upon the British for effectual support; that they were always setting the Indians on like dogs after game, pressing them to go to war and kill the Americans, but did not help them."
Another influence was brought to bear upon the Indians of the west at this conjuncture, from a most unexpected quarter. It was the arrival at the Miamis Rapids, early in May, of a messenger from the Spanish settlements on the Mississippi, charged with a spirited war-speech to the confederacy. This messenger was conducted to the Miamis by a deputation from the Delawares, who had emigrated beyond the Mississippi four years previous. He admonished the confederates of the gathering of the "Big-Knives," meaning the troops of the United States, and offered assistance from the Spanish and French settlements in the south-west, who, he said, were preparing to come to their help.
"Children!" said the Spaniard, "you see me on my feet, grasping the tomahawk to strike them. We will strike together. I do not desire you to go before me, in the front, but to follow me.
"Children: I present you with a war-pipe, which has been sent in all our names to the Musquakies, and all those nations who live towards the setting sun, to get upon their feet and take hold of our tomahawk; and as soon as they smoked it, they sent it back with a promise to get immediately on their feet, and join us, and strike this enemy.
"Children: You hear what these distant nations have said to us, so that we have nothing farther to do but put our designs into immediate execution, and to forward this pipe to the three warlike nations who have so long been struggling for their country, and who now sit at the Glaize. Tell them to smoke this pipe, and forward it to all the lake Indians and then northern brethren. Then nothing will be wanting to complete our general union from the rising to the setting of the sun, and all nations will be ready to add strength to the blow we are going to make." [FN]
[Delivered a war-pipe.]
* * * * *
[FN] MS. among the Brant papen.
The Spaniard farther assured them that the Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws and Chickasaws, had also charged him with a message, assuring them that their hearts were with the Confederacy, and that eleven nations of the southern Indians were then on their feet, with the hatchet in their hand, ready to strike their common enemy.
The Chiefs to whom these messages from the west and south were delivered at the Rapids, immediately convened a council, composed of the Wyandots, Ottawas, Chippewas, Mingoes, Munseys, and Nantikokes, before whom the intelligence was repeated. They were then addressed as follows:--
"Brothers: You have now heard the speeches brought to our council at the Glaize a few days ago from the Spaniards; and as soon as they heard them, and smoked the pipe, their hearts were glad, and they determined to step forward and put into execution the advice sent to them. They desire you to forward the pipe, as has been recommended, to all our northern brethren; not doubting but as soon as you have smoked it, you will follow their example, and they will hourly expect you to join them, as it will not be many days before the nearness of our enemies will give us an opportunity of striking them."
[Delivered the pipe.]
Egouchouoy answered for all the nations present:--
"Brothers: I am happy at the good news you have told us, and we will immediately go and collect all our people, and be with you as soon as possible." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The reader must bear in mind that these speeches and proceedings of the Indian Councils, exclusively such, were written down by the British agents and officers among the Indians, who attended to assist them. The author finds many of them among the papers of Captain Brant--some from the Upper Lake tribes in French. The account of this Spanish writer, his message, and the consequent address to the Lake tribes, the author has found among these papers, signed by Colonel McKee as Deputy Agent of Indian Affairs, and the copy certified by Thomas Talbot. Several paragraphs of both addresses have been omitted, as not material to the history. See Appendix, No. IX.
There is mystery attached to this mission of the Spaniard, concerning which no farther information has been obtained. The Indians of the Confederacy were greatly encouraged by the assurances of assistance, and it will soon appear that some tribes came to their help from a very great distance. The employment of a Spanish Envoy, however, was a remarkable circumstance, and serves to strengthen the suspicions entertained by Washington two years before, that, even at that early day, the possessors of the estuary of the Mississippi, and of the vast Spanish territories above, had already become alarmed lest what has happened respecting that territory, would happen, unless the power of the United States should be crippled. But the promised Spanish and French assistance from that direction did not arrive, nor were the Confederates aided in their subsequent operations by the Creeks, Cherokees, and Chickasaws, as promised.
The United States were not inactive during these hostile movements and preparations among the Indians. General Wayne, or Sukach-gook as he was called by the Indians, [FN] was making the most vigorous preparations for opening the campaign with decision. Among other measures, it was determined, while he was approaching the Miami towns with a force sufficient, as it was hoped, to end the war at a blow, to occupy a station at Presque Isle, and fortify it. This movement not only gave great uneasiness to the confederates, but, in connexion with another, of a different description, adopted by the State of Pennsylvania, had well-nigh driven the whole of the more ancient alliance of the Six Nations at once into hostilities against the United States under their old leader Thayendanegea. Pennsylvania, it seems, claimed a district of country on the south shore of Lake Erie, including Presque Isle, under color of a purchase from the Corn-planter--which purchase the Six Nations, to whom the territory in question had belonged, held to be invalid. Regardless of the objections and remonstrances of the Indians, thus claiming proprietorship, the Corn-planter having, as they contended, sold it without authority, Pennsylvania was now planting settlers upon this territory and erecting an establishment at Presque Isle; at which aggression, as they esteemed it, Captain Brant and his nations were greatly incensed. A council was thereupon held, to take that and other subjects into consideration, at Buffalo, the sittings of which were commenced on the 24th of June. General Chapin was in attendance, at the urgent solicitation of the Indians, and Captain O'Bail (the Corn-planter) was the speaker. He complained first of the absence of several of their warriors, who were believed to have been killed by the Americans. One of their chiefs, Big Tree, he said, had some months before gone to the camp of the Americans in the most friendly manner, and had been put to death; while another of their warriors had been killed at Venango "while sitting easy and peaceable on his seat." He next entered upon the subject of the Pennsylvania encroachments, of which he complained bitterly, insisting that the sale alleged to have been made by himself was not in any manner obligatory upon the Indians. The erection of the fort at Presque Isle was likewise a theme of complaint. The determination of the council was to send a delegation of their Chiefs into the disputed territory, to request a removal of the intruders; and General Chapin was solicited to accompany the deputation. He did so, but the mission was executed to no good purpose.
* * * * *
[FN] Sukach-gook is the Delaware name for black snake, which they called General Wayne by, saying that he possessed all the art and cunning of that reptile; which was known to be the greatest destroyer of the small birds and animals of the snake tribe.--Heckewelder.
On the return of the delegation to Buffalo Creek, another council was held to receive the report. This convention was on the 4th of July. The report, being unfavorable, of course gave no satisfaction, and the Indians immediately manifested a still greater degree of alienation from the United States. The general boundary question was revived during the discussions, and an address from the council to the President, spoken by O'Bail, was written down, and transmitted by General Chapin. In this address the Indians re-asserted their determination to insist upon the Ohio and Muskingum boundary. The following is an extract:--
"General Washington, attend! What gives us room for the making of so many speeches, is, because you relate all the former deceptions that have been used.
"General Washington: I depend upon you to gratify our request, and that will make my mind easy. Sometimes I hear that I am going to flee from my seat, for the injuries I have done. These reflections make me so unhappy, that I am almost tempted to die with the Six Nations.
"Brother: We are determined now, as we were before, that the line shall remain. We have fully considered on the boundary we have marked out. We know all that we have received from time to time, and we think if you establish this line, it will make us about even.
"Brother: If you do not comply with our request, we shall determine on something else, as we are a free people.
"Brother: We are determined to be a free people. You know, General Washington, that we, the Six Nations, have always been able to defend ourselves, and we are still determined to maintain our freedom.
"Brother: You must not suspect that any other nation corrupts our minds. The only thing that can corrupt our minds, is not to grant our request.
"Brother: If this favor is not granted, I wish that my son may be sent back with the answer, and tell me which side he means to join. If he wishes to join that side, he is at liberty."
Although the name of Brant does not often occur in the proceedings of the councils touching the movement of Pennsylvania upon Sandusky, yet he was by no means a passive spectator of passing events. There were no hours of idleness in his life, and when not engaged in the field, or in attendance upon councils, or upon foreign missions, his mind was occupied in the work of improving the minds and morals, and adding to the comforts, of his own people. In the Spring of the present year he was engaged in the erection of a council-house for his nation at Grand River. But the Sandusky affair called him again to the field; and while others were deliberating in council, and attempting to negotiate, the Chief was preparing to contest the disputed title by arms--directly aided, as will be seen from the following letter, by the Executive of Upper Canada:--
"Captain Brant to Colonel Smith--('for Governor Simcoe.' [FN])"
* * * * *
[FN] So filed in Brant's own hand, on the copy preserved among his papers.
"Grand River, 19_th July,_ 1794.
"Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 16th instant, enclosing the extracts his Excellency has been pleased to favor me with, for which I have to request you would have the goodness to thank his Excellency for me.
"I am much concerned to find that the Lake Indians think their belts completed. [FN-1] I foresaw the event, [FN-2] for which reason it has ever been my opinion that they should avoid coming to any considerable engagement, because it is a custom among the Indians, that after having struck a good blow, and having taken prisoners and scalps, they return home. Nevertheless I hope they will not go."
* * * * *
[FN-1] Captain Brant had just received a letter from Detroit, dated on the 5th of July, one paragraph of which explains the signification of this expression: "The Mackinaw and Lake Indians, having completed the belts they carried, with scalps and prisoners, seem resolved on going home again. The return of these people will considerably weaken the defence expected from the collected sections of two thousand Indians."
[FN-2] Referring, doubtless, to an engagement between Little Turtle and Major McMahon, which will be more particularly noted a page or two onward.
"In regard to the Presque Isle business, should we not get an answer at the time limited, it is our business to push those fellows hard, and therefore it is my intention to form my camp at Pointe Appineau; and I would esteem it a favor if his Excellency the Lieutenant Governor would lend me four or five batteaux. Should it so turn out, and should those fellows not go off, and O'Bail continue in the same opinion, an expedition against those Yankees must of consequence take place.
"His Excellency has been so good as to furnish us with a cwt. of powder, and ball in proportion, which is now at Fort Erie; but in the event of an attack upon Le Boeuf people, I could wish, if consistent, that his Excellency would order a like quantity in addition to be at Fort Erie, in order to be in readiness: likewise I would hope for a little assistance in provisions.
"I would request that his Excellency would favor me with an answer by the bearer, Seth. I would also trouble his Excellency in regard to those people who went with him to Detroit. They were promised to be handsomely rewarded, which as yet has not been done; and as they now expect to go upon service, they are rather impatient; and if it was convenient that they could be satisfied, either by borrowing goods, or otherwise, as his Excellency would think fit, I would be extremely happy.
"I understand some new regiments are raising, or to be raised. In that case I would consider myself much favored should some of my relations, young men, have an equal chance of being provided for.
"A few days ago I sent seven men to Cadaragara, to remind O'Bail that he should watch any movement of those people [FN] very narrowly; and that he should be ready to march immediately after the expiration of the time, should they, not then evacuate that place."
* * * * *
[FN] The settlers at Presque Isle.
The insertion of this letter at length is deemed important, showing, as it does, and that, too, beyond the power of contradiction, that the Indians were supplied purposely, with their munitions of war, by the officers of the British crown. The fact was denied by Great Britain, or at least it was argued, that if the Indians drew their supplies from the Canadians, they were furnished by individuals, as such, over whose actions in the premises the government had no control. Independently of these circumstances, moreover, the detention of the boats, and the erection by Governor Sinclair of a new fortification, heretofore spoken of, on the Miamis of the Lakes, fifty miles South of Detroit, afforded strong evidence of a design on the part of Great Britain, to avail herself of the non-execution of that article in the treaty of peace stipulating for the payment of debts, for the purpose of establishing a new boundary line, by which the great lakes should be entirely comprehended in Upper Canada. An animated correspondence took place on the whole subject, between the American Secretary of State and Mr. Hammond, the diplomatic representative of Great Britain, in which a considerable degree of mutual irritation was displayed, and in which each supported the charges against the nation of the other much better than he defended his own. [FN] Had the Secretary of State been in possession of the preceding letter from the Mohawk Chief, he would not have argued upon uncertainties--at least so far as a supply of powder and ball to the Indians by the Governor of Upper Canada would have sustained his case. In any event, the charge is now brought home with sufficient distinctness to put the question at rest. Captain Brant, however, found no occasion for a farther requisition upon his Excellency for ammunition at that time. The interposition of the President deterred Pennsylvania from the farther prosecution of her designs upon Presque Isle, and the projected expedition of the Six Nations was accordingly relinquished.
