XXIV. INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS
1801-1822.
ADMINISTRATION UNDER SPAIN—INFLUENCE OF EVENTS IN EUROPE AND SPANISH AMERICA ON THE ISTHMUS—HOSTILITIES IN NUEVA GRANADA—CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT—GENERAL HORE'S MEASURES TO HOLD THE ISTHMUS FOR SPAIN—MACGREGOR'S INSURGENT EXPEDITION AT PORTOBELLO—REËSTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION—CAPTAIN-GENERAL MURGEON'S RULE—THE ISTHMUS IS DECLARED INDEPENDENT—ITS INCORPORATION WITH COLOMBIA—JOSÉ FÁBREGA IN TEMPORARY COMMAND—JOSÉ MARÍA CARREÑO APPOINTED INTENDENTE AND COMANDANTE GENERAL—ABOLITION OF AFRICAN SLAVERY.
The intimate relations of the Panamá Isthmus with Central America, and indeed with the whole Pacific coast, led me in the first instance to give its history; and in continuation of that purpose, I herewith carry on the narrative of events in that quarter, although in the later political partition Panamá is not classed among the Central American states.
* * * * *
We have seen in a preceding volume how Panamá, formerly the entrepôt for the trade of Spain with her South American colonies on the Pacific, in the course of the eighteenth century descended from her lofty position, and became veiled in obscurity, until the name of the once famous Castilla del Oro is well-nigh consigned to the pages of modern mythology. The events of the following century, which so beneficially changed the political condition of most of the American provinces, only tended to impoverish the Isthmus. However, its important geographical position, making it a bridge between the two great oceans, brought back for a time the old prosperity, notably by reason of the discovery of gold in California, the building of a railway, and the much-discussed project of an interoceanic ship canal.
[Sidenote: UNDER THE VICEROYS.]
The Isthmus was enjoying in 1801 its usual tranquillity under the rule of the Spanish viceroy at Santa Fé de Bogotá, Pedro de Mendinueta y Muzquiz, as well as under the more immediate one of Brigadier Antonio Narvaez y la Torre, the governor and comandante general. He was in 1803 promoted to mariscal de campo, and relieved on the 15th of March the same year, by Colonel Juan de Márcos Urbina, who at his death in 1805 was succeeded[XXIV-1] by Brigadier Juan A. de la Mata. The latter is represented to have been a man of estimable character, and as he was both respected and liked, he found during his term but little difficulty to rule the three provinces of Portobello, Veragua, and Darien, and the partidos of Natá and Alange, into which this region had been divided.[XXIV-2] Pursuant to the customary policy of Spain, an asesor, or legal adviser, was appointed to consult with him, while the military functions of the governor, in case of his being prevented, were assumed by another substitute, also nominated beforehand, with the title of teniente de rey.
The judicial organization was equal to those of other Spanish colonies; matters of little importance were decided by the ordinary alcaldes or the city councils, and only appeals were brought before the courts of Bogotá.[XXIV-3] There was also an extensive financial department, comprising the custom-houses of Portobello, Chagres, and Panamá, a general treasury with its dependent offices and the different administrations of customs and monopolies belonging to the crown. But their product was not sufficient to cover the expenses of the provinces, with their numerous officials and a permanent military force,[XXIV-4] required as garrisons for Portobello, Chagres, and Panamá, all of which places were then fortified, and temporarily financial subventions from Peru became necessary. The reason was the decline of commerce which involved a corresponding neglect of husbandry, and other branches, agriculture producing only what was required for home consumption. Stock-raising, for which the soil of Veragua was so well adapted, decreased; and mining in Portobello and Darien was scarcely worthy of mention. Such a depressing state of affairs could but have a degenerating influence on the inhabitants, which, if not fostered by the government, at least was allowed to go on without an effort to check it. Education was at a low ebb everywhere; in the capital there was one primary school and a Latin class. Nearly all books not of a certain religious character[XXIV-5] were forbidden, intercourse with foreigners was hindered, and the diffusion of liberal ideas was effectually repressed. The facility of obtaining the few means of subsistence required in such a climate contributed to produce that state of indolence which characterized the inhabitants at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Most of their time was spent in bull-fights, gambling, and religious performances, there being more than one hundred holidays in the year. The regular clergy, as in other parts of Spanish America, had always been powerful in Panamá, and possessed, notwithstanding the decadence of the country, a number of establishments independent from those belonging to the bishopric.[XXIV-6]
[Sidenote: HAPPY DAYS.]
Thus all was lethargy in Panamá while the new viceroy of New Granada, Antonio Amar y Borbon, quietly assumed the government at Bogotá. Few of the inhabitants of the Isthmus had a clear understanding of the political convulsions that had taken place in France and in the United States. The masses were totally indifferent to and suffered little from the policy of the government, which carefully suppressed all information about the countries where anti-monarchical principles prevailed. The course pursued by the crown in this respect was as fruitless as was another effort made at the time to revive trade by reëstablishing on January 20, 1803, the casa de contratacion de Indias. The hope of Panamá again becoming the great entrepôt for all ports on the Pacific was not realized. Not a single vessel came from Spain during the year; and open trade with foreign countries being unlawful, smuggling was resorted to by the merchants of Panamá and Jamaica, their rendezvous being generally in the neighborhood of Chagres, where English vessels transferred their cargoes to small boats, which took the goods on shore.[XXIV-7] This trade was continued, even in 1804, after Spain had declared war against England, an event which otherwise caused much excitement on the Isthmus. But the people, instead of preparing for defence, contented themselves with invoking the Lord of hosts for favor to the Spanish arms, and for relief of their own distress, or in other words, their laziness.[XXIV-8]
The government and priesthood, acting in accord, thus kept most of the population under control; and it was only in 1808 that liberal ideas began to have expression in the province, and this was due altogether to foreign influence. The government of the mother country, having declared the American possessions to be no longer colonies, but integral parts of the monarchy, their people having the same rights as the people of Spain[XXIV-9]—although the declaration of the córtes to this effect was not generally known or appreciated, to the intelligent, its significance was fully understood. The movements for independence made in other provinces could no longer be concealed from the people, and the idea rapidly gained ground that Spanish domination of America was approaching its end. This greatly exacerbated the ill feeling always existing, though only to a limited extent on the Isthmus, between the Spaniards and the native Panameños.[XXIV-10]
In connection with it, a system of espionage was established by the rulers, the discussion of politics was discountenanced, and the holding of meetings forbidden. But this policy was without effect; the liberty to trade with Jamaica, granted in 1809 with a view to appease the discontent of the Isthmians, invigorated not only their commercial but also their political life.[XXIV-11] Newspapers from Jamaica were occasionally received, and the contract with an enlightened people gave rise to new ideas.
[Sidenote: REVOLUTIONARY WAR.]
In New Granada the first resistance occurred at Cartagena, where the governor, Francisco Montes, opposed the establishment of a diputacion provincial, and assumed an attitude hostile to the liberal cabildo. He made his report to the viceroy, but before any redress could be made he was arrested on June 14, 1810, and sent away to Habana.[XXIV-12] Hardly one month later a similar movement broke out at Bogotá, where several previous plans to overthrow the viceregal authority had failed;[XXIV-13] but the agitation being continued, on the 20th of July a trifling incident[XXIV-14] sufficed to cause an outbreak. Three days later the viceroy was imprisoned and the government placed in charge of a junta.[XXIV-15] The revolutionary movement in Bogotá as in Cartagena did not at the time purpose to break wholly with Spain; its real object was to obtain an autonomic government without ignoring the supremacy of that of the mother country.[XXIV-16] It was with such intent that both juntas extended invitations to all the provinces of New Granada to meet in congress and discuss the form of government to be adopted. The governor of Panamá declined to take part, and endeavored to persuade the people of the Isthmus that there was no need for such a revolution.[XXIV-17] That the absence of the Panameños from the congress, which met early in 1811, had not been of their own choice, was not a secret to that body; and when the fundamental act of the federation was passed, it contained a clause binding all those represented in the congress to labor for the freedom of the other provinces which were still under Spanish control.[XXIV-18]
It seemed, however, as if Panamá was more distant than ever from gaining her independence. Early in 1812 a new viceroy, Benito Perez, arrived, and being unable to get to Bogotá, established his residence on the Isthmus,[XXIV-19] where the audiencia and other offices were also established. Thus Panamá became temporarily the capital of New Granada, an honor little cherished at that time by the friends of independence. Perceiving the unsafe condition of the government, the new viceroy took steps to increase his military force. Upon his request, three men-of-war were sent from Cuba and a battalion of soldiers from Spain, part of which reënforcements were despatched to Santa Marta, then at war with Cartagena. The latter place was blockaded, and being hard pressed for supplies, the insurgents despatched two commissioners with the avowed object of treating with the viceroy for an armistice. The project was favored by the vice-admiral of the English squadron at Jamaica, Charles Sterling, who guaranteed the commissioners a safe return. They arrived at Panamá in October 1812, and at once began pretended negotiations, their real purpose being to gain time for the besieged town, obtain if possible a suspension of hostilities, and ascertain the feeling of the population. But some correspondence intercepted by the governor of Santa Marta,[XXIV-20] and forwarded to Viceroy Perez, apprised the latter, who at once had the commissioners arrested and brought to trial. They would have been severely dealt with but for the timely interference of Sterling, who energetically demanded their release, which the viceroy at last acceded to, returning them to Cartagena. They had meantime become satisfied that the intelligent part of the population strongly favored the emancipation, and that the new governor, Cárlos Meyner,[XXIV-21] could not prevent any effort for independence. The only opposition to be feared would be from the viceroy and the chief officers of the garrison, most of whom were loyal and energetic. But fortune seemed to smile on the revolutionary party; several vessels with troops and military supplies despatched by Perez to the relief of Santa Marta, then besieged by the insurgents, fell into the hands of the latter, and the viceroy himself was removed from his position by the government in Spain.[XXIV-22] His successor was the mariscal de campo, Francisco Montalvo, who with some reënforcements furnished by the government of Cuba proceeded from Habana directly to Santa Marta, where he arrived in May 1813, and forthwith began to push the military operations against the revolutionists of Cartagena.
[Sidenote: THE VICEREGAL PARTY.]
The natives of Panamá rejoiced on hearing of the establishment of the viceregal seat at Santa Marta, and for obvious reasons. The danger was removed that Panamá might become the theatre of a bloody war, and on the other hand, there would be less difficulty in working for the emancipation of the province. The cause of independence gained more and more sympathy; and when toward the close of 1813 it was proposed to form a confederation, comprising New Granada, Quito, Venezuela, and Tierra Firme, the idea was eagerly embraced by the patriotic party on the Isthmus. The friends of independence gradually became bolder; they openly manifested their dislike of Spanish rule at parties and in public songs, and induced the cabildo to demand and obtain from the government at Cádiz the removal of the bishop,[XXIV-23] and the transfer of the officials of the audiencia, then in Panamá, to other places. But the latter met with opposition from the senior oidor, Joaquin Carrion, who well understood the workings of the patriotic party, and disregarding the protestations of the city council, continued alone to exercise the jurisdiction of the audiencia till 1816. Strange though it may appear, and perhaps owing to the listlessness Panamá had thus far exhibited, when revolution prevailed everywhere else, the city came to be looked upon by the government in Spain as most loyal; whereupon the córtes resolved to reward it, establishing there a diputacion provincial,[XXIV-24] which did not then come to pass, for only one month later King Fernando suppressed all such bodies, together with the constitution of 1812.[XXIV-25]
Unwilling to relinquish her hold on the American colonies, Spain, early in 1815, fitted out an expedition comprising sixty-five large and several smaller transport vessels, convoyed by the line-of-battle ship San Pedro Alcantara of seventy-four guns and several frigates; the total number of sailors, soldiers, and marines being 15,000,[XXIV-26] all well provided with artillery and supplies, the soldiers being veterans of the war against Napoleon's army.
[Sidenote: GOVERNOR HORE.]
The original plan had been to send both fleet and army to Montevideo, but subsequently it was considered more urgent to regain possession of Venezuela and New Granada, and to strengthen the forces on the Isthmus.[XXIV-27] The general-in-chief was Mariscal de campo Pablo Morillo, a brave man of firm character, who, in nine years, had risen from sergeant to general. Soon afterward more forces were sent out from Spain to coöperate with those of Morillo, after which they were to be stationed at Panamá. Their commander, Alejandro de Hore, was appointed governor. Military supplies were also sent to equip troops for a campaign in Peru. The expectations of the Isthmians were now almost beyond the possibility of realization. It made but little difference that a part of Hore's force fell into the hands of the insurgents of Cartagena,[XXIV-28] and that Hore himself barely escaped with the auxiliaries that Morillo could furnish almost at any time; he was always able to maintain the Spanish régime on the Isthmus. No sooner, indeed, had he arrived at Panamá and established the government on a military basis,[XXIV-29] than he displayed his harsh, despotic character.[XXIV-30] An extensive system of espionage was organized, and it is said that Hore treated the members of the patriotic party "according to their proclivities for independence, always availing himself of some false pretext to strike." Much as the Isthmians suffered under his iron rule, their anxiety became greater when it was said that Morillo was on his way to Panamá to place the city in a state of defence; fortunately it proved to be a false alarm.
