Chapter X
Continued troubles with the Indians--English emissaries in Kentucky--Mission of Antoine Gamelin--Preparations for war--Campaign of General Harmar--Successive defeats of Colonel Hardin--Conduct of the militia--Retreat of Harmar--Indian deputation to Lord Dorchester--Letter of Sir John Johnson--Colonel Gordon--Letter of Brant to Colonel McKee--Pacific views of Lord Dorchester--Renewed efforts of the United States to bring the Indians to peace--Interposition of Corn-planter--Mission of Corn-planter and Colonel Proctor--British officers wish a mediation--Letter of Colonel Gordon--Colonel Pickering holds an Indian Council at the Chemung--Red Jacket's course--Brant interferes--Indian Councils at Buffalo--Influence of Colonel John Butler and Brant--Mission of Colonel Proctor and Corn-planter frustrated--Important position of Brant--Correspondence between the Secretary of War and Governor Clinton--Colonel Pickering's Council with the Indians at Painted Post--Mission of Hendrick, the Stockbridge chief--Renewal of hostilities--Campaign of General St. Clair---His defeat--Thayendanegea among the Indian captains--The panic that followed--Clamor against St. Clair--His resignation--Wayne appointed his successor--Refusal of Colonel Willett to embark in an Indian war.
Notwithstanding the treaties of peace concluded by General St. Clair with all the Six Nations, the Mohawks excepted, and with several of the great north-western tribes, the tranquility of the frontier settlements, now extending four hundred miles along the Ohio, had not been secured. The Shawanese, Miamis, and Wabash Indians [FN-1] still kept up a bloody war, ravaging the settlements of Kentucky, and the territory now known as Ohio, and causing serious apprehensions in the frontier settlements of Virginia. The President had made every possible effort to conciliate the Indians by just and pacific overtures, but in vain. [FN-2] Even the Indians with whom one of the treaties had been formed, could not all of them be restrained from the warpath. There was, moreover, another angry cloud lowering in the western sky. The governments of the United States and Spain were at issue on the question of the navigation of the Mississippi, respecting which strong solicitude was felt by the people of the west--especially of Kentucky. Not satisfied with fomenting discontents among the Indians at the north, the English government, availing itself of the Spanish question, and hoping, should the mouth of the Mississippi be ultimately closed against the commerce of the United States, that disaffection might ensue in the west, was believed to have despatched secret agents into Kentucky, with propositions to test the fidelity of the people to the Union. Among these emissaries was Lieutenant Colonel Connolly, of Detroit, a loyalist formerly of Fort Pitt, who had espoused the cause of the crown in the Revolution. He held several confidential conferences with some of the most influential citizens of Kentucky, and attempted to seduce them into a project for making a descent upon New Orleans, seizing the city, and securing the navigation of the Mississippi by force, as a necessary consequence. Information of these secret proceedings was transmitted to the President, who, looking upon the intrigue as an attempt to divide the Union, was prompt in concerting measures to detect any farther machinations of the kind. [FN-3] What progress was made in sowing the seeds of disaffection, or whether any, does not appear.
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[FN-1] Such were the statements of the accounts of that day. In the early part of the present year, however, Captain McKee, the active (British) Indian Agent at Detroit, wrote to Captain Brant--"The Indians of the Miamis, I understand, have been more quiet than usual this year, few hostilities having been committed, and those by that nation alone." In the same letter Captain McKee stated that a quarrel had arisen between the Miamis and Delawares respecting the lands occupied by the latter, who were so much offended as to be preparing to retire across to the Spanish side of the Mississippi. The Captain added:--"Their withdrawing themselves at this time will be extremely detrimental, not only to the Indian confederacy, but to the country in general, as it will draw a number of others after them who do not consider the consequences." McKee invoked Captain Brant to send the disaffected Delawares a speech, to prevent their separation. But if this request was complied with, it failed of the desired effect. The Indians in question carried their design of a removal into execution.
[FN-2] "The basis of our proceedings with the Indian nations has been, and shall be, justice, during the period in which I have any thing to do with the administration of this government"--Letter of President Washington to the Marquis de Lafayette, Aug. 1790.
[FN-3] Sparks's Life and Correspondence of Washington, vol. ix. pages 473, '76. Letter of President Washington to Mr. Innes, and Notes. These attempts upon the fidelity of Kentucky were made in 1788 and 1789. In the following year, in the prospect of a war between Great Britain and Spain, apprehensions of trouble between the United States and the former arose from the same quarters, but upon a very different question. From certain circumstances which came to the knowledge of the President, it was believed that Lord Dorchester, in the event of a war with Spain, had it in contemplation to send an expedition from Detroit for the invasion of Louisiana. This could not be done without marching an army across the whole breadth of the territory of the United States. On the 25th of August, President Washington communicated his apprehensions to the members of his cabinet, the Vice-President, and the Chief Justice, (Jay,) requiring their opinions in writing upon the course proper to be pursued by the Government of the United States in such an emergency.
In the Spring of 1790, Antoine Gamelin, an experienced Indian merchant, was despatched to visit all the principal tribes of the west, as a messenger of peace, with a view of ascertaining the general temper of the Indians. Among the tribes who had entered into the treaty, he found the old chiefs and warriors generally well disposed, and by no means hostile. But with these exceptions, the war feeling was almost universal. Of the spirit that prevailed, an idea may be formed from the following notes of Gamelin, of his interview with the Ouiatanons and Kickapoos:--"After my speech, one of the head chiefs got up and told me: 'You, Gamelin, my friend and son-in-law, we are pleased to see in our village, and to hear by your mouth the good words of the Great Chief. We thought to receive a few words from the French people, [traders,] but I see the contrary. None but the Big Knife is sending speeches to us. You know that we can terminate nothing without the consent of our elder brethren, the Miamis. I invite you to proceed to their village, and to speak to them. There is one thing in your speech I do not like. I will not tell of it. Even was I drunk, I would not perceive it; but our elder brethren will certainly take notice of it in your speech. You invite us to stop our young men. It is impossible to do it, being constantly encouraged by the British.'" Another chief said: "The Americans are very flattering in their speeches; many times our nation went to their rendezvous. I was once there myself. Some of our chiefs died on the route, and we always came back all naked; and you, Gamelin, you came with a speech, but with empty hands." Another chief said: "Know ye that the village of Ouiatanon is the sepulchre of our ancestors. The chief of America invites us to go to him, if we are for peace; he has not his leg broke, being able to go as far as the Illinois. He might come here himself, and we should be glad to see him in our village. We confess that we accepted the axe, but it was by the reproach that we continually receive from the English and other nations, which received the axe first, calling us women; at the same time they invite our young men to war. As to the old people, they are wishing for peace." [FN]
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[FN] Gamelin's Journal, Am. State Papers, Vol IV. p. 93.
All the endeavors of the President to give security to the parties by peaceful arrangements having proved unavailing, vigorous offensive measures were determined upon, and an expedition against the hostile tribes was entrusted to General Harmar, a veteran of the revolution. His force consisted of fourteen hundred and fifty men, three hundred and twenty of whom were regular troops, and the residue levies of the Pennsylvania and Kentucky militia. The object was to bring the Indians to an engagement, if possible; if not, in any event to destroy their settlements on the waters of the Scioto and Wabash. [FN-1] The expedition left Fort Washington on the 30th of September, 1790. The Indians at first abandoned their principal town, after applying the torch to it, but rallied subsequently upon a detachment of two hundred and ten men, commanded by Colonel Harden, thirty of whom were regulars, and gave battle. At the first fire Harden's militia all ran away. The regulars maintained their ground for a time, and fought bravely until but seven of their number were able to escape. On the next day Col. Harden, at the head of three hundred and sixty men, sixty of whom were regulars, undertook to retrieve their disgrace. They were met by the Indians, and a bloody conflict ensued near the junction of the St. Joseph and St. Mary rivers. The militia, for a miracle, fought bravely on this occasion. Overpowered by numbers, however, they were defeated, with the loss of several gallant officers, and one hundred and eighty-three men--seventy-five of whom were regulars. Among the former were Majors Fontaine and Wyllys, and Lieutenant Frothingham. Ten militia officers were also among the slain. The Indians lost about one hundred and twenty warriors. The battle was severely fought, and ended in the flight of the Americans. General Harmar thereupon returned to Fort Washington and claimed the victory--with what propriety has never been ascertained. [FN-2]
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[FN-1] Holmes--Marshall.
[FN-2] A letter to Captain Brant, written from Detroit, gave a still more disastrous account of this affair than was admitted by the American authorities. The following is an extract:--"I have to inform you that there have been two engagements about the Miami towns, between the Americans and the Indians, in which, it is said, the former had about five hundred men killed, and that the rest have retreated. The loss was only fifteen or twenty on the side of the Indians. The Shawanese, Miamis, and Pottawattamies were, I understand, the principal tribes who were engaged; but I do not learn that any of the nations have refused their alliance or assistance, and it is confidently reported that they are now marching against the frontiers on the Ohio. As Mr. McKee writes to the chiefs at the Grand River, he will be able to state circumstances more particularly than I can. The gentlemen of the garrison beg their compliments."---MS. Letter of John Smith to Captain Brant.
Flushed and emboldened by their success, the depredations of the Indians became more frequent, and the condition of the frontier was more deplorable than it had been previous to this ill-fated expedition. [FN-1] Nor were their aggressions confined to the settlements along the Ohio and the Kentucky border. Two of the Seneca Indians having been murdered by the whites, that nation, with others among the warriors of the Six Nations, were becoming more hostile; and the consequence was, that early in the Spring of 1791, the Pennsylvania settlements along the Allegheny river, above Pittsburgh, experienced repeated and fearful visitations of Indian retribution. Several stations of the settlers were entirely broken up. The murders of women and children were frequent, and were often attended with circumstances of undiminished inhumanity, while many people were carried into captivity. [FN-2]
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[FN-1] "It appears, from the most indubitable testimony, that from 1783, when peace was made, to October, 1790, when the United States commenced offensive operations against them, on the Ohio and the frontiers, the Indians killed and wounded, and took prisoners, about fifteen hundred men, women, and children; besides taking away two thousand horses and a large quantity of other property"--Narrative and Sufferings of Massy Harbison.
[FN-2] Idem.
News of the disastrous victory of General Harmar having reached the seat of government, a regiment was added to tho permanent military establishment, and the President was authorised to raise a body of two thousand men for six months, to appoint a major and a brigadier general to continue in command so long as he should think their services necessary. [FN-1] No time was lost in calling this augmented force into the field, and Major General Arthur St. Clair, Governor of the territory north west of the Ohio, was appointed Commander-in-chief, and charged with the conduct of the meditated expedition; the immediate objects of which were to destroy the Indian villages on the Miamis, to expel the Indians from that country, and to connect it with the Ohio by a chain of posts which would prevent their return during the war. [FN-2]
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[FN-1] Marshall's life of Washington.
[FN-2] Holmes's Annals.
It appears that on the repulse of Harmar, the confederated nations of the Chippewas, Pottawattamies, Hurons, Shawanese, Delawares, Ottawas, Tustans, and Six Nations--after a consultation at the foot of the Miami Rapids with Capt. McKee,--deputed a representation of chiefs and warriors to visit Lord Dorchester at Quebec, for the purpose of consultation, and also to ascertain whether any, and if any, what, assistance might be expected from the British or provincial government. Lord Dorchester's views were doubtless at that time pacific, as also were those of Captain Brant--provided always that the United States would establish the Ohio as the boundary, and relinquish all claims of jurisdiction beyond that river. On the 22d of February, 1791, Sir John Johnson addressed a letter to Captain Brant, from Montreal, enclosing a copy of a letter from Lord Dorchester to himself and another copy of the same to Captain McKee, the purport of which can only be inferred from the letter of the Baronet. It is accordingly inserted:--
"Sir John Johnson to Captain Brant. (Private.)
"Montreal, 22_d Feb'y,_ 1791.
"Dear Joseph,
"As I think the Six Nations much interested in the business proposed by the inclosed copy of a letter from Lord Dorchester, (another copy of which I transmit to Mr. McKee,) I could not think of withholding it from you, that you may take such steps, in concert with Mr. McKee and the western nations, as you may judge most conducive to their interest and honor. As you certainly are all free and independent, I think you will have a right to insist upon disposing of whatever lands you judge fit to reserve for the General Confederacy, in whatever manner, and to whomsoever you please. The idea of the States claiming a jurisdiction up to the line of separation settled between Great Britain and them, must arise from a supposition that the Indians, at some time or other, allowed that power to our Provinces for the better government of their subjects. Whether or not that is the case, I know not, nor can I at present find out; but certain I am that without such a cession of power on the part of the Indians, no just right or claim to such a power can be supported beyond the line of 1768, and to the western line of the land ceded or sold by the Indians to the States since the war. This is certainly a nice point, and may not be proper to insist upon too positively; but in justice I believe it is as I have stated. When the Indians allowed the English and French to build forts for the protection and support of their subjects and trade, they no doubt had a right to a certain jurisdiction or command round those places, but I never believe it extended farther, or that the Indians meant it should. Upon the whole, you understand your own rights better than I do. I shall therefore say no more than to recommend coolness and a manly firmness in whatever you may determine on. As I mean this letter as entirely private, I shall acquaint you that I believe this measure has been thought of by Lord Dorchester, in consequence of my writing to him on receiving the account of the expedition carried on last Fall by the Americans against the Miamis, at which time I took the liberty of saying that the Americans had no claim to any part of the country beyond the line established in 1768, at Fort Stanwix, between the Indians and the Governors and agents of all the Provinces interested, and including the sales made since the war; and that I therefore thought, as we could not afford them assistance in arms, we should at least afford them our mediation to bring about a peace between them and the States, on terms just and honorable, or something to that purpose. You may converse with, or write freely to Mr. McKee upon the subjects of this letter, but let it be as from yourself--perhaps I may say something similar to him if time will permit. I have wrote Lord Dorchester that an answer might be had to his inquiries by some time the beginning of May, but I fear not; a great deal will depend on you, however, in forwarding the packet to Mr. McKee, which let me intreat you to lose no time in doing. My best wishes attend you all, and believe me as ever sincerely yours,
"John Johnson.
"Captain Brant."
Colonel Gordon, commanding the British post at Niagara, was also at that time and afterward, a friend of peace. On the 4th of March he addressed a letter to Captain Brant, from which the following is an extract:--"I hope you will embrace the present opportunity of the meeting of the chiefs of the Five Nations in your neighborhood, to use your endeavors to heal the wounds between the Indians and Americans. I dare say the States wish to make peace on terms which will secure to the Indians their present possessions in the Miami country, provided the young men are restrained from committing depredations in future." The temper of the chief himself, at this period, can best be determined by the following extracts from a letter addressed by himself to Captain McKee, three days after the letter from Colonel Gordon was written, and probably immediately on its receipt:--
"Captain Brant to Captain McKee. (Extracts.)
"Grand River, March 7, 1791."
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"I have received two letters from the States, from gentlemen who have been lately in Philadelphia; by which it appears the Americans secretly wish to accommodate the matter--which I should by all means advise, if it could be effected upon honorable and liberal terms, and a peace become general."