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall.
The desultory contest with the Indians, so long protracted, and at times so bloody, was now approaching its termination. On the 30th of June a sharp action took place under the walls of Fort Recovery--a fortress which had been thrown up by General Wayne on the battle-ground of St. Clair's defeat. The primary object of the Indians, who were the assailants, was the capture of a large number of pack-horses, recently arrived at that fort with provisions, which were returning to Fort Grenville, guarded by a company of cavalry under Captain Gibson, and a detachment of ninety riflemen, the whole under the command of Major McMahon. Taken by surprise, and finding the Indians in great force, the Americans sought speedy refuge within the walls of the fort. The Indians were led by the distinguished Miami Chief, Little Turtle. Pressing close upon the garrison, with an evident design to carry it, the moment McMahon's troops had regained the fortress a fire was opened upon the assailants, which drove them back with great slaughter. They rallied again, however, and maintained the engagement through the day, but keeping at a more respectful distance. The night, which was thick and foggy, was employed by them in removing their dead by torch-light. On the next day the assault was renewed; but the Indians were ultimately compelled to retreat, with loss and disappointment, from the field of their former triumph. Both in advance and retreat, in this expedition, the Indians marched with perfect order. Their encampments were square and regular, and they moved upon the fort in seventeen columns, at wide distances apart. Many white men were in their ranks, supposed to be the inhabitants and militia of Detroit. Officers in British uniform were likewise so near the scene of action as to be distinctly discerned. Several valuable officers of Major McMahon's corps fell at the first onset, among whom was the gallant Major himself. The total loss of the Americans was twenty-two killed and thirty wounded. The Indians suffered very severely. In their retreat it was ascertained that a large number of pack-horses were literally loaded with their slain. Such, at least, were the facts in regard to this affair, as derived from the most ample and apparently authentic accounts of the Americans. Nor did the Indian accounts differ from the American as widely as is often the case between opposite statements of antagonist parties. As an evidence of which, and to show how accurately and promptly Captain Brant was advised of the progress and events of the war, the following extract is given from his correspondence:--
"Extract from a Letter to Captain Brant.
"Detroit, July 5, 1794.
"An attack was made on the 30th of June by the Indians, on three hundred pack-horses returning to Fort Grenville, from whence they came the day before with provisions. All of these, with the pack-horsemen, were either taken or killed close by Fort Recovery, together with thirty bullocks. Captain Gibson, the officer commanding, on perceiving the attack made on his horses, ordered a troop of dragoons, or light-horse, to charge the Indians, and at the same time he drew up his garrison in front of the fort, as if with a design to sustain his cavalry. But they were all beaten back in a few minutes, and pursued to the gate of the fort, with the loss of about fifty men and upward of twenty-five horses. The loss of the Indians commenced from this period; for they kept up a useless attack upon the fort, while the troops within were firing at them through loop-holes. Seventeen were killed, and as many wounded.
"The Mountain Leader was killed two days before the action, by a scouting party of the Hurons. He was the chief of the Chickasaws. Wells, (a scout from Wayne's army,) was killed in the engagement; and May is reported to be so by one of three prisoners who were taken, together with two more Chickasaws. Captain Gibson and two other officers are also among the killed.
"My information states that these prisoners report there are sixty Chickasaws with their army, twenty of whom are at Fort Recovery and forty at Fort Grenville. They also say that the horses which are now taken and killed, were the only means General Wayne had of transporting provisions--that he was to commence his campaign about the middle of next month--waiting for an augmentation of his force of three thousand militia from Kentucky--and that he is to build a fort at the Glaize, and proceed from thence to Detroit.
"The Chiefs of several nations are now in council at the Glaize, adopting measures to re-unite their force if possible."
Taught by the unfortunate experience of Harmar and St. Clair, General Wayne moved not but with the utmost caution, and all the preparation which a prudent forecast required. He had not therefore advanced beyond Fort Recovery until sufficient strength had been concentrated, and such other dispositions made as would enable him not only to strike a decisive blow, but retain possession of the country he might conquer. The delays incident to these preparations carried the active prosecution of the campaign into midsummer. The richest and most extensive towns of the hostile Indians lay about the confluence of the Au Glaize and the Miamis of the Lakes. At this place General Wayne arrived on the 8th of August, where some works of defence were thrown up for the protection of the magazines. It was thirty miles thence to the Rapids, where, as has been already seen, Governor Simcoe had recently erected a strong fortress, fifty miles within the stipulated and understood boundary, as between the British possessions and those of the United States. At this latter place, in the immediate neighborhood of the fort, the Indian forces were collected to the number of nearly two thousand. The Continental legion under General Wayne was of about equal strength, exclusive of eleven hundred mounted Kentuckians under General Scott. Here the Black Snake had intended to surprise the neighboring villages of the enemy; and the more effectually to ensure the success of his coup de main, he had not only advanced thus far by an obscure and very difficult route, but taken pains to clear out two roads from Greenville in that direction, in order to attract and divert the attention of the Indians while he marched upon neither. But his generalship proved of no avail. The Little Turtle was too wary a leader to be taken by surprise--to say nothing of the desertion of a villain named Newman, an officer in the Quarter-master General's department, who gave the Indians warning of Wayne's advance. Little Turtle thereupon retired to the Rapids; and having been apprized by the deserter of the strength of the Americans, determined to give battle, and made dispositions for that object.
Having learned on the 12th, from Indian prisoners who were brought in, the position of the enemy, in close proximity to the British garrison at the Rapids, and being yet desirous of bringing the Indians to terms, if possible, without the farther effusion of blood, the American commander despatched another messenger of peace. The name of the envoy selected for the occasion was Miller--a man who had been so long a captive among the Indians as to have acquired their language. He was exceedingly reluctant to undertake the hazardous enterprise. But being strongly urged upon the service, with an assurance from the General that eight of the Indian warriors, who were prisoners, should be held as pledges of his safety, he at last assented--taking two of the prisoners, a warrior and a squaw, along with him. He was received in a very hostile mood, and his life threatened. But addressing them in their own language, displaying a flag, and explaining the object of his visit, the menacing blow was suspended, and he was placed in confinement while the Chiefs deliberated in council upon the letter from the General, of which he was the bearer. Assuring them that every prisoner in the American camp would be put to death unless he should be sent back in safety before the 16th, he was liberated on the preceding day--with a message to Wayne, that if he waited where he was ten days, they would then treat with him, but if he advanced at an earlier day they would fight. Impatient of delay, however, Wayne had taken up his line of march on the 15th--the day of Miller's release. The message which he met did not check his advance, and the General arrived in the vicinity of the Rapids on the 18th. The 19th was occupied in reconnoitering the positions of the enemy, and throwing up a slight fortification for the protection of the stores, which was appropriately named Fort Deposite.
The enemy had taken post behind a thick wood, rendered almost inaccessible by a dense growth of under-brush and fallen timber, marking the track of a tornado, and almost under the guns of the fort that had been erected by Simcoe. Their left was secured by the rocky bank of the river. The Americans advanced for the attack early on the morning of the 20th. At about ten o'clock, having proceeded nearly five miles, the advance guard, commanded by Major Price, received so brisk a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the woods and the tall grass, as to compel it to fall back. The ground was most happily chosen by the enemy for their mode of warfare, so obstructed and difficult of access as to render it almost impossible for the cavalry to act. Immediately on the attack upon the corps of Major Price, the legion was formed in two lines and moved rapidly forward. The thick forest and old broken wood already described, extended to the left of the army several miles--the right resting on the river. The Indians were formed in three lines within supporting distance of each other, and extending for about two miles at right angles with the river. The American commander soon discovered, from the weight of his fire, and the extent of his lines, that it was the design of the enemy to turn his left flank. The second line was thereupon ordered to advance in support of the first, while, by a circuitous route, Scott was directed with his Kentuckians to turn the enemy's right. In concert with this movement, the front line ordered by General Wayne to charge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their covert at the point of the bayonet. Having started them up, the Americans were directed to fire, and charge them so closely as to allow no time for re-loading. The open ground by the river permitted the movements of cavalry, with which the right flank of the enemy was gained and turned. Indeed, such were the promptness of movement on the part of the Americans, and the impetuosity of the charge of the first line of infantry, that the Indians, together with the Detroit militia and volunteers, were driven from all their coverts in so brief a space of time that the mounted men, though making every possible exertion to press forward, were many of them unable to gain their proper positions to participate in the action. In the course of an hour, the enemy, notwithstanding all the embarrassments of the ground already enumerated, were driven more than two miles, by a force of less than half their numbers actually engaged. The victory was complete and decisive, both Indians and their allies, composed of the "mixed multitude" already more than once referred to, abandoning themselves to flight in terror and dismay,--leaving the field of battle in the quiet possession of the Americans. The commanding General stated in his official report of the action, that "it was terminated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison,"--the pursuit having continued until they were within reach of those guns. The loss of the Americans in killed and wounded, including officers, was one hundred and seven. Among the slain was Captain Campbell, commanding the cavalry, who fell in the first charge. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] It was in this memorable action that Captain Solomon (now General Van Rensselaer) of Albany, an officer of dragoons, received a wound in the commencement of the battle, by being shot through the lungs. General Wilkinson, who was also in the battle, states, in his Memoirs, that Van Rensselaer kept his horse, and continued fighting until the blood spurted from his month and nostrils. General Van Rensselaer was afterward dreadfully wounded in half a dozen places, at the daring assault upon Queenston Heights in 1812. He yet lives, and, after having served the State of New-York several years as Adjutant General, and been repeatedly elected to Congress, has for the last fifteen years held the office of Post-master in Albany.
The loss of the Indians is not known. It must, however, have been very severe. Seven Nations were engaged in the action, viz: the Miamis, Wyandots, the Pottawattamies, Delawares, Shawanese, Chippewas, Ottawas, and a portion of the Senecas. All the Chiefs of the Wyandots engaged in the battle, being nine in number, were killed. [FN-1] Great slaughter was made by the legionary cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being cut down with the sabre, that the title of "Long Knives," years before given to the Americans, was brought again into general use among the Indians. [FN-2] It was believed by many that the Indians would not have incurred this signal disaster had the advice of the Little Turtle been heeded. He was opposed to the policy of a general engagement at that time, and it has even been asserted that he was rather inclined to peace. During the night preceding the engagement, the Chiefs of the several tribes were in council, and a proposition was submitted to make a night attack upon the Americans in their encampment. The proposal was overruled, and a general engagement on the following morning was determined upon. Little Turtle alone was opposed to the plan, while Blue Jacket, a Shawanese warrior of high character and influence, strenuously supported the course adopted by the council. Colonel McKee was in the council, and is believed to have urged the Indians to fight. Little Turtle was inspired with a presentiment that they could not successfully encounter the Black Snake. "We have beaten the enemy," said the Turtle, "twice, under separate commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend us. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The night and the day are alike to him; and during all the time that he has been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something whispers me it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." For holding language like this, he was reproached by some of the Chiefs with cowardice, and that ended the conference. Stung to the quick by an imputation which he was conscious he had never merited, he would have laid the reviler dead at his feet; but his was not the bravery of an assassin. Suppressing his resentment, he took part in the battle, and performed his duty with his wonted bravery. The event proved that he had not formed an erroneous estimate of the character of Wayne; and that his rival, Blue Jacket, though equally brave, was less of a prophet than himself. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Drake's Book of the Indians.
[FN-2] Thatcher's Lives of the Indian Chiefs.
[FN-3] Schoolcraft's Travels. Thatcher. Drake.