Hore was a partisan of absolute authority; but when it suited his purposes he would support liberal ideas and policies. Thus we see him coöperating with the people of Panamá in opposing the reinstatement of the jesuits.[XXIV-31] He did not like priestly interference in state affairs. The governor also manifested a strong inclination to foster trade with foreigners, and it is said that he never refused to honor, with his acceptance, such gifts as the smugglers awarded him.
[Sidenote: ENGLISH EXPEDITION.]
Early in 1819, news arrived that a formidable expedition had been prepared in England by friends of the insurgent cause, and was on its way to America, intended to wrest the Isthmus from Spanish domination. The rumor proved well founded. A former officer of the revolutionists, one Gregor MacGregor, together with José María del Real, the agent in London of the "United Provinces of New Granada," had, with the aid of some English merchants, fitted out an expedition,[XXIV-32] which, consisting of three ships, carrying 417 fighting men, sailed from Gravesend on the 18th of December, 1818, and in the following February cast anchor off Aux Cayes in Hayti. Here they were joined by two other vessels, and together they continued the voyage to San Andrés, the rendezvous, of which, on the 4th of April, 1819, they took formal possession in the name of the United Provinces. Four days after, the squadron appeared off Portobello and captured the place, meeting with scarcely any resistance. Governor Hore had expected the landing at Chagres, and made preparation to meet the invaders.[XXIV-33] Most of the troops were forthwith landed, and the town having been almost entirely deserted, the soldiers found ready quarters, and garrisons were placed in the forts, and the batteries were manned. MacGregor issued a high-sounding bulletin, in which he set forth that "the first division of the army of New Granada had won immarcesible glory." Detachments were sent out to reconnoitre, and no hostile force being discovered, the march to Chagres and Panamá, was spoken of as if neither nature nor the Spaniards would offer any obstacles.[XXIV-34] Two exiles from New Granada, José Elías Lopez and Joaquin Vargas Besga, who had accompanied the expedition, were made governor and vice-governor respectively. After a te deum, and a few days time, the inhabitants of the town who had returned to their homes were harangued to induce them to take up arms against the Spanish yoke. About 100 men, mostly colored, responded to the appeal and enlisted, forming the nucleus of a regiment called América Libre, which, under the command of some foreign officers, was to be the advanced guard on the march to Panamá. The scheme proved a failure, for soon these same free Americans disbanded or deserted, most of them joining the enemy.
The condition and general discipline of the invading force were far from satisfactory. The men clamored for their pay, and there being no money in the military chest, the people were called upon to furnish funds, which caused them to again leave the place. Sickness also broke out among the troops, several of the officers and men becoming victims of the climate. Discipline was neglected, and all semblance of order disappeared. The soldiers sold their ammunition and effects for liquor.[XXIV-35] This same carelessness prevailed even when toward the end of April news came of the near approach of Spanish forces from Panamá. It seems that as soon as Hore heard of the loss of Portobello he concentrated his forces, and with about 500 men marched across the Isthmus, bent upon expelling the invaders. Taking a route different from the usual one, and favored by the carelessness of the English and the thick forests surrounding Portobello, Hore arrived near the town unperceived on the 29th of April.
On the same day a vessel with supplies and provisions for the invaders had arrived from Jamaica, an event which was gayly celebrated in the town. In the evening the alcalde and some priests took part in the carousals, which were kept up to a late hour, with a complete neglect of duty on the part of the officers. At six o'clock next morning one division of Hore's troops, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel José de Santa Cruz, surprised the soldiers and took the town, killing all who came in their way. Among the slain were the newly appointed governor, Lopez, and many of the officers, who perished either at their quarters or while attempting to reach the fort. MacGregor leaped over the balcony of the government house, ran to the beach, and thence swam to one of his vessels. Unsuccessful attacks were made on the forts, though the beseiged were unable to use the unwieldy guns, unsupported as they were by the vessels, which made no preparation to aid them. The Spaniards were not disposed to storm the forts, but knowing that the garrisons had suffered severely, they demanded their surrender. This was refused; and notwithstanding the cowardly conduct of some of the officers, the negotiations might have been broken off, but the soldiers declined further to fight. A capitulation was then entered into, under which the invaders, after delivering up their arms, were to retain their baggage and reëmbark to go whither they chose. At this juncture, orders came from MacGregor not to surrender, giving assurance that the ships would soon be ready to open upon the Spaniards. But the surrender had already been made, and the men, about 340 in all, had been disarmed and marched to the main plaza, where, instead of being permitted to go their way, they were declared prisoners, to be conveyed as convicts to Panamá.[XXIV-36] On learning the result, the gallant MacGregor, from whose coming the New Granadinos had expected so much put to sea, leaving his companions to their fate.[XXIV-37]
[Sidenote: FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION.]
The matter did not end at Portobello, however. Hore despatched his prisoners to Panamá on the 2d of May, and reported his achievement to Viceroy Sámano, who commanded that the prisoners, none excepted, should be shot.[XXIV-38] But for some reason Hore did not carry out the order. The prisoners were, nevertheless, subjected to cruel treatment, being kept in chain-gangs at work on the fortifications, roads, and streets, which, added to the ravages of the deadly climate, soon reduced their numbers. Several of the officers were shot afterward at Cana in Darien on the pretext of their having attempted to escape.[XXIV-39] When after seventeen months of suffering the release of the survivors was ordered on September 20, 1820, only 121 remained,[XXIV-40] who were at an early day taken to Chagres, whence they embarked for Jamaica.
Important events had meantime taken place in Spain, by which constitutional régime was restored. A change in the government of the Isthmus soon followed, the people for the first time being called upon to exercise the right of suffrage.[XXIV-41] The newly organized ayuntamiento[XXIV-42] was composed of men well disposed toward independence. The change of system curtailing Hore's powers so preyed upon his mind that he died.[XXIV-43] This was a serious loss to the Spanish cause, whose interests the deceased had ever been ready to uphold by fair or foul means.
[Sidenote: COMING OF SÁMANO.]
Brigadier Pedro Ruiz de Porras, who succeeded Hore in the military command, if not a partisan of independence, was a friend of constitutional government. The civil governor, or gefe político, Pedro Aguilar, showed so much indifference that little opposition was feared from him. The new cabildo demanded the installation of a diputacion provincial, the election of a deputy to the Spanish córtes, and other measures provided for in the national constitution.[XXIV-44] These demands were not, however, complied with. The independent party saw the necessity of close relations with their friends outside of Panamá, and developed them, without disregarding the precautions demanded by the presence of a strong hostile garrison in their midst. They were now greatly hindered by the sudden appearance in Panamá, of Viceroy Sámano, who came by way of Jamaica. His object was to establish his government on the Isthmus, which the cabildo and constitutionalists opposed on the ground of his having forfeited the viceregal office by a refusal to take the oath to support the constitution. He had been detained several days at Las Cruces, but the military party proved the stronger, and admitted him into the city. His coming caused general uneasiness,[XXIV-45] as he was known to be a man of bad temper. However, as he met with no further opposition, and as his health was precarious, he limited himself to levying a forced loan.[XXIV-46]
Free ideas had, however, gained too strong a hold to be easily suppressed by the mere opposition of the ruler, and when in 1821 a new city council was elected, the members[XXIV-47] were again liberal-minded men. They repeated the demand for the establishment of a diputacion provincial, and for the election of a deputy to the Spanish córtes; but the viceroy only returned evasive answers. Fortunately, the province was soon relieved of him, by his death, on the 3d of August, 1821.[XXIV-48] Then the press resumed a bold tone, and hopes were revived in political circles. Soon after came to succeed Sámano, the mariscal de campo Juan de la Cruz Mourgeon.[XXIV-49] He had been appointed as captain-general of New Granada only, with the promise of the office of viceroy when he should have reconquered two thirds of New Granada.[XXIV-50]
Mourgeon brought from Spain some troops, adding to their number at Puerto Cabello in Venezuela. His rule was based on principles entirely opposite to those of his predecessor, namely, on the constitution and the new organic laws of the monarchy. Members for the diputacion provincial and a deputy to the Spanish córtes were elected, and the former was installed amidst the usual demonstrations. This liberal policy permeated his whole administration; the press was protected, patriotic societies were formed, and to strengthen the ties between Spaniards and Americans a masonic lodge was founded, and offices of trust and honor were bestowed on men from both branches. Every effort was made by the new ruler to do away with the old rivalry. But it all came too late. The idea of independence had become deeply rooted, and could not be affected by the new policy, the duration of which was also uncertain. The natives of the Isthmus exhibited a remarkable circumspection, which deluded the captain-general and the Spaniards. Mourgeon felt confident of Panamá's loyalty, and still more so after José de Fábrega, a native of the Isthmus, was appointed temporary comandante of Tierra Firme;[XXIV-51] and began to think of securing his promised viceregal office by the reconquest of Quito or Ecuador. He accordingly set himself to make preparations for that undertaking; but the impoverished condition of Isthmian finances greatly hampered him. Nevertheless, though with the utmost difficulty,[XXIV-52] he fitted out a squadron, composed of the corvette Alejandro, and three schooners, on which he embarked two battalions of infantry, two dismounted squadrons of cavalry, and some artillerymen; and assuming personal command of the force, set sail on the 22d of October, 1821.[XXIV-53]
[Sidenote: SUB-REVOLUTION.]
This was the most propitious opportunity the friends of independence could hope for, and they lost no time in availing themselves of it. Secret meetings were held, at which they matured their plans. While thus engaged at Panamá, a revolutionary movement broke out in the villa de Los Santos, which, not being the result of any preconcerted plan, caused the greatest alarm at the capital. The outbreak had been, indeed, one which merely proclaimed independence, without pretending to establish any form of government.[XXIV-54] The governor, local authorities, and other prominent officials, after a hasty consultation, resolved upon gentle means to quell the disturbance, and commissioners were despatched at once to Los Santos to restore peace if possible.[XXIV-55] But the more impatient among the friends of independence hoped that their mission would fail, and that the spirit of sedition, known to exist throughout the Isthmus, would boldly assert itself as soon as the capital should give the signal. But this signal could not as yet be given. Both the cabildo and diputacion countenanced the revolution, and it was believed that Fábrega would not oppose a movement to free his own country; but resistance was certain from the troops of the garrison. Any sudden insurrection would, therefore, be untimely, and probably end in disaster.
New plans were devised, and it was finally resolved to undermine the military power by encouraging desertions,[XXIV-56] and at the same time to spread among the masses the scheme of independence. Four prominent citizens[XXIV-57] undertook the first task, to facilitate which a fund was raised, and were very successful. Desertions became frequent, and their number increased from day to day, till the government began to suspect the cause, but the independent agents were reticent. Measures were adopted which only partially succeeded in checking desertions. The garrison was soon so reduced that there were hardly men enough to guard the jail, hospital, and powder magazine. In the night of November 27, 1821, sixty soldiers disappeared, together with their muskets.[XXIV-58] The government now became convinced that a revolution was impending, and took measures to resist it. The few remaining troops were distributed in the most convenient places, and artillery was placed at street-crossings.
The day so anxiously waited for, the memorable day in the history of the Isthmus, came at last. On the 28th of November, 1821, at the call of a number of citizens, the ayuntamiento held a session, and the governor, diputacion provincial, bishop, and other chief officials were invited to take part in their deliberations. The meeting was held with open doors; people might come and go as they chose. The question was, Should or should not the Isthmus of Panamá declare its independence from Spain? A motion to that end met with approval.[XXIV-59]
[Sidenote: DECLARATION AND REORGANIZATION.]