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"I am happy to see in Sir John's last letter to me, that he has suggested to his Lordship the necessity of their interference in bringing about a peace between the Indians and the United States; by which it appears he has an idea of recommending the line settled in 1768 [qu? 1765] between the Indians and government, as the northern and western boundary of the States in that quarter. I expect to hear more from him in the Spring on that subject, as I have pressed him hard to give me his sentiments on the utility of my interference in the present dispute."
Lord Dorchester's speech in reply to the deputation already mentioned, was of a similar tenor to the preceding letter of Sir John Johnson. His Lordship informed them that he should be glad to be instrumental in restoring peace. He informed them that the line marked out in the treaty of peace with the United States, implied no more than that beyond that line the King their father would not extend his interference; and that the King had only retained possession of the posts until such time as all the differences between him and the United States should be settled. In regard to the questions of the deputation, whether it was true that, in making peace with the States, the King had given away their lands, his Lordship assured them that such was not the fact, inasmuch as the King never had any right to their lands, other than to such as had been fairly ceded by themselves, with their own free consent, by public convention and sale. On this point, his Lordship likewise referred to the treaty with Sir William Johnson, at Fort Stanwix, in 1766. In conclusion, he assured the deputation, that although the Indians had their friendship and good-will, the Provincial Government had no power to embark in a war with the United States, and could only defend themselves if attacked. He also informed them that the command of the province was about to devolve upon General Clarke; and that Prince Edward, [FN-1] who had just arrived with a chosen band of warriors, would be the second in command. His Lordship himself was on the eve of embarking for England, where it would afford him great pleasure to hear that peace had been established between the Indians and United States upon a just and solid foundation. [FN-2]
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[FN-1] The late Duke of Kent, father of the present young Queen of England.
[FN-2] Journal of Major General Lincoln, which will be more particularly referred to hereafter.
This speech afforded but small encouragement to the Indians, and most likely but ill corresponded with the expectations that had been raised by McKee, and other subordinate officers in the British Indian Department at the remote posts--of whom several, like McKee, were refugee Americans, indulging bitter hatred toward the country which they had deserted in the hour of its peril. Indeed, there is no reason to distrust the manly and honorable conduct of Lord Dorchester during the greater part of this singular border contest, the progress of which was marked by so many vicissitudes of feeling and action on the part of many of the Provincial authorities. And besides, the attitude of the two nations was at that moment less seemingly belligerent than it shortly afterward became.
During these side negotiations in Canada, and while the preparations for another campaign by the American government, as already mentioned, were in progress, no relaxations of efforts to prevent the farther effusion of blood were allowed to take place. Captain O'Bail, or the Corn-planter as he was usually called, the principal chief of the Senecas, being in Philadelphia in the month of December, after the defeat of General Harmar, was induced not only to use his influence to prevent the warriors of the Six Nations from taking a part in the contest, but also to undertake a mission with other friendly Indians to the country of the Miamis, to persuade them to peace, also, if possible. In March following, the Corn-planter, with whom Colonel Proctor, an active officer in the (American) Indian Department had been associated, set out upon the mission. Meantime, measures were adopted to draw the Indians of the Six Nations to a general conference at a distance from the theatre of war, in order, not only to prevent their joining the war, but, if necessary, to obtain some of their young warriors for the service against the Miamis and the other hostile tribes. This attempt to create a diversion of the Six Nations, however, was looked upon with displeasure by the Provincial authorities in Canada, as will be seen by the annexed letter from Colonel Gordon to Captain Brant. It also appears from this letter, that these Provincials were ambitious of being appealed to by the government of the United States as mediators in the controversy. Nor was this an individual conceit of Colonel Gordon, inasmuch as Sir John Johnson had hinted the same thing, as was evident from his letter, after consultation with Lord Dorchester. It will farther appear by the address of the letter, that the ever-vigilant Brant was already once more in the country of the Miamis, although but a very few days previous he had been assisting at a private council at Buffalo. His movements in all these matters, as in the war of the Revolution, seem to have been as rapid as the light.
"Colonel Gordon to Captain Brant.
"Niagara, June 11_th,_ 1791.
"Dear Sir,
"I was glad to find by your letter, from the foot of the Rapids, to Colonel Butler, that you was in good health; and I very sincerely hope the business you are engaged in, will be attended with success.
"From the inconsistent proceedings of the Americans, I am perfectly at a loss to understand their full intentions. Whilst they are assembling councils at different quarters with the avowed purpose of bringing about a peace, the Six Nations have received a speech from General St. Clair, dated at Pittsburgh, 23d April, inviting them to take up the hatchet against their brothers the western nations.
"Can any thing be more inconsistent? or can they possibly believe the Indians are to be duped by such shallow artifices? This is far from being the case; the Indians at Buffalo Creek saw the business in its proper light, and treated the invitation with the contempt it deserved. It must strike you very forcibly, that in all the proceedings of the different Commissioners from the American States, they have cautiously avoided applying for our interference, as a measure they affect to think perfectly unnecessary; wishing to impress the Indians with ideas of their own consequence, and of the little influence, they would willingly believe, we are possessed of. This, my good friend, is not the way to proceed. Had they, before matters were pushed to extremity, requested the assistance of the British Government to bring about a peace on equitable terms, I am convinced the measure would have been fully accomplished long before this time.
"I would, however, willingly hope they will yet see the propriety of adopting this mode of proceeding; and that peace, an object so much to be desired, will at length be permanently settled.
"I am the more sanguine in the attainment of my wishes, by your being on the spot, and that you will call forth the exertion of your influence and abilities on the occasion. Let me hear from time to time how matters are going forward, and with my wishes for your health, believe me
"Your friend, A. Gordon.
"Captain Brant."
The Council of the Six Nations, always excepting the Mohawks, was successfully held by Colonel Timothy Pickering, in the Chemung country, in the month of June. But the Corn-planter and Colonel Proctor met with insurmountable difficulties in the prosecution of their mission. The special object of that mission, after traversing the country of the Six Nations, and exerting such wholesome influence upon them as might be in their power, was to charter a vessel at Buffalo Creek, and proceed to Sandusky, and if possible induce the Miamis to meet General St. Clair in council on the Ohio. They were every where well received on the route from Allegheny to Buffalo Creek, at which place a grand Council was called in honor of their arrival, and attended by Red Jacket and other chiefs. After having been welcomed by a speech from Red Jacket, Colonel Proctor opened to them the message from General Washington, the great chief of the Thirteen Fires. Red Jacket replied, that many persons had previously at different times been among them, professing to come by the authority of the Thirteen Fires, but of the truth of which declarations they were not always convinced. In the course of the conversation, it was ascertained that at a private council held at that place one week before, at which Captain Brant and Colonel Butler, of the British Indian department, were present, these officers had uttered the same doubts now started by Red Jacket. Brant had advised the Indians to pay no attention to Proctor and O'Bail, of whose approach and purpose he was aware, and to render them no assistance in their projected visit to Sandusky, assuring them it should do no good; but that Colonel Proctor, and all who would accompany him to the country of the Miamis, would be put to death. They also ascertained, that while holding the said private council, in anticipation of their visit, Captain Brant had received secret instructions from "head-quarters," [FN] to repair to Grand River, and from thence to Detroit. It was believed by a French trader who gave the information, and also by Captain Powell of the British service, who confirmed it, that the Mohawk chief had been sent to the Indians hostile to the United States, with instructions of some kind; and the Indians at Buffalo Creek had been charged by Brant to conclude upon nothing with Proctor and O'Bail before his return.
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[FN] The words used in Col. Proctor's narrative; but whether he meant the British or Indian head-quarters, the author cannot say. Probably the former.
Colonel Proctor and O'Bail continued at Buffalo from the 27th of April to the 22d or 23d of May. The Indians collected in large numbers, and many councils were held. On the 8th of May, the Fish-carrier, one of the principal Cayuga chiefs, and the right hand man of Captain Brant, declared in a speech that O'Bail had taken a course that was not approved by them--that more than one half of the Indians there, were not for peace, [FN-1] and that Captain Brant had been sent to the council-fire of the Miamis. "We must, therefore," he added, "see his face, for we can't determine until we know what they are about. So we beg you to grant our request, to keep your mind easy; for we, who do this business, look on you, and hold ourselves to be slaves in making of peace. Now, we all say you must look for Captain Brant's coming, to hear the words that come from his mouth, for then we can say to you, what towns will be for peace; and this is all that we have to say to you for this time." [FN-2]
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[FN-1] Proctor's Journal
[FN-2] American State papers--Indian Department.
An effort was made by Red Jacket to induce Proctor and O'Bail to go down to the British fortress at Niagara to hold a consultation with Colonel Butler; but Colonel Proctor declined the adoption of any such course. The Indians thereupon despatched a messenger for Colonel Butler to meet them at Buffalo Creek, which he accordingly did--but previously called a separate council at Fort Erie. He afterward had an interview with Proctor, and endeavored to dissuade him from visiting the country of the hostile Indians,--proposing that the negotiations for a peace should be left to Captain Brant and McKee, who, Colonel Butler thought, could best manage the business. Of course a proposition going to clothe British subjects with power to negotiate for the government of the United States, was promptly rejected.
One of the leading objects of Colonel Proctor in meeting the Six Nations at Buffalo, was to induce as many of their sachems and warriors as he could, to accompany the Corn-planter and himself to the Miamis country, to aid, by their influence, in bringing the hostile Indians into a more pacific temper; but from the whole cast of the deliberations, it was perfectly evident that the majority of the leading chiefs were under the direct influence of the British officers, who, it was obvious, had now suddenly become less pacific than they had very recently been. Colonel Proctor met with but little success in persuading a portion of the warriors to accompany him to the Miamis; and on applying to Colonel Gordon, commanding at Niagara, for permission to charter a British schooner on Lake Erie, to transport himself and such Indians as might feel disposed to accompany himself and Corn-planter to Sandusky, the request was peremptorily refused. The expedition was thus abruptly terminated, and Colonel Proctor returned to Fort Washington.
Before leaving Buffalo, however, according to an entry in his journal, Colonel Proctor seems to have been apprised of the fact, which will subsequently appear, that Captain Brant had not gone to the Miamis as a messenger, or an observer merely, but that he had actually gone to join them with his warriors:--
"May 21st. Being in private conversation this evening with Captain O'Bail, and sitting between him and the New-Arrow sachem, I hinted to Captain O'Bail that if he would go and join General St. Clair with thirty-five or forty of his warriors, as well equipped as he could make them, purely to counterbalance the force that Brant had taken with him to the unfriendly Indians, I would use endeavors with the Secretary of War to procure him a commission that should yield to him and his people a handsome stipend. He replied, that the Senecas had received a stroke from the bad Indians, by taking two prisoners, a woman and a boy, from Conyatt; and that, should the hatchet be struck into the head of any of his people hereafter, he would then inform me what he would undertake to do."
The natural import of this entry in Proctor's journal is, that Captain Brant had at that time actually joined the Miamis in hostile array against the United States. It is possible, however, that such was not at that time the fact; and it is certain that General Knox, the Secretary of War, after the return of Colonel Proctor to Philadelphia, did not so construe it. In writing to Colonel Pickering respecting the council which he was then preparing to hold at the Painted Post on the 13th of June, the Secretary speaks of Brant's journey to the western Indians as having probably been undertaken for pacific purposes, under the direction of the British officers, who were using him with a view to a peace, of which they intended to claim the merit at some future time. And this construction would comport with the idea of a British intervention, as heretofore suggested by Colonel Gordon and Sir John Johnson.
But it is, nevertheless, a curious fact, which speaks largely of the talents and address of Brant, and the high importance which was attached to his influence; that if the British authorities were then thus using his services, the American government was at the same time seeking his assistance for the same object. Colonel Pickering was instructed to treat him with "great kindness" if he could be persuaded to attend the council at the Painted Post; and on the 12th of April, the Secretary of War addressed a latter to Governor Clinton, from which the following is an extract:
"Aware of your Excellency's influence over Captain Joseph Brant, I have conceived the idea that you might induce him, by proper arrangements, to undertake to conciliate the western Indians to pacific measures, and bring them to hold a general treaty. This measure would be abundantly more compatible with the feelings and interest of the United States than to extirpate the Indians, which seems to be the inevitable consequence of a war of long continuance with them. You are entirely able to estimate Brant's talents, and the degree of confidence that might be placed in him on such an occasion. Perhaps Colonel Willett, of whose talents in managing the minds of men I have a high opinion, might accept of an agency on this occasion, as it might respect Brant. If your Excellency should entertain the opinion strongly that Brant might be employed with good effect, I earnestly request that you would take the necessary measures for the purpose, according to your own judgment."
Other topics were embraced in the Secretary's letter, to all of which Governor Clinton replied on the 27th of April. The following extract relates to the subject of this biography:--
"I have communicated to Colonel Willett your confidence in his talents and desire for the interposition of his influence with Brant, but have it not in my power to inform you of his explicit answer. . . . I had, in June last, appointed an interview with Brant, contemplating the danger you appear to apprehend from his address and his influence with several of the Indian nations, (which, I am persuaded, is very considerable,) and from different letters I have since received from him, I have reason to hope he will give me the opportunity of a personal conference with him at this place, (New York,) the beginning of the ensuing summer, if the proposed convention, to which I will not venture to say he may not be opposed, should not prevent it. But the good understanding between us, and the friendly and familiar intercourse I have successfully endeavored to preserve, will, I doubt not, predominate over any transient disgust that the measures of the Union may have heretofore excited in his mind, and enable me to procure an interview with him at any time and place not particularly inconvenient. To accomplish this, however, with certainty, it may require the personal application of some one expressly delegated, and in whom he will confide."
Captain Brant has been charged with great vanity, and with attaching undue importance to his position and influence. But how few are the men, Indians or whites, who would not have stood in danger of being somewhat inflated, on finding two such nations as Great Britain and the United States, apparently out-bidding each other for his services and friendship? Still, he was looked upon with no inconsiderable distrust by the American Secretary of War. In his letter of reply to Governor Clinton, dated May 11th, the Secretary, after speaking of the hostility of Brant to the Corn-planter, refers to the former design of the Mohawk chief to place himself at the head of the great Indian confederacy, so often spoken of, north-west of the Ohio, the Six Nations included; and cites a letter which he had just received from the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the Indian missionary, intimating that he had not yet abandoned that project. Indeed, Brant himself had then just written to Mr. Kirkland that he should yet like to compass that measure, should he find it practicable. The United States could not, of course, be favorable to the formation of any confederacy, by which the whole of the then vast body of Indians might be moved by a single impulse; and with a view of diverting him from such a purpose, and of securing his friendship to the United States, Governor Clinton was requested, if possible, to effect the interview of which he had spoken, with Captain Brant. Authority was also given the Governor to enter into any pecuniary engagements which he should judge necessary, to make sure of his attachment to the United States.