Excepting the militia and refugees gathered about Detroit, the British or Canadian authorities took no part in the battle; but the direction in which ran their sympathies could not be mistaken, from the tone of a somewhat tart correspondence occurring after the battle, between General Wayne and Major Campbell, commanding the British garrison. On the day after the engagement, Major Campbell addressed a note to General Wayne, expressing his surprise at the appearance of an American force at a point almost within reach of his guns, and asking in what light he was to view such near approaches to the garrison which he had the honor to command. General Wayne, without questioning the propriety of the interrogatory, replied, that even were the Major entitled to an answer, "the most full and satisfactory one was announced the day before from the muzzles of his small arms, in an action with a horde of savages in the vicinity of the fort, and which terminated gloriously to the American arms." But, added the General, "had it continued until the Indians were driven under the influence of the fort and guns mentioned, they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious army under my command, as no such post was established at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the United States." Major Campbell rejoined, complaining that men, with arms in their hands, were approaching within pistol shot of his works, where his Majesty's flag was flying, and threatened hostilities should such insults to that flag be continued. Upon the receipt of this letter, General Wayne caused the fort to be closely reconnoitered in every direction. It was found to be a strong and regular work, with two bastions upon the near and most accessible face of it, mounting eight pieces of artillery upon that side and four upon the front facing the river. This duty having been discharged, General Wayne addressed a letter to the British commander, disclaiming, of course as Major Campbell had previously done any desire to resort to harsh measures; but denouncing the erection of that fortress as the harshest act of aggression toward the United States, and requiring him to desist from any farther act of hostility, and to retire with his troops to the nearest British post occupied by British troops at the peace of 1783. To this requisition, Major Campbell answered that he should not abandon the post at the summons of any power whatever, unless in compliance with orders from those under whom he served. He likewise again warned the American commander, not to approach within the reach of his guns without expecting the consequences that would attend it.
The only notice taken of this last letter was, by immediately setting fire to, and destroying every thing within view of the fort, and even under the muzzles of his Britannic Majesty's guns. But no attempt was made by Major Campbell to carry his threat into execution. Among the property thus destroyed were barns and fields of corn, above and below the fort, together with "the barns, stores, and property of Colonel McKee, the British Indian Agent and principal stimulator of the war between the United States and the savages." [FN-1] The American army lay three days before the fort, when it returned to the Grand Glaize, arriving at that place on the 28th of August. A vast destruction of Indian property took place during this expedition. The Miamis and Grand Glaize ran through the heart of the country of the hostile Indians. "The very extensive and highly cultivated fields and gardens showed the work of many hands. The margins of those beautiful rivers the Miamis of the lakes, and the Au Glaize," wrote General Wayne, "appeared like one continued village for many miles; nor have I ever before beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America, from Canada to Florida." [FN-2] All were laid waste for twenty miles on each side of the river, and forts erected to prevent the return of the Indians.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter of General Wayne. State Papers, Vol. IV.
[FN-2] Letter of General Wayne to the Secretary of War.
There is reason to believe that the Indians were grievously disappointed in the conduct of Major Campbell during the action. Among the papers of Captain Brant, is the copy of a letter addressed by him to Sir John Johnson, in April, 1799, wherein the Baronet is reminded of various wrongs alleged to have been suffered by the Indians, at the hands even of his Majesty's government. The following remarkable passage in this letter induces a belief that the Indians expected that, in the event of defeat, the garrison would come to their succor, or, at least, that the gates of the fortress would be thrown open to them as a place of refuge on their retreat:--"In the first place," wrote the Mohawk Chief to Sir John, "the Indians were engaged in a war to assist the English--then left in the lurch at the peace, to fight alone until they could make peace for themselves. After repeatedly defeating the armies of the United States, so that they sent Commissioners to endeavor to get peace, the Indians were so advised as prevented them from listening to any terms, and hopes were given to them of assistance. A fort was even built in their country, under pretence of giving refuge in case of necessity; but when that time came, the gates were shut against them as enemies. They were doubly injured by this, because they relied on it for support, and were deceived. Was it not for this reliance of mutual support, their conduct would have been different. I imagine that your own knowledge of these things, and judgment, will point out to you the necessity of putting the line of conduct with the Indians on a more honorable footing, and come as nigh as possible to what it was in the time of your father."
Considering the distance, and the difficulties of traveling at that time, intelligence of the disaster which had befallen his Indian friends was very rapidly conveyed to Governor Simcoe at Niagara, and by him communicated to Captain Brant in the following letter:--
"Governor Simcoe to Captain Brant.
"Navy Hall, 28_th August,_ 1794.
"Dear Sir,
"I understand that the Indians and Wayne had an action on the 20th near McCormack's; that the Indians, who amounted to nine hundred, retreated with the loss of some principal chiefs of the Hurons, Ottawas, and Shawanese; a deserter reports that the Americans lost an hundred men.
"The Wyandots, and a friend [FN] of your's, most gallantly covered the retreat."
* * * * *
[FN] Although the fact does not appear, yet it is believed that a goodly number of the Mohawk warriors were in the battle against Wayne, and Brant was likewise to have been in the field with them. Several years afterward, Brant stated these facts in a conversation with the venerable Jacob Snell, Esq. yet living (1837) in Palatine. The Chief stated to Mr. Snell that he obtained the ammunition used by the Indians, himself, at Quebec, and that he should have led his Mohawks in person but was detained by sickness.
"The Indians having retreated to the Miami Bay, Major Campbell was summoned to deliver the post, which of course he refused, and reports that he considered it tenable against Wayne's force.
"The Indians having placed their women and children in safety, have again moved forward to an advantageous position, I imagine Swan Creek, where they wait for reinforcements, and I hope will recover their spirits.
"All the militia on the La Branche are gone to Detroit.
"I shall proceed in the first vessel, and am, in great haste, your faithful humble servant,
"J. G. Simcoe,
"To Captain Brant."
The difficulties between Great Britain and the United States not having yet been adjusted, and a war between the two nations continuing still a probable event, it suited not the Canadian authorities to allow the Indians to conclude a peace, notwithstanding their signal overthrow. The north-western posts, moreover, within the territory not only of the far west, but within the boundaries of the State of New-York, were obstinately retained, while an attempt was made to grasp additional territory on the south side of Lake Ontario. It was during the Summer of this year, that Captain Williamson commenced a settlement on the Great Sodus Bay, about forty miles from Oswego; and in this same month of August, Governor Simcoe despatched Lieut. Sheaff to that place, to demand by what authority such an establishment was forming, and that it should be immediately relinquished. [FN] General Simcoe himself, pursuant to the intimation in his letter to Brant, hastened to the west, as also did the Chief, attended by one hundred and fifty of his warriors--evidently for the purpose of continuing in the exercise of an unfriendly influence upon the minds of the Indians against the United States. The Governor was at the fort near the battle-field, on the 30th of September, as also were Captain Brant and Colonel McKee. The Indians had already made some advances to General Wayne toward a negotiation for peace; but their attention was diverted by Simcoe and Brant, who invited a council, of the hostile nations to assemble at the mouth of the Detroit river on the 10th of October. This invitation was accepted, as also was an invitation from General Wayne, who was met by a few of their Chiefs; so that the wily savages were in face sitting in two councils at once, balancing chances, and preparing to make peace only in the event of finding little farther encouragement to fight.
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall. Captain Williamson being absent from Sodus at the time of Lieut. Sheaff's visit, that officer left a written declaration of which the following is a copy:--"I am commanded to declare that, during the inexecution of the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States, and until the existing difficulties respecting it shall be mutually and finally adjusted, the taking possession of any part of the Indian territory, either for the purposes of war or sovereignty, is held to be a direct violation of his Britannic Majesty's rights, as they unquestionably existed before the treaty, and has an immediate tendency to interrupt, and in its progress to destroy, that good understanding which has hitherto subsisted between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America. I therefore require you to desist from any such aggression."
At the council on the 10th of October, the Wyandot Chiefs addressed Governor Simcoe as follows:--
"Father: We request of you to give your sentiments candidly; we have been these many years in wars and troubles; you have, from time to time, promised us your assistance. When is your promise to be fulfilled?"
"Their Father's Answer.
"Children: Your question is very difficult to be answered. I will relate an ancient history, perhaps before any of you here were born. When I first came into this country, I found it in the possession of your fathers, the French. We soon became enemies of each other. In time, the Great Spirit above gave the conquest in my favor. In those days the United States were my subjects. We lived in this state for many years after. At last the Americans began to act independently, which caused a rupture between us. The contest lasted for a while. At last we made peace. From that period they have been encroaching upon your lands. I looked on as a spectator--never would say a word; they have even named the rivers that empty themselves into the Ohio.
"Children: I am still of the opinion that the Ohio is your right and title. I have given orders to the commandant of Fort Miami to fire on the Americans whenever they make their appearance again. I will go down to Quebec, and lay your grievances before the great man. From thence they will be forwarded to the King, your father. Next Spring you will know the result of every thing, what you and I will do."
The particulars of this council, and the labors of Governor Simcoe and Captain Brant in otherwise tampering with the Indians, transpired through some prisoners taken by General Wayne, and also through the means of a confidential deputation of the Wyandots of Sandusky, who were disposed to peace. According to their statements, Governor Simcoe advised them not to listen to any terms of pacification, which did not secure to them their long-contested boundary. He moreover proposed to them to convey all their lands west of that river to the King, in trust, that a pretext might be furnished for a direct interposition of his Majesty's arms in their behalf. In furtherance of this object, he advised them to obtain a cessation of hostilities until the Spring following; when a great council of all the warriors and tribes should take place, which might call upon the British for assistance. The English would at that time be prepared to attack the Americans from every quarter, and would drive them back across the Ohio, and compel the restoration to the Indians of their lands.
Captain Brant's counsel was to the same effect. He told them to keep a good heart and be strong; to do as their father advised; that he would return home at present with his warriors, and come again in the Spring with a stronger force. They would then have the whole Summer before them for operations, and the Americans would not be able to stand before them. He had always been successful, and with the force they would then be able to bring into the field, he would ensure them a victory. He told them, however, that he could not attack the Americans at that time, as it could do no good, but would bring them out against the Indians with more troops in the Winter. He therefore advised the Chiefs to amuse the Americans with a prospect of peace until the Spring, when the Indians might be able to fall upon and vanquish them unexpectedly.
There was considerable division of opinion in the council; the Wyandots being inclined to peace, and also portions of the other tribes. But large presents were given, and the counsels of Brant and Governor Simcoe prevailed--the Indians returning to their temporary homes, consisting of huts and tents in the neighborhood of the fort at the Rapids. Captain Brant, however, left these councils under high displeasure toward the Chiefs of the three principal tribes, in consequence of some neglect which he construed into an insult. What was the precise nature of the circumstances, his papers do not disclose. But among those papers, is a letter from seven of the Chiefs of those tribes, couched in terms of humble apology. The following passages are cited from this letter:--
"The Chiefs of the three nations are very sorry, and in great trouble, that Colonel Brant was obliged to leave them so precipitately; that it was their intention to be in the greatest friendship with him, and that they intended to hold council with him immediately after that with the Governor was finished.
"They sincerely hope Colonel Brant will take their apology for not waiting upon him when his messenger arrived with his pipe. They own themselves much in fault, but are willing by their future services to convince him that they esteem and honor him.
"In token of friendship they send Colonel Brant their Union Belt of wampum, as a pledge that they now will, and their children in future generations will, be in peace and unity with him and the Six Nations, and wish a correspondence to commence immediately by express between them, on the most friendly terms.
"They have heard with grief that Colonel Brant departed hence with a heavy heart and full of sorrow for their negligence and misbehavior, and therefore send him an additional string of wampum to enlighten his heart, and renew friendship with him." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] This letter, or "speech" as it was called, was signed as follows--the names being written in full by a gentleman named William Bailey, who subscribes the paper as a witness, and each Chief drawing his own mark rudely with the pen:--Aqushua, the mark of a Fox; Sowosat--a Beaver; Quagerwon--a Crane; Cucherwaskiseegua--a Hatchet; Bouemawcutus--a Wolf; Gowsowainse--a Turtle; Clappum--an Arrow-head.
Such was the posture of Indian affairs at the close of the year 1794; and the prospect then was, certainly, that another campaign of active hostilities must ensue. But it was otherwise ordered. The Indians themselves were growing weary of the contest, and becoming more and more convinced that they could not contend successfully against the Americans, of whose leader, General Wayne, they stood in great fear. Before the close of the season, it was ascertained that the warriors from a distance were re-crossing the Mississippi, declaring that it was useless to attempt longer to fight. In March, the difficulties between the United States and Great Britain were adjusted by the treaty of Mr. Jay, which, despite the influence of France and the fierce clamors of the democratic opposition, General Washington had the sagacity and firmness to ratify; so that the Indians were deprived of even the expectation of farther assistance from the accustomed quarter. The restlessness of the Six Nations, the Mohawks excepted, had been quieted by the victory of Wayne; so that no farther support could be anticipated from that direction. The result of all these circumstances was, that by the treaty of Greenville, concluded with the hostile Indians by General Wayne, on the 3d of August, 1795, the long, expensive, and destructive war, which had for so many years desolated that frontier, was terminated in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the United States. In the language of Captain Brant in one of his speeches delivered long afterward, "the Indians, convinced by those in the Miami fort, and other circumstances, that they were mistaken in their expectations of any assistance from Great Britain, did not longer oppose the Americans with their wonted unanimity. The consequence was, that General Wayne, by the peaceable language he held to them, induced them to hold a treaty at his own head-quarters, in which he concluded a peace entirely on his own terms." With this event closed the military career of Joseph Brant--Thayendanegea.