The next subject discussed was the form of government to be adopted, which resulted in a voluntary annexation to the republic of Colombia,[XXIV-60] to whose general congress the Isthmus was to accredit a deputy. Other resolutions were passed concerning the military force in the state,[XXIV-61] and the organization of a new government, which was intrusted to the former governor, José de Fábrega, who now assumed the title, Jefe Superior del Istmo. All the civil, municipal, and ecclesiastical authorities were to continue in office, and in the same manner the existing laws were to remain in force, when not conflicting with the independence, and until a new code could be framed. Fábrega was directed to adopt measures for preserving peace, to obtain the surrender of Chagres and Portobello, and to raise a loan to meet necessary expenses. The several authorities and officials of all grades were to take the oath of allegiance, and copies of the proceedings were to be circulated, together with requests for pecuniary contributions. A special committee then drew up a formal minute of the declaration and of the resolutions passed, and amid the cheers of the multitude, the document was signed by José de Fábrega, the bishop José Higinio Duran y Martel, a number of other citizens,[XXIV-62] and the public notary José de los Santos Correoso. Thus ended the 28th of November, 1821.[XXIV-63] Two days later the support of the declaration of independence was publicly sworn to with great solemnity, and on the 1st of December a similar proclamation was made at Santiago de Veragua.[XXIV-64]
On the day, however, that the celebration occurred at Panamá, the inhabitants were thrown into consternation by the arrival of two Spanish frigates accompanied by Mourgeon's transports. It was at first feared that he had returned from Ecuador,[XXIV-65] till it was ascertained that the war ships had come in quest of the general, and the transports for reënforcements. The alarm was well founded, for the place had no means of defence. Nevertheless, the authorities made preparations for resistance, and the town soon assumed a warlike appearance. The suspense lasted six days, at the end of which the commanders of the frigates offered to surrender to the new government, the only condition required in return being that the latter should pay the wages due the crews. It will be a matter of surprise that so modest a demand was not complied with. It is true that the treasury was empty, but it does not appear that any efforts were made to procure the funds. An agreement was, however, entered into, the two commanders binding themselves not to assail the Isthmus, nor afford aid to Mourgeon, but to surrender to the government of Peru, which was done.[XXIV-66]
About the time that Panamá became free, other Spanish colonies also secured their independence. Consequently, Panamá found no difficulty to effect a union with the then republic of Colombia, whose constitution, framed in the latter part of 1821,[XXIV-67] became the political groundwork of Tierra Firme. In January, 1822, Fábrega assured the people that there was no further cause to fear Mourgeon's attacks, should he attempt them; troops in sufficient number for defence had arrived; but funds for their support were at the same time called for. However, as late as October, 1827, there were apprehensions of a Spanish invasion, and Bolívar, the president of Colombia, issued a military order for the protection of the coast.[XXIV-68] Early in February 1822, José María Carreño was appointed intendente and comandante general of the Isthmus, with a command independent from Cartagena, and Fábrega was made governor and comandante general of Alange, Veragua, and annexes.[XXIV-69] This same year Mexico received with high honors a Colombian minister, and formally recognized the independence of the republic.[XXIV-70]
[Sidenote: ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.]
The republican government, among its first acts, not only prohibited the importation of African slaves, but made provision for extinguishing slavery within its limits in the near future. Slaves were allowed to purchase their own freedom, and all children born of slave parents after the 21st of June, 1821, were declared free, the masters being required to feed, clothe, and educate them, in return for which the children were to work till their eighteenth year for the masters of their mothers.[XXIV-71] In 1850 the government redeemed, by offering compensation to the owners, all colored men and women who had not at that time attained their freedom.[XXIV-72]
XXV. DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT
1819-1863.
PANAMÁ CONGRESS—PROVINCIAL ORGANIZATIONS—ALZURU'S REBELLION AND EXECUTION—SECESSION FROM COLOMBIA AND REINCORPORATION—DIFFERENCES WITH FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS—CRIME RAMPANT—SUMMARY TREATMENT OF CRIMINALS—RIOTS AND MASSACRE OF FOREIGN PASSENGERS—ATTEMPTS TO ROB TREASURE TRAINS—NEUTRALITY TREATIES—ESTABLISHMENT OF FEDERAL SYSTEM—PANAMÁ AS A STATE—REVOLUTIONARY ERA BEGINS—A SUCCESSION OF GOVERNORS—SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE NEGRO POPULATION—REVOLUTION AGAINST GOVERNOR GUARDIA AND HIS DEATH—ANOTHER POLITICAL ORGANIZATION—ESTADO SOBERANO DE PANAMÁ—LIBERAL PARTY IN FULL CONTROL—STRINGENT MEASURES.
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ CONGRESS OF NATIONS.]
Owing to its geographical position, Panamá was selected as the place of meeting of a congress of American states, called at the suggestion of Bolívar, the liberator of South America, in 1822, for the purpose, as it was understood, of devising measures to counteract the menacing plans of the so-called holy alliance of European monarchs.[XXV-1] The government of the United States being invited to send representatives agreed to do so, and did appoint plenipotentiaries, declining, however, to bind itself to any course of action, but to remain a passive witness of the proceedings, so long as the executive and congress should be in ignorance of the real aims and tendencies of that assembly. Its representatives did not take any part in the deliberations.[XXV-2] England, which had recognized the independence of Colombia in 1824, and Holland, having been likewise invited to be present by commissioners, partly complied, but refrained from participating in the work of the congress.[XXV-3]
The congress assembled on the 22d of June, 1826, the only American nations therein represented being Colombia, Central America, Peru, and Mexico.[XXV-4] Chile had reluctantly promised her attendance, but failed to comply, owing to civil war. Buenos Aires refused her coöperation. Without waiting for further arrivals, the commissioners present entered into certain covenants, establishing the contingent of land and naval forces each nation was to contribute to the projected league; and likewise agreeing upon the points to be submitted to the acceptance of the several allies. Some not very practical propositions were agreed to.[XXV-5] Bolívar was displeased at the course of affairs, and disappointed at the failure of a plan which, if realized, would have been his crown of glory.[XXV-6] He thereupon turned his attention to other objects.
The congress then adjourned to meet again at Tacubaya in Mexico. This step was attributed to the influence of the Mexican plenipotentiary Michelena, who, it has been said, had in view to secure his country's predominance in America.[XXV-7] It was also resolved at the adjournment that the legations should divide themselves, one member from each going to report to his government what had been done, and the others repairing at once to Mexico. The ministers of Colombia and Central America, after waiting two years in vain for the ratification by Mexico of the treaties, had finally to depart, deeply regretting the dissolution of a body upon which Spanish America had centred her hopes, and the enlightened world had so long fixed its attention.[XXV-8]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ AND VERAGUA.]
A congress held in Angostura,[XXV-9] in December 1819, under the presidency of Simon Bolívar, constituted the republic of Colombia, with the former viceroyalty of Nueva Granada, including Ecuador, and the captain-generalcy of Caracas or Venezuela. One of its departments was the Isthmus divided into two provinces, namely, Panamá, which embraced the region of Darien, and Veragua.[XXV-10]
The secession of Venezuela after some years having brought on the disruption of Colombia, a convention assembled at Bogotá[XXV-11] in 1831 organized the Estado de la Nueva Granada with the central provinces, those of the Isthmus forming a section of the new organization.[XXV-12] The new state was divided into provinces, under governors who received their appointments from the general government.[XXV-13] The decree was dated November 21, 1831. The new constitution, sanctioned by the convention on the 29th of February, 1832, was published in Panamá on the 28th of April.[XXV-14] Each province was subdivided into departments.[XXV-15]
Civil war broke out in 1831. Colonel Alzuru, who had arrived from Guayaquil with troops, by the instigation of some prominent men, rose in arms in Panamá to detach the provinces from Nueva Granada. On the news reaching Bogotá, the national government despatched Colonel Tomás Herrera with a force to quell the rebellion; and upon his approaching the city, the more prominent families fled to the island of Tabogá. Those who had prompted Alzuru's act now forsook him, and rendered aid to Herrera, with all the information they possessed. The rebels were attacked on their way to La Chorrera, while crossing marshy ground, and defeated. Alzuru was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and shot in the cathedral plaza of Panamá.
[Sidenote: REPUBLIC OF PANAMÁ.]
General José Fábrega restored order in Veragua, and made it known to the general government on the 30th of August.[XXV-16] The garrison at Panamá, together with Tomás Herrera, the comandante general, assured the president of the Nueva Granada convention of their unswerving fealty.[XXV-17] Later, in March 1832, an attempt was made by two subalterns[XXV-18] to induce the sergeants of their battalion to join them in a conspiracy for upsetting the government. The two officers were tried and executed, and two of the sergeants sent into exile. Chaos reigned throughout the republic in 1840; then came revolution. The chief men of Panamá met in a junta and resolved to detach the Isthmus and form an independent republic. Cárlos Icaza, the governor, who was a Panameño, signified his acquiescence, and the proclamation of independence was made, Tomás Herrera assuming by appointment of the junta the office of jefe superior, on the 18th of November, 1840.[XXV-19] On the 21st the governor of Veragua, Cárlos Fábrega, was asked to join the movement; but he answered from Santiago on the 29th declining;[XXV-20] whereupon Herrera issued addresses, on the 5th and 11th of December, announcing his march with troops to Veragua.[XXV-21] The expedition, however, marched only a part of the distance, the people of Veragua submitting to the force of necessity. The independence existed de facto nearly two years. In 1841 Tomás Herrera and Cárlos de Icaza were chosen president and vice-president, respectively, of the ephemeral republic. Mariano Arosemena, secretary of foreign affairs, despatched Pedro de Obarrio as a special commissioner to the government of Costa Rica to notify it of the organization of the state of the Isthmus, and apply for its formal recognition.[XXV-22] During this period of independence, persons and property were protected, and commerce was liberally encouraged.[XXV-23]
The government had carefully avoided the commission of any act of hostility against Nueva Granada; but the time came when news reached Panamá that the government of Bogotá was fitting out a force to bring the Isthmus into subjection. Whereupon the officers of the British chargé d'affaires at Bogotá were asked to obtain the consent of Nueva Granada to receive a commissioner in the interest of peace.[XXV-24] But the other parts of Nueva Granada having become pacified in the course of 1841, two commissioners came from the general government, and the people of Panamá, being convinced of the folly of resistance, peacefully submitted.[XXV-25] Herrera so managed that he was appointed governor of the restored province.[XXV-26] The constitutional reforms of 1842 and 1843 tended to reëstablish good understanding between the provinces, and Panamá again appeared satisfied with the connection.[XXV-27]
[Sidenote: PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUÍ.]
The Canton de Alange, detached from Veragua, and the districts of David, Dolega, San Pablo, and Alange, were on the 24th of July, 1849, formed into a separate province under the name of Provincia de Chiriquí, with its governor and assembly of seven members.[XXV-28] This organization continued several years, though the province subsequently took the name of Fábrega, and so continued until August 1851, when it resumed the former name of Chiriquí.[XXV-29] The territory which in early days was embraced in the province of Veragua appeared in August 1851 divided into three provinces, each having a governor and legislature; namely, Chiriquí, Veragua, and Azuero.[XXV-30] This new arrangement lasted only till April 30, 1855, when the province of Azuero was suppressed.[XXV-31]
The district, or as it was called, Canton de Bocas del Toro, was organized by decree of the government of Chiriquí or Fábrega, with a jefe político at its head. But a law of the republic[XXV-32] formed into a canton or district the territories of San Andrés, Darien, and San Martin. Another law of April 12, 1851, applied the former one to Bocas del Toro.[XXV-33]
* * * * *
Owing to grievances complained of by foreigners against acts of the officials on the Isthmus, the relations of the national government with foreign powers have been at times complicated. The first difficulty arose from the arrest in 1836 of Russell, the British vice-consul, and led to the blockade of the whole Atlantic coast of the republic, which finally compelled Nueva Granada to submit to such terms as the British commander chose to impose.[XXV-34] Another trouble with the British government resulted from a certain claim of one Mackintosh, which for a time interrupted diplomatic relations in 1856.[XXV-35]
[Sidenote: RAN RUNNELS' ISTHMUS GUARD.]
On the 26th of January, 1854, the consuls of the United States, France, Great Britain, Brazil, Portugal, Denmark, Peru, and Ecuador addressed a protest to the governor of Panamá, against the neglect of his government to afford protection to passengers crossing the Isthmus, notwithstanding that each passenger was made to pay the sum of two dollars for the privilege of landing and going from one sea to the other.[XXV-36] Governor Urrutia Añino, on the 14th of February, denied the alleged neglect, as well as the right of those officials who had no recognition from the New Granadan government to address him in such a manner. He pointed to the public jail, which was full of prisoners, some already undergoing punishment, and others being tried or awaiting trial. He also reminded the consuls that only a short time had elapsed since three men were executed for crimes.[XXV-37] It was a fact, nevertheless, that the government could not cope with the situation—the Isthmus being infested with criminals from all parts of the earth, that had been drawn thereto by the prospect of plunder—in view of which a number of citizens and respectable foreigners combined in organizing the Isthmus guard, whose chief was Ran Runnels, charged with the duty of guarding the route between Panamá and Colon, and empowered to punish even with death all persons guilty of crimes. Urrutia Añino, the governor, unhesitatingly acquiesced in the arrangement.[XXV-38]
Americans had occasional misunderstandings with the authorities, a notable one occurring in 1855, when the local governor of Panamá returned unopened an official letter from the consul of the United States, who at once threatened to strike his flag; but the matter was settled amicably by the chief officers of the Isthmus.[XXV-39] A more serious affair was the demand of the state government that steamships arriving at Panamá or Colon should pay tonnage money.[XXV-40] This raised the protest of the American consul and the railway and steamship agents. The controversy was finally terminated by the executive of the republic declaring that the law under which the tonnage money was claimed had been enacted by the state of Panamá, without any right to legislate on such matters, as they were of the exclusive province of the general government.[XXV-41]
The lack of proper protection, as well as a marked spirit of hostility on the part of the lower class toward foreigners,[XXV-42] was made further evident in the riot of the fifteenth of April, 1856, when a considerable number of American passengers were killed, and others wounded, much property being also appropriated.[XXV-43]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ RIOT.]