It has already been observed that the council held with the Six Nations by Colonel Pickering, at the Painted Post, in June, had been to a great extent successful. Although the chiefs at Buffalo were for the most part under the influence of the British officers in Upper Canada, and of course not very friendly to the United States at that time, yet the warriors in general were more amicably disposed. The women, moreover, were anxious for peace, and addressed Colonel Proctor upon the subject. Before that officer left Buffalo, the Indians began to draw off to meet Colonel Pickering, and the council with him was well attended--serving, if no other good purpose, to divert the attention of the Indians, and by the distribution of presents to keep the young warriors from indulging their favorite propensity, by stealing away and joining the Miamis. Colonel Pickering had also induced Captain Hendrick Aupamut, the justly celebrated chief of the Muhheconnuck, [FN] to undertake the mission to the Miamis, which Colonel Proctor and Corn-planter had been prevented from performing. Captain Brant, it was also reported to the War Department, about the 1st of August, had returned to Niagara from the Miami town, accompanied by some of the western chiefs. The Indians at Pickering's treaty had asserted that, after all that had transpired, Brant's designs were still pacific; and since Lord Dorchester, as already stated, had expressed himself favorable to a pacification of the Indian tribes, and Sir John Johnson was about to assemble the Six Nations again at Buffalo, strong hopes were entertained by the American government, that the border difficulties would soon be adjusted without the necessity of another appeal to arms.
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[FN] The Stockbridge Indians, who had removed from Massachusetts to the Oneida country in 1785.
But, notwithstanding these favorable indications, the preparations for another offensive campaign were not relaxed. And it was well that they were not. The movements of Brant, beyond doubt the most influential warrior of his race, were yet mysterious, and his designs too cautiously veiled to be penetrated. The unlimited power with which the President had been clothed, the preceding year, to call mounted militia into the field, had been exercised by General Washington as far as was deemed necessary, and two expeditions had been conducted against the villages on the Wabash,--the first led by General Scott, in May, and the second by General Wilkinson.. These desultory excursions, however, were unattended by any beneficial results. A few warriors had been killed, and a small number of old men, women, and children captured. But such results were not calculated to make any serious impression upon the savages, or to have any particular influence on the war. It was likewise well known that the Indians had received from the British posts large supplies of provisions and ammunition, immediately after the defeat of General Harmar the preceding Autumn. This fact, it is true, was disclaimed by Lord Dorchester, but it was nevertheless certain; and it was also certain that, in addition to the unfriendly influence of the British officers on the frontiers the English and French traders, scattered among the Indian towns, were constantly inciting them to acts of hostility.
Under these circumstances, all the efforts of the United States to bring the hostile Indians to a friendly council having failed, the conquest of the Miami country and the expulsion of the Indians became necessary. The most vigorous measures within the power of the Executive had failed in raising the troops and bringing them into the field until the month of September. On the 7th of that month General St. Clair moved from Fort Washington, north, toward the Miamis--establishing, on his way, two intermediate posts, at the distance of more than forty miles from each other, as places whence to draw supplies should the army be in need, or upon which to fall back in the event of disaster. At the farthest of these posts, called Fort Jefferson, reinforcements of militia, to the number of three hundred and sixty, were received--augmenting the army to about two thousand men. With this force St. Clair moved forward, but the necessity of opening a road through the forests rendered his progress slow. The Indians hung in small scattered parties upon the flanks, and by the skirmishing that took place, were somewhat annoying. Added to these vexations, the militia began to desert; and as the army approximated more nearly to the enemy's country, sixty of them went off in a body. It was likewise reported to be the determination of those "brave defenders of their country's soil" to fall upon the supplies in the rear; to prevent which act of moral treason, it was judged necessary to detach Major Hamtramck in pursuit.
After these reductions, the effective force of St. Clair that remained did not exceed fourteen hundred men--including both regulars and militia. Moving forward with these, the right wing commanded by General Butler and the left by Lieutenant Colonel Darke, both, like the Commander-in-chief, veterans of Revolutionary merit, on the 3d of November they had approached within about fifteen miles of the Miamis villages. The army encamped for the night on the margin of a creek, the militia crossing in advance, to encamp on the other side. Here a few Indians were discovered; but these fleeing with precipitation, the army bivouacked for the night--the situation, and the dispositions both for defence and to guard against surprise, being of the most judicious character.
This position had been selected with a view of throwing up a slight defence, and awaiting the return of Major Hamtramck with the first regiment. Both designs were anticipated and circumvented by the Indians. About half an hour before sunrise on the morning of the 4th, just after the soldiers were dismissed from parade, the militia, who were about a quarter of a mile in front, were briskly attacked by the Indians. Like most militiamen, their first impulse was to run--and that impulse was obeyed in the greatest terror and wildest confusion. Rushing through the main encampment, with the enemy close upon their heels, no small degree of confusion was created there also. The lines had been formed at the firing of the first gun; but the panic-stricken militia broke through, and thus opened the way for the enemy--an advantage which was not lost upon him. The officers endeavored to restore order in vain, although, for a time, the divisions of Butler and Darke, which had encamped about seventy yards apart, were kept in position. But the Indians charged upon them with great intrepidity--bearing down upon the centre of both divisions in great numbers. The artillery of the Americans was of little or no service, as the Indians fought in their usual mode, lying upon the ground and firing from behind the trees--springing from tree to tree with incredible swiftness, and rarely presenting an available mark to the eye even of the rifleman. Having, in the impetuosity of their pursuit of the fugitive militia, gained the rear of St. Clair, they poured a destructive fire upon the artillerists from every direction--mowing them down by scores, and with a daring seldom practised by the Indians, leaping forward, and completing the work of death at the very guns. General St. Clair was himself sick, having been severely indisposed for several weeks. He assumed his post, however, and though extremely feeble, delivered his orders in the trying emergency with judgment and self-possession. But he was laboring under the disadvantage of commanding militia upon whom there was no reliance, and having few, if any, but raw recruits among his regulars. These, too, had been hastily enlisted, and but little time for drill or discipline had been allowed. Hence, though brave, and commanded by officers of the highest qualities, they fought at great disadvantage. General Butler fell early in the action, mortally wounded, and was soon afterward killed outright, under circumstances of deep atrocity. Among the Indian warriors were considerable numbers of Canadians, refugees from the United States and half-breeds--young men born of Indian mothers in the remote Canadian settlements. [FN] These motley allies of the savages were even more savage than their principals. Among them was the noted and infamous Simon Girty, whose name has occurred in a former part of the present work. After the action, Girty, who knew General Butler, found him upon the field, writhing from the agony of his wounds. Butler spoke to him, and requested him to end his misery. The traitor refused to do this, but turning to one of the Indian warriors, told him the wounded man was a high officer; whereupon the savage planted his tomahawk in his head, and thus terminated his sufferings. His scalp was instantly torn from his crown, his heart taken out, and divided into as many pieces as there were tribes engaged in the battle.
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[FN] "A great many young Canadians, and, in particular, many that were born of Indian women, fought on the aide of the Indians in this action; a circumstance which confirmed the people of the States in the opinion they had previously formed, that the Indians were encouraged and abetted in their attacks upon them by the British. I can safely affirm, however, from having conversed with many of these young men who fought against St. Clair, that it was with the utmost secrecy they left their homes to join the Indians, fearful lest the government should censure their conduct."--Wald's Travels in Canada.
The Indians had never fought with such fury before. The forest resounded with their yells, and they rushed upon the troops, under their favorite shelter of trees, until they had partially gained possession of the camp, artillery and all. Ascertaining that the fire of their troops produced no perceptible effect upon the Indians, recourse was had to the bayonet. Colonel Darke made an impetuous charge at the head of the left wing, and drove the enemy back about four hundred yards, with some loss. But not having a sufficient number of riflemen to maintain his advantage, he gave over the pursuit--being instantly pursued in turn under a deadly fire. The same gallant officer was subsequently ordered to make a second charge, which he performed with equal bravery--clearing for the moment that portion of the camp to which his attention was directed. But the Americans were now completely surrounded; and while he was driving the Indians in one direction, clouds of them were seen to fall, "with a courage of men whose trade is war," upon another point--keeping up a most destructive fire from every quarter. The use of the bayonet was always attended with temporary success, but each charge was also attended by severe loss, especially of officers; nor in a single instance were the Americans able to retain the advantage thus severely gained. Finally, a large proportion of the best and bravest officers having fallen, nearly all that had been preserved of order disappeared. The men huddled together in groups, and were shot down without resistance. Having done all, under the circumstances, that a brave man could do, and finding that the day was lost past recovery, General St. Clair directed Colonel Darke, with the second regiment, to charge a body of Indians who had gained the road in the rear, and thus open a door of retreat. The order was promptly and successfully executed, and a disorderly flight ensued. The victorious Indians followed up their advantage to the distance of only four miles, when, leaving the pursuit, they directed their attention to the plunder, and ceased fighting to revel in "the spoils of the vanquished." The fugitives continued their flight thirty miles, to Fort Jefferson. Here they met Major Hamtrack with the first regiment; but it was not deemed advisable to make a stand, and the remains of the army fell back to Fort Washington, as Harmar had done the year before. The retreat was indeed most disorderly and cowardly. "The camp and the artillery," says General St. Clair in his narrative of the campaign, "were abandoned; but that was unavoidable, for not a horse was left to draw it off, had it otherwise been practicable. But the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit had ceased. I found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy it; for, having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself, and the orders I sent forward, either to halt the front, or prevent the men parting with their arms, were unattended to."
This was one of the severest battles ever fought with the Indians--the latter being unaided by any other description of force, excepting the wild half-breed Canadians already mentioned. The loss of the Americans, in proportion to the number engaged; was very severe. Thirty-eight commissioned officers were killed on the field, and four hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates killed and missing. Twenty-one commissioned officers were wounded, several of whom mortally, and two hundred and forty-two non-commissioned officers and privates were also wounded. General Butler, who fell early in the action, was a brave man; and with many other excellent officers who fell, "had participated in all the toils, the dangers, and the glory, of that long conflict which terminated in the independence of their country." [FN]
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[FN] Marshall's Life of Washington. For a ballad giving an account of this disastrous battle, see Appendix, No. VII.
The loss of the Indians, was about one hundred and fifty killed and a considerable number wounded. Their immediate booty was all the camp equipage and baggage, six or eight field-pieces, and four hundred horses. As the contest was one for land, the Indians, in their mutilations of the dead, practised a bitter sarcasm upon the rapacity of the white men, by filling their mouths with the soil they had marched forth to conquer. [FN]
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[FN] Two years afterward, when the battle-ground was re-occupied by the army of Wayne, its appearance was most melancholy. Within the space of about three hundred and fifty yards square were found five hundred skull bones, the most of which were collected and buried. For about five miles in the direction of the retreat of the army, the woods were strewn with skeletons and muskets. Two brass field-pieces were found in a creek not far distant.--Drake's Book of the Indians.
General St. Clair imputed no blame to his officers. On the contrary, he awarded them the highest praise for their good conduct; and of those who were slain, he remarked,--"It is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell most gallantly doing their duty." From the fact of his being attacked at all points as it were at the same moment, it was the General's opinion that he had been overwhelmed by numbers. But from subsequent investigation it appeared that the Indian warriors counted only from a thousand to fifteen hundred. But they fought with great desperation. Their leader, according to the received opinion, was Meshecunnaqua, or, the Little Turtle, a distinguished chief of the Miamis. He was also the leader of the Indians against General Harmar the year before. It is believed, however, that though nominally the commander-in-chief of the Indians on this occasion, he was greatly indebted both to the counsels and the prowess of another and an older chief. One hundred and fifty of the Mohawk warriors were engaged in this battle; and General St. Clair probably died in ignorance of the fact, that one of the master-spirits against whom he contended, and by whom he was so signally defeated, was none other than Joseph Brant--Thayendaneqea. [FN] How it happened that this distinguished chief, from whom so much had been expected as a peace maker, thus suddenly and efficiently threw himself into a position of active hostility, unless he thought he saw an opening for reviving his project of a great north-western Confederacy, is a mystery which he is believed to have carried in his own bosom to the grave.
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[FN] This interesting fact has been derived by the author from Thayendanegea's family. He has in vain sought for it in print. It is the circumstance of Brant's having been engaged in this battle, that prompted the author to give so full a narrative of the event, and the incidents attending it, in this place. It would seem that the government of the United States was sadly at fault as to the numbers and tribes of the Indians who fought this battle; and when, in the month of January, 1798, Captain Peter Pond and William Steedman were sent into the Indian country as messengers, it was a part of their instructions to obtain information upon these points.--Vide Indian State papers, vol. iv. p. 227.
The news of the decisive defeat of General St. Clair spread a gloom over the whole country--deepened by the mourning for the many noble spirits who had fallen. The panic that prevailed along the whole north-western border, extending from the confines of New-York to the estuary of the Ohio, was great beyond description. The inhabitants feared that the Indians, emboldened by success, and with greatly augmented numbers, would pour down upon them in clouds, and lay waste all the frontier settlements with the torch and the tomahawk, even if some modern Alaric of the forest did not lead his barbarians to the gates of Rome. Nor were these apprehensions by any means groundless. During the twelve months that followed the rout of St. Clair, the depredations of the savages became more furious and ferocious than ever before; and some of the most tragical scenes recorded in history took place on the extended line of the frontiers. [FN]
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[FN] Thatcher's Lives of the Indian Chiefs--Little Turtle. As an example, the author cites a well-authenticated case, occurring in what was then perhaps the moat populous section of the west. The proprietor of a dwelling-house in Kentucky, whose name was Merrill, being alarmed by the barking of his dog, on going to the door received a fire from an assailing party of Indians, which broke his right leg and arm. They attempted to enter the house, but were anticipated in their movement by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter, who closed the door so firmly as to keep them at bay. They next began to cut their way through the door, and succeeded in breaking an aperture, through which one of the warriors attempted to enter. The lady, however, was prepared for the event, and as he thrust his head within, she struck it open with an axe, and instantly drew his body into the house. His companions, not knowing the catastrophe, but supposing that he had worked his way through successfully, attempted one after another, to follow. But Mrs. Merrill dealt a fatal blow upon every head that pushed itself through, until five warriors lay dead at her feet. By this time the party without had discovered the fate of their more forward companions, and thought they would effect an entrance by a safer process--a descent of the chimney. The contents of a feather-bed were instantly emptied upon the fire, creating a smoke so dense and pungent, as to bring two more warriors headlong down upon the hearth in a state of half-suffocation. The moment was critical, as the mother and daughter were guarding the door. The husband, however, by the assistance of his little son, though sorely maimed, managed to rid himself of those two unwelcome visitors by a billet of wood. Meantime the wife repelled another assault at the door--severely wounding another Indian; whereupon the assailants relinquished the siege. For another highly interesting narrative of border sufferings in the Spring of 1792, see Appendix, No. VIII.
There was another cause of disquietude. It was feared that, flushed with this defeat of a second expedition, even the five of the Six Nations who had concluded treaties with the United States, but of whose ultimate fidelity many grains of distrust had been entertained, would now grasp their hatchets, and rush to the ranks of the Miamis and their western allies. The most earnest appeals to the government for protection were therefore sent forward by the inhabitants of the border towns, to which a deaf ear could not be turned.