Chapter XIII
Thayendanegea in civil life--His activity--His efforts to accelerate the civilization of his people--Difficulties respecting the title to his lands--Successive Councils and Speeches--Governor Simcoe leaves the province--Captain Claus appointed to the Indian Agency--President Russell--Brant's Speeches asserting the absolute Independence and Nationality of his people--Letter to Sir John Johnson--Correspondence with Lord Dorchester--The Count de Puisy--Letter of Brant to Thomas Morris--Sharp correspondence with Sir John Johnson--The St. Regis and Caughnawaga Indians, and the State of New-York involved in the land controversy--Brant's difficulties with the Caughnawagas--Letter to Thomas Morris--Brant's visit to the Caughnawagas--Council--Satisfactory explanations--Fresh difficulties at home--Norton's Mission to England--Plots against the character of Brant--Alienation of some of his friends--Conspiracy to depose him--Red Jacket and Farmer's Brother active in the plot--Character of Red Jacket--Brant deposed by an illegal Council--Letter to the Duke of Northumberland--A legal Council convoked--Brant meets his accusers, and defends himself--Another Council--Speech of Brant--Acquitted of all charges against him--Council after the return of Norton from England--Proceedings of Red Jacket's Council nullified--Brant re-instated--Letter to the Duke of Northumberland--Letter of the Duke in reply--Last letter of Brant to the Duke.
The termination of Brant's military life brought not therewith a state of inactivity. The proverbial indolence of his race in regard to all matters excepting the war-path and the chase, was not a characteristic of him. On the contrary, the history of man scarcely supplies a parallel instance of such active, unremitting, and unwearied public service, as well in the council as in the field, as was performed by this celebrated man, from the day when he first fleshed his youthful tomahawk at Lake George, until his death more than half a century afterward. The war of the American Revolution being ended, it has already been seen that he early thereafter directed his attention to the improvement of the moral and social condition of his nation. Nor did he lose sight of this object during the years of his active interposition in the complicated affairs of the western nations with the United States.
Mention has been made in a former chapter of the difficulties in which, subsequent to the Revolution, the Six Nations were involved, respecting their lands in the State of New-York, the adjustment of which repeatedly demanded the attention of Captain Brant. There were, likewise, similar difficulties to be adjusted with the purchasers of the Connecticut reservation in Ohio, respecting which formal negotiations were held. Nor did these constitute all his troubles. But a few years had elapsed after the grant of the Grand River country had been obtained, before difficulties sprang up between the Indians and the Provincial Government, in regard to the nature of the title by which the former were to hold their new possessions. The Chief and his people supposed that the territory allotted to them had been conveyed in fee by a perfect title. But in this supposition they were disappointed. There is scarcely a finer or more inviting section of country in North America than the peninsula formed by Lake Ontario on the east, Lake Erie on the south, and Lake Huron on the west--through the heart of which flows the Grand River. The Indians, therefore, had not long been in the occupancy of their new country, before the white settlers began to plant themselves down in their neighborhood. To a man of Brant's sagacity, it was at once obvious that in such an attractive region of country the approach of the white man would soon circumscribe the hunting-grounds of his people, within the narrow boundaries of their own designated territory. He also saw, and without regret, that the effect would be to drive his people from the hunter to the agricultural state; in which case, while his territory was too small for the former, it would be far larger than would be necessary for the latter condition of life. As a compensation for the loss of his game, therefore, he conceived the idea of making sales of portions of his lands, for the creation of an immediate fund for the benefit of the nation, and of leasing other portions in such manner as to ensure a perpetual revenue. There was no selfish design in this project, farther than may be found in the fact, that his own fortunes were identified with those of his people. However covetous Captain Brant may have been of honor and power, he was neither covetous nor mercenary in regard to property. In one of his speeches he declared, with all solemnity, that he had never appropriated a dollar of money, or its value in other property, belonging to his nation, to his own use. Nor had he ever charged his nation a dollar for his services, or even for his personal expenses, in all the journeys he had performed upon their business. All his personal wants, under all circumstances, had been supplied from his own private funds.
There was another consideration connected with his desire to make sales and leases of lands to white settlers. He was anxious to promote the civilization of his people; and in his first negotiations with General Haldimand, after the close of the war, he made provision for the erection of a church and school-house; and it is an interesting fact, that the first temple erected for the worship of the true God in Upper Canada, was built by the Chief of a people recently pagan; and the first bell which summoned the people to the house of prayer in that province on the Christian Sabbath, was carried thither by him. In the furtherance of his plans of civilization, the Chief knew very well that an increasing contiguous white population would be the means of introducing such of the common arts and employments of life, as would materially contribute to the comfort and happiness of his people, while at the same time their progress in civilization would be greatly accelerated.
But he had no sooner commenced disposing of some small portions of land, than the colonial government raised objections. It was alleged that his title was imperfect--that a preemptive right to the soil had been retained by the government; and, as a consequence, that the Indians had no right to sell a rood of ground, since it was their's no longer than they themselves should occupy it. The question proved a fruitful source of disagreement between the parties, and of perpetual vexation to the old Chief until the day of his death. Council after council was holden upon the subject, and conference after conference; while quires of manuscript speeches and arguments, in Brant's own hand, yet remain to attest the sleepless vigilance with which he watched over the interests of his people, and the zeal and ability with which he asserted and vindicated their rights.
Even his friend Governor Simcoe was among the most strenuous opponents of the claim of the Indians to the fee of the soil, and in one instance attempted to curtail their grant by directing the land board to run a line due west from the head of Lake Ontario, which would have stripped the Mohawks of the fairest half of their possessions. On examining the grant from General Haldimand, however, the Governor desisted from this purpose; but still was determined that the Indians should neither lease nor sell any portion of their grant, nor make any manner of use of it, excepting such portions as they should cultivate with their own hands. By these proceedings, the situation of the Indians was rendered truly uncomfortable. Reduced to a narrow strip of land of only twelve miles in breadth, their hunting was of course seriously affected; while their skill in agriculture was so imperfect, that some other resources were indispensable to their sustenance.
In order to define more clearly and explicitly the rights of the Indians, two other deeds were successively framed and presented for their acceptance--both of which were promptly rejected, as being less favorable than their original grant. Finally, in 1795, Governor Simcoe visited Grand River with his councilors, for the purpose of ascertaining, as he said, the real wishes and condition of the Indians. A Council was holden, and the Chief delivered an elaborate speech, containing the whole history of the grant, the circumstances under which it had been made, and the difficulties they had been called to encounter. Among other objections, it seems to have been alleged by the Provincial authorities, as a pretext for dealing hardly by the Indians, that the government had been deceived in regard to the location and value of the territory. General Haldimand had supposed that the territory in question lay a long distance from Niagara, and would not be approached by a white population for an age to come. These assertions were sternly denied by Brant, who declared that the Commander-in-chief, at the time of making the grant, was thoroughly acquainted with the situation, its peculiar advantages, and its value.
This conference with Governor Simcoe resulted in nothing more than a promise that the speech of Thayendanegea should be forwarded to Lord Dorchester. Governor Simcoe left the province soon afterward, and a change was made in the administration of the Indian department, by the appointment of Captain Claus to the Indian agency at Niagara. It appears that before his departure, the Governor had confirmed such sales as had been previously made by the Indians; but difficulties arose on making the surveys, which once more placed everything afloat. The consequence was, that another hearing took place before Mr. Claus at Niagara, in October, 1796, at which, in another written speech, the Chief gave a historical argument of his case. From portions of this speech, it appears that Upper Canada had already become infested with unprincipled land-jobbers, who were the especial dislike of the Chief. "I cannot help remarking," said he, "that it appears to me that certain characters here, who stood behind the counter during the last war, and whom we knew nothing about, are now dictating to your great men concerning our lands. I should wish to know what property these officious persons left behind them in their own country, or whether, through their loyalty, they ever lost any! I doubt it much. But 'tis well known that scarcely a man amongst us but what sacrificed more or less property by leaving our homes. I again repeat, that if these officious persons have made the smallest sacrifice of property then I think they may in some measure be allowed to interfere, although it may be well known that personal interest prompts them to it, not the public good."
This speech, the Chief declared, should be his final effort to obtain justice from the "great men below"--the provincial government meaning. If not successful there, he declared his purpose of proceeding to England, and bringing his case in person before the King. But this resolution was contingent, and was not kept. On the departure of Governor Simcoe, the Executive government of the colony devolved upon the Hon. Peter Russell, President of the Executive Council of the province. For the more convenient administration of the Indian affairs of the province, Mr. Russell was clothed with all the powers upon that subject previously exercised by the General-in-chief at Quebec, acting under the advice of the Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, Sir John Johnson. Captain Brant lost no time in bringing the subject of his land title before Mr. Russell, and he speedily succeeded in part. The sales already made were confirmed, and the old Chief wrote to his friend and correspondent, Thomas Morris, Esq., then a resident of Canandaigua, that their difficulties respecting lands were nearly removed, and he had reason to believe that henceforth their affairs would go on to their satisfaction. [FN] The basis of the arrangement sanctioned by the acting Governor, was, that the lands then sold, or intended to be sold, by the Indians, should be surrendered to the government, which, upon the good faith of the agreement, was to issue grants to the persons nominated as purchasers by the agent transacting the land business of the nation. Captain Brant was acting in that capacity. The lands were of course to be mortgaged as security for the payment of the principal and interest of the purchase money. It was, moreover, the duty of the Agent to appoint three trustees, to receive the payments in trust for the Indians, and to foreclose the mortgages in cases of default--the lands to revert to the Indians. Captain Brant fulfilled his part of the agreement to the letter; but the government failed altogether to comply with its own corresponding duty. Some of the purchasers had paid their interest for several years, but could not obtain their titles; others died, and the heirs were in the like predicament, and the whole business became involved more than ever in difficulty. Added to all which, as the Indians themselves improved in their agricultural labors, the system of possessing all things in common operated unequally, and interposed great embarrassments to individual industry. But so long as the government refused to the Indians the privilege of disposing of the fee of the soil, the nation could not convey any portion of its own domain to its own people. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter to Thomas Morris, Esq, July 30, 1797. [Mr. Morris has furnished the author with a package of letters from Capt. Brant, written between the years 1796 and 1801, which, though chiefly upon private business, have nevertheless been found of use in the present work.]
[FN-2] Memorial of John Norton to the Marquis of Caurden.
There were other difficulties in the business, which it would be tedious to enumerate, the result of all which was, that the arrangement was in fact a nullity. Not only so, but the Mohawks felt themselves to be an independent nation, and they, or perhaps more correctly speaking, their proud and indomitable Chief, could ill brook submission to such a species of guardianship. The "satisfaction" arising from the arrangement under the auspices of President Russell, was consequently of but short continuance, and the Captain was compelled to fight his land battles over again. Many were the councils and conferences which succeeded, in all of which Brant was the principal speaker and defender of the rights of his people to the fee of their lands. The design of the British government was to hold the Indians in a state of pupilage, according to the practice of the United States; and consequently to allow them merely the occupancy of lands of which the government claimed the title. But neither the Mohawks nor their indefatigable leader would listen to any such doctrine; always, on all occasions asserting their own complete and entire independence as a nation. They were an independent nation in the Valley of the Mohawk, argued the Chief in one of his speeches, [FN] and were the undisputed owners of the soil of their country. Their right in this respect had never been questioned. On the breaking out of the war, they had relinquished their country--their all--because of their friendship and loyalty to the King. "In the year 1776," said the old Chief in the speech now referred to, "Lord Dorchester, then Sir Guy Carleton, at a very numerous council, gave us every encouragement, and requested us to assist in defending their country, and to take an active part in defending his Majesty's possessions; stating, that when the happy day of peace should arrive, and should we not prove successful in the contest, that he would put us on the same footing in which we stood previous to our joining him. This flattering promise was pleasing to us, and gave us spirit to embark heartily in his Majesty's cause. We took it for granted that the word of so great a man, or any promises of a public nature, would ever be held sacred." Again, in another part of the speech, the Captain remarked:--"We were promised our lands for our services, and those lands we were to hold on the same footing with those we fled from at the commencement of the American war, when we joined, fought, and bled in your cause. Now is published a proclamation, forbidding us leasing those very lands that were positively given us in lieu of those of which we a were the sovereigns of the soil. This, brothers, is surely a contradiction that the least discerning person amongst you must perceive, and which we think wonderful. Of those lands we have forsaken, we sold, we leased, and we gave away, when and as often as we saw fit, without hindrance on the part of your government; for your government well knew we were the lawful sovereigns of the soil, and they had no right to interfere with us as independent nations." In support of this assertion, the Chief proceeded to enumerate various sales and gifts of their lands; among which he mentioned the large and celebrated tract to Sir William Johnson, commonly called the Royal Grant, and for signing the conveyance of which the Captain asserted that he received a present of fifty pounds.