As might have been expected, exaggerated accounts of this affray flew far and wide. The official report, however, showed smaller figures, though bad enough—of foreigners, 15 slain and 16 wounded, of whom one died afterward; of natives, 2 killed and 13 wounded. The conduct of the police and people was certainly most blamable. The affair might, perhaps, have been averted if the authorities had shown proper energy. I will admit, however, that there was cause of provocation.[XXV-44]
Consequent on this affair, the city of Panamá, which, owing to the misgovernment of previous years, was already on the decline, had to suffer still more. Many business houses closed their doors, because the American transient passengers, who during their stay were wont to scatter gold, thenceforth remained on shore only a few minutes.[XXV-45] Much diplomatic correspondence passed between the American and New Granadan governments on the subject, the former sending a commissioner to Panamá, to investigate the circumstances,[XXV-46] and finally claiming a large indemnity. At last a convention was concluded on the 10th of September, 1857, between Secretary Cass, and General P. A. Herran, minister of New Granada, for the settlement of all claims, the latter having acknowledged the responsibility of his government for the injuries and damages caused by the riot.[XXV-47]
The relations with Americans on the Isthmus continued to be unsatisfactory for some time longer. Notwithstanding that New Granada was apparently inclined to cordiality, cases of injustice or ill treatment to American citizens often occurring, at last the president of the United States asked congress, on the 18th of February, 1859, for power to protect Americans on the Isthmus.[XXV-48] In later years Americans have seldom had any serious cause of complaint.
The question of neutrality of the Isthmus has occasionally been on the tapis. A case in point occurred in 1864, during the sectional war in the United States, when a number of southern confederates went on board the American steamer Salvador at Panamá, with the purpose of seizing her at sea, and turning her—as she had guns on board—into a confederate cruiser, to be used in capturing the first treasure steamer from California. The men engaged in the enterprise were themselves arrested at sea on the Salvador,[XXV-49] by an American war vessel. The admiral, Pearson, asked the government of Panamá for permission to send the prisoners overland to Colon, where they might be embarked for New York. The request was refused;[XXV-50] in consequence of which the prisoners were sent to San Francisco.[XXV-51]
At the commencement of the French intervention in Mexico, the legislature of Panamá asked the general government of Colombia to allow no French troops to pass over the Isthmus. The United States government was not called upon to aid this policy. In the autumn of 1864 a body of French marines arrived at Colon to cross to the Pacific and replace invalids of the fleet on the Mexican coast. The president of Panamá refused them a pass, and asked the railroad company not to transport them. The French officers argued that American and English troops had on several occasions been allowed to cross. It so happened that at this time some American soldiers arrived and crossed over to the Pacific under a permit previously granted by the former president of the state. The French then alleging the so-called 'most-favored-nation' clause also crossed over.[XXV-52]
[Sidenote: ISTHMUS ROBBERIES.]
With other nations occasional misunderstandings have taken place, but in no instance did they lead to serious complications.[XXV-53] Minor riots, attended with more or less killing and wounding of foreigners, had occurred in 1850 and in 1851, both on the Atlantic and Pacific sides.[XXV-54] The gold-dust train from California was thrice assailed by robbers, while crossing from sea to sea, without success. The last attempt was in September 1851, by Americans, several of whom were captured.[XXV-55]
* * * * *
Whilst the Isthmus was under the direct rule of the national government, peace and quiet reigned. The few political commotions that occurred at long intervals had no effect detrimental to public morals, nor to the obedience paid by the people to the authorities. It is a fact that when, upon the discovery of the gold placers in California, the large influx of foreigners first arrived, they were surprised at the extraordinary prestige the authorities enjoyed, and at the blind obedience paid to their mandates.[XXV-56] Bayonets were not necessary to enforce order. This was owing to the harmony then existing between the government and the clergy.[XXV-57] And throughout the land for sixteen years from 1840, peace prevailed, save certain disturbances in the provinces of Azuero and Veragua in July 1854.[XXV-58]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ A STATE.]
Nevertheless, the white population of Panamá had been for some time past discontented with the general government, and a desire had sprung up to get rid of a yoke which was deemed oppressive. The supreme authorities at Bogotá were not unaware of this, and whether prompted by the fear of losing the territory, or by a sentiment of justice, or by both, concluded to allow the Isthmians the privilege of controlling their local affairs, which was hailed with joy by all classes. An additional clause to the national constitution was then enacted by the New Granadan congress, on the 27th of February, 1855, by which Panamá was made a state, and a member of the confederation with the four provinces of Panamá, Azuero, Chiriquí, and Veragua,[XXV-59] its western boundary being such as might come to be fixed upon by treaty with Costa Rica.[XXV-60] A constituent assembly of 31 members was convoked March 13th by the national executive, to meet at Panamá on the 15th of July to constitute the state. The assembly was presided over by Francisco Fábrega, and on the 18th passed an act for the provisional organization of the state. Justo Arosemena, being chosen jefe superior provisorio, took possession of office at once, and appointed Cárlos Icaza Arosemena government secretary.[XXV-61] The city of Panamá was declared to be the capital, and residence of the superior authorities of the state.
The constitution of the now entitled Estado de Panamá was promulgated on the 17th of September, 1855. It was a liberal instrument, including freedom of religion. The executive authority was vested in a governor, who was to assume the office on the 1st of October of the following year, and hold it two years. A vice-governor and two designados were also to be elected by popular vote, to take charge of affairs should the governor die or be otherwise disenabled to discharge his duties. In the absence or inability of all the elect, then the superior civil authority of the capital was to act as governor.[XXV-62] A misunderstanding having occurred between the jefe superior and the assembly, the former resigned his office on the 28th of September, and having insisted on his resignation being accepted, Francisco Fábrega, who had been elected vice-governor on the 22d, was inducted into the executive office on the 4th of October.[XXV-63]
Notwithstanding the hopes of a bright future, from this time the Isthmus was the theatre of almost perpetual political trouble, and revolution became chronic, preventing any possible advancement. In 1856 there was a stormy electoral campaign,[XXV-64] that culminated in a coup d'etat, for which the responsibility must be about equally divided between the executive, Francisco Fábrega, and the demagogues.[XXV-65]
[Sidenote: DISPUTED ELECTION.]
The election for governor took place on the 15th of August, 1856. The white element claimed Bartolomé Calvo, a colored man from Cartagena, and a conservative in politics, to have been elected by 4,000 majority. The negroes insisted that Manuel M. Diaz, a white man, had been chosen. The declaration by the legislature as to who was the elect had not been made, as required by law, by the 15th of September. The radicals then demanded that the vice-governor, who was in their interest, should assume the executive. On the 15th of September trouble was expected against the white men, many of whom took refuge on the American sloop of war St Mary's.[XXV-66] Calvo was finally declared by the legislature on the 18th of September to have been constitutionally chosen for two years; and Francisco Fábrega the vice-governor.[XXV-67] If not a man of high order of talent, Calvo possessed good judgment, and he eventually succeeded in making himself respected, even by those who opposed his election. His course was moderate, and it may be said of him that he was an honest man, and his administration a successful one. The finances were improved, and public education was encouraged.[XXV-68] After serving nineteen months he resigned office and left the state.[XXV-69] Ramon Gamboa, as first designado, succeeded him for the rest of the term.
José de Obaldía was chosen by popular vote over J. M. Hurtado, the government candidate, amid a great political commotion, his election being recognized by the legislature at midnight. His term began on the 1st of October, 1858. Obaldía was one of the most talented and best informed men in the republic, and an eloquent orator. However, though a power in the tribune, he proved himself unfitted for a ruler.[XXV-70] During his term, on the 17th of April, 1859, the colored population attempted to assail the whites, and after some violence were dispersed by a force sent against them.[XXV-71] Another outbreak of the negroes against the whites took place the 27th of September, 1860, necessitating the landing of an armed force from the British ship Clio, which, after order was restored, returned on board.[XXV-72]
[Sidenote: ESTADO SOBERANO DE PANAMÁ.]
Governor Obaldía was succeeded by Santiago de la Guardia,[XXV-73] elected against the opposition of the liberal negro vote. In September 1860 the states of Cauca and Bolívar seceded from Nueva Granada, and formed a confederation under the name of Estados Unidos de Colombia, with General T. C. Mosquera at the head. By a clause of their agreement any other state opposing them was to be conquered and annexed. Wishing to keep Panamá neutral in the horrible struggle going on in the rest of the republic, Guardia entered into a convention on the 6th of September, 1861, with Manuel Murillo Toro, who represented those states, by which Panamá was to join the confederacy, but to take no active part in the family quarrel.[XXV-74] Early in July 1862 the state assumed the official name of Estado Soberano de Panamá, which it has retained to the present time.
This contest, out of which the liberal party came triumphant throughout the country, was known as 'la revolucion de Mosquera.' The minister of Nueva Granada in Washington, on the plea that a mere naval force could not afford security to the Isthmus transit, asked the United States to provide also a land force of 300 cavalry, but the request was not granted.[XXV-75]
[Sidenote: GOVERNOR DIAZ.]
The efforts of Guardia to keep the Isthmus out of the general turmoil were of no avail. A force of about 150 or 200 men under General Santa Coloma came from Cartagena to Colon, with the apparent purpose of enabling the governor to carry out certain liberal measures. The latter protested against such a violation of a solemn agreement; but the force insisted on coming across to Panamá, and there was no way of preventing it. In the course of a few weeks Guardia, being convinced that he was being employed as a puppet, removed himself and the capital to Santiago de Veragua. As soon as he was gone, with the connivance of Santa Coloma, a party of men, all but one of whom were of the colored race, assembled at the town hall and deposed Guardia, naming one of their own party, Manuel M. Diaz, provisional governor.[XXV-76] A few days after, on the 19th of August, in a skirmish between forces of the two factions, Governor Guardia and two or three others were killed.[XXV-77] The government continued with Diaz at the head,[XXV-78] till under the national constitution framed by the convention of Rio Negro,[XXV-79] which constituted the nation under the name of Estados Unidos de Colombia, the Isthmus became one of the federal and sovereign states. To Governor Diaz was assigned the duty of carrying out Mosquera's stringent decrees against the clergy, an account of which is given in the next chapter.
XXVI. FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS
1863-1885.
PRESIDENTS GOITIA, SANTA COLOMA, AND CALANCHA—UNDUE INTERFERENCE OF FEDERAL OFFICIALS—COLUNJE'S ADMINISTRATION—PRESIDENT OLARTE'S ENERGY—ENMITY OF THE ARRABAL'S NEGROES—SHORT AND DISTURBED RULES OF DIAZ AND PONCE—PRESIDENT CORREOSO—NEGRO ELEMENT IN THE ASCENDENT—CONSERVATIVES REBEL, AND ARE DISCOMFITED—ARMED PEACE FOR A TIME—FEVERISH RULES OF NEIRA, MIRÓ, AIZPURU, CORREOSO, AND CASORLA—CERVERA'S LONG TENURE—TEMPORARY RULE OF VIVES LEON—PRESIDENT SANTODOMINGO VILA—OBTAINS LEAVE OF ABSENCE—IS SUCCEEDED BY PABLO AROSEMENA—AIZPURU'S REVOLUTION—AROSEMENA FLEES AND RESIGNS—OUTRAGES AT COLON—AMERICAN FORCES PROTECT PANAMÁ—COLLAPSE OF THE REVOLUTION—AIZPURU AND CORREOSO IMPRISONED—CHIEF CAUSES OF DISTURBANCES ON THE ISTHMUS.
A constituent assembly installed on the 6th of May, 1863,[XXVI-1] decreed a constitution to conform with the national one.[XXVI-2] Pedro Goitia, who for some time past had been president of the constituent assembly, was chosen president of the state, to hold the position till the 1st of October, on which date the elect of the people was to assume the executive authority.[XXVI-3] After this, the state being tranquil, the military force was placed on a peace footing. But Goitia was not permitted to complete even the short term for which he had been appointed. He had to resign the position, General Peregrino Santa Coloma being chosen by the legislative assembly to fill it, and he took possession of the office on the 13th of August.[XXVI-4] Santa Coloma, being afterward as was made to appear elected president, held the executive office a short time only, for the reason that he was chosen a representative in the national congress at Bogotá.[XXVI-5] José Leonardo Calancha, as vice-president, now took charge of the executive, which he was allowed to hold only till the 9th of March, 1865, when he was deposed.[XXVI-6]
[Sidenote: RAPID SUCCESSION OF RULERS.]