The popular clamor against St. Clair, in consequence of his disastrous defeat, was loud and deep. With the great mass of the people, it is success only that constitutes the general, and St. Clair had been unfortunate. The surrender of Ticonderoga in 1777, was an event which had occasioned great disappointment and dissatisfaction at the time, and the recollection was revived, in connection with this signal reverse. But in neither instance did the fault lie at the door of the commanding General, Ticonderoga was evacuated because indefensible, and the battle lost by the cowardice of the militia. Fully conscious, himself, that no blame was justly attributable to him, General St. Clair applied to the President for an investigation by a court of inquiry. The request was denied, only for the reason that there were not officers enough in the service, of the requisite rank, to form a legal court for that purpose. [FN-1] Aware of the prejudices excited against him in the public mind, the unfortunate General spontaneously announced his intention of resigning his commission, suggesting, however, that he should prefer retaining it until his conduct could be investigated in some way; but as the military establishment at that time allowed only one Major General, and as the service required the speedy designation of a successor, this request was also denied, though with reluctance, by the President. [FN-2] Complaints, it is true, were poured into the ears of the President against him. Among others, General John Armstrong, the hero of Kittaning, and an experienced Indian fighter in Pennsylvania, addressed a letter to the President, censuring the generalship of St. Clair. [FN-3] It is believed, however, that the veteran Governor of the North-western Territory continued in the full enjoyment of the President's confidence to the last.
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[FN-1] Letter of President Washington to General St. Clair, March 28, 1792.
[FN-2] Letter of the President to General St. Clair, April 4, 1792.
[FN-3] Sparks's Life and Correspondence of Washington, Vol. X, p. 223.
The appointment of a successor to St. Clair as Commander-in-chief of the army, was a source of no little perplexity to the President. His own inclinations were in favor of Governor Henry Lee of Virginia; but it was apprehended that difficulties would arise in procuring the services of officers who had been his seniors in the army of the Revolution, as subordinates under him. There appear to have been several candidates, among whom were Generals Morgan and Scott, and Colonel Darke, who had served under St. Clair during the last campaign. Ultimately the appointment was conferred upon General Anthony Wayne. The selection was most unpopular in Virginia; but the result demonstrated its wisdom. [FN]
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[FN] Governor Lee wrote to President Washington on the 15th of June, respecting the selection of a successor of General St. Clair at large, and on the subject of Wayne's appointment in particular, he said:--"You cannot be a stranger to the extreme disgust which the late appointment to the command of the army excited among all orders in this state." To this letter the President replied at length. The following paragraph contains the answer to the remark of Governor Lee given above:--"How far the appointment of General Wayne is a popular or an unpopular measure, is not for me to decide. It was not the determination of the moment, nor was it the effect of partiality or of influence; for no application (if that in any instance could have warped my judgment) was ever made in his behalf from anyone who could have thrown the weight of a feather into his scale; but because, under a full view of all circumstances, he appeared most eligible. To a person of your observation and intelligence it is unnecessary to remark, that an appointment, which may be unpopular in one place and with one set of men, may not be so in another place or with another set of men, and vice verse; and that to attempt to please every body is the sure way to please nobody; because the attempt would be as idle as the exertion would be impracticable. General Wayne has many good points as an officer, and it is to be hoped that time, reflection, good advice, and, above all, a due sense of the importance of the trust which is committed to him, will correct his foibles or cast a shade over them."
Rufus Putnam, a son of the veteran of Bunker Hill, who had served with credit in the war of the Revolution, and who had settled in the North-western Territory soon after the close of that contest, was appointed a brigadier-general, to serve with Wayne. This appointment was tendered to Colonel Willett of New-York, but declined by that gentleman upon the ground of conscientious scruples with regard to fighting the Indians. "It has been uniformly my opinion," said the Colonel in a letter to the President, "that the United States ought to avoid an Indian war. I have generally conceived this to be our wisest policy. The reasons alleged in support of the present Indian war have never brought conviction to my mind. From my knowledge and experience of these people, I am clear that it is not a difficult thing to preserve peace with them. That there are bad men among them, and that these will at times do acts which deserve punishment, is very clear. But I hold, that to go to war is not the proper way to punish them. Most of the Indians that I have had any knowledge of, are conceited and vain. By feeding their vanity, you gain their good opinion; and this in time procures their esteem and affection. By conciliating their good-will, you will render them susceptible of almost any impression. They are credulous, yet suspicious. They think a great deal; and have in general good notions of right and wrong. They frequently exhibit proofs of grateful minds; yet they are very revengeful. And though they are not free from chicanery and intrigue, yet if their vanity is properly humored, and they are dealt justly by, it is no difficult matter to come to reasonable terms with them. The intercourse I have had with these people, the treatment I have myself received from them, and which I have known others to receive, make me an advocate for them. To fight with them, would be the last thing I should desire. And yet, Sir, I declare, from the experience I have had, I do not conceive it difficult to beat them when brought to action. When in small parties they scatter themselves along a frontier, they have always been found exceedingly troublesome and dangerous. This kind of warfare is their forte; and in it they are found to be truly tremendous. But when they attempt anything in large bodies, I have found, notwithstanding their great dexterity in the wilderness, and the advantage they usually derive from the admirable position they take, that they are easily beat. In marching through woods, where troops are exposed to attacks from Indians, particular attention should be paid not only to the mode and line of march, but also to extend small parties and single men far on the flanks in front and in rear. But whenever a serious attack is made, which is usually furious, an instantaneous charge, with huzzaing sufficiently loud to drown the noise the Indians make, will never fail to repel them. And this stroke repeated and pursued, will, I am well convinced, terminate in victory. And yet victory even over Indians is generally paid for; but defeats are terrible. The honour, however, of fighting and beating Indians, is what I do not aspire after. If in any way I could be instrumental in effecting and maintaining peace with them, it would be a source of great gratification."
Chapter XI
Preparations for an Indian Consultation at Philadelphia--Captain Brant invited to attend---His objections--Letter of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland to Captain Brant--Letter of the Secretary of War to the same--Letter of Colonel Gordon to the same--Letter of Captain Brant to the Secretary of War--The Secretary of War to Captain Brant--Attempts from Montreal to prevent Brant from going to Philadelphia--His journey--Feelings against him in the Mohawk Valley--His arrival at New-York and Philadelphia--Liberal offers made him--Letter to the Count de Puisy--The offers rejected--Undertakes a Mission of Peace to the Miamis--Returns to New-York--Pursued by a German from the German Flats bent on taking his life--Discovered in New-York--Brant returns to Niagara--Murder of Colonel Harden and Major Trueman--Letters of Brant to the Secretary at War--Feelings of the Western Nations--Correspondence between Brant and McKee--Great Indian Council at the Au Glaize--Sickness of Captain Brant--Hostilities deferred until Spring and a treaty with the United States ordered--Return of the Delegates of the Six Nations--Address to President Washington--Separate organization of Upper Canada--Arrival of Governor Simcoe--Letter to Brant from the Duke of Northumberland--Preparations for the Great Council of 1783--Fresh dissatisfaction of the Indians--Private Councils--They send their ultimatum in anticipation--The American Commissioners depart for the Indian country--Their arrival at Niagara--Friendly conduct of Governor Simcoe--Celebration of the King's Birthday--The Commissioners start for the West--Their progress interrupted--Conduct of General Wayne--Brant suddenly returns from the West with a Deputation--Council held at Fort Erie--Commissioners return to Niagara--Council there--Speech of Captain Brant--Reply of the Commissioners--Speech of Cat's-Eyes--Rejoinder of Brant--Arrival of the Seven Nations--Brant proceeds to the Miami Rapids--Followed by the Commissioners--Arrival at the Detroit River--Their progress interrupted--Unexpected turn of affairs--Explanations with Deputies from the Great Council--Long Debates in the Indian Council--Brant speaks strongly for peace--Governor Simcoe declines advising the Indians--The negotiations suddenly terminated by the Indians--Their address--And sine qua non.
At the treaty with the Six Nations, except the Mohawks, holden by Colonel Pickering at the Painted Post, [FN] in the preceding month of June, an arrangement was made with certain of their chiefs to visit Philadelphia, then the seat of government of the United States, during the session of Congress to ensue in the winter of 1791--92. The motive for this invitation was threefold. First, if possible, to attach them more cordially to the interests of the United States. Secondly, to consult as to the best methods of extending to them the advantages and blessings of civilization. Thirdly, to impress them with just opinions as to the physical and moral strength of the country, that they might see with their own eyes how futile must be every warlike effort of the Indians against the United States. The improvement of the moral and social condition of the Indians was an object dear to the heart of the President, and he lost no opportunity, on all proper occasions, of impressing upon their minds the desire of the United States to become the protectors, friends, and ministers of good to all the sons of the forest peaceably disposed. From the great influence of Captain Brant, not only with the Six Nations, but over all the Indian nations, it was deemed an important point to persuade him to attend the anticipated Council at Philadelphia. Great efforts were accordingly made for the attainment of that object.
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[FN] From the earliest knowledge the white men have possessed of the country of western New-York, the Painted Post has been noted as a geographical landmark. When first traversed by the white men, a large oaken post stood at the spot, which has retained the name to this day. It was painted in the Indian manner, and was guarded as a monument by the Indians, who renewed it as often as it gave evidence of going to decay. Tradition says it was a monument of great antiquity, marking the spot of a great and bloody battle, according to some statements. According to others, it was erected to perpetuate the memory of some great war-chief.
The first invitation was given by Colonel Pickering by letter. Apprehending, however, that a mere invitation would not be a sufficient inducement for the veteran chief to undertake the journey, the Secretary of War, on the 20th of December, wrote to the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the well-known Indian missionary, requesting him to repair from Oneida to Genesee, to meet the chiefs of the Six Nations who were going to Philadelphia, and conduct them thither. Arriving at that place, Mr. Kirkland was instructed to write to Captain Brant in his own name, and dispatch messengers, assuring him of his welcome reception by the government of the United States, and pledging himself for his personal safety. These steps were promptly taken by Mr. Kirkland, to whom Captain Brant wrote a reply, declining the invitation--for what reasons, as this letter seems not to have been preserved, can only be inferred from the subsequent correspondence of the Secretary of War and Mr. Kirkland. By a letter from the former, it appears that the chief thought the invitation not sufficiently formal. By a letter from Mr. Kirkland, also addressed to the chief himself it would seem that the latter was apprehensive that, should he undertake the journey, the American government would expect him to travel like the common herds of Indians who frequently, as now, were in the habit of visiting the capital of the Republic,--and who are usually led through the country in a drove by a single conductor. Such, however, was not the intention of the government, as will more fully appear by the following correspondence:--
"Rev. Mr. Kirkland to Captain Brant. (Extract.)
"Genesee, February 17, 1792."
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"My dear and worthy friend, it is not in my power, at this instant, even to attempt such a reply to your letter by Dr. Allen as it justly merits. Suffice it to say, it was not in my idea that you should be crowded into the company of all the old chiefs, and dragged along promiscuously with them through the proposed tour to Philadelphia. No, Sir; the respect I have for your character and happiness would have spurned at the thought. Dr. Allen was apprised of this, and directed to acquaint you with my instructions relative to the same. You need, Sir, be under no apprehensions of any neglect, or want of proper attention on my part, in the proposed tour, or of a cordial reception upon your arrival at the seat of government. Pardon me, if I say you will have occasion much more to fear the opposite extreme. There are so many matters of importance relative to the Indians upon which I have a desire to converse with you, that I cannot willingly relinquish the idea of a personal interview.
"Believe me, my dear friend, that your honor and happiness, as well as the cause of humanity, have a share of my affection and concern. It is very possible I may be partial in your favor by reason of your rescuing my life at the beginning of the late war, which instance I can never forget, and have thousands of times mentioned to your praise. I cannot but flatter myself from the sensibility of soul you possess, that you will so adjust your domestic affairs as to honor me with a short visit in this vicinity next Spring, should I return here at that season; and should you, upon mature deliberation, conclude to come down sooner, General Chapin and Dr. Allen will be ready to wait on you wherever you please to go. Excuse the abruptness with which I close, being much crowded--wishing you every form of happiness, believe me to be, in great truth and esteem,
"Dear Sir, your affectionate friend And very humble serv't. S. Kirkland.
"Col J. Brant.
"P. S. Please remember me respectfully to Dr. Kerr and his lady. I am exceedingly sorry for the detention of my former letter, which deprived me of the happiness of a personal interview. I hope this will be delivered by the bearer's own hand, your friend, Captain Hendrick."
Nearly at the same time that Mr. Kirkland was thus endeavoring to persuade the chief to comply with the request of the government in this matter, the Secretary of War addressed directly to him a letter as full, courteous, and formal, as the most fastidious diplomatist could have desired:--
"The Secretary of War to Captain Brant.
"Philadelphia, February 20_th,_ 1792.
"Sir,
"Colonel Pickering, who had some communications with the Senecas and others of the Six Nations, during the last two years, was duly authorised to invite you to visit this city, in order to consult you upon the best means of civilizing and advancing the happiness of the Indians. Some information has been recently received from Mr. Kirkland, intimating your disposition to perform the visit, but declining to do it upon the former invitation, as not being sufficiently explicit.
"I now repeat to you this invitation, accompanied with a wish that you would repair to this city, being the seat of the American government; and I can assure you that the President of the United States will be highly gratified by receiving and conversing with a chief of such eminence as you are, on a subject so interesting and important to the human race.
"This invitation is given to you from the fairest motives. The President of the United States is conscious of the purest disposition to promote, generally, the welfare of the Indians; and he flatters himself that proper occasions only are wanting to impress them with the truth of this assertion. He considers your mind more enlightened than theirs, and he hopes that your heart is filled with a true desire to serve the essential interests of your countrymen. The United States, much against the inclination of the government, are engaged in hostilities with some of the western Indians. We, on our parts, have entered into it with reluctance, and consider it as a war of necessity; and not, as is supposed, and industriously propagated, by many, for the purpose of accumulating more land than has been ceded by the treaty with the Indians, since the peace with Great Britain. We are desirous of bringing it to a conclusion, not from any apprehension as to a favorable result, because, by a comparison of forces and resources, however troublesome a perseverance therein may be to us, it must be utter destruction to the hostile Indians. We are desirous, for the sake of humanity, of avoiding such a catastrophe.
"This is the main business which will be mentioned to you on the part of the United States; and it is an object worthy of the best cultivated head and heart. If you should enter into this view, Mr. Kirkland has directions to concert with you the most satisfactory mode of your performing the journey. The nature of the case will show the necessity of your coming without delay, if you incline to accept the invitation.
"I am, Sir, H. Knox.
"To Capt. Joseph Brant."
This letter was enclosed by General Knox to Mr. Kirkland, who was assured that the "presence of Captain Brant in Philadelphia was considered of great importance." Mr. Kirkland was accordingly enjoined "to spare no pains in endeavoring to induce him to come," and "to arrange with him the most satisfactory mode of traveling--to make it as flattering to him as might be, and to accompany him." Mr. Kirkland despatched the letter of the Secretary immediately to Colonel Gordon, at Niagara, by the hand of Dr. Allen, with a request that it might be transmitted by the Colonel to its place of destination--Grand River. But Mr. Kirkland's messenger disclosed to Colonel Gordon the contents of the package, thereby enabling that officer to exert an immediate influence upon the mind of the chief, if he chose to do so. The result was, that, accompanying the Secretary's letter, Captain Brant received the following communication:--
"Colonel Gordon to Captain Brant.