* * * * *
[FN] Speech delivered at a meeting of the Chiefs and warriors at Niagara before Colonel Scheaffe, Colonel Claus, and others, in August, 1803, on the occasion of a government proclamation forbidding the sale or leasing of any of their lands by the Indians.
The history of the whole controversy was very clearly stated in the speech just cited, and the argument throughout exceedingly well put. The Captain, in some of his speeches, dwelt with emphasis upon another feature of his case, affording a farther example of the magnanimity of the Mohawks in their dealings with the government, and the want of that attribute as evidenced in the manner of their requital. The Indians never asked of the crown any compensation for the vast tracts of their hunting-grounds relinquished by adhering to the cause of the crown. In a letter written to Sir John Johnson at this stage of the controversy, the veteran Chief cut with a two-edged blade:--"You know we demand nothing new. We have made no demand for compensation for our hunting-grounds, which were very extensive, nor for our wood-lands adjoining our improvements. All we ask is a confirmation of our just right to this very land, which we receive in lieu of those for which we received no compensation. I presume few loyalists have omitted charging, and receiving pay for their woodlands, as we did; many of whom received lands who had never possessed one foot before." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] In a letter subsequently addressed to Lord Dorchester, after the relinquishment by that officer of the Canadian Government, Captain Brant estimated those hunting grounds relinquished by his tribe at more than two millions of acres.
But the prospect of obtaining justice from the Provincial Government becoming less and less favorable by the lapse of time, the Chief again directed his attention to the parent government. Availing himself of the return to Europe of the Count De Puisy, whom he describes "as a brother soldier and fellow-sufferer in the cause of loyalty," [FN-1] the Captain placed in his hands a succinct history of the troubles he was laboring to remove, with an urgent request that he would lay the same before his Majesty's ministers. By the same conveyance he likewise addressed a vigorous appeal to Lord Dorchester, then in England, enclosing to his Lordship a copy of his original promise to him (Brant) as written down in 1775, and also the subsequent confirmation of that promise by General Haldimand. [FN-2] He was, moreover, in active-correspondence upon the subject with the Duke of Northumberland, in whom the Mohawks had ever a constant friend.
* * * * *
[FN-1] In one of Captain Brant's speeches, dated October 28, 1800, this passage occurs:--"It had for some time been observed that the too large, uninhabited space between York and the head of the Lake was a great inconvenience to the communication by land, we therefore thought it a fit occasion to remove the difficulty, by presenting the Count de Puisy and his adherents a tract of land in this space--sympathizing with them as having suffered in the cause of loyalty, and being obliged to quit their native clime on that account, and seek an asylum in this uncultivated region. This was objected to," &c., &c. When the younger Brant visited London, twenty years afterward, he refers to the Count as then living in retirement in the neighborhood of that capital.
[FN-2] The copy of this letter to Lord Dorchester is not entire. Two foolscap pages have only been preserved, or rather, all but the first two pages has been lost.
These attempts to enlist the parent government in behalf of the Indian claim, were backed by the mission to England of Teyoninhokarawen, alias John Norton, who spread the case before the ministers in a strong and lucid memorial addressed to Lord Camden, then one of his Majesty's ministers. Among other considerations, it was urged by Norton, that in case their lands should be released from all incumbrances, and every tribe and family be allowed to have their just portion of land confirmed to them, the province would be strengthened by the emigration thither of the major part of the tribes of the Six Nations, who still remained in the United States. It had, doubtless, entered into the policy of Brant to bring the ancient confederacy of the Six Nations once more together, within the jurisdiction either of England or the United States. The removal of the Mohawks into Canada had not dissolved the union of those nations, although their separation, thrown, as they were, under the action of different superior laws, and obliged sometimes to hold their own councils within the boundary of one nation, and at other times within the limits of another, could not but be attended with many embarrassments. Indeed, so numerous were the difficulties they were obliged to encounter, and such was the conduct of the provincial government in regard to their lands, that the Mohawk Chief not withstanding his attachment to the crown, had at one period contemplated withdrawing from Canada with his people in disgust. That such a project was actually entertained, appears by the following letter to his friend Morris:--
"Captain Brant to Thomas Morris, Esq. (secret and confidential.)
"Grand River, December 26, 1800.
"Dear Sir,
"From our friendship, and the regard you have continually shown to Indians in general, I flatter myself you will be so good as to assist in what I am about to communicate to you.
"There are numbers of our people scattered about in the westward at Sandusky, the Miami, &c. I wish to have them collected in one place, and for that purpose intend making a purchase of the Western Indians, so that any moving from here may also find a place to go to. We are certain that the Indians there will be very happy at the proposal, and that they even would give it for nothing; but we rather wish to buy, that it may be indisputably our own. The favor I have to ask of you is, that you would please to oblige us so far as to sound some of your friends in Congress if such a thing could be confirmed by them, for if we should move there, we would desire to be under the protection of the United States. What you may say on the subject to any one, I hope you will do it in a confidential manner; you may learn the general sentiments in the way of conversation, without making known our real intentions. The reason of my being so cautious, is the great jealousy of the British.
"Dear Sir, I am in truth, Your sincere friend And humb. serv't, Jos. Brant.
"Thomas Morris, Esq."
Nothing farther is disclosed among the manuscripts of Brant respecting this design of removal into the United States, and the suggestion was most likely owing to a momentary feeling of despondency and vexation. But it was his fortune soon afterward to encounter an annoying circumstance from another and most unexpected quarter--his long and well-tried friend, Sir John Johnson. The circumstance referred to was the receipt of a letter from the Baronet, then at Niagara, under date of September 1st, 1801, in which, after apologizing for his long delay in answering certain letters, from an apprehension that he could not so frame his communications as to avoid hurting the old Chiefs feelings, the writer adverted to the difficulties respecting the lands. He spoke of some uneasiness prevailing at Grand River; and stated that he had given his views, as to these troubles, to Captain Claus, in writing, and advised the Chief to aid in getting up a council, and adjusting the matter upon the basis he had proposed. In regard to the claim of the Mohawks upon a portion of the Mississagua reservation, the Baronet advised the Chief to abandon it at once, admonishing him that the government was determined, under no circumstances whatsoever, to sanction that claim; but on the contrary would protect the Mississaguas in the quiet and peaceable possession of all their lands. The letter concluded as follows:--"Let me therefore once more advise you to give up all concern in their affairs, and desist from assembling the different nations in distant parts of the country, and only attend to the business of your settlement, except when called upon by government to do otherwise; as it gives opening to the world to put unfavorable constructions on your conduct, which must tend to lessen your consequence in the opinion of those at the head of affairs; and I much fear may do you serious injury. And as you can have no doubt of my friendship for you and your fine family, I earnestly request you will maturely weigh what I now recommend to you, and consider it as the result of serious reflection."
This missive kindled the indignation of Brant, and elicited some spirited letters in reply. Its burden was the existence of difficulties among the Indians themselves, arising, as the Baronet had left the Chief to infer, from their distrust of the proceedings of Brant himself. The council, which the Superintendent-General had directed his Deputy, Captain Claus, to convoke, had been held, but does not seem to have been attended by any other results than an entire exoneration, by the sachems, of their principal Chief from all censure. [FN] The Captain, however, was not satisfied with allowing the matter to rest there; and he wrote the Baronet, in a tone of decision, demanding specific charges, if any could be produced against him, accompanied by the names of his accusers. He likewise severely upbraided the officers of the government for their conduct toward him, charging the fact upon them, explicitly, of having not only sanctioned the great Indian Confederacy of which there has been occasion so frequently to speak, but of having caused the formation of that confederacy under their own immediate auspices. This letter, as a historical document, bearing upon other relations than those appertaining to the writer, as an individual, deserves preservation, and is accordingly transcribed:--
* * * * *
[FN] See Appendix, No. X.
"Captain Brant to Sir John Johnson, Bar't.
"Grand River, November, 1801.
"Dear Sir,
"When I answered your favor of the first of September last, I promised to let you hear farther from me after the meeting should have taken place, which you then said Captain Claus was to hold for the purpose of satisfying the discontented, &c.
"He did not, however, do any thing in the business, as I expected, from your letter, he would have done; but the Chiefs, on being made acquainted with the contents of it, became uneasy, and called a scrutiny to find who it was among the Indians on this river that had expressed dissatisfaction at my conduct respecting the public lands. The dissatisfied party was found to be only a few of the lower Mohawks, mostly women, and no real chief among them. Afterwards, the Chiefs unanimously expressed their general approbation of my conduct as their agent in land matters, in a speech to Captain Claus. They at the same time hinted at the almost impossibility of things being done in such a manner as to please every particular individual, which was also the case in the discharge of his own duty as Superintendent; but assured him that they, the Chiefs, who had constituted me their agent in land affairs, were perfectly satisfied. Since that I hear no more of the discontented; all seem quiet. Then I was prepared to give a full explanation of all my transactions, and also put them in mind of the trouble and expense I had been at on their business; but this conduct of the Chiefs prevented me, thinking if I yet persevered it would be wantonly ripping up old grievances, &c.
"I hope you will do me the favor to let me know who informed you that there prevailed such an universal discontent among the Grand River Indians at my transactions, as you said was the case; and you will infinitely oblige me by making me acquainted with the author of this rumor, which has not a little hurt my feelings; and it would also give satisfaction to the greater part of the Chiefs here.
"Respecting your advice not to have more councils of other nations, &c, the Chiefs, both here and at Buffalo, cannot comprehend the meaning of it; and I have been particularly requested, by two messengers from the latter, to remain unshaken in my public capacity, and attend to their common interests as usual; I therefore hope you will do me the kindness to acquaint me with the reason why I should desist from attending any councils of the nations of the General Confederacy which we formed under the auspices of Great Britain; and if our friendly intercourse with each other is supposed to be detrimental to the interests of government, and in what measure; for, since the year 1760, I perfectly remember what has passed at most councils, and I never recollect an instance of government interfering to prevent our mutual correspondence, but, on the contrary, they have rather encouraged our uniting. Should it therefore be the case, that what formerly gave satisfaction, has now quite a different, effect, it will be very difficult for me to act so as not to get censured, without I am well acquainted with the change of politics. Also, the serious consequences you mention, that the not complying with your advice may be of to me, I would be glad to know what it is. I hope that laws and customs are not so far changed, as that punishment is first to be inflicted, and the trial brought on afterwards, and you should give me no plainer hint of it than that. In short, your advice seems no other than a threat in disguise. Still, my dear friend, don't think that I suspect you to be the author of it; but rather that you have softened the original so as to save my feelings.
"During the war, although I bore the commission of a captain, I never received commands as such, but acted as War Chief, which I believe was of more utility than if I had been in the other capacity--generally having more men under my command than is customary for one of that rank. Since the peace, I have attended to our affairs as a sachem. I never supposed it to be wrong my so doing; if it is so, I could wish to have written instructions how I am to conduct myself, so as to prevent the serious consequences spoken of, by which, probably, may be meant the taking from me my half-pay or pension. I hope to have the pleasure to hear from you as soon as possible, at the same time I remain
"Dear Sir, Your very humble And obed't servant, Jos. Brant
"Sir John Johnson, Bar't."