Jil Colunje[XXVI-7] was placed at the head of affairs by the revolution, and a convention called on the 8th of April to meet on the 1st of July, and reconstruct the state.[XXVI-8] Colunje was appointed president for the term from August 9, 1865, to September 30, 1866.[XXVI-9] At the expiration of that term Vicente Olarte Galindo, who had been apparently elected, became president on the 1st of October, 1866, and appointed José M. Bermudez his secretary of state.
Olarte's election is represented as an enthusiastic one, and intended as a reward for the services he rendered to the better portion of the Isthmian community, with his defeat of the Caucano invaders.[XXVI-10]
He found himself in a constant disagreement with the legislature of the state, which he forced to submit to his dictation.[XXVI-11] The whole negro party of the arrabal was his mortal enemy, but he managed to keep it under by making it feel occasionally the effect of his battalion's bullets. In the last attempt against his power, the negroes were severely punished, and they never tried again to measure strength with him.[XXVI-12] His power was now more secure than ever, and his way became plain to procure the election as his successor to the presidency of his brother, then residing in Chiriquí.
[Sidenote: BLACK PROCEEDINGS.]
The negroes were in despair, as they could find no means of seizing the government. From the time of Guardia's deposal they had been enjoying the public spoils, and could not bear the idea of being kept out of them, when their number was four or five times larger than that of the white men. The success of Olarte's plans would be the death of their aspirations, which were the control of public affairs, by ousting the whites, who were mostly conservatives.[XXVI-13] It became, therefore, a necessity to rid the country of that ogre; and as this could not be done by force of arms, poison was resorted to. The plan was well matured, and carried out in San Miguel, one of the Pearl Islands, where Olarte went upon an official visit. Olarte's death occurred on the 3d of March, 1868, without his knowing that he had been poisoned. This crime was not the act of one man, but of a whole political party, which took care to have the death attributed to a malignant fever. It became public, however, through the family of another man, who also became a victim.[XXVI-14] No official or post-mortem examination was made, and the matter was hushed up.
Olarte's death was greatly deplored by the better class of the community, and high honors were paid to his remains,[XXVI-15] by the legislature and the community, the foreign consuls and their countrymen joining. In the absence of the first designado, Manuel Amador Guerrero, the second, Juan José Diaz, took the reins of government.[XXVI-16] His tenure of the presidential office was a short one, however; for in the morning of the 5th of July, a revolution by the black men of the arrabal broke out in Panamá, headed by General Fernando Ponce, commander of the national forces, and Diaz was overthrown.[XXVI-17] They said that the liberal party had been cheated out of its majority at the late election for deputies, by the unlawful devices of its conservative opponents; and it was but logical to conclude that the same practices would be again resorted to at the coming election of president of the state.[XXVI-18] There was really no cause for this revolution. The excuses alleged by the promoters were frivolous. They only wanted to seize power and secure the spoils.
Ponce was placed at the head of affairs as provisional president, to rule in accordance with the national and state constitutions, and existing laws; and in his absence, the following persons, in the order named, were to assume the duties: Buenaventura Correoso, Pablo Arosemena, Mateo Iturralde, Pedro Goitia, and Juan Mendoza.[XXVI-19] Thus was the movement accomplished; a provisional government was recognized by the foreign consuls, and by four of the interior departments, which submitted to the change rather than become involved in civil war. On the 20th of July a general amnesty was decreed.[XXVI-20]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ AND CHIRIQUÍ.]
The situation was by no means enviable. The military element was not united, much animosity existing between the state battalion 'Panamá,' and the 'Santander,' which led to a second revolution on the 29th of August, and Ponce resigned the presidency to Buenaventura Correoso,[XXVI-21] who received it on the next day. Cárlos Icaza Arosemena was appointed secretary of state. Correoso[XXVI-22] was not permitted to enjoy his office peaceably. He used his best endeavors to that end; but was erelong summoned to crush a revolt of the conservatives in Chiriquí, at the head of which were the prefect of that department, and Colonel Arístides Obaldía, a son of the ex-president.
The conservatives desired change. To accomplish this, the people of the interior armed themselves to come to the capital and crush the negro element.[XXVI-23] Correoso sailed with a considerable force provided with superior arms on the steamboat Montíjo,[XXVI-24] and had the good fortune to return triumphant with 350 men on the 16th of November. The conservatives, about 400 strong, under Obaldía, attacked Correoso's force of about equal number, at the Hatillo, near Santiago, and were defeated,[XXVI-25] after which, the government of the 29th of August being proclaimed, prisoners were set at liberty. The revolution was at an end. Correoso then summoned a constituent assembly, which elected him constitutional president for the term of four years ending September 30, 1873. With occasional attempts at disturbance, which were successfully quelled or peaceably adjusted, Correoso held the office till the 1st of October, 1872, when he resigned it, and was succeeded by Gabriel Neira to fill the rest of the term. Neira was not permitted to hold the position long, for a little before eleven o'clock in the forenoon of April 5, 1873, the revolutionary party of the arrabal, headed by Rafael Aizpuru, commander of the state troops, and fourth designado, revolted against the government, marched into the city, and made prisoners President Neira and Secretary Eladio Briceño. Dámaso Cervera, as fifth designado, was called by the superior court to the presidency.[XXVI-26]
The Pichincha—battalion of national troops—interfered to restore Neira. After some firing, it was agreed that Cervera should continue in power, and Neira remain in the custody of the national force.[XXVI-27]
[Sidenote: ISTHMUS RECONSTRUCTION.]
The national force having taken part in the troubles, its efficiency to protect the transit was rendered doubtful, for which reason troops were landed from the United States ships of war by order of Rear-admiral Steedman.[XXVI-28] Finally, terms of peace were arranged in the evening of May 9th, based on the conditions that Neira's government should be reëstablished. The state militia surrendered their arms to the foreign consuls the next day, the Pichincha performing the duties of the state force. Meantime, till Neira's return, Colonel Juan Pernett was to act as president.[XXVI-29] Neira heard of the change at Barranquilla on the 13th of May, and returned at once. On the 21st he made José María Bermudez secretary of state, and Colonel Pernett comandante general.[XXVI-30] The votes for senators and representatives to the national congress were counted on the 15th of July, and the names of the elect were published.[XXVI-31]
The people of the arrabal made another disturbance on the 24th of September, attacking the government outposts at Playa Prieta. Hostilities were continued during twelve or fourteen days, when the rebels, under Correoso, abandoned their ground, and were afterward defeated in the country. Meantime an American force of nearly 200 men, sent on shore by Rear-admiral Alony, a second time within four months, occupied the railway station and the cathedral plaza.[XXVI-32] The minister resident of the United States, William L. Scruggs, on the 19th of December, 1873, laid before the Colombian government, of which Colunje was secretary for foreign affairs, a protest of the Panamá railway company upon the recent disturbances of the Isthmus, and a demand that the transit should in future be under the immediate protection of the Colombian government against the acts of violence of local factions.[XXVI-33] The latter acknowledged the justice of this demand on the 26th of December, pledging that in future there would be a national force stationed in Panamá, for the purpose of protecting the transit.
On the 1st of October the constituent assembly, which had been summoned on the 1st of August, assembled. Neira sent in his resignation, requesting the appointment of a chief of the executive who could secure peace. The assembly appointed Neira provisional president, and a number of designados.[XXVI-34] Afterward the assembly passed an act reducing the presidential term to two years.[XXVI-35] A new constitution in seven titles, comprising 144 articles, was issued on the 12th of November, and nine transitory articles on the following day.[XXVI-36] A general amnesty to political offenders was decreed on the 15th of November. President Neira having attempted in the morning of the 14th of November to make a revolution with the Herrera battalion for the purpose of setting aside the assembly, in which he failed, and afterward concealed himself, that body met at 8 o'clock and deposed him. Whereupon Gregorio Miró, the first designado, was summoned to assume the executive for the term ending September 30, 1875, which he did on the 16th,[XXVI-37] appointing José M. Bermudez his secretary of state, and Ramon Vallarino Brájimo secretary of the treasury. These two departments of government were abolished on the 25th of July, 1874, and the office of secretary-general created, which was intrusted to Pablo Arosemena on the 11th of August.[XXVI-38] This arrangement lasted only till the 8th of April, 1875, when the offices of secretary of state and of the treasury were reëstablished.[XXVI-39]
[Sidenote: CHRONIC UNREST.]
Miró's administration was a restless one, owing to constant conspiracies based on various causes. The last one was headed by Rafael Aizpuru, who claimed to be acting in the interest of the federal policy in that stormy period of Colombian history.[XXVI-40] An attempt was made to establish a provisional government with Aizpuru at its head, annulling Miró's authority. The latter took the field, leaving Juan J. Diaz, the second designado, in charge of the executive; but after some unsuccessful efforts to quell the rebellion, his official term came to an end, and Pablo Arosemena[XXVI-41] succeeded him on the 1st of October; but he was allowed to retain the position only till the 12th, when he was ousted by General Sergio Camargo, commander of the federal force,[XXVI-42] and Rafael Aizpuru was placed at the head of affairs, first as 'jefe provisional del poder ejecutivo,' and later was recognized as provisional president.[XXVI-43] Dámaso Cervera became secretary of state, and Francisco Ardila of the treasury.
A constituent assembly, presided over by B. Correoso, met on the 25th of November, and on the 28th approved all Aizpuru's acts, and authorized him to retain the executive office until a constitutional president should be chosen by it. The assembly on the 6th of December adopted another constitution for the state, containing 126 articles.[XXVI-44] On the same day Rafael Aizpuru was elected constitutional president, and was at once inaugurated.[XXVI-45] A law of December 25, 1876, ordained that the president of the state should take possession of his office on the 1st of January following his election. His term was for two years.[XXVI-46] The republic being now the prey of a general civil war, promoted by the clergy, the state of Panamá, complying with the demands of the national government, sent an armed brig with troops and arms to the port of Buenaventura, and the Colombia battalion to the headquarters of the army of the Atlantic.[XXVI-47] The legislature, early in 1877, authorized the executive to raise troops for the defence of the state, and to obtain money by voluntary or forced loan.[XXVI-48]
[Sidenote: ISTHMUS POLITICS.]
Buenaventura Correoso, having been elected, assumed the presidential office on the 1st of January, 1878; but being worried by the frequent disturbances, and desirous of averting further scandals, resigned in December following, and was succeeded by the designado José Ricardo Casorla.[XXVI-49] This president was disturbed by two revolutions. The first was occasioned by the battalion 3d of the line, under the supposition that the state authorities were hostile to the national government.[XXVI-50] The second partook more of the nature of comedy than of tragedy. General Aizpuru, having returned from Bogotá, whither he had gone as a senator from Panamá, went off to Colon on the 7th of June, and proclaimed himself provisional chief. That same night Casorla was arrested near his residence, and carried off to Colon, where he was held by the revolutionary chief. The second designado, Jerardo Ortega, then took charge of the executive.[XXVI-51] But under a subsequent arrangement Casorla was surrendered, and replaced in the executive office, which he resigned three days later into the hands of Jerardo Ortega, who held it till the 1st of January, 1880, when Dámaso Cervera, chosen for the next constitutional term, was inaugurated,[XXVI-52] his term of office being two years.
The legislative assembly, June 13, 1881, passed a law amending the constitution. Under this law the assembly[XXVI-53] after 1882 was to meet on the 1st of October, and within the first fifteen days of its ordinary sittings count the votes for president of the state, and for senators and representatives to the national congress. Among other things, it was enacted that the present assembly would name the substitutes of the executive for the term to begin on the 1st of January, 1882. Cervera succeeded in maintaining order during his term, though constantly disturbed with intrigues of the most reprehensible character.
Rafael Nuñez, who had been declared the president elect of the state,[XXVI-54] should have appeared to assume the executive duties on the 1st of January, 1882, for a term ending on the 31st of October, 1884; but as he failed to do so, Dámaso Cervera, the first designado, was summoned to take charge pro tempore of the office.[XXVI-55] Nuñez resigned the position in November 1882, on the ground of ill health; and though he offered, at the request of the legislature, to reconsider his action, he never came to fill any part of his term.[XXVI-56] Nothing worthy of mention occurred in the politics of the Isthmus during this year, except a continued opposition on the part of the so-called ultra-liberals to Cervera's occupancy, notwithstanding which he had been chosen 1st designado for 1883, and on the 1st day of January following was again placed in possession of the presidency.[XXVI-57]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ PRESIDENTS.]