"Niagara, 20_th March,_ 1792.
"My Dear Friend,
"The packet which I now send you was brought here by a Doctor Allen, from Canadasago. I do not know the contents, farther, than the bearer tells me it is a letter from the Secretary at War of the United States, inviting you to Philadelphia on business of consequence.
"Your own good sense will best dictate the answer you ought to give.
"Should it have a reference to the bringing about a peace with the Western Indians, I cannot conceive that Philadelphia is the place where a conference of so much moment ought to be held; as it is evident none of the Western Indians, whose dearest interests are concerned in the event, can be present; and if any steps are taken by the Six Nations without their concurrence, it is much to be feared it will give rise to jealousies, which may be attended with disagreeable consequences hereafter.
"If the United States have at length seriously determined to do justice to, and make peace with, the Western Indians, a general council should be convened in some convenient situation, where deputies from all the nations concerned, as well as commissioners on the part of Great Britain and America, can be assembled. The views of all parties would then be clearly defined; an accurate boundary ascertained; past acts of hostility be buried in oblivion; and such measures adopted as would tend to establish permanent peace and friendship on a solid and equitable basis.
"In the many conversations we have had on this subject, we have generally agreed, that from the line of conduct the United States have hitherto pursued, it did not appear that they had this object seriously in view; and I am sorry to observe, from the mode of proceeding on the present occasion, there is too much reason to suspect they have not yet seen their error.
"In almost every transaction they have had with the Six Nations during the course of the last two years, there has appeared a duplicity and inconsistency, on which it is impossible to put a liberal construction.
"The Six Nations, in the present critical situation of affairs with their western brethren, ought to be exceedingly cautious how they involve themselves either one way or another. Great Britain is at peace with the United States, and it is therefore anxiously wished that her friends, the Indians in general, should be so likewise; every advice which has been given to them had that object in view; and I still hope the period is at no great distance, when this desirable event will be accomplished on equitable terms, and to the mutual satisfaction of all parties.
"I have thus, my dear friend, been induced to give you my private opinion on the present occasion, and I am fully persuaded you will pursue a line of conduct that will deserve the approbation of your brethren and friends.
"Accept my sincere good wishes, and believe me, with much regard, your friend,
"A. Gordon.
"P. S. I understand some of the Senecas from Buffalo Creek are gone to Philadelphia on Colonel Pickering's former invitation, which, I am told, causes much uneasiness in the village.
"A.G.
"Captain Joseph Brant, Grand River."
This was certainly an artful communication. His Majesty's commander at Niagara was desirous that peace should be restored between the Indians and the United States, but takes care not to omit the oft-repeated insinuations of injustice and bad faith on the part of the latter toward the former. In one word, notwithstanding his pacific protestations, Colonel Gordon was desirous of peace only through the agency of British intervention, and his present purpose was, to prevent the influential chief of the Mohawks from visiting the seat of the American government. Notwithstanding the Colonel's letter, however, the chief addressed the following conditional acceptance of the invitation to the Secretary of War:--
"Captain Brant to General Knox.
"Nassau, March 27_th,_ 1792.
"Sir:--
"Yours of the 25th of February I have the pleasure of acknowledging the receipt of, and entertain the highest sense of the honor done me by the invitation and flattering compliment contained therein. It is a visit I have long been desirous of making, and the time now seems not to be far distant when that desire will be accomplished. Visiting you as an individual, would be by no means tending to the accomplishing any good end, as those meetings must show that have hitherto been held with people not deputized by the nation in general to transact business. I should therefore wish to visit you, vested with some power that will enable me to speak with certainty as to what I may assert, and not assert what I, at the same time, must well know would be by no means approved of. This has been too much the case of late years, and in my opinion is principally the cause of the present disturbances. An explanation of grievances it is absolutely necessary should be made, and that to the head of the United States, from whom I entertain not the smallest doubt but justice will be given where due. To accomplish such desirable ends as civilization and peace-making, no exertions on my part shall be wanting; and though circumstances render it impossible for me to do myself the honor of accepting the invitation at present, as I cannot say whether the western nations would approve of it, I shall nevertheless despatch messengers immediately to the Miamis, with your invitation, to have the opinion of the people there, who, I have no great reason to suppose otherwise than that they'll approve of my going, and very possibly invest me with such powers as will give energy to what I may do.
"My messengers, I suppose, will return here in about thirty days, until when, I shall remain at home. If visiting you after that would not be too late to answer the good end intended, I shall endeavor to accomplish my wished-for journey--at least if I may hear from you in answer to this, ere that period.
"I am, Sir, With esteem, Yours, &c. Joseph Brant.
"The Secretary of War."
Immediately on the receipt of this letter at the War Department, General Israel Chapin, of Genesee, was appointed a Deputy Indian Agent by the President, with instructions to transmit the following communication to Captain Brant, and make all needful preparations for his journey:--
"The Secretary of War to Captain Brant
"April 23d, 1792.
"Sir: I have received your letter of the 27th of March, postponing your visit to this city until a period of thirty days after that date.
"I regret exceedingly the existence of any circumstance which suspended your visit. But as the dispositions of the President of the United States remain the same, as to the objects mentioned in my former letter, I can with great truth assure you that your visit at the time you have proposed, will be cordially received.
"General Chapin, who is appointed an agent of the Five Nations, will either accompany you to this city, or he will obtain some other person for that purpose, as shall be agreed upon between you and him,
"I am, &c. &c. H. Knox
"To Captain Joseph Brant."
Pending this correspondence, however, the proposed conference with a deputation of the Six Nations, referred to in the postscript of Colonel Gordon's letter, took place in Philadelphia. It was begun on the 13th of March, and protracted until near the close of April. Fifty sachems were present, and the visit resulted to the mutual satisfaction of the parties. In addition to arrangements upon other subjects, the delegations agreed to perform a pacific mission to the hostile Indians, and endeavor to persuade them to peace. But such were their dilatory movements, that they did not depart from Buffalo for the Miamis until the middle of September. At the head of this embassage was that fast friend of the United States, the Corn-planter.
In regard to the mission of Captain Brant, in addition to the dissuasions of Colonel Gordon, strenuous efforts were made by the official friends of the chief at Montreal, to prevent his visit to the federal capital. On the 1st of May he was addressed by Mr. Joseph Chew, an officer under Sir John Johnson, expressing much satisfaction at the refusal of the first invitation by Captain Brant, and advising the chief of the preparations the Americans were making for another Indian campaign. The following passage occurs in this letter:--"I see they expect to have an army of about five thousand men, besides three troops of horse. By the advertisements for supplies of provisions, &c., it seems this army will not be able to move before the last of July. What attempts Wilkinson and Hamtrack may make with the militia, is uncertain. Our friends ought to be on their guard. I long to know, what they think in England of the victory gained over St. Clair's army." [FN-1] On the 23d of May, Brant advised Mr. Chew that he had accepted the invitation; [FN-2] and on the 19th of June, the latter gentleman replied--expressing his regrets that several of his letters to the Chief had not been received prior to his taking that resolution. Mr. Chew, who doubtless expressed the views of Sir John Johnson and the Executive government of the province, thought the Captain should not have accepted such an invitation without previously knowing the wishes of the King, in regard to the means of bringing about a peace between the Americans and the Indians. In the same letter he also announces to "his namesake," as he calls the Captain, that a Mr. Hammond was on his way to the Indian country, charged with an offer of his Majesty's-mediation. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Original letters among the Brant papers.
[FN-2] Idem.
[FN-3] Idem.
The necessary arrangements having been adjusted, the journey was commenced early in June. General Chapin not being able to accompany the Chief to the seat of government, he was attended by the General's son, and by Doctor Allen, and two body servants of his own--all mounted. Their route from Niagara to Albany was taken through the Mohawk Valley. At Palatine, by previous invitation, the Captain visited Major James Cochran, who had then recently established himself in that place. But the feelings of the inhabitants had become so embittered against him during the war of the Revolution, and such threats were uttered by some of the Germans, of a determination to take his life, that it was deemed prudent for him privately to leave the inn, where his friend Major Cochran was then at lodgings, and sleep at the house of Mrs. Peter Schuyler in the neighborhood, where he would be-less likely to be assailed. He did so, and the next morning pursued his journey. [FN] With this exception, he was well received at every point of his journey. His arrival in New-York was thus announced in the newspapers:--"On Monday last arrived in this city, from his settlement on Grand River, on a visit to some of his friends in this quarter, Captain Joseph Brant of the British army, the famous Mohawk chief who so eminently distinguished himself during the late war as the military leader of the Six Nations. We are informed that he intends to visit the city of Philadelphia, and pay his respects to the President of the United States."
* * * * *
[FN] Letter of Major Cochran to the author.
He arrived in Philadelphia on the 20th of June, where he was announced in terms very similar to the above, and received by the Government with marked attention. But few memorials of this visit have been preserved. The President announced his arrival in respectful terms, on the 21st of June, in a letter addressed to Gouverneur Morris; and he speaks of the circumstance again in a subsequent letter, but makes no allusion to the result of his interviews with him. No doubt, strong efforts were made, not only to engage his active interposition with the Indians to bring about a peace, but likewise to win him over permanently to the interests of the United States. In a letter subsequently addressed by Captain Brant to the Count de Puisy, [FN] in regard to his difficulties with the British government touching the title to the Grand River territory, while pleading the claims of his Indians to the favorable consideration of the Crown, and repelling certain charges of selfishness which had been bruited respecting himself, the following passage occurs on the subject of the proposals made to him by the American Executive:--"I am sorry to find that my perseverance in endeavoring to obtain our rights, has caused unjust surmises to be formed of my intentions, notwithstanding the many evident proofs I have shown of my integrity and steady attachment to the British interest. Had I not been actuated by motives of honor, and preferred the interests of his Majesty, and the credit of my nation, to my own private welfare, there were several allurements of gain offered me by the Government of the United States when I was at Philadelphia, during the time the Shawanese and other tribes maintained a war against them. I was offered a thousand guineas down, and to have the half-pay and pension I receive from Great Britain doubled, merely on condition that I would use my endeavors to bring about a peace. But this I rejected. I considered it might be detrimental to the British interests, as also to the advantage and credit of the Indian nations, until the Americans should make the necessary concessions. Afterward I was offered the preemption right to land to the amount of twenty thousand pounds currency of the United States, and fifteen hundred dollars per annum. This I considered as inconsistent with the principles of honor to receive, as by accepting of any of these offers, they might expect me to act contrary to his Majesty's interest and the honor of our nations; and from the repeated assurances of his Majesty's representatives, I had full confidence his bounty would never fail."
* * * * *
[FN] The Count de Puisy was one of the French nobles driven into exile by the revolution of 1789. He subsequently held a commission as Lieutenant General in the British service, and commanded a detachment of the emigrants in the Quiberon expedition. Receiving a grant of land in Canada from the British crown, as did several of the exiles, the Count came over, and resided for a time near Niagara. During this period he formed an intimate acquaintance with Captain Brant, who corresponded with him after his return to England. The Count resided somewhere in the neighborhood of London until his death, which happened many years afterward.
But notwithstanding his refusal of these propositions, the result of the interview seems at the time to have been mutual satisfaction. The true causes of the war with the western Indians were explained to him; and great pains were taken by the President and Secretary of War to impress upon his mind the sincere desire of the United States to cultivate the most amicable relations with the sons of the forest, of any and every tribe. In the end, the Chief was induced to undertake a mission of peace to the Miamis, for which purpose he was furnished with ample instructions by the Secretary of War. Most emphatically was he enjoined to undeceive the Indians in regard to their apprehensions that the United States were seeking to wrest from them farther portions of their lands. On this point the Government solemnly disclaimed the design of taking a foot more than had been ceded in the treaty of Muskingum in 1789. The Chief left Philadelphia about the 1st of July, on which occasion the Secretary of War wrote to General Chapin, among other things, as follows:--"Captain Brant's visit will, I flatter myself, be productive of great satisfaction to himself, by being made acquainted with the humane views of the President of the United States." To Governor Clinton the Secretary likewise wrote as follows:--"Captain Brant appears to be a judicious and sensible man. I flatter myself his journey will be satisfactory to himself and beneficial to the United States."
The Chief returned by the same route, lingering a few days in New-York, where he was visited by some of the most distinguished gentlemen in the city. It has been mentioned, a few pages back, that Brant was apprehensive of some attempt upon his life in the Mohawk Valley. Indeed, he had been informed that it would be unsafe for him to traverse that section of country, lest some real or fancied wrong, connected with the war of the Revolution, should be avenged by assassination. Nor were these apprehensions groundless; for while resting in New-York, he ascertained that he had not only been pursued from the German Flats, but that the pursuer was then in the city watching for an opportunity to effect his purpose. The name of this pursuer was Dygert. Several members of his father's family had fallen in the battle of Oriskany, fifteen years before, and this man had deliberately determined to put the leader of the Indian warriors to death in revenge. Brant's lodgings were in Broadway, [FN-1] where he was visited, among others, by Colonel Willett and Colonel Morgan Lewis, both of whom he had met in the field of battle in years gone by. While in conversation with these gentlemen, he mentioned the circumstance of Dygert's pursuit, and expressed some apprehensions at the result, should he be attacked unawares. Before his remarks were concluded, glancing his quick eye to the window, he exclaimed, "there is Dygert now!" True enough, the fellow was then standing in the street, watching the motions of his intended victim. Colonel Willett immediately descended into the street, and entered into a conversation with Dygert, charging his real business upon him, which he did not deny. "Do you know," asked Willett, "that if you kill that savage, you will be hanged?" "Who," replied the ignorant German, "would hang me for killing an Indian?" "You will see," rejoined the Colonel; "if you execute your purpose, you a may depend upon it you will be hanged up immediately." This was presenting the case in a new aspect to Dygert, who, until that moment, seemed to suppose that he could kill an Indian with as much propriety in a time of peace as in war--in the streets of New-York as well as in legal battle in the woods. After deliberating a few moments, he replied to Colonel Willett that if such was the law, he would give it up and return home. [FN-2] He did so, and the Mohawk chief shortly afterward reached Niagara in safety.
* * * * *
[FN-1] The old wooden building where the City Hotel now stands.
[FN-2] These particulars have recently been communicated to the author in a conversation with the venerable Governor, then Colonel Lewis, and confirmed by a letter from Major Cochran, with whom Brant conversed on the subject. Indeed the hostility of the Mohawk-Germans toward all Indians, after the close of the war, was deep and universal. The author well remembers a pensioner living in the neighborhood of the village of Herkimer, named Hartmann, who, some years after the war, deliberately killed an Indian at the German Flats, moved only by his revolutionary thirst for vengeance. Hartmann, it is true, had been grievously hacked and wounded by the Indians, so that he was disabled from labor for life. He was a very ignorant man, and thought it no harm to kill an Indian at any time. Happening one day, in after years, to fall in with a son of the forest, he persuaded the savage to let him examine his rifle. The moment he obtained the weapon, he dropped slowly behind, and shot his confiding companion. He was arrested and carried to Johnstown for trial, but the investigation was so managed as to produce an acquittal. The excuse of Hartmann for the commission of the deed, was, that he saw the Indian's tobacco-pouch, which was, as he said, made of the skin of a child's hand. It was, probably, a leather glove which the Indian had found.