Norton had been furnished by Brant with letters to his friends in England, and among them to the Duke of Northumberland, who interested himself warmly in behalf of the object of his mission. Such, moreover, were the zeal and ability with which he discharged the duties of his errand, that for a time there was a prospect of his mission being crowned with entire success. The decision of the ministers was favorable to the Indians, and letters to that effect were dispatched to the Provincial government. These, however, were met by an unexpected movement at home, which palsied the exertions of the agent, and caused his return with hopes at least deferred, if not blighted. The cause of this untoward change in the course of the parent government will be developed in a few succeeding pages.
It appears that in the course of the controversy violent disagreements had arisen between Captain Brant and the Deputy Superintendent, which were ultimately embittered by mutual allegations of pecuniary delinquency. A charge of this description had been made against Brant, a few years before, in connexion with a negotiation between the government of the State of New-York and the Caughnawaga and St. Regis Indians, calling themselves the Seven Nations of Canada. These nations, as the reader has been informed in a former part of the present work, were clans of the Mohawks, who had long before separated from the principal nation, and settled upon the banks of the St. Lawrence. In the year 1792, they sent a deputation to the government of the State of New-York, claiming a tract of land covering a large portion of the northern part of the state; all, indeed, lying between Lake Champlain on the East, and the head waters of the Mohawk on the West, bounded north by the St. Lawrence, and south by a line to be drawn from a point between Fort Edward and Lake George to the junction of Canada Creek with the Mohawk River, in the neighborhood of the Little Falls. This extensive claim was resisted by the state upon several grounds. One of these was, that the Indian title had been extinguished to a portion of the territory in question by the French; another, that several patents from the English crown had extinguished their title to other portions of it; added to all which, it was held by the state that the Caughnawagas had never any just title to the land, inasmuch as it originally belonged to the Six Nations, of whom the claimants formed but a small number. As proof of this position, it was contended by the state that the Six Nations had themselves sold this same territory, together with a large additional tract, extending from the Mohawk River to the Pennsylvania line, to Colonel John Livingston. This sale to Colonel Livingston was first made by forty-five chiefs of the Six Nations in 1787, and was confirmed in the following year, by a second deed, signed by sixty-five of their chiefs, and witnessed by Colonel John Butler and Joseph Brant. The purchase by Colonel Livingston being unconstitutional, was annulled; but the fact that such a sale had been made by the Six Nations at large, was adduced against the claim of the Caughnawagas, by way of showing that it was unfounded. Still as the St. Regis and Caughnawaga Indians persisted in their claim, a commission, consisting of Egbert Benson, Richard Varick, and James Watson, was appointed to treat with their Chiefs upon the subject; and it was not until the Summer of the year 1796 that an arrangement was effected, by virtue of which the Seven Nations relinquished their claim, with the exception of the St. Regis reservation, for a small sum in hand paid, and a yet smaller perpetual annuity.
It was as a witness only to the deed of sale to Colonel Livingston, that the name of Captain Brant came to be involved in this controversy. The Commissioners maintained to the last that the Six Nations had sold the lands, and that their great chief, Brant, was a witness to the sale. In reply to which, the Caughnawagas insisted that the Six Nations had no more right to sell the lands they claimed than they had to dispose of the city of New-York. [FN-1] The Caughnawaga Chiefs, probably, did not exactly understand the case of the sale to Colonel Livingston, which was set aside as being contrary to the fundamental law of the state, nor the position in which the name of Joseph Brant stood upon the deed. On the contrary, they seem to have been impressed with an idea that Brant and the Mohawks had been selling their lands to the state. The consequence was a controversy between the Caughnawagas and the Mohawks, which gave the old Chief an infinite deal of trouble--even after the affair between the former and the State of New York had been amicably closed. The charges of the Caughnawagas amounted to this--that Brant and the Mohawks had sold their lands to the state, and pocketed the avails. Brant repelled the charge with indignation. In regard to the deed of sale to which he was a witness, he affirmed that not a foot of the territory claimed by the Caughnawagas was embraced within it, but that the sale was of a portion only of lands belonging to the Senecas. He demanded of the Caughnawagas their authority for the charge against himself and the Grand River Indians. They replied, that their information was derived from the representations of the officers of the State of New-York at Albany. Brant opened a correspondence with George Clinton [FN-2] and Governor Jay upon the subject, the negotiations having commenced under the administration of the former and been concluded under the latter. But not satisfied with anything resulting from the correspondence, he caused a deputation of his tribe to repair to Albany, [FN-3] at the head of which was his adopted nephew, John Norton, to meet a similar deputation from the Caughnawagas, face to face, and to require his accusers connected with the government of the State of New-York, either to substantiate their charges or acquit him in the presence of both delegations. The papers of Captain Brant are pretty full in regard to this controversy, which seems to have affected him with the keenest sensibility. The result of this double mission to Albany, however, does not exactly appear, save that the Chief was not well satisfied with it. At least thus much is evident from the tone of the annexed letter to his friend, Thomas Morris, who was a member of the Legislature of New-York at that time, and to whom he had given his deputies, letters of introduction:--
* * * * *
[FN-1] Talk of the Seven Nations, delivered to the Commissioners at Albany, May, 1796.
[FN-2] See Appendix, No. XI.
[FN-3] Brant had previously, in 1797, visited Albany on the same business, accompanied by Corn-planter and two or three other sachems. Arriving at Canajoharie in the evening, Brant called with his party upon Major Hendrick Frey, who had served in the cause of the crown during the war of the Revolution, but returned to his native county after the close of the contest. The meeting of Brant with Frey was like that of two brothers. The party adjourned to a tavern, where they had a merry time of it during the live-long night Many of their adventures during the war were recounted, among which was a duel that had been fought by Frey, to whom Brant acted as second. In the course of those relations, Corn-planter acknowledged that he shot the girl who was gathering berries in the neighborhood of Fort Stanwix, as related by Colonel Willett and cited in the first volume of the present work. Corn-planter said he was lurking about the fort in order to seize a prisoner; but failing in that object, fired upon the girl. The landlord of the inn, named Rolfe, had resided near Fort Stanwix at the time, and could hardly be restrained from doing violence upon Corn-planter on hearing the relation.--[Conversations of the author with Dr. Jonathan Eights of Albany, who, being at the time a resident with Major Frey, was one of the party.]
"Captain Brant to Thomas Morris, Esq.
"Grand River, April 4, 1799.
"Dear Sir,
"It is now some time since the return of Mr. Norton and the Cayuga Chiefs from Albany; they have acquainted me with their treatment there, and that of the business they went on; and particularly of your friendship and assistance to them while there; for which I could not omit taking the earliest opportunity of testifying to you my most hearty thanks for the friendship you showed them, and hope you will not find us unmindful of the favor.
"At the same time I cannot avoid expressing my surprise to you at the conduct of your government respecting the affair of the Caughnawagas. In the first place, it appears their Commissioners treated the business so mysteriously as to make these people believe we had sold their lands; first having defrauded us by having all that country included in the confirmation of Mr. Livingston's deed to Mr. Oliver Phelps, to which the Senecas signed their names, only supposing that they sold part of their own country, and to which I signed as a witness. This was made use of to convince the Caughnawagas they had no right to the country they inhabit; and I learn that it was not till after much argument that your Government owned that they never paid any money to me or the Five Nations on account of these lands, and that they never looked on any Indians to have a right to them, either Caughnawagas or Five Nations. Had they only said this at first, when they treated with the Caughnawagas, and not brought our name in question, they would have saved us immense trouble. And now I cannot imagine what good reasons they could have to refuse our Deputies to certify in writing that they never paid us any money on account of these lands claimed by the Caughnawagas, which it is certain they never did. It still appears they wish to make the affair mysterious, and evade, as much as they can, the thoroughly clearing up of the business, so as to keep the Caughnawagas from making farther claims on them; for it now appears pretty clear to us that they have wronged these people. However, their conduct comports a good deal with the uncivilized character of Judge Benson, who, I find, was one of the Commissioners; and how the Governor left the business mostly to him, who I know would skin a flint if it was possible, should it belong to the Indians." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Judge Benson was only one of the Commissioners; but it is probably true that the business was confided entirely to him. In the original account of the treaty with the Caughnawagas, of May, 1796, containing the speeches written out in full on both sides, found by the author among Brant's papers, Judge Benson's signature stands alone at the close of the whole.
"I intend, for my own satisfaction, to have the whole affair, from the beginning to ending, published in the newspapers.
"Dr. Sir, I am your most humble and Obd't. Serv't Jos. Brant.
"Thomas Morris, Esq'r."
In July of the same year, Brant proceeded to the Caughnawaga country in person, accompanied by a body of Chiefs of several of the tribes, for the purpose of a thorough investigation in General Council. Such a council was convened; and the difficulties, from the reports of the speeches preserved in writing by Captain Brant, were fully discussed--and that, too, in the most amicable manner. From several intimations in these speeches, it appears that the whole difficulty had been caused "by chattering birds," and by the machinations against Captain Brant, of the old Oneida Sachem, Colonel Louis. The Council-fire was Kindled on the 8th of July. On the 9th Captain Brant was satisfied by the explanations given, and remarked "that he had pulled up a pine, and planted down beneath it the small bird that tells stories;" on the 10th, the Caughnawaga Chief replied--"Brother, we return you thanks; we also join with you to put the chattering-bird under ground from where the pine was taken up, there being a swift stream into which it will fall beneath, that will take it to the Big Sea, from whence it never can return."
The result of the Council seems to have been satisfactory on all hands. Indeed, as Brant himself wrote to a correspondent "in the States," [FN] a short time afterward, he was rather surprised that he had so little to encounter at their meeting:--"We expected they would have had a great deal to say to us; but instead of that, they said they had never accused us of themselves--that it was only from what the people of New-York said that they had inquired about the matter; and that now they hoped we would be so good as to agree to bury the whole affair under ground." To Sir John Johnson he subsequently wrote in the following terms:--"Without doubt, long before this you have received an authentic account of our business with the Caughnawagas, which has convinced you and the world of our innocence. You know that I was supposed to be a leader in that business, and how often I have been falsely accused. But upon investigation my rectitude has ever been sufficiently proved. This groundless accusation of theirs created a great expense to government as well as us, and I should expect that, after being convinced of their error, some acknowledgment should be made for the great trouble they have put us to."
* * * * *
[FN] The name of this correspondent it not given in the original draught of the letter preserved among Brant's papers.