The election for president of the state for the next term became a question upon which there was a disagreement between the superior court during recess of the legislative assembly, which decreed the election should take place on the fourth Sunday of July, and Cervera, who claimed that it ought not to be till the following year. The latter proposition was acted upon.[XXVI-58] Cervera obtained early in the year a month's leave of absence, during which the executive office was in charge of the second substitute, J. M. Vives Leon, whose first act was to suppress the comandancia general, and to muster out of service a number of officers of all grades.[XXVI-59] The state was in constant expectation of war, owing to affairs in other states, and particularly to the presence of agents of the general government having no recognized official position. In the apprehension of political troubles, the states of Panamá and Cauca entered into a convention[XXVI-60] to support one another's interests in the expected contest. Cervera thought, however, that the time was now past when the national troops could interfere in the internal affairs of the state.[XXVI-61]
The presence of federal forces on the Isthmus had often been a source of danger to the state government. But it was required by international obligation, and its necessity could but be recognized in view of the fact that the construction of the interoceanic canal, already under way, demanded the employment of thousands of men from all parts of the world, who in the event of strikes or for other causes might commit outrages.[XXVI-62] The election of senators and representatives to the national congress was effected this year by the legislature, Dámaso Cervera, Ricardo Nuñez, and José C. de Obaldía being chosen to the former position.[XXVI-63] Cervera having been also elected first designado of the presidency for 1884, he again was placed in possession of the chief magistracy of the state on the 1st of January.[XXVI-64]
An abortive attempt was made, at the instigation of Cervera's political enemies, to have him removed. One of the justices of the superior court, on the 2d of July, impeached and suspended him from office. General Benjamin Ruiz, as second designado, was accordingly handed the reins of government. But Cervera resisted, and appealed to General Wenceslao Ibañez, commanding the national brigade, to support his authority. Meantime, the superior court by a majority decided on the 6th that Plaza's decree should have no effect, and that Ruiz had illegally assumed the president's functions.[XXVI-65] Ibañez, however, on the 8th insisted on Cervera's leaving the government, and himself took control, his troops besieging Cervera in the state house. The latter then applied to the superior court for a leave to proceed to Bogotá to take his seat in the senate. Ruiz again seized the presidency, and appointed B. Correoso secretary-general. By some misunderstanding he was recognized by the national executive. At this time, General Eloi Porto, who ranked Ibañez, arrived in Panamá, and through his good offices Cervera was replaced.[XXVI-66] Ruiz might have been permitted to rule a while had he followed in Cervera's footsteps; but he began to remove prefects, and to despatch commissioners into the interior, the peace of the state being again jeopardized, which compelled Cervera to remain.
[Sidenote: FIGHTING AT SEA.]
A revolution broke out at David in the night of September 19th, proclaiming a genuine suffrage, and setting aside the declarations made by the judges of election for president of the state and deputies to the assembly. Movements of the same kind followed in other parts. In the night of the 27th Cervera's authority was pronounced in Panamá at an end, and Ruiz was made the executive. Cervera on the 14th of October proclaimed that public order had been disturbed by Ruiz and his supporters,[XXVI-67] and established martial law. An encounter between a government force on board the steam-tug Morro, and another of the rebels on the steamboat Alajuela, took place at sea in the afternoon of the 15th of October. The former experienced damage and loss of crew.[XXVI-68] Cervera, who was on board, was blamed for the repulse. The Alajuela kept away a while, and then returned to land some wounded men. The rebel chiefs, B. Ruiz, Gonzalez, and Andreve, marched into the interior, respectively to Veragua, Aguadulce, and Penonomé. This condition of affairs being telegraphed to the national government, the executive decreed that public order was disturbed in Panamá, and directed the commander of the national forces to arrest the guilty persons.[XXVI-69] General Gónima, the federal commander, repaired to Aguadulce, and prevailed on Ruiz and his friends to lay down their arms, which he reported to Cervera on the 2d of November.[XXVI-70]
The elections for president of the state took place on the 27th of July, 1884. Juan Manuel Lambert was chosen,[XXVI-71] and was recognized by the assembly in October. But the intrigues of the liberal party, supported by Gónima, deprived Lambert of his office.[XXVI-72]
On the 1st of October, upon the assembling of the legislature, Cervera sent in his resignation; and no notice having been taken, he reiterated it on the 20th, reminding that body that it had enacted measures which would necessitate his retaining power till the end of December, when his term should cease on the 31st of October, and the president elect assume his duties. The resignation was not accepted, and the assembly on the 21st, by all the votes present, but one, desired him to continue at the head of the government.[XXVI-73]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ POLITICS]
The assembly had on the 14th of October passed an act empowering the executive to call a convention to be elected by direct popular vote on the 7th of December, and to assemble on the 1st of January, 1885.[XXVI-74] The convention met on the appointed day. It has been alleged that the election of members thereto was a mere farce.[XXVI-75] In the still unsettled condition of affairs President Cervera concluded, on the 24th of November, to retain in service a force of officers for any emergency that might occur.[XXVI-76] Still, he considered his position one that was by law untenable, and on the next day laid his irrevocable resignation before the superior court, alleging that he had held power too long—four years and eleven months—and referring to the interference of the federal government, he said that he must either submit to or oppose its influence. His opposition would prolong an anomalous situation in the country.[XXVI-77] The court, in view of the reasons adduced, accepted the resignation, and summoned the second designado, Vives Leon, to the presidential seat, which he held till the 6th of January, inclusive, on which date the convention almost unanimously chose General Ramon Santodomingo Vila president of the state.[XXVI-78] A few days previously—on the 3d—Benjamin Ruiz and the other liberals in the convention, after declaring that they would hold as traitors all liberals who, by joining the conservatives, who would strengthen the latter to make themselves masters of the state, abandoned the chamber.[XXVI-79]
The new president at once appointed his secretaries and his so-called cabinet.[XXVI-80] In the apprehension of disturbances at Colon, the executive requested the commander of the American war vessel Alliance to land a force there to guard the transit.[XXVI-81] The request was complied with, but the force not being needed then was reëmbarked.
The Isthmus now becomes again the theatre of deadly strife, with its concomitant bloodshed and general destruction, to the disgrace of the nation of which it forms a part, and the scandal of the world. A plot by some men of the national force to seize the revenue cutter Boyacá having been detected, thanks to the loyalty of other members of the same force, the executive notified the convention that the time had come to proclaim martial law, which he did on the 9th of February. The convention accordingly closed its session on the 11th.[XXVI-82] On the 17th, Santodomingo Vila obtained a leave of absence to proceed to Cartagena, where his military services were required, and Pablo Arosemena, the first designado, was summoned to assume the executive authority.[XXVI-83] At about five o'clock in the morning of the 16th of March the population was awakened by the cries of Vivan los liberales! Viva el general Aizpuru! accompanied with numerous shots. Aizpuru, at the head of about 250 men, attacked the Cuartel de las Monjas, and the tower of San Francisco, which were defended by a handful of government troops, and a running fight from corner to corner ensued.[XXVI-84] The assailants overran the city. The British war ship Heroine then landed some marines and sailors to protect the railroad. The president called for troops from Colon, which came at once under General Gónima, and entering the city early on the 17th, compelled the portion of the revolutionists who had remained in the city to rejoin their main body in the plains.[XXVI-85]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ RIOT.]
Upon the government troops leaving Colon, a notorious man, Pedro Prestan,[XXVI-86] with a motley gang, among whom were many of the worst characters, seized the town,[XXVI-87] and sacked several merchants' houses, demanding forced loans from such as were known to have pecuniary means.[XXVI-88] It is stated, however, that he gave orders for the protection of foreigners and their property.
The revolutionists under Aizpuru encamped at Farfan refused to listen to any propositions. Their chief, on the 24th of March, notified the foreign consuls of his intention to assail the city of Panamá, which he also made known to President Arosemena.[XXVI-89] This functionary at once resigned his office into the hands of the superior court, and sought safety on the British ship Heroine. No other designado having been appointed by the convention, General Gónima assumed civil and military control, and appointed B. Correoso his secretary-general. Another decree proclaimed the neutrality of the state of Panamá in the war raging in the rest of the republic. This proceeding restored calm for a while, as it was taken to be the result of an understanding between the revolutionists and the government. But it seems to have become known too late at the headquarters of Aizpuru and Prestan.[XXVI-90]
On the 29th of March the American mail steamer Colon arrived at the port of the same name from New York, and the government directed that she should not deliver arms to the rebels. This gave rise to most high-handed proceedings on the part of Prestan, culminating in the arrest by his orders of the American consul, Mr Wright, Captain Dow, general agent of the steamship line, Connor, the local agent at Colon, Lieutenant Judd and Cadet Midshipman Richardson, of the United States war steamer Galena.[XXVI-91] Soon afterward Richardson was released and sent on board the Galena to tell his commander, Kane, that the other prisoners would be kept in confinement till the arms were surrendered, and if the Galena attempted to land men, or to do any hostile act, the boats would be fired upon, and every American citizen in the place would be shot. Kane, knowing Prestan's character, did not attempt any hasty act. Prestan then went to the prison and told Consul Wright that he must order Dow to deliver the arms, or he would shoot the four prisoners before that night. Wright complied, and they were set at liberty.
[Sidenote: ACTION OF THE REBELS.]
But Kane took possession of the Colon, and in the night landed a force and three pieces, under Lieutenant Judd, with orders to release at all hazards Dow and Connor, who had been again imprisoned.[XXVI-92] No sooner had the Americans occupied the offices of their consulate, and of the railway and Pacific mail companies, than a force of Colombian national troops[XXVI-93] came on, driving the rebels before them into the intrenchments. During the whole morning the firing was kept up, and ended about 12, noon, when the rebels being routed, Prestan and his rabble set fire to the town at various places, and fled.[XXVI-94] A strong wind blowing, the flames spread violently, and the town was consumed with all its contents.[XXVI-95] The American forces continued some days longer holding the place, Commander Kane's authority being recognized, and the Colombian officers coöperating with him in the preservation of order.[XXVI-96]
But to return to Panamá. Aizpuru took advantage of the situation, Gónima being left with only 60 soldiers, and a few civilians that had joined him, to occupy the principal streets, on the 31st. To make the story short, by 3 o'clock in the afternoon he was master of the place, Gónima having surrendered.[XXVI-97] Aizpuru announced in a proclamation on the 1st that he had assumed the functions of jefe civil y militar, to which he had been called by the supporters of free political principles, and on the 4th appointed his advisers,[XXVI-98] and adopt measures to protect the city from incendiarism, and specially to guard the interoceanic transit. Marines and sailors having been landed on the 8th of April from the United States frigate Shenandoah, by Aizpuru's request, both ends of the Isthmus were on the 10th guarded by American forces. Soon after the United States sent reënforcements of marines and sailors with special instructions to protect the transit and American citizens and their interests, avoiding all interference in the internal political squabbles. Several war vessels of the U. S. home squadron, under Rear-admiral Jouett, arrived at Colon.[XXVI-99] In the night of the 24th of April, while the revolutionists were erecting barricades, against an understanding with the American commander, the marines under Commander McCalla took possession of the city, as a necessary measure to protect American property, and Aizpuru and others were arrested. However, on the next day, Aizpuru having pledged himself not to raise barricades or batteries, the prisoners were released, and the Americans retired to their encampment outside.[XXVI-100]
[Sidenote: RESULT OF COLUNJE'S SYSTEM.]
On the 27th a well-equipped Colombian expedition of about 850 men, under General Rafael Reyes, arrived from Buenaventura to support M. Montoya as civil and military chief of Panamá until a constitutional government could be organized.[XXVI-101] With the good offices of the foreign consuls, a peaceable arrangement was entered into, by which Aizpuru bound himself to disband his forces, deliver all arms, and retire to private life.[XXVI-102] But having failed, as it was alleged, as late as the 2d of May to surrender all the rifles and caps in the hands of the rebels, he and others were arrested and confined in the town hall.[XXVI-103] On the 12th Aizpuru was sent to Buenaventura and held at the disposal of the supreme government of Colombia.[XXVI-104] It is understood that the rebel leaders were called upon to pay large sums of money to meet the government's necessarily increased expenditures; and that, in order to secure payments, their property was seized. This is the result of Colunje's system, which Correoso followed. He has been now repaid in the same coin.
The Isthmus being now pacified, and 500 more Colombians having arrived on the 9th of May, under Colonel Dominguez, being another portion of Reyes' force to relieve Santodomingo Vila at Cartagena, the American marines, who had been expressly sent out by their government, returned home, leaving a good name for discipline and general good conduct.[XXVI-105] The flagship Tennessee of Admiral Jouett, and the Galena, Commander Kane, went to sea from Colon on the 11th of May. The former conveyed General Reyes, with relief for the Colombian government's troops at Cartagena.