Independently of the proposed mediation of Captain Brant, the Government of the United States, in its great solicitude to prevent the effusion of blood, had employed a large number of messengers of peace, among whom, in addition to the fifty chiefs of the Six Nations already mentioned, were the Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, General Rufus Putnam, Colonel Hardin, Major Trueman, and a man named Freeman. The celebrated Hendrick, chief of the Stockbridge Indians, was also employed upon the same service. It is possible that Captain Brant was not well pleased at the appointment of so large a number of pacificators--very naturally preferring the honor of being the sole agent of terminating the war. It would have been no inconsiderable subject of boasting, to be enabled to say "Alone I did it!" Hence, we may reasonably infer, the tone of the annexed letter, addressed to the Secretary of War by Captain Brant on his arrival at Niagara--a fitting occasion for writing it having been furnished by the murder of Major Trueman. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Three of the messengers of peace above mentioned, Messrs. Trueman, Freeman, and Hardin, were murdered by the Indians during that season. Formerly no nations on earth were wont to respect the sacred character of "the man of peace" more than the Indians. But they had now become treacherous even to them. They pleaded, however, the example of the whites, who, they alleged, paid no attention to treaties with the Indians, but treated them as a contemptible race, and had killed several of their own messengers of peace, some of whom were chiefs.--Vide Heckewelder's History of Indian Nations, chapter xxi. President Washington, who was then at Mount Vernon, announced the death of Hardin and Trueman, together with "the harbingers of their mission," in a letter to Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, on the 23d of August. Everything then looked hostile at the west; added to which were rising difficulties with the Cherokees, occasioned, as was supposed, by the intrigues of Spain. "If Spain is really intriguing with the Southern Indians," said the President, "I shall entertain strong suspicions that there is a very clear understanding in all this business between the Courts of London and Madrid; and that it is calculated to check, as far as they can, the rapid increase, extension, and consequence of this country; for there cannot be a doubt of the wishes of the former, if we may judge from the conduct of its officers, to preclude any eclaircissement of ours with the Western Indians, and to embarrass our negotiations with them, any more than there is of their traders and some others, who are subject to their government, aiding and abetting them in acts of hostility."--Letter of Washington to Jefferson, August 23_d,_ 1792.
"Captain Brant to the Secretary of War.
"Niagara, 26_th July,_ 1792.
"Sir,
"Since my arrival here, I am sorry to have to say that intelligence respecting Major Trueman's being killed by an Indian boy, who met with him a hunting, has arrived. This will induce you to recollect what passed between us relative to messages being sent. The route by Presque Isle I again recommend as the most eligible; from thence keeping along the lake to the Miamis, at which place the chiefs are aptest to be met with; and when once there, they are safe. Sending such number of messengers rather makes the Indians suspicious of your intentions, and by any other route they are much more liable to meet with hunters. There are now great numbers of Indians collected, and, from all their councils, seem determined upon a new boundary line. In short, they are all sensible that what has hitherto been done, (which I fully explained to you,) was unfair; and I am of opinion peace will not easily be established without your relinquishing part of your claim. The purchases were all made from men who had no right to sell, and who are now to be thanked for the present difficulties." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The writer here refers to the treaty of Fort Harmer, which the great majority of the Indians always maintained was unauthorized by their people, and therefore of no binding force upon them.
"The Senecas and Seven Nations of Canada are now waiting at Fort Erie for a passage for Detroit, on their way to the Miamis. I shall be able to go up by the next trip of the vessel. My intention and wish is still for the accomplishing of peace. 'Tis a business will require time; things too rashly or hastily agreed upon, seldom have the effect of those seriously and coolly reflected on; knowing the foundation to be just, and the benefits that will arise therefrom, affords a greater space for forwarding the business.
"After leaving your place until my arrival here, I had a tedious journey. The fatigue is done away by the recollection of the politeness and attention showed me by your officers of government, for which I cannot but return my warmest thanks, and request you to communicate the same. If any return should be in my power to make, I shall think myself particularly happy.
"And am, Sir, Yours, &c. Jos. Brant.
"The Secretary of War."
Apprehensive, from the opposition of his friends to his Philadelphia mission, that evil reports might have been circulated concerning him, and distrust of his fidelity engendered among the upper nations, on the 29th of July the Captain wrote to his friend McKee, at Detroit, making inquiries as to that and various other points, and also with a view of ascertaining whether his presence would be acceptable at the then approaching council at the Miamis. In reply, Colonel McKee assured him that, "whatever bad birds had been flying about," the opinions of the western Indians respecting him were unchanged, and that they were anxious for his presence among them, to aid in their consultations for the general welfare. In regard to the murder of the American messengers, Colonel McKee said they were killed by a banditti, and the circumstance was regretted,--"although the Indians considered that the messengers had been sent more with a view to gain time, and lull the confederacy into a fatal security, than to effect a peace, since they have proposed no other terms than what the nations rejected at first; and you must be perfectly sensible," (added Colonel McK.) "that after two successful general engagements, in which a great deal of blood has been spilt, the Indians will not quietly give up by negotiation what they have been contending for with their lives since the commencement of these troubles." Captain Brant having expressed an opinion that the hostile nations would not be likely to move again until the effect of farther negotiation should be known, McKee replied, that the Indians did not look upon "the hostile preparations" of the Americans, "such as forming posts and magazines in the heart of their country, as indicating much sincerity on their part; nor do they [the Indians] think that such establishments would tend to conciliate or convince them that the Americans wish for peace on any reasonable terms, or on the terms proposed by the confederacy the beginning of last year. A great council is soon to be held at the Au Glaize--the chiefs not judging it proper to move lower down at present, on account of the American force collecting at Fort Jefferson." In regard to the treaty of Muskingum, (Fort Harmar,) Colonel McKee said--"Daintate, the Chief who conducted that business, is dead; but he always declared that he, and all the chiefs who were with him there, were imposed upon--imagining that what they signed was a treaty of amity, and not a cession of country; and were not undeceived until they had been some time returned to their respective villages, and had their papers explained to them. Some messengers are arrived at the Glaize from the westward of the Mississippi, announcing that large bodies of their nations are collected, and will shortly be here to give their assistance to the general confederacy; so that, in all probability, more nations will soon be assembled here than at any former period." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Correspondence among the Brant papers.
The letter from which the preceding extracts have been made, was dated from the "Foot of the Miami Rapids, September 4th, 1792." The council of which it speaks, was held at the An Glaize, on the Miami of Lake Erie, in the course of the Autumn. A fit of sickness, however, prevented the attendance of Thayendanegea. The Corn-planter, and forty-eight of the chiefs of the Six Nations, residing within the boundaries of the United States, repaired thither, together with about thirty chiefs and warriors of the Mohawks, and other Canada Indians. But they were not well received, in their character of peace-makers, by the hostiles, who were sturdily bent upon continuing the war. The council was numerously attended on the part of the western tribes; the Shawanese were the only speakers in favor of war, and Red Jacket from the Senecas was alone the orator in opposition, or in behalf of the friendly Indians. The Shawanese taunted the Six Nations with having first induced them to form a great confederacy, a few years before, and of having come to the council now "with the voice of the United States folded under their arm." [FN] There were indications of an angry passage between the two parties in the earlier stages of the council; but after mutual explanations, harmony was restored. The result was, that the hostile Indians finally agreed to suspend belligerent operations for the winter, and to meet the United States in council at the Rapids of the Miami in the following Spring. The basis of the proposed armistice, however, was, that the United States should withdraw their troops from the western side of the Ohio. Nor did they hold out any prospect of treating in the Spring, upon any other principle than that of making the Ohio the boundary, and receiving payment for their improvements on the south-eastern side of that river. They insisted that the United States should allow them all the lands they possessed in Sir William Johnson's time, and that upon no other terms would they agree to a treaty of peace. The council was dissolved about the 10th or 12th of October; and Captain Brant did not arrive at the Au Glaize until after it had broken up. It was a very large council. There were representatives in attendance from the Gora nations, whom it had taken a whole season to travel thither. There were also present, besides the Six Nations and the north-western tribes, twenty-seven nations from beyond the Canadian territory.
* * * * *
[FN] Alluding to the belt by which they were to speak.
On the return of the friendly Indians to Buffalo, a grand council was called, at which the Indian agents of the Five Nations were present, and also Colonel Butler, and a number of other gentlemen from Niagara. At this council, the proceedings and speeches at the Au Glaize were rehearsed, and in conclusion of their mission, the Six Nations transmitted the following speech to the President of the United States; from which it will appear that, though friendly to them, the Six Nations, after all, were yet more friendly to the Miamis, and their claim of the Ohio for a boundary:--
"Speech from the Six Nations to the President.
"You sent us on to the westward, with a message of peace to the hostile Indians.
"We proceeded accordingly to your directions, and was protected, going and coming, by the Great Spirit.
"We give thanks to the Great Spirit, that we have all returned safe to our seats.
"While we was at the westward, we exerted ourselves to bring about peace. The fatigues we underwent are not small. Now, it is our desire for your people on the Ohio to lay down their arms, or otherwise it is all in vain what we have done.
"Now, if you wish for peace, you must make every exertion, and proceed through this path we have directed for you. If peace does not take place, the fault must arise from your people.
"We now desire you, Brothers, to send forward agents, who are men of honesty, not proud land-jobbers, but men who love and desire peace. Also, we desire they may be accompanied by some friend, or Quaker, to attend the council.
"Wish you to exert yourself to forward the message to the western Indians as soon as possible; and we are taken by the hand, and have agreed, next Spring, to attend the council at the Rapids of Miami, when we shall hear all that takes place there."
Notwithstanding the stipulations of the Shawanese and Miamis to call in their warriors, and commit no farther hostilities until the grand council should be held in the following Spring, the armistice was not very rigidly observed, and skirmishes were frequent along the border. On the 6th of November, Major Adair, commanding a detachment of Kentucky volunteers, was attacked by a large body of Indians in the neighborhood of Fort St. Clair. The battle was sharp and severe, and the Indians were rather checked than defeated. General Wilkinson, who was in command of the fort, could render no assistance, from the strictness of his orders to act only on the defensive. He bestowed high praise on the good conduct of Major Adair, as the latter did upon his officers and men.
It was at about this period that a change was made in the Canadian government, which, from the character and dispositions of the new officers introduced upon the stage of action, may not have been without its influence in the progress of Indian affairs. During the visit of Lord Dorchester to England of 1791, '93, what had previously been the entire province of Canada was divided, and an upper province with a lieutenancy created. Colonel J. G. Simcoe was the first Lieutenant Governor assigned to the newly organized territory--an able and active officer, who, in the progress of events, though very friendly at first to the United States, was not long disposed to manifest any particular good-will for them, farther than courtesy to public officers and the discharge of indispensable duties required. He arrived at Quebec in the Spring of 1792, but was detained in the lower province several months, while waiting for other officers from England, whose presence and assistance were necessary to the organization of the new government. Colonel Simcoe established his head-quarters at Niagara, which was temporarily constituted the seat of government. He was the bearer of a letter of introduction from the Duke of Northumberland to the Mohawk Chief, Thayendanegea. The Duke, who had served in the Revolutionary war as Lord Percy, had been adopted by the Mohawks as a warrior of their nation, under the Indian name, conferred by Brant himself, of Thorighwegeri, or The Evergreen Brake. The name involves the very pretty conceit that a titled house never dies. Like the leaves of this peculiar species of the brake, the old leaf only falls as it is pushed from the stem by the new; or rather, when the old leaf falls, the young is in fresh and full existence. The following is the letter, which the character of the parties and the circumstances of the case render worthy of preservation:--
"The Duke of Northumberland to Captain Brant
"Northumberland House, Sept. 3d, 1791
"My Dear Joseph,
"Colonel Simcoe, who is going out Governor of Upper Canada, is kind enough to promise to deliver this to you, with a brace of pistols, which I desire you will keep for my sake. I must particularly recommend the Colonel to you and the nation. He is a most intimate friend of mine, and is possessed of every good quality which can recommend him to your friendship. He is brave, humane, sensible, and honest. You may safely rely upon whatever he says, for he will not deceive you. He loves and honors the Indians, whose noble sentiments so perfectly correspond with his own. He wishes to live upon the best terms with them, and, as Governor, will have it in his power to be of much service to them. In short, he is worthy to be a Mohawk. Love him at first for my sake, and you will soon come to love him for his own.
"I was very glad to hear that you had received the rifle safe which I sent you, and hope it has proved useful to you. I preserve with great care your picture, which is hung up in the Duchess's own room.
"Continue to me your friendship and esteem, and believe me ever to be, with the greatest truth,
"Your affectionate Friend and Brother, Northumberland, Thorighwegeri.
"Captain Joseph Brant, Thayendanegea."
Thus strongly and affectionately introduced, by the head of the British peerage to the head chief of a nation, a close intimacy was formed between Governor Simcoe and Captain Brant, as will more clearly be disclosed in the progress of these pages. The regular chain of history will now be resumed.
On the 19th of February, 1793, pursuant to the arrangement made by the Indians at the Au Glaize in the preceding Autumn, General Benjamin Lincoln, Beverley Randolph, and Colonel Timothy Pickering, were commissioned by the President, to attend the great council at the Miamis, to be held in the course of the ensuing Spring.
Meantime the Indians of the confederate nations, dissatisfied with what they considered the evasive reply which had been received from the President to the address on their behalf, transmitted by the Six Nations, held another council at the Glaize in February, at which a very explicit address upon the Subject was framed, and transmitted to the Six Nations. They were apprehensive that the Six Nations had either not understood them, or, that in communicating with the Executive of the United States they had not made themselves understood. Reminding the Six Nations that when in council they had understood them to be of one mind with themselves touching the boundary question, they now repeated that they would listen to no propositions from the United States, save upon the basis of the Ohio for a boundary and the removal of the American forts from the Indian territory. This was the irrevocable determination of the confederates, and they deemed it right and proper that the government of the United States should be fully apprised of the fact before the commissioners should set out upon their journey. They likewise advised the Six Nations, in this address, of their determination to hold a private council at the Miami Rapids before they would proceed to meet the American commissioners at Sandusky, that they might adjust their own opinions, so as to be of one mind, and speak one language in the public council. It was their farther determination, before they would consent to meet the Commissioners at all, to ascertain whether the Commissioners had been clothed with authority to meet them upon the terms thus preliminarily prescribed. This letter, or message, was concluded thus:--"Brothers: We desire you therefore, to be strong, and rise immediately to meet us at the Miami Rapids, where we want the advice and assistance of our elder brethren in the great work which we are about. The western nations are all prepared and in daily expectation of the arrival of our brothers, the Creeks, Cherokees, and other southern nations, who are on their legs to join us, agreeably to their promise. And we desire you will put the Seven Nations of Canada in mind of their promise last Fall, to be early on their legs to join us, and that you will bring them in your band. [Four double strings of black and white Wampum] A postscript enjoined that the United States should send no messengers into their country, except through the Five Nations." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Original document from among the Brant papers.