But the Caughnawaga difficulties were no sooner at an end, than it was his lot to encounter others yet more nearly touching his pecuniary integrity, which annoyed him not a little. There were active spirits about him, official and unofficial, who, for reasons of their own, looked with no favorable eye upon the mission of Teyoninhokarawen. So strongly indeed were these men opposed to the claims of the Indians, that they were led to the adoption of very unjustifiable means, not only to circumvent the negotiations of Norton, but to prostrate the power and influence of the old Chief himself. To this end, domestic dissensions were fomented, even among his own kindred, the Mohawks. The Chief was again accused of peculations; and although the grant of the Grand River territory had been notoriously made for the exclusive benefit of the Mohawk nation, yet the Senecas, and others of the Iroquois Nations, not residing in Canada, were stirred up to claim a voice in the disposition of those lands, and in the domestic relations of that nation, by virtue of their confederate league, which had never before been construed as clothing them with any such rights or powers. In furtherance of the design of prostrating Brant and thwarting the efforts of Norton in England, a Council of the Six Nations was held at Buffalo Creek, under the direction of the Seneca Chiefs, Red Jacket and the Farmer's Brother; at which all the proceedings of Brant and Norton were formally disavowed, and Brant himself deposed from the chieftainship of the Confederacy, at the head of which he had stood for more than a quarter of a century. His associate Mohawk Sachems were likewise removed, and others, taken, as Jeroboam selected his priests, from the lowest of the people, appointed in their stead. None of the Mohawk Chiefs were present at this Council, but only a few of the discontents, and of the more worthless members of the nation, who had been wrought upon by the white opponents of the principal Chief. The whole movement was illegal, according to the ancient usages of the Confederacy, in other respects. The Council was not convened at the National Council-fire, which had years before been regularly removed from Buffalo Creek to the Onondaga Village on the Grand River. Nor, aside from the fact that the Senecas, and others residing within the United States, had no right to a voice in regard to the domestic affairs or the lands of the Mohawks, was the General Confederacy properly or legally represented. Red Jacket, however, was both a ready and a willing instrument in the hands of Brant's opponents. In all the councils in which it had been the fortune of the two Chiefs to meet for the transaction of business, there had been little of cordiality between them, and much less of friendship. Yau-go-ya-wat-haw, or Red Jacket, was not a chief by birth, but had made himself such by his cunning. He was artful, eloquent, and ambitious. Aspiring to the rank of a chief, he availed himself of the superstitious dispositions of his people to attain his object. His first essay was, to dream that he was, or should be, a Chief, and that the Great Spirit was angry because his nation did not advance him to that dignity. These dreams, with the necessary variations, were repeated, until, fortunately for him, the small-pox broke out among the Senecas. He then proclaimed the loathsome infliction as a judgment of the Great Spirit, because of the ingratitude of the nation to him. The consequence, ultimately, was, that by administering flattery to some, and working upon the superstitious fears of others, he reached the goal of his ambition. Brant, however, had always, on all suitable occasions, pronounced him a coward--the greatest coward of his race. He used to say that Red Jacket was always valiant for fight with his tongue; but that, although by his eloquence he persuaded many warriors to fight, he was ever careful not to get into personal danger himself. He also asserted as a fact, that having sent others upon the war-path, he would turn to, and steal and kill their cows for his own use. [FN-1] Smarting under the contemptuous treatment of the Mohawk Chief, therefore, the eloquent demagogue of the Senecas was not backward in compassing, as he hoped, the overthrow of his enemy, if not his rival. Hence, for years antecedent to the council called clandestinely for the deposition of Brant, Red Jacket had labored, with all art and diligence, to create jealousies and distrust against him. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Conversations of the author with Thomas Morris, Esq. This gentleman, during his residence in the western part of New-York, became intimately acquainted with the Senecas and Mohawks--especially with their Chiefs--having assisted at several treaties with them. He once entertained Brant, Red Jacket, and a number of other chiefs, at his own house in Canandaigua. At dinner, Brant was very amusing; and among other stories, related the cow-killing exploits of a Seneca Chief, in such an arch manner as to direct the attention of the whole company upon Red Jacket, and yet compel Red Jacket himself to raise an affected laugh.
[FN-2] See the certificate of Israel Chapin, as to the general character of Brant, and the unfounded jealousies excited against him by his opponents, Appendix, No. XII.
The Chief himself was, of course, early apprised of what had taken place, and the manner of the conspiracy, of which he appears to have written a full account to his friend, the Duke of Northumberland. The copy of only a portion of that communication has been discovered. It is without date, but must have been written in A. D. 1805.
"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.
"May it please your Grace:
"As my nephew, Teyoninhokarawen, has safe returned, gratitude prompts me to return you my most hearty thanks for the very kind reception and aid you gave him, and express the regret myself and the other Chiefs of the Five Nations inhabiting the Grand River feel, that after the trouble your Grace has taken in our affairs, he should have been frustrated of having them concluded to our satisfaction by the intrigues of the Agent for Indian affairs, (a Mr. Claus,) of which I shall take the liberty to give you a succinct account.
"When, in consequence of the warm support you gave my nephew, dispatches were received by the late Governor from England, in favor of the Indians, the Agent insinuated, through his instruments of intrigue, that he was about effecting something much to their detriment, should they not immediately prevent it. But finding that he could not succeed at the Grand River, a few of the common people went to Buffalo Creek, a village of the Five Nations within the American line, where they had a council, and then went to Niagara, [FN] where Mr. Claus, the Agent, dictated to them what was sent to England. . . . Several of the principal Chiefs from Buffalo, who signed, are pensioners to the Americans; one of them, Red Jacket, or the Cow-killer, the speaker, and the greatest coward of all the Five Nations, at the Connecticut (in New-England) Assembly swore, or promised, kissing the portrait of General Washington, to be true to their interests. But to make their numbers appear more respectable, all the common people signed as Chiefs, from the villages on the American side, as did the few, with three or four petty chiefs, who went from the Grand River. The poor fellows, in consequence of the promises, and having signed together with the officers, have been long expecting to receive their commissions; and even some of them have been expecting to receive tidings of them by Teyoninhokarawen. The purport of the writing was, that the mission and proceedings of Teyoninhokarawen should be disallowed of and disavowed; that I should be displaced from being Chief; and that a few settlers introduced by the Chiefs--."
* * * * *
[FN] Vide certificate of Captain Leonard, and other American officers, then stationed at Niagara.--Appendix, No. XIII.
Here the copy of this communication abruptly breaks off. But although the proceedings referred to were transmitted to England by the opponents of the Chief, and followed by consequences fatal to the mission of Norton; yet the failure, so far as the Chief himself was concerned, was as signal as the plot in all respects was indefensible and unjust. It was but a few months anterior to these proceedings, founded, in the main, upon alleged embezzlements, or mal-appropriations, of the revenue of his nation, that a General Council had been holden at Grand River, which was attended by the chiefs and warriors, the Deputy and Superintendent-General, and the principal military officers of the province, and at which the pecuniary transactions of Captain Brant had been fully investigated--found to be accurate, and approved. The proceedings at this council appear to have been dictated in the most amicable spirit; and from their complexion, nothing could have been more unlikely than the revival of charges, then so thoroughly shown to be without foundation in truth. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] See Appendix, No. XIV.
But the old Chief, did not remain passive under his persecutions. He took an early occasion to meet a council of the faction of his own nation who were opposing him, and to upbraid them in no very measured terms for their ingratitude. His address was written out in full, in the Mohawk dialect, and was afterward circulated in the form of an appeal to his nation. [FN] After a spirited review of his life, and the services he had rendered them from the commencement of the war of the Revolution, the appeal proceeded:--
* * * * *
[FN] This document was never translated by Captain Brant. Portions of the manuscript are illegible; but all that can be read has been translated for the use of the author.
. . . "It astonishes me, therefore, after all that I have done for you, to hear almost all of you, young and old, joining your voices with Colonel Claus, and saying of me that I have embezzled your property, and such like hard speeches, which you know are false,--while you never so much as think of mentioning the many important services I have rendered you, the many privations I have suffered on your account, and the journies I have undertaken for your benefit--for the time and expenses of which you have never paid me one penny. . . . At Philadelphia the Americans spoke in a very friendly manner to me, and made me large offers of presents for myself and family if I would prevent any farther attacks from the Indians. But I positively refused to accept of any thing from them, lest I should injure your good name as the Six Nation Indians. And again, I knew that the King would not suffer me to be in want; and had I accepted anything at this time, it might have been thought that I had been bribed, and become a traitor, which, when made public, would have been disgraceful to me, and injurious to you as my people. I thought I could depend on our white brethren, the King's subjects, should I at any time need their assistance. . . . There was the Grand River Tract, upon which I might have had a farm, and lived on its produce. These considerations were more than sufficient to deter me from receiving the valuable presents offered for my acceptance. . . . I think the only way I could satisfy you, would be for me to pay out of my own purse for every item that has to be expended for your public uses. My only crime is, that I want to make you a happy people, and for you to be enabled to call your land your own forever; and not leaving it doubtful whether it is yours or not. I say you would be well pleased if every thing could be done for the general good of the Six Nations, without parting with a foot of land to pay for contingencies. Colonel Claus asks you where your money is gone to? He never asks where the proceeds of sales of your lands are gone to, else you might tell him that it is gone to assist in building his splendid house. Whenever I have had occasion to use any of your money, I have never touched any but the interest, and have left the principal entire. But your friend Claus has devoted principal and interest together; and yet you come to my house complaining. . . . I ask again, what do you find in my conduct to disapprove of? If you can point any thing out, I should like to hear it. Or, will you say that every thing that I have done has been for your injury and not for your benefit?"
* * * * *
"I say I cannot find, in all that I have done, that anything has tended to your injury, or the injury of the King's cause. Yet you speak of me as one who is your enemy--as one who does what he can to injure you; and I have no doubt that you, who are hearing me, feel so toward me in your hearts, although I have reiterated in your hearing many instances where what I did tended to raise your name as well as my own; and in other instances, when I might have been enriched, I have refused receiving for fear of your name being tarnished. Still, you would almost brand me with the name of thief, although not one of you have ever subscribed a penny to pay my expenses when I have traveled on your public business."
The original manuscript of this address is much broken, especially in that portion of it containing a review of his services in connexion with the wars of the north-western Indians with the United States. The following fragments of sentences upon that subject, only, have been translated:--
. . . "Every man of us thought, that by fighting for the King, we should ensure to ourselves and children a good inheritance. . . . At another time, at the last council we held, when the Americans were talking with the Indians, I spoke to Otsinarenta, and said, 'if the Americans fail in . . . I should like to go and surprise Wayne when he least expects it.'"
It was very soon manifest that the pretended deposition of the veteran Mohawk, at the instigation of white men, and through the immediate agency of Red Jacket, was no act of the great body of the Six Nations, much less of his own nation; and the attempt to shake the faith of their "fathers in council," in the perfect integrity of the Chief who had so long been their leader in the cabinet and in the field, was a signal abortion. A meeting of the chiefs and warriors was soon afterward held, at which the whole controversy seems again, from the fragments of the proceedings yet in existence, to have been renewed. From one of the speeches, the following passages, connected immediately with the position and conduct of Brant, and the proceedings against him, are extracted:--
"Brother, listen! Is it not thus, when a present is given, that the bestower will not think of again grasping hold of it? But it seems as if we were in that predicament--not being considered as real proprietors. We are grieved and ashamed that so much should have been said on the subject, without it being confirmed according to the first promise.
"Brother: We find divisions among us. The young men think to take the lead, who know nothing of our affairs nor what we suffered in the war. According to the first formation of our confederacy, the Mohawk was the leading nation. So it has been since our establishment at the Grand River. Therefore our leading Chief, Captain Brant, has stood foremost in our affairs, with which he is thoroughly acquainted.
"Brother: There have been rumors concerning our money, and the application made of it. We, that have been engaged in the public affairs, know where it is gone. He has not been always traveling, and employed on his own concerns--it has been on those of the public. He has been to the other side of the water, and several times to Quebec; and always in these journies expended his own property, we never making any collection for him whatever. And now what he may have made use of is only the interest. Nothing has been taken from the principal. The payment for one township has been made without any delinquency whatever. We are perfectly satisfied with all his transactions.
"Brother, listen! That which was done at Buffalo, and which you have confirmed and sent to the other side of the water, was a thing that had never before taken place, in which they pretend to break our Chief, Captain Brant. But we assure you, brother, that this shall not be; for we know not his having so transgressed as to merit such treatment. Neither is it proper that such a proceeding within the American line, and done by Indians inhabiting that territory, should be countenanced by you."
At the same setting, Tchaosennoghts, or Duguoin, a Seneca Chief, spoke as follows:--
"Brother: You see here a remnant of the warriors that fought last war, whose hearts are grieved that they have lived to see the present change of our treatment, and our situation. The divisions existing among us, and the attempts of the young men to put the Chiefs aside, have no other origin than the Indian store. It is there the young men receive from his Majesty's bounty that which was designed for those who fought and suffered in his cause, and who are now treated with neglect. It is from this they are led to imagine themselves men of ability and consequence. It is easy for them to say, now, there is nothing to be done, or no danger--that they are loyal, and side with government. We are no less loyal, we assure you, now; and when occasion required, we gave proofs of our attachment. But we know our Great Father is no less generous than opulent, and does not want our lands. Neither can we think ourselves departing from our duty in wishing to preserve them for our posterity, for we are poor. It is not Captain Brant who is the sower of dissension; but it is what I just mentioned that causes the division amongst us.
"Brother: The right of being chief, according to our customs, arises either from hereditary line on the female side, or from having been distinguished by meritorious conduct, so as to be accepted as such. This has not been the case in the late appointment you sanctioned. One of them, to whom you pay great regard, we know has been distinguished in your opinion far some things which we have not been accustomed to pay that respect to."