After the death of President Olarte in 1868, the Isthmus for many years did not enjoy a single day of peace. The general wealth having declined throughout the country, and more so in the interior, poverty prevailed. Capital, both foreign and native, abandoned so dangerous an abode. The cattle ranges and estates disappeared; likewise agriculture, except on a small scale.[XXVI-106]
The black men of the arrabal in the city of Panamá, after they were made important factors in politics, accustomed themselves to depend on the public funds for a living, and the people of the interior, who were always peaceable and industrious, came to be virtually their tributaries. The state became the puppet of the men at the head of the national government, or of political clubs at Bogotá, whose agents incited disturbances, removing presidents indisposed to coöperate with or to meekly submit to their dictation, substituting others favorable to their purposes, and thus making themselves masters of the state government, together with its funds, and with what is of no less import, the state's vote in national elections.
[Sidenote: SOCIETY AND POLITICS.]
Since the establishment of the constitution of 1863, Panamá has been considered a good field by men aspiring to political and social position without risking their persons and fortunes. They have ever found unpatriotic Panameños ready to aid them in maintaining the quondam colonial dependence, and investing them with power, that they might grow fat together on the spoils. Almost every national election, since the great war of 1860, has brought about a forced change in the state government. The first victim, as we have seen, was Governor Guardia, deposed by national troops under Santa Coloma. That was the beginning of political demoralization on the Isthmus. Every similar illegal device to insure party triumph and power at Bogotá has been, I repeat, the work of agents from the national capital assisted by men of Panamá to push their own interests, and supported by the federal garrison.[XXVI-107]
The office of chief magistrate is desired for controlling political power, and the public funds to enrich the holder and his chief supporters. Patriotism, and a noble purpose to foster the welfare of the country and the people in general, are, if thought of at all, objects of secondary consideration. At times, the presidency is fought for with arms among the negroes themselves, and the city is then a witness of bloody scenes. The aim of every such effort is to gain control of power for the sake of the spoils.
Panamá cannot, being the smallest and weakest state of the Colombian union, rid itself of the outside pressure. Neither can it crush the unholy ambition of its politicians. Both entail misfortunes enough. But the Isthmus must also share the same sufferings as the other states in times of political convulsion in the whole nation.[XXVI-108]
In view of the fact that the Isthmus of Panamá may before many years become much more than it has heretofore been, a great highway of nations, and that the great interests which will be constantly at stake on the route will demand an effectual protection, it is self-evident that measures of a permanent character must in time be adopted to secure that end. Panamá, as an appendage of Colombia, and at the mercy of an irresponsible population, cannot afford that protection; neither is Colombia, with her constantly recurring squabbles, better able to fulfil any international obligations she might assume in the premises. Without intending to cast any slur upon her, or to doubt her honorable intentions, all—herself among the number—must own that it would be extremely dangerous to lean on so weak a reed. The question therefore occurs, and must soon be solved, What is to be the future status of the Isthmus? A strong government is doubtless a necessity, and must be provided from abroad. Shall it assume the form of a quasi independent state under the protectorate of the chief commercial nations, eliminating Colombia from participation therein? or must the United States, as the power most interested in preserving the independence of the highway, take upon themselves the whole control for the benefit of all nations? Time will tell.
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ A DEPARTMENT.]
Since the foregoing remarks were written, a change has taken place in the political organization of the United States of Colombia, by which the government has been centralized, the name of the republic being changed to República de Colombia, and the state of Panamá, being reduced to a mere national department, to be ruled by a civil and military governor appointed by the national executive at Bogotá. Under the new order of things, General Santodomingo Vila, the former president, became civil and military ruler, with powers to inaugurate the departmental organization.[XXVI-109] He took possession of his office, and dictated several measures toward that end, and the suppression of gambling and other abuses. But without good grounds, after recognizing the press to be free, suddenly suspended that freedom, though he soon after restored it. Meantime, however, he caused the suspension for sixty days of the Star and Herald and Estrella newspapers, alleging their hostility to the government because they declined to publish some of his measures.[XXVI-110]
XXVII. CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS
1886.
EXTENT OF THE COUNTRY—CLIMATE—MOUNTAINS AND VOLCANOES—EARTHQUAKES—RIVERS AND LAKES—COSTA RICA'S AREA, POSSESSIONS, AND POLITICAL DIVISION AND GOVERNMENT—HER CHIEF CITIES—NICARAGUA, HER TERRITORY, TOWNS, AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION—HONDURAS' EXTENT, ISLANDS, CITIES, AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT—SALVADOR, HER POSITION, AREA, TOWNS, AND CIVIL RULE—GUATEMALA'S EXTENT AND POSSESSIONS—HER CITIES AND TOWNS—INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION—ISTHMUS OF PANAMÁ—AREA, BAYS, RIVERS, AND ISLANDS—DEPARTMENT AND DISTRICT RULE—THE CAPITAL AND OTHER TOWNS—POPULATION—CHARACTER AND CUSTOMS—EDUCATION—EPIDEMICS AND OTHER CALAMITIES.
Central America proper embraces the region situated between the state of Chiapas in the republic of Mexico on the north, and the former state, now department, of Panamá on the south, extending from about latitude 7° to 18° north, in length from 800 to 900 miles, and in breadth varying from about 30 to about 300 miles. The united area of the five republics comprised therein is about 175,000 square miles.[XXVII-1]
[Sidenote: PHYSICAL FEATURES.]
The climate of this region on the Atlantic coast is about the same as that of the West Indies, somewhat modified by various causes. The Atlantic coast from Trujillo downward, including the Mosquito region, is low and insalubrious. That of the Pacific coast is better in every respect, the heat not being so oppressive, which is due to a drier and purer atmosphere. The result is, that while the coasts on the Atlantic are nearly uninhabited, those on the Pacific are lined with towns and well settled.
Beginning with Guatemala, and going southward, in Los Altos, the highlands of the republic, the average temperature is lower than anywhere else. Snow falls occasionally near Quezaltenango, but soon disappears. The heat is never excessive.[XXVII-2] In the vicinity of the city of Guatemala, the thermometer ranges from 55° to 80° with an average of 72°. In Vera Paz, the north-eastern department, it is nearly 10° warmer. The whole coast from Belize down to Izabal and Santo Tomás is hot and unhealthy.[XXVII-3] The state of Salvador, lying entirely on the Pacific slope, has probably a higher average temperature than Guatemala or Honduras; but the heat is oppressive only at some points on the coast.[XXVII-4] Honduras has a fine climate, excepting the portion spoken of on the coast of the Atlantic.[XXVII-5] Nicaragua, with the exception of her department of Segovia, which borders on Honduras and has the same surface and temperature, has a topography and climate of her own, with an average temperature in the lake region of about 79° to 80°, due more to favorable causes than to elevation. In Costa Rica there is almost every degree of temperature, from the intensest heat of Puntarenas to the constant spring of San José, or the autumnal temperature of the belt above Cartago. The coast from Chiriquí lagoon to the north is hot, wet, and unhealthy.[XXVII-6] Properly speaking, there is no dry season on the Atlantic coast of Central America. However, from June to September, inclusive, there is less rainfall on the Atlantic side. During these months the Pacific slope has its rainy season, but the rains are brief, occurring in the afternoon and night.[XXVII-7]
At a short distance from the Pacific coast the country is traversed from north-west to south-east by an unbroken chain of mountains,[XXVII-8] at least to Nicaragua Lake, and covered with diversified vegetation. This cordillera is a connecting chain between the Rocky Mountains of the northern, and the Andes of the southern, continent.[XXVII-9] On the slopes and summits are fine table-lands, some of which are quite extensive, and all temperate and surpassingly fertile. It may be asserted that no portion of the earth presents a greater diversity of level on an equal extent of surface than Central America, or a greater variety of climate.
The majority of the highest peaks are volcanoes, and no less than thirty volcanic vents are said to be in activity. Extinct craters, rent rocks, lava beds, scoriæ, vitrified, charred, and pumice stones, hot and sulphurous springs, mark Central America as a most volcanic region.[XXVII-10]
[Sidenote: HISTORIC EARTHQUAKES.]
In a region abounding with volcanoes, and where great convulsions of nature have taken place, earthquakes—violent ones, at times—frequently occur.[XXVII-11] The great shocks experienced by the city of Guatemala in 1751, 1757, 1765, and the one of 1773, which caused the abandonment of the old site, have been elsewhere mentioned.[XXVII-12] The year 1809 was noted for a succession of violent temblores, causing much distress among the inhabitants of Guatemala and Honduras, and doing much damage, particularly in the latter state.[XXVII-13] Since that time the five republics have constantly had such visitations, causing at times loss of life and damage to property. I give in a note a number of such occurrences.[XXVII-14] The Isthmus of Panamá has likewise repeatedly experienced the effects of earthquakes, some of which have created much alarm and injured property.[XXVII-15]
[Sidenote: LAKES AND RIVERS.]
From the lofty sierras and volcanic cones descend streams, which, meeting on the plains below, form beautiful lakes, or swell into rivers that roll on to either ocean. They are numerous, and though not of great length, because of the narrowness of the region they traverse, are by no means insignificant.[XXVII-16] The country has several lakes, some of which have occupied the attention of scientists, statesmen, and merchants, and I will have occasion to treat of them in connection with interoceanic communication and commerce farther on.[XXVII-17]
* * * * *
The republic of Costa Rica is that portion of Central America extending between Nicaragua and Panamá, and having on one side the Pacific Ocean, and on the other the Atlantic.[XXVII-18] Costa Rica has the islands of Colon, San Cristóbal, Bastimento, La Popa, and others in Boca del Toro; the Escudo de Veragua in the Atlantic, the Cocos, Caño, San Lúcas, and Chira in the Pacific; these latter two and smaller ones lying within the gulf of Nicoya.
The political division of the republic is in provincias and comarcas;[XXVII-19] namely, provincias of San José, Cartago, Alajuela, Heredia, and Guanacaste, and the comarcas of Puntarenas and Limon. The provincias and comarcas are alike divided into cantones, and the latter subdivided into barrios. At the head of each provincia and comarca is a governor, and of each canton a jefe político, all of executive appointment. The police department is under the governor, unless, in special cases, the supreme government should assume the immediate control over it in certain localities. Each provincial capital has a municipal corporation,[XXVII-20] acting, like the governors and other subordinate authorities, under the general ordinances, made and provided for the government of the whole republic.
The cities of the republic are San José, Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela, Liberia, Puntarenas, and Limon. There are, besides, seven or eight villas, and nine or ten pueblos.[XXVII-21]
The republic of Nicaragua, probably the most important section of Central America, is bounded on the south by Costa Rica, on the north-west by Honduras, on the east by the Atlantic Ocean, and on the south-west by the Pacific.[XXVII-22] Nicaragua has a few insignificant isles or cays on her coasts of both oceans.
[Sidenote: POLITICAL DIVISIONS.]
The republic is politically divided into seven departments; namely, Granada, Leon, Rivas, Chinandega, Chontales, Matagalpa, and Nueva Segovia. Their capitals or head towns are respectively Granada, Leon, Rivas, Chinandega, Acoyapa, Matagalpa, and Ocotal.[XXVII-23] The departments are subdivided into distritos, and the latter into cantones. For the purposes of civil administration there is a prefect at the head of each department, who is also a subdelegado of the treasury; a subprefect rules over each district, and the cantones have jueces de paz.[XXVII-24] These officials are appointed by the executive government. The capitals of departments and head towns of districts and cantones have elective alcaldes, and regidores constituting the municipal corporations.[XXVII-25] In each department there is a gobernador de policía, who likewise derives his appointment from the national executive.
[Sidenote: NOTABLE CITIES.]
The principal cities of the republic are Granada, Managua, Masaya, Leon, Rivas, and Chinandega. Managua was an insignificant town, but being situated between Granada and Leon, was made the national capital, in order that the government might be rid of the complications arising from their constant rivalry, and intrigues to control the destinies of Nicaragua. The position of the capital is a splendid one, the surroundings being very picturesque.[XXVII-26] The streets are not paved; the town has not a building worthy of mention. The government house is a low, square edifice, with balconies in the old Spanish style, without any exterior ornamentation or architectural character, Leon, the old capital, is situated on a beautiful plain, and spreads over a very wide area.[XXVII-27] In the central part the streets are paved and lighted. There are some fine buildings in the city, those most worthy of notice being the cathedral, a strong piece of masonry, often used as a fortress in times of civil war, the old and new episcopal palaces, the university, government house, two churches of greater architectural beauty than the cathedral, four buildings which were formerly convents, and now devoted to objects of public utility. The place being in the region of earthquakes, and the temperature extremely warm, the buildings are made to meet these conditions. There is also a fine stone bridge, which García Jerez had constructed. Near Leon, and with only the width of a street from it, is Subtiaba, which has a separate municipality, and whose church is the largest, after the cathedral, and the oldest of the temples in Nicaragua.[XXVII-28] I give in a note some information on other cities deserving of special notice.[XXVII-29]
The republic of Honduras is bounded on the north and east by the bay of Honduras and the Caribbean Sea, extending from the mouth of the River Tinto to the mouth of the Wanks or Segovia. On the south it is bounded by Nicaragua—the line of division following the Wanks for about two thirds of its length, and thence deflecting to the south-west, to the sources of the Rio Negro, flowing into the gulf of Fonseca; it has a coast line of about sixty miles on this gulf from the Rio Negro to the Rio Goascorán. On the west and south-west are the republics of Salvador and Guatemala.[XXVII-30]
Honduras possesses in the gulf of Fonseca the islands Tigre, Zacate Grande, and Gueguensi; and in the Caribbean Sea the group known as Bay Islands; namely, Roatan, Guanaja, or Bonaca, Utila, Helena, Barbaretta, Morat, and other smaller isles.