The communication was dated February 27th. On the same day the Commissioners left Philadelphia for Buffalo Creek, accompanied, as the Indians had requested, by several members of the society of Friends--so strongly had the nations become attached to the disciples of the beneficent Penn. [FN] Colonel Pickering and Mr. Randolph proceeded directly across the country, while General Lincoln took the route via Albany, to superintend the forwarding of supplies. General Wayne, now in command of the North-western army, had been instructed in the meantime to issue a proclamation, informing the people of the frontiers of the proposed treaty, and prohibiting all offensive movements on the part of these people until the result of the council should be known.
* * * * *
[FN] The names of the Quaker gentlemen who went upon this benevolent errand were, John Parish, William Savory, and John Elliott, of Philadelphia; Jacob Findlay, of Chester County; and Joseph Moore and William Hartshorn, of New-Jersey. It may be noted as a singular fact, that while the Quakers solicited the appointment on this pacific mission at the hands of the President, the Indians, at about the same time, and evidently without consultation or arrangement, requested of some of the American agents, that some Quaker might be appointed on the Commission to treat with them.
Messrs. Randolph and Pickering arrived at the Queenston landing, (Niagara river,) on the 17th of May. Governor Simcoe, who was at home, had no sooner heard of their arrival in his vicinity, than he sent invitations insisting that they should consider themselves his guests during their stay at that place. He treated them with great hospitality, and at their request readily despatched a vessel to Oswego, to receive General Lincoln and the stores for the expedition. The latter gentleman did not reach Niagara until the 25th.
On their arrival at that place, the Commissioners were informed that Captain Brant, with a body of Mohawks, had set off for the west about the 5th of May. There was a preliminary council to be held at the Miami Rapids, which it was the purpose of that Chief to attend. The United States had fixed the 1st of June for the time of meeting; but Colonel McKee had written to Niagara, stating that that period would be quite too early, since the Indians were ever slow in such proceedings, and withal would not then probably have returned from their hunting. The Indians, however, were collecting at the Au Glaize, and Colonel McKee advised Governor Simcoe that the conference with the American Commissioners would probably be held at Sandusky. In the meantime it was proposed that the Commissioners should remain at Niagara until all things were ready for the conference.
Such being the position of affairs, the commissioners were detained with Governor Simcoe--occasionally visiting some of the Indian towns in that region--until near the middle of July. Every hospitable attention was bestowed upon them by the Governor, who spared no pains to render their sojourn with him agreeable. On the 4th of June, the King's birth-day was celebrated, on which occasion the Governor gave a fete, ending with a ball in the evening, which was attended by "about twenty well-dressed and handsome ladies, and about three times that number of gentlemen. They danced from 7 o'clock until 11 when supper was announced, and served in very pretty taste. The music and dancing were good, and every thing was conducted with propriety. What excited the best feelings of the heart, was the ease and affection with which the ladies met each other, although there were a number present whose mothers sprang from the aborigines of the country. They appeared as well dressed as the company in general, and intermixed with them in a manner which evinced at once the dignity of their own minds and the good sense of others. These ladies possessed great ingenuity and industry, and have great merit; for the education they have received is owing principally to their own industry, as their father, Sir William Johnson, was dead, and the mother retained the manners and dress of her tribe." [FN]
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[FN] Private Journal of General Lincoln--Massachusetts Historical Collections. This incident has been preserved in the text by the author, as a curiosity; it being the first gala of a representative of royalty in the western woods.
Thus far the deportment of Governor Simcoe was conciliatory, and in all respects indicative of any thing rather than a hostile spirit. Reports having reached the ears of the Commissioners, that the Governor had qualified the expressions of his desire that the Indians might determine upon a peace with the United States, by advising them that they should not relinquish any of their lands to obtain it, those gentlemen addressed him a note upon the subject. The imputation was promptly and satisfactorily disclaimed; and at the request of the Commissioners, several British officers were detailed to accompany them to the council. Colonel Butler, the British Indian Superintendent of that station, [FN] had already departed with a large number of the Six Nations residing at the Buffalo Creek, to attend with Captain Brant the preliminary council at Miami.
* * * * *
[FN] The British commander at Wyoming.
Advices from Colonel McKee, at Detroit, having communicated the fact that all was ready on the part of the Indians, and urged them forthwith to repair to Sandusky and meet them, the Commissioners took their departure from Niagara on the 26th of June. Reports had been bruited about, however, that, should the council break up without making peace, it was the determination of the hostile Indians to fall upon the Commissioners and sacrifice them. In consequence of this intimation they were furnished with a letter from the Governor, expressed in the strongest terms, enjoining the officers in the Indian Department at the west to take care that they should be neither injured nor insulted by the savages; adding, "that an injury to them I would greatly affect him, the Commander-in-chief, the British nation, and even the King himself." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] General Lincoln's Journal.
The Commissioners were detained by contrary winds at Fort Erie, at which point they were to embark, until the 5th of July. Here another serious interruption to their progress took place. The extreme jealousy of the Indians naturally prompted them to magnify every thing bearing a hostile appearance; and they had been watching with much suspicion, during the whole season, the movements of General Wayne, who was then occupying the country about Fort Washington. It was understood that he was not to advance beyond that position pending the negotiations. But the Indians were nevertheless suspicious lest he should avail himself of the absence of their chiefs and warriors at the council, and fall upon their towns. Governor Simcoe had called the attention of the Commissioners to this subject, and they, in turn, had urged the consideration, through the Secretary of War, upon General Wayne. But, notwithstanding every precaution that could be adopted, the Indians at the preliminary council became alarmed; and, greatly to the surprise of the Commissioners, while waiting to embark at Fort Erie, on the 5th of July a vessel arrived from Miami, having on board Captain Brant, Colonel Butler, and a deputation of about fifty Indians from the north-western tribes, attending the council, with instructions to have a conference with the American Commissioners in the presence of Governor Simcoe. The object of their visit was twofold; first, they were desirous of being enabled "to possess their minds in peace in regard to the movements of General Wayne with the army; secondly, they were desirous of obtaining information whether the Commissioners were empowered to establish a new boundary line, or rather to stipulate that the American settlers should fall back upon the Ohio--since the great majority of the Indians had uniformly disclaimed the boundary specified in the treaty of Fort Harmar. An immediate interview between the deputation and the Commissioners was arranged, at the request of the former, at which a Shawanese chief, called Cat's-Eyes, addressed them as follows:--
"Brothers: We are sent by the nations of Indians assembled at the Rapids of Miami, to meet the Commissioners of the United States. We are glad to see you here. It is the will of the great chiefs of those nations that our Father, the Governor of this province, should be present, and hear what we have to say to you, and what you have to say to us.
"Brothers: Do not make yourselves uneasy that we did net meet you at the time you proposed, at Sandusky. The reasons thereof will be mentioned at another time.
"Four strings of black and white wampum."
To which the Commissioners replied:--
"Brothers: The Commissioners are glad to see you. We will confer with you in presence of your Father, the Governor of this province, at any time and place which shall be convenient to you and him.
"Returned the four strings."
The parties then separated; but the Indian deputation, after a brief consultation, requested another interview, and proposed that the meeting with Governor Simcoe should be at his own house at Niagara. To this arrangement the Commissioners assented, and agreed to return thither on the following day. Accordingly, on the 7th of July, a conference was held at the council-house at Niagara. The Governor and the Indians having arrived at the council-chamber a few minutes in advance of the Commissioners, Captain Brant addressed the former thus:--
"Brother: It being agreed at the Rapids that we should come and meet the Commissioners in our Father's presence, we return our thanks to the Great Spirit for seeing your Excellency well this day. Our intention and business is peaceable, and our inclination is to do what is right and just. We are all of one mind, and wished your Excellency to be present.
"A belt of wampum."
His Excellency replied:--
"Brothers: I am happy to see you so well. The Commissioners have expressed a wish to meet you in my presence, and I shall be happy to hear what they have to say.
"Belt returned."
The Commissioners having arrived, the conference commenced, in the presence not only of the Governor, but also of a large number of the civil and military officers of that station. The proceedings were opened on the part of the Western deputation by Captain Brant, who rose, with a belt and string of wampum, and said:--
"Brothers: We have met to-day our brothers, the Bostonians and English. We are glad to have the meeting, and think it by the appointment of the Great Spirit.
"Brothers of the United States: We told you the other day, at Fort Erie, that at another time we would inform you why we had not assembled at the time and place appointed for holding the treaty with you. Now we inform you, that it is because there is so much the appearance of war in that quarter.
"Brothers: We have given the reason for our not meeting you, and now request an explanation of these warlike appearances.
"Brothers: The people you see here are sent to represent the Indian nations who own the lands north of the Ohio as their common property, and who are all of one mind--one heart.
"Brothers: We have come to speak to you for two reasons: one, because your warriors, being in our neighborhood, have prevented our meeting at the appointed place; the other, to know if you are properly authorized to run and establish a new boundary line between the lands of the United States and the lands of the Indian nations. We are still desirous of meeting you at the appointed place.
"Brothers: We wish you to deliberate well on this business. We have spoken our sentiments in sincerity--considering ourselves in the presence of the Great Spirit, from whom, in times of danger, we expect assistance." [With this speech a belt of twelve rows, and thirty strings of wampum, in five bunches, were presented.]
The Commissioners answered:--
"Brothers: We have attended to what you have said. We will take it into our serious consideration, and give you an answer to-morrow. We will inform you when we are ready."
Captain Brant rejoined:--
"Brothers: We thank you for what you have said. You say that you will answer our speech to-morrow. We now cover up the council-fire."
On the next day the Commissioners replied at length, in the Indian form of speech. In regard to the warlike indications of which the deputation complained, the Commissioners assured them that they might "possess their minds in peace;" and stated to them the orders that had been transmitted to General Wayne, and the other precautionary measures adopted by the Great Chief, General Washington, to prevent any act of hostility during the negotiations. On the subject of the second query of the Indians, the Commissioners replied explicitly, that they had authority to run and establish a new boundary. This question, they were aware, was to be the great subject of discussion at the council, and they hoped that the result would be satisfactory to both parties. But, in saying this, they reminded the Indians, that in almost all disputes and quarrels there was wrong upon both sides, and consequently that in the approaching council both parties must be prepared to make some concessions. The Commissioners requested information as to the names of the nations, and the number of the chiefs assembled at the Rapids of the Miami; and in conclusion re-assured the chiefs of the groundlessness of their apprehensions respecting the movements of General Wayne, and explained to them that they might place themselves perfectly at rest upon this point; promising, moreover, immediately to send a messenger on horseback "to the Great Chief of the United States, to desire him to renew and strongly repeat his orders to his head-warrior, not only to abstain from all hostilities against the Indians, but to remain quiet at his posts until the event of the treaty should be known." Having returned the Belt, Cat's-Eyes, the Shawanese leader, replied:--
"Brothers, the Bostonians, attend! We have heard your words. Our fathers, the English people, have also heard them. We thank God that you have been preserved in peace, and that we bring our pipes together. The people of all the different nations here salute you. They rejoice to hear your words. It gives us great satisfaction that our fathers, the English, have also heard them. We shall for the present take up our pipes and retire to our encampments, where we shall deliberately consider your speech, and return you an answer tomorrow."
The conference was re-opened on the 9th, when Captain Brant arose, with the belt and strings in his hands which had been presented by the Commissioners on the preceding day, and addressing himself to the English and Americans, said:--
"Brothers: We are glad the Great Spirit has preserved us in peace to meet together this day.
"Brothers of the United States: Yesterday you made an answer to the message delivered by us, from the great council at the Miami, in the two particulars we had stated to you.
"Brothers: You may depend on it that we fully understand your speech. We shall take with us your belt and strings, and repeat it to the chiefs at the great council at Miami."
[Laying down the belt and strings, the Captain took up a white belt, and proceeded:]
"Brothers: We have something farther to say, though not much. We are small, compared with our great chiefs at Miami; but, though small, we have something to say. We think, brothers, from your speech, that there is a prospect of our coming together. We, who are the nations at the westward, are of one mind; and if we agree with you, as there is a prospect that we shall, it will be binding and lasting.
"Brothers: Our prospects are the fairer, because all our minds are one. You have not spoken to us before unitedly. Formerly, because you did not speak to us unitedly, what was done was not binding. Now you have an opportunity to speak to us together; and we now take you by the hand to lead you to the place appointed for the meeting.
"Brothers: One thing more we have to say. Yesterday you expressed a wish to be informed of the names of the nations and number of chiefs assembled at the Miami. But as they were daily coming in, we cannot give you exact information. You will see for yourselves in a few days. When we left it, the following nations were there, viz: Five Nations, Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares, Munsees, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, Mingoes, Cherokees, Nantikokes. The principal men of all these nations were there.
"A white belt of seven rows."
The Commissioners then replied:--
"Brothers: Our ears have been open to your speech. It Is agreeable to us. We are ready to proceed with you to Sandusky, where, under the direction of the Great Spirit, we hope that we shall soon establish a peace on terms equally interesting and agreeable to all parties."
While these deliberations were in progress, a deputation from the Seven Nations of Canada arrived at Niagara, to the number of two hundred and eighty. The proceedings were terminated with a confident expectation on all hands that the result of the mission would be a pacific arrangement. With the public dispatches transmitted to the Secretary of War from this place, however, General Lincoln addressed a private letter to that officer, advising him that if the reports in circulation were in any degree true, General Wayne must have violated the clearest principles of a truce, and expressing great solicitude for the result--less, however, on account of the personal safety of the Commissioners, whose lives would be thereby jeoparded, than for the apprehensions felt for the honor of the country. Captain Brant had given information as to the movements of Wayne, of the certainty of which there could be but little doubt; and those movements caused the Commissioners as much uneasiness as they did the Indians; being moreover viewed by the British officers at Niagara as unfair and unwarrantable.
Captain Brant and the Indian deputation proceeded on their return to Miami, in advance of the Commissioners, the latter embarking from Fort Erie on the 14th. On the 21st they arrived at the mouth of the Detroit river, where they were obliged to land--the British authorities at Detroit forbidding their approach farther toward the place of meeting. They were, however, hospitably entertained at the landing-place by Captain Elliot, Colonel McKee's assistant in the Indian Department. The latter officer was in attendance upon the council at the Rapids, to whom the Commissioners lost no time in addressing a note, apprising him of their arrival, and of their design to remain there until the Indians should be ready to remove the council to Sandusky. They also requested the good offices of Colonel McKee in expediting the proceedings of the Indians. This dispatch was borne by Captain Elliot himself, who returned on the 29th, bringing an answer from the Colonel, and attended by a deputation of upward of twenty Indians from the different nations in council. An audience of these Indians was had on the day following, at which a Wyandot Chief, whose name in English was Carry-one-about, opened their business with the following unexpected address:--
"Brothers, listen! We are glad to see you here in peace, and thank the Great Spirit that has preserved us to meet again.