Finally, at this, or a subsequent General Council, a speech, drawn up in the form of a declaration, was executed, under the sanction of the signatures and seals of sixteen of the most distinguished chiefs, residents upon the Grand River, and representing the Mohawks, Cayugas, Oghkwagas, Tuscaroras, and one Delaware chief; bearing the most unequivocal testimony to the integrity of Thayendanegea, and asserting their undiminished confidence in his faithful management of their business, as agent in the matter of their lands. It was stated in this paper that he had desired, of himself, some time before, to withdraw from that agency, and that he had only consented to remain therein at their urgent solicitation--he requiring that a board of twenty-four chiefs might be selected from the different tribes, to act as counselors, and probably to determine all questions of doubt or controversy. "This," says the declaration, "has been done--but at the same time we desired that he might continue at the head. And farther hearing that there are many obstacles yet preventing the equitable conclusion of our land business, we now unanimously renew and strengthen him in quality of agent, which, from the confidence we have in his integrity from what has already passed, we assure ourselves he will exert himself in that office, as far as lies in his power, to promote the general welfare. With these strings we therefore exhort him to continue with moderation and patience, and flatter ourselves from the equity of our brethren, the British government, and his abilities, all difficulties will at last be surmounted."
Nothing could be more explicit than this testimony of exoneration, so far as the charges against the Chief were connected with his management of the land concerns of his people. But his vindication did not rest here. Soon after the return of Teyoninhokarawen to the Grand River, a general council of the Six Nations was convened at Niagara, for the purpose of meeting the Deputy Superintendent-General, and entering a solemn protest against the proceedings of the council at which Red Jacket and the Farmer's Brother had pretended to depose Thayendanegea. For several days the Deputy declined meeting the Council, upon the plea of waiting for the attendance of Mr. Selby, a gentleman from Detroit. But as that gentleman did not arrive, and it was uncertain when he would come, if at all, the Chiefs determined to proceed with their business. The Deputy, accompanied by Colonel Proctor, met the Chiefs only to repeat his excuse, and to declare, that under existing circumstances, he would not listen to what they had to say. The Chiefs, however, resolved to proceed with their deliberations; and their protest, yet existing in the chirography of Captain Brant, was read and sanctioned by the council, in presence of several officers of the garrison, and also of several distinguished civilians. This paper contained a succinct review of the controversy respecting the lands; the object of Norton's mission to England; the partial success of that agent--thwarted only by the use that had been made of the proceedings of Red Jacket's unauthorized and illegally-constituted council--a review of those proceedings; and a protest against the whole. [FN] After the reading had been concluded, Okoghsenniyonte, a Cayuga Chief, rose, and declared the general approbation of the document by the council.
* * * * *
[FN] See Appendix, No. XV.
With these proceedings, it is believed, the efforts to prostrate Brant, and deprive him of the chieftainship, ceased. In any event they were not successful, and he remained at the head of the Mohawks, and consequently at the head of the Confederacy, until the day of his decease.
But, even under all these discouragements, it was not the design of the indefatigable Chief to relinquish his exertions to obtain justice for his people at the hands of the parent government. For this purpose another visit to England was determined upon, to be performed, either by himself, or Norton, or perhaps by both. This determination was announced to the Duke of Northumberland by letter, early in the year 1806:--
"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.
"Grand River, January 24_th_, 1806.
"My Lord Duke,
"The kind and affectionate letter I received from your Grace, has deeply penetrated our hearts with a sense of the honor you confer on the Five Nations in the sincere regard you express for their welfare; and we hope that our future conduct, and that of our descendants, may never fail to cause such sentiments to be cherished in the noble hearts of the leaders of the British nation. For, however wounding to our feelings, or detrimental to our interests, may be the treatment we have received, and yet continue to receive, in this country, our reliance on the fatherly protection of his Majesty, and the confidence we have ever placed in the humanity, love of justice, and honor of your nation, is not weakened.
"The reason of my having delayed so long writing to your Grace, is, that from the arrival of a new Governor, [FN-1] I received some hopes that what respects our land affairs might have been accomplished to our satisfaction in this country. But these hopes are now vanished--for appearances give me reason to apprehend that the old council, (principally composed of men influenced by an insatiable avarice for lands,) have so prejudiced his Excellency against us, as to disappoint what otherwise we might have expected from the innate benevolence of our father's representative. It is therefore the determination of the real chiefs and faithful warriors to comply with the brotherly advice of your Grace. [FN-2] Therefore, either both of us, or Teyoninhokarawen, [FN-3] shall make another attempt in England, invested with full powers from our nations, in writing, according to European customs, which your distance and our situation at present render absolutely necessary. Some small difficulties necessitate delay, or we would immediately be on the road."
* * * * *
[FN-1] Sir Francis Gore.
[FN-2] Contained, probably, in a letter from the Duke, which has not been found.
[FN-3] John Norton.
"His Excellency has expressed that he will only hear from us through Mr. Claus, the head of the Indian Department, who is our implacable enemy; and from what has already passed, we are well assured will do every thing in his power to thwart our success. Previous to receiving any speech, he requests that we give him a copy of it; but himself, when he pretended, last of all, to make a defence to what we had expressed at Niagara in July, in reference to his having deceived the British ministry by the improper names sent to England to thwart the mission of Teyoninhokarawen, he read his speech in such a low voice that it could only be heard by those who sat next to him, and afterwards refused to give us a copy of it. So we remain as ignorant of what he alleged in his defence, as if he had made no speech.
"The same confidence in the good faith of our allies, which animated my courage to persevere in the most trying situations during the war, and exhort to a similar perseverance those whom extraordinary difficulties, or American intrigue, might stagger, yet encourages me to hope for justice, notwithstanding the clouds that shade us from it.
"Mr. Wyatt, Surveyor General of this province, does me the favor to take this. The copy of the speech delivered at Niagara last July, Teyoninhokarawen sent you several months ago; so I hope you have received it by this time. With the sincerest respect and gratitude, I remain,
"Your Grace's Faithful friend and Brother warrior, Jos. Brant, Thayendanegea.
"His Grace the Duke of Northumberland, Thorighwageri."
"The Duke of Northumberland to Captain Brant.
"Northumberland House, 5_th May,_ 1806.
"My very good Friend and Brother Warrior:
"I have received safely your letter of the 24th January, which reached me on the 23d of last month, with all that pleasure which is naturally felt by one friend when he receives a letter from another friend. I am happy to find that the interest I took in the affairs of the Five Nations has been acceptable to their Board, as I am by being one of their community. They may rest assured I shall always be happy to assist them to the utmost of my power.
"I was very sorry that the zeal of my brother Teyoninhokarawen failed of success; but I can assure you and the Chiefs of the Five Nations, that it was not for want of constant attention and the most unremitting zeal on his part. No person could possibly execute the mission on which he was sent, with more ability than he did. It is only a piece of justice due to him, to desire you to mention this to the General Council when they meet.
"The names of those who gave credit to Mr. Claus's fictitious council, are washed out from the administration of this country, and a more sensible set of ministers are appointed in their room, and I think those who now fill the high offices of State in this kingdom, would listen to the wishes of our brethren in the Five Nations. [FN] I shall be happy if I can be of service in procuring for them the accomplishment of their wishes. But before I attempt any thing, I must desire clearly to understand what are the wishes of the Five Nations. Do they desire to have a confirmation of the grant of Sir Frederick Haldimand and (if possible) to have it under the Great Thayendanegea, &c. with the Seal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland? Would they consent, (if such a thing is proposed) to have a clause inserted in the confirming grant declaring the grant to be vacated, if the Five Nations should at any time part with the territory thus granted to them, either to the Americans, or to any other nation of Indians, or to any other person or persons not being of the Five Nations, or a British subject, without the consent of the crown of Great Britain? I mention this circumstance, because I think something of this kind was hinted at by Mr. Cooke, and the improper manner in which it was stated, gave reason to suppose that the Five Nations could not alienate it, or any part of it, from one Indian of the Five Nations to another Indian of the Five Nations, which never was intended to be prevented."
* * * * *
[FN] The Duke, probably, referred to the dissolution of Mr. Addington's Administration in 1801, and the return to power of Mr. Pitt. True, the ministry of the latter was dissolved by the decease of that incomparable premier, in January antecedent to the time the Duke was then writing; but it must have been the Addington ministry which was in power at the time of Norton's mission, and which was "washed out" by dissolution after Pitt had abandoned it, and made a speech in opposition, even on the same side with Fox.--Author.
"I should, however, advise that either yourself, Teyoninhokarawen, or some other chief, should come over, properly authorised by the chiefs, to transact and finally settle all this business.
"There are a number of well-meaning persons here, who are very desirous of forming a Society to better (as they call it,) the condition of our nation, by converting us from hunters and warriors into husbandmen. Let me strongly recommend it to you, and the rest of our chiefs, not to listen to such a proposition. Let our young men never exchange their liberty, and manly exercises, to become hewers of wood and drawers of water. If they will teach our women to spin and to weave; this would be of use; but to endeavor to enervate our young men by doing nothing but tilling the earth, would be the greatest injury they could do the Five Nations. Nine hundred or a thousand warriors, enured to hardship by hunting, are a most respectable and independent body; but what would the same number of men become who were merely husbandmen? They would hardly rate a small parish, seeking for protection from others, scarcely heard of and known, and obliged tamely to submit to laws and regulations made by other people, and incapable of defending themselves. If you want an example of what the Five Nations would soon become, look only at the Stockbridge Indians. They, like us, were once a noble and formidable tribe; they now are less than women. Some of the persons who propose this plan, have their own private reasons. They wish to go over among you, and when they have collected you together in order to teach you to cultivate the ground, they will then show you how very small a part of the land granted you is sufficient for to supply your wants, and will next endeavor to prevail upon you to grant them the remainder, in gratitude for the trouble they have had in instructing you in agriculture. No, my dear friend and brother warrior, never suffer yourself, or your Chiefs, to be induced by their plausible arguments. If you do, remember I now foretell that you will become a poor, dependent, and insignificant body, instead of continuing a free, warlike, and independent nation as we now are. I wish to see the Christian religion, sobriety, and good morals, prevail among our nation; but let us continue free and independent as the air that blows upon us; let us continue hunters and warriors, capable of enforcing respect, and doing ourselves justice; but let us never submit to become the tillers of land, hewers of wood, and drawers of water, by the false and interested advice of those who, from being our pretended friends, would soon become our imperious masters. Accept this, my good friend and brother warrior, from one who wishes the Five Nations ever to continue a formidable nation, commanding respect from all its neighbors, and who interests himself most sincerely in their welfare. Say every thing proper for me to my brother Chiefs, and believe me,
"Your faithful friend and brother warrior, Northumberland, Thorighwageri
"PS Dezonhighkor (Lord Percy) desires to return his thanks, and to offer his compliments to you and to Teyoninhokarawen, (Norton,) to whom I desire you to give my compliments likewise. I have received his letter, and will write to him by this mail if I possibly can."
Pursuant to the suggestions of the preceding correspondence, the preparations were made for another mission to London, by Thayendanegea himself. He actually commenced his journey, and proceeded as far as Albany, with the design of embarking at New-York. Circumstances, however, occurred, which rendered it necessary for him to return to his own country. Afterward, owing to pecuniary difficulties, the undertaking was indefinitely deferred, as will be seen by the annexed communication to the Duke, which was probably the last ever addressed to that nobleman by his brother warrior of the forest:--
"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.
"Head of Lake Ontario, June 26, 1807.
"My Lord Duke,
"I wrote you last by the Surveyor General, Mr. Wyatt, acquainting your Grace that Teyoninhokarawen or myself should again cross the sea on the subject of our land affairs, &c. Shortly after that we have been formally deputed, either jointly or separately, by a general council of the chiefs and warriors of the Grand River, held at the Onondaga Village, according to the ancient custom of the Five Nations.
"The want of money for the journey, and suspicions of new intrigues being attempted in our absence again to frustrate our endeavors for the public good, have deterred us for the present from undertaking the intended journey. But, confiding in the regard which we know that your Grace has for your brethren of the Five Nations and their interests; in the fatherly affection of his Majesty; and in the justice of the British nation; we send you the powers we have received; and beg that your Grace may grant us your aid to obtain from his Majesty a confirmation of General Haldimand's grant to the Five Nations under the Great Seal; and that the part we have surrendered to Government for sale, they shall guarantee to us and our heirs the regular payment of the purchase money stipulated, according to former representation.
"With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor to be
"Your Grace's humble servant, and Faithful brother warrior"
For a good and sufficient reason, which will appear in the closing pages of the present work, the claims of the Mohawks were prosecuted no farther by their old and vigilant Chief, Thayendanegea. Nor have their difficulties with the officers of the crown entirely ceased to this day.