"Brothers: We were sent to speak with you some time ago at Niagara. Some chiefs are now here who were then present.
"Brothers: We did not explain ourselves to each other, and we did not rightly understand each other.
"Brothers: We desire that we may rightly understand each other. We have thought it best that what we had to say should be put into writing, and here is the meaning of our hearts."
Saying which, the Wyandot chief put a paper into the hands of the Commissioners, which read as follows:--
"To the Commissioners of the United States.
"Brothers: The Deputies we sent you did not fully explain our meaning. We have therefore sent others to meet you once more, that you may fully understand the great question we have to ask you, and to which we expect an explicit answer in writing.
"Brothers: You are sent here by the United States in order to make peace with us, the Confederate Indians.
"Brothers: You know very well that the boundary-line, which was run by the white people and us, at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, was the river Ohio.
"Brothers: If you seriously design to make a firm and lasting peace, you will immediately remove all your people from our side of that river.
"Brothers: We therefore ask you, Are you fully authorised by the United States to continue and fix firmly on the Ohio river as the boundary-line between your people and ours?
"Done in General Council, at the foot of the Miami Rapids, 27th July, 1793. In behalf of ourselves and the whole Confederacy, and agreed to in full council."
This missive was signed by the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis, Mingoes, Pottawattamies, Ottawas, Connoys, Chippewas, and Munsees; but not by the Six Nations. The Commissioners replied to them at great length in the afternoon. They began, after the Indian custom, by repeating their speech and then gave a succinct statement of the conferences at Niagara, and the perfect understanding then had, that some concessions would be necessary on both sides, and of which they were to speak face to face. They had already been detained sixty days beyond the time appointed for the meeting, and were desirous of proceeding to business in council without farther delay. The Commissioners next recited briefly the history of all the treaties that had been formed with the north-western Indians, from the treaty of Fort Stanwix, held before the Revolution, to that which was commenced at the falls of the Muskingum, by General St. Clair, and completed at Fort Harmar. At this treaty the Six Nations renewed their treaty of Fort Stanwix, of 1784, and the Wyandots and Delawares renewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort McIntosh. There were also parties to this treaty from the Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies and Sacs. Under these treaties the United States had acquired the territory, now claimed by the Indians, north of the Ohio, and on the faith of these, settlements had been formed, that could not now be removed; and hence the Commissioners replied explicitly to the first question, that the Ohio could not be designated as the boundary. After attempting to explain the impossibility of uprooting the settlements beyond the Ohio, and the great expenses incurred by the people in forming them, they spoke again of the promised "mutual concessions," and proposed, as the basis of negotiation, that the Indians should relinquish all the lands ceded by the treaty of Fort Harmar, and also a small tract of land at the Rapids of the Ohio, claimed by General Clark; in return for which they proposed to give the Indians "such a large sum in money or goods as was never given at one time for any quantity of Indian lands since the white people set their foot on this island." They likewise proposed a large annuity in addition to the amount to be paid in hand. Originally, under the treaty of peace with England, the American Commissioners had claimed the right to the soil of all the lands south of the great lakes; but this claim, the Commissioners said they thought, was wrong; and as a farther concession, if the lands already specified were relinquished by the Indians, the United States would relinquish all but the right of preemption to the vast tracts that remained. In conclusion, the Commissioners said:--
"Brothers: We have now opened our hearts to you. We are happy in having an opportunity of doing it, though we should have been more happy to have done it in full council of your nations. We expect soon to have this satisfaction, and that your next deputation will take us by the hand, and lead us to the treaty. When we meet and converse with each other freely, we may more easily remove any difficulties which may come in the way.
"A white belt with thirteen stripes of black wampum."
The speech having been interpreted fully to the deputation, the council was adjourned until the next day, when, having reassembled, the Wyandot chief rose, and replied as follows:--
"Brothers: We are all brothers you see here now. Brothers, it is now three years since you have desired to speak with us. We heard you yesterday, and understand well, perfectly well. We have a few words to say to you.
"Brothers: You mentioned the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Beaver Creek, and other places. Those treaties were not complete. There were but few chiefs who treated with you. You have not bought our lands; they belong to us. You tried to draw off some of us.
"Brothers: Many years ago we all know that the Ohio was made the boundary; it was settled by Sir William Johnson. This side is ours; we look upon it as our property.
"Brothers: You mention General Washington. He and you know you have houses and people on our lands. You say you cannot, move them off; and we cannot give up our lands.
"Brothers: We are sorry that we cannot come to an agreement. The line has been fixed long ago.
"Brothers: We do not say much. There has been much mischief on both sides. We came here upon peace, and thought you did the same. We wish you to remain here for an answer from us. We have your speech in our breasts, and shall consult our head warriors."
From the 1st to the 14th of August the Commissioners were detained at the place of their first landing, in the daily expectation of receiving an invitation to join the council at the Rapids. They had information from thence several times, and on the 8th were informed that all the nations were disposed for peace, excepting the Shawanese, Wyandots, Miamis, and Delawares. The Six Nations, and the Seven Nations of Canada, exerted themselves strongly to bring about a pacification. It was understood, however, that the debates had been long and animated. Captain Brant and the Corn-planter were unwearied in their efforts to accomplish this desirable object, and both spoke much in council. The discussions being thus protracted, the former availed himself of the time to endeavor to enlist the direct interposition of Governor Simcoe to bring the Indians into a more pacific temper. For that purpose the Captain dispatched messengers to York, at which place [FN-1] the Upper Canadian Government was about being established, with letters to the Governor, informing him of the intractable disposition of the Indians, and soliciting his influence to induce them to compromise the boundary question. Governor Simcoe wrote back on the 8th of August, declining any interference. His Excellency declared in this letter, that, as his correspondent (Brant) well knew, he had always, both in private conversation and in public messages, endeavored to impress a disposition and temper upon the Indians, that might lead to the blessing of peace. Still, he thought the Indians were the best judges as to the terms upon which a treaty of peace should be negotiated; and at their request he had directed the Indian Agents to attend their councils, and explain to them any circumstances which they might not clearly understand. There was another circumstance which Governor Simcoe thought would render it improper for him to interfere, which will be best understood by quoting his own words from the letter:--"Since the Government of the United States have shown a disinclination to concur with the Indian nations in requesting of his Majesty permission for me to attend at Sandusky as mediator, it would be highly improper and unseasonable in me to give any opinion relative to the proposed boundaries, with which I am not sufficiently acquainted, and which question I have studiously avoided entering into, as I am well aware of the jealousies entertained by some of the subjects of the United States, of the interference of the British Government which has a natural and decided interest in the welfare of the Indian nations, and in the establishment of peace and permanent tranquility. In this situation I am sure you will excuse me from giving to you any advice, which, from my absence from the spot, cannot possibly arise from that perfect view and knowledge which so important a subject necessarily demands." [FN-2]
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[FN-1] Now Toronto, the capital of Upper Canada.
[FN-2] From the original letter among the Brant papers.
This letter contains the only authority extant for the fact that Governor Simcoe himself had been proposed as the mediator, and rejected, and he may have been piqued thereat. Still, although he cautiously abstained from the remotest interference, there was nothing in this communication calculated to defeat a pacific determination of the council. The Commissioners were yet anxiously awaiting the result at the mouth of the Detroit River. On the 11th of August they were informed that the debates were still running high in council; that the chiefs of the Six Nations had spoken twice, and were about to speak a third time. Indeed, so desirous were they now of effecting a pacific arrangement, that Thayendanegea was determined to transcend the ordinary rules of an Indian council, and speak a fourth time, should it become necessary. [FN] It was added, that nearly half the four tribes, who were persisting for war, had been won over; and hence, when the messengers left the council, they even anticipated that runners with pacific news would overtake them. Having waited, however, until the 14th, and receiving no farther news, the Commissioners proposed to repair to the council in person--but were prevented by the British authorities, who would not suffer them to move in that direction, unless by special invitation from the council. Impatient of longer delay, their next measure was to send a speech to the council, with a request to Captain Brant to bring it before them, urging upon them the necessity of a speedy determination of the question of peace or war, one way or the other. The conclusion of this address was thus:--
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[FN] What a pity that at such an Indian Congress, where the great warriors and rulers of so many nations were assembled to discuss subjects at once the most {illegible word--"exciting"?} and of the deepest moment to them, a bench of stenographers could not have been present! What bursts of thrilling eloquence--the unsophisticated{?} language of nature--gathering all its metaphors fresh and glowing from her own rich store-house--the flowers, the forests, and the woods{?}--the sun, the stars, and the blue sky--the winds, the earthquake, and the storm--must there have been poured forth but to die away upon the ears that heard them.
"Brothers: We have waited fourteen days, and no answer has arrived.
"Brothers: It is time to bring the business to a conclusion. The summer has almost passed away, and we do not yet even know whether we are to have a treaty.
"Brothers: You know that we came to treat with you of peace. We again tell you, that we earnestly desire to make peace; and in the terms of peace we are disposed to do you ample justice. But if no treaty is to be held, if peace is not to be obtained, we desire immediately to know it, that we may go home."
But all the anticipations of a pacific adjustment of the difficulties proved fallacious. Two days after this address had been dispatched to the care of Captain Brant and the Corn-planter, the Commissioners received a long address from the council, in writing, in answer to their own speech of July 31st, which put an end to the negotiation. It was addressed,
"To the Commissioners of the United States.
"Brothers: We have received your speech of the 31st of last month, and it has been interpreted to all the different nations. We have been long in sending you an answer, because of the great importance of the subject. But we now answer it fully, having given it all the consideration in our power."
In their address the council entered upon an extended review of the negotiations heretofore referred to, and the circumstances under which the treaties of Fort McIntosh and Fort Harmar were made. They contended that these treaties had not been properly obtained, and were not binding upon the Indians, inasmuch as but few of their chiefs and warriors had been present at the councils, and those few were not empowered to cede away any of their lands. Of this fact they said they had apprised General St. Clair before the treaties were made, and admonished him not to proceed. But he persisted in holding councils in which their nations were not consulted, and in receiving cessions of an immense country, in which the few who, under constraint, had signed the treaty, were no more interested than as a mere branch of the General Confederacy, and had no authority to make any grant whatever. In reply to the remarks of the Commissioners respecting the impracticability of breaking up the settlements on the disputed territory, and their offers of large sums of money for a confirmation of the grant under the treaty of Fort Harmar, the speech of the Council was ingenious and forcible. Indeed, the residue of this document is worth transcribing entire:--
"Brothers: Money to us is of no value, and to most of us unknown; and as no consideration whatever can induce us to sell our lands, on which we get sustenance for our women and children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode by which your settlers may be easily removed, and peace thereby obtained.
"Brothers: We know that these settlers are poor, or they never would have ventured to live in a country which has been in continual trouble ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum of money which you have offered to us among these people; give to each also a proportion of what you say you would give us annually, over and above this large sum of money; and we are persuaded they would most readily accept of it in lieu of the lands you sold to them. If you add, also, the great sums you must expend in raising and paying armies with a view to force us to yield you our country, you will certainly have more than sufficient for the purposes of repaying these settlers for all their labor and improvements.
"Brothers: You have talked to us about concessions. It appears strange that you expect any from us, who have only been defending our just rights against your invasions. We want peace. Restore to us our country, and we shall be enemies no longer.
"Brothers: You make one concession to us by offering to us your money, and another by having agreed to do us justice, after having long and injuriously withheld it; we mean, in the acknowledgment you have now made that the King of England never did, nor ever had a right to give you our country by the treaty of peace. And you want to make this act of common justice a great part of your concession, and seem to expect, that because you have at last acknowledged our independence, we should for such a favor surrender to you our country.
"Brothers: You have also talked a great deal about preemption, and your exclusive right to purchase the Indian lands, as ceded to you by the King at the treaty of peace.
"Brothers: We never made any agreement with the King, nor with any other nation, that we would give to either the exclusive right to purchase our lands; and we declare to you, that we consider ourselves free to make any bargain or cession of lands whenever and to whomsoever we please. If the white people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them but the King should purchase of us, and he has given that right to the United States, it is an affair which concerns you and him, and not us. We have never parted with such a power.
"Brothers: At our general council held at the Glaize last Fall, we agreed to meet Commissioners from the United States, for the purpose of restoring peace, provided they consented to acknowledge and confirm our boundary line to be the Ohio; and we determined not to meet you until you gave us satisfaction on that point. That is the reason we have never met.
"Brothers: We desire you to consider that our only demand is the peaceable possession of a small part of our once great country. Look back and view the lands from whence we have been driven to this spot. We can retreat no farther, because the country behind hardly affords food for its present inhabitants; and we have therefore resolved to leave our bones in this small space, to which we are now consigned.
"Brothers: We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us justice, if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary line between us. If you will not consent thereto, our meeting will be altogether unnecessary. This is the great point, which we hoped would have been explained before you left your houses; as our message last Autumn was principally directed to obtain that information.
"Done in General Council at the foot of the Miami Rapids, on the 13th day of August, 1793."
This address was signed by the Wyandots, the Seven Nations of Canada, the Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippeways, Senecas (of the Glaize), Pottawattamies, Connoys, Munsees, Nantikokes, Mohegans, Missisaguas, Creeks, and Cherokees--the name of each nation being written, and its emblem or escutcheon rudely pictured opposite the name. [FN] The Six Nations did not sign it. Indeed, it is believed that Captain Brant and the Six Nations "held fast together" in their efforts to make peace, to the last; and that the character of the final answer of the council was not communicated to them previous to its being sent off. On the contrary, they were told that it was a proposition to meet the Commissioners on the Miami instead of Sandusky, about five miles below their then place of sitting; and so well assured were they of the fact, that they proposed removing thither the day after the runners were dispatched from the council-fire.
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[FN] Thus, according to the original communication in the author's possession:--
Wyandots, A Bear. Senecas of the Glaize, A Turtle. Seven Nations of Canada A Turtle. Pottawattamies, A Fish. Delawares, A Turtle. Connoys, A Turkey. Shawanese, Munsees, Miamis, A Turtle. Nantikokes, A Turtle. Ottawas, A Fish. Mohegans {A Turtle. Chippeways, A Crane. {A Turkey.
Nothing could be more explicit than this ultimatum of the Indians. Their sine qua non was the Ohio for the boundary. To this proposition the Commissioners could never assent, and they accordingly wrote to the chiefs and warriors of the council at the Rapids, that "the negotiation was at an end." So imperfect are the records of Indian history, preserved, as they are, for the most part, only in the tablets of the brain, the memory being aided by belts and other emblems--that it is a difficult matter to determine the precise merits of the controversy sought to be terminated at this council. Being the weaker party, belonging to a doomed race, the law of the strongest was of course left to decide it in the end, and the Indians were driven beyond the Mississippi. But an impartial survey of the case, at the distance of only forty years, presents strong reasons for believing that the Indians were the party aggrieved. Certainly, it would form an exception in the history of their dealings with the white man, if they were not; while it is very evident that they themselves solemnly believed they were the injured party. And, thus believing, nothing could have been more patriotic than the attitude assumed in their address, or more noble than the declarations and sentiments it contained.