The republic is politically divided into seven departments: Choluteca, Comayagua, Gracias, Olancho, Santa Bárbara, Tegucigalpa, and Yoro. Nacaome is the capital of Choluteca, and Jutecalpa of Olancho. The other capitals bear the same names as the departments to which they belong. The departments are subdivided into districts, and at the head of each of the former is a jefe político, appointed by the executive, who is the organ of communication between the supreme government and the people.[XXVII-31]
[Sidenote: TOWNS AND HOUSES.]
The principal cities in the republic are Comayagua, anciently called Valladolid, the former capital, and Tegucigalpa, the present seat of government. The former is on the right bank of the Humuya or Ulúa River, and on the southern border of the wide and fertile valley of Comayagua. From its position, upwards of 2,000 feet above the sea-level, surrounded by high mountains, its temperative is mild and equable. The political disturbances of the country have reduced Comayagua to a low condition,[XXVII-32] and the loss of its standing as the capital has tended to bring it down still lower. Most of the houses are of a single story, and built of sundried bricks. The former fine fountains, monuments, and public buildings have gone to decay. The only building still in good condition is the cathedral, which is a rather imposing edifice.[XXVII-33] Tegucigalpa enjoys a cool temperature, and has an excellent climate. The city is the largest and finest in the republic. It is built with regularity, and has six churches, the parochial edifice comparing favorably with the cathedral at Comayagua. There are also a number of magnificent convents, and the university also deserves mention.[XXVII-34] There are other places in the state not entirely devoid of interest, a few particulars about which I append in a note.[XXVII-35]
The republic of Salvador, the only one of Central America not having a coast line on the Atlantic, is bounded on the north and east by Honduras, on the south-east by Fonseca Bay, on the south by the Pacific Ocean, and on the north-west by Guatemala.[XXVII-36] It possesses the small islands called Punta Zacate, Martin Perez, Conchagüita, and Mianguera in the bay of Fonseca.
For the purposes of government the republic is divided into fourteen departments; namely, San Salvador, Cuscatlán, San Vicente, La Paz, Usulután, San Miguel, Gotera,[XXVII-37] La Union, Cabañas, Chalatenango, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, Sonsonate, and La Libertad. The departments are subdivided into districts, and the latter into cities, villas, pueblos, and aldeas. The chief towns of the departments bear the same names as the latter, excepting those of Cuscatlán, La Paz, Gotera, La Union, Cabañas, and La Libertad, which are respectively called Cojutepeque, Zacatecoluca, Osicala, San Cárlos, Sensuntepeque, and Nueva San Salvador. They all have the rank of cities. Chinameca, Jucuapa, Ilobasco, Suchitoto, Metapan, and Izalco enjoy the same distinction. There are, besides, about 36 villas, and 176 pueblos.
[Sidenote: MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS.]
At the head of each department is placed a governor, who has a substitute to fill the office in his absence, both being appointed by the national executive for a constitutional term. They may be impeached for misdemeanors in office before the senate.[XXVII-38] The alcaldes of district head towns are the chief authorities of their respective districts, and like the alcaldes of other towns, are subordinate to the governor. In the event of absence or disability of an alcalde, the regidor depositario assumes his duties pro tempore. Alcaldes are represented in distant country places by comisionados of their own appointment. Each town has for its internal management a municipal corporation chosen by the direct votes of the citizens, and consisting of one alcalde, one síndico, and from two to six regidores, according to population.[XXVII-39] Such corporations act under the general ordinances provided for the government of municipal districts.[XXVII-40]
The principal cities are San Salvador, San Miguel, Santa Ana, which has been the capital, Cojutepeque, which has also been the seat of government, Sonsonate, Zacatecoluca, San Vicente, Sensuntepeque, Chalatenango, Santa Rosa, Ahuachapán, and Santa Tecla or Nueva San Salvador.
San Salvador was first founded at a place now called Bermuda, about eighteen miles to the northward of the present site. During the Spanish domination it was the residence of the gobernador intendente. After the separation from the Spanish crown it became the capital of Salvador, and for a while was the federal district, and seat of the Central American government. The city, as I have stated elsewhere, has been repeatedly shattered by earthquakes, but in each instance rebuilt, notwithstanding efforts to abandon the site. Both the town and its position are beautiful. It is in the midst of a broad elevated plateau in the coast range, between the valley of the Lempa River and the Pacific Ocean, 2,115 feet above the sea.[XXVII-41] The place has a cathedral, and other churches, a national palace, a university, and other government buildings. Excepting the central and paved park, San Salvador is embowered in tropical fruit-trees.
San Miguel is justly considered the second city of Salvador. Its houses have a home aspect, comfort in the interior, and elegance in the exterior. It is supplied with water by an aqueduct. There are fountains to refresh the air and to please the eye. Two iron bridges cross the San Miguel River, said to have been constructed by Guzman at an expense of $90,000 of his own money. Back of the town is the majestic volcano of San Miguel. In the bay of Fonseca is the excellent port of La Union, to the west that of La Libertad, and beyond that of Acajutla at a short distance from Sonsonate and the Izalco volcano.
The republic of Guatemala is bounded on the north and west by the Mexican states of Yucatan and Chiapas; on the east by British Honduras, the bay of Honduras, and the republics of Honduras and Salvador; and on the south by the Pacific Ocean.[XXVII-42]
[Sidenote: DEPARTMENTAL GOVERNMENT.]
The state is divided for the purposes of civil government into departments; namely, Guatemala, Sacatepéquez, Amatitlan, Escuintla, Chimaltenango, Sololá, Totonicapan, Quiché, Quezaltenango, Retalhuleu, Suchitepéquez, Huehuetenango, San Márcos, Peten, Baja Verapaz, Alta Verapaz, Livingston Izabal, Chiquimula, Zacapa, Jalapa, Jutiapa, and Santa Rosa.[XXVII-43] They are subdivided into municipalidades, each of which forms regulations or ordinances for the management of its own affairs, subject to approbation or amendment by the supreme government. At the head of each department is a jefe politico, and some of them likewise have a sub-jefe.
The general government makes its administrative action felt in the departments. Down to 1879 the laws relating to civil administration in them were not only confused, but contained clauses which were, some of them, opposed to the principles of modern legislation, and others directly contrary to the liberal and progressive system the nation had adopted since 1871.[XXVII-44] Hence the necessity of prescriptions consonant with the existing situation.[XXVII-45] A decree was also issued to insure common principles and rules for the municipal corporations.[XXVII-46] Under the new order of things, the sum total of receipts by all the municipalities in 1883 was $530,040, and of expenditures $489,422.[XXVII-47]
Guatemala, the capital, together with the whole republic, has had its beauties more or less extolled by every foreign traveller who has visited it and published a book, from 1822 to late years. These praises were well deserved; but they fall short of what they now should be, considering the improvements introduced by the energetic administration of President Barrios, which placed it on a level with many cities of greater pretensions and resources.[XXVII-48]
The city stands about 5,300 feet above the sea, upon a fertile plateau traversed by the Rio de las Vacas, being almost surrounded by ravines. It is laid out in wide, regular, well-paved, and clean streets, forming right angles, and has extensive suburbs. The number of houses is probably 5,000, most of them of one story. There is, however, a considerable number with two stories. They are mostly constructed with solidity and comfort, and many have fountains, gardens, and courts.[XXVII-49] Besides the cathedral, archepiscopal palace, government house, mint, and other public buildings, there are several beautiful churches, and a number of fine and extensive edifices, formerly occupied by religious orders, and now devoted to practical uses.[XXVII-50] There are many reservoirs filled with potable water, some of them of handsome construction, and surrounded by beautiful grounds. Water is supplied the city by aqueducts from a distance of several miles.[XXVII-51] Most of the houses also have wells. The city is likewise well provided with educational and benevolent establishments, as well as places of amusement, such as the theatre and the hippodrome.[XXVII-52] From the Jocotenango ward to the circus there is a fine boulevard along which runs the tramway from the Calvary. The city will soon be in communication with Port San José by railway, as it has long been by telegraph with the other chief towns. The monkish, funereal appearance which Guatemala presented prior to 1871 has disappeared, being succeeded by a pleasing aspect of life. The city police has been organized and equipped in American style, and the body of men is second to none in Spanish America.[XXVII-53]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ ISTHMUS.]
Panamá was formerly a state, but under a recent organization of the republic of Colombia, has been reduced to the condition of a national department. It lies partly between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific, and is bounded on the south-east by the state of Cauca in the same republic, and on the west by Costa Rica.[XXVII-54]
There are a number of islands belonging to the department, among which are the Mulatas archipelago, the Pearl group, Coiba, Taboga, and Flamenco.[XXVII-55] The range of mountains traversing the Isthmus is a continuation of the Andes, but the elevation in some parts does not exceed 300 feet above the sea. From this ridge flow about 150 streams into the Atlantic, and more than double that number into the Pacific.[XXVII-56]
The state has been hitherto divided into departments; namely, Panamá, Colon, Coclé, Chiriquí, Los Santos, and Veragua,[XXVII-57] which are subdivided into distritos parroquiales. At the head of the distrito capital and departamento de Panamá is a governor, and the other departments have prefectos. Each distrito is under an alcalde.[XXVII-58]
[Sidenote: BUILDINGS AND POPULATION.]
The city of Panamá is laid out with regularity, on a rocky peninsula, presenting a fine appearance from the sea, as it stands out from the dark hills inland with an air of grandeur. The Ancona hill 540 feet high rising a mile westward of the city—helps to render the place conspicuous. But on entering, the visitor finds himself disappointed. The principal streets cross the peninsula from sea to sea, intersected by the Calle Real, running east and west. The place has a quiet and stately appearance, without promising comfort. The houses are mostly of stone built in the Spanish style, the larger ones having heavy balconies in the upper stories, with court-yards or patios. There is little relief or variety.[XXVII-59] The smaller ones are of a single story. The churches and public buildings, namely, the cathedral, casa de la gobernacion, cabildo or town hall, ecclesiastical seminary, and four convents for friars and one for nuns, were strongly built; but years of neglect and the deteriorating effects of the climate have brought many of them to decay; notwithstanding which some of the ecclesiastical edifices are still used for the service of God, whilst others, not utterly ruined, are applied to other purposes.[XXVII-60] The place was at one time tolerably well fortified, but the fortifications no longer exist; the south and west ramparts are, however, in good condition forming an agreeable promenade. The drainage is very bad; many necessary things to insure cleanliness and comfort are wanting; good potable water being scarce and high-priced.[XXVII-61] The city has enjoyed the benefit of gas light for several years past, and since the construction of the canal was begun, it has had many improvements introduced, among them a fine and spacious hospital.[XXVII-62]
The place next in importance on the Isthmus is Colon, otherwise known as Aspinwall, on the island of Manzanilla. It is the Atlantic port of the Isthmus, and contains the stations, offices, and wharf of the railway company, as well as those of the several steam-ship companies, and likewise a number of buildings of the ship-canal enterprise. The town was progressing rapidly, and had a number of fine modern buildings other than those before mentioned, but it was ruined by the vandalic act of revolutionists, which event has been elsewhere described in this volume.[XXVII-63]
The official census of population in the Isthmus of Panamá for 1880 showed the number of inhabitants to have been 307,598.[XXVII-64] The report laid by the state government before the assembly in September 1882 stated that the population had increased since 1880 to 343,782, which was due to the influx of men employed on the canal-works. There have been many fluctuations since. The proportion of negroes and mixed breeds has ever been larger than the pure whites in the city of Panamá and on the Caribbean Sea coast, and after the opening of the canal-works it became greatly increased with laborers from the coast to the south, Jamaica, etc., almost all being negroes. In the interior departments the case is quite different, the majority of the inhabitants being of pure whites.
Efforts made from time to time to develop foreign colonization through land grants have never led to any advantageous acquisition of immigrants.[XXVII-65]
[Sidenote: ISTHMUS SOCIETY.]
The number of American indigenes on the Isthmus is computed at about 10,000.[XXVII-66] The chief of the Savaneries claimed the sovereignty over the land they occupied, and their rights thereto were recognized by the authorities of Veraguas.[XXVII-67]
The Manzanillos occasionally visit Portobello and neighboring villages, and at one time, if not always, were in a state of warfare with the Bayanos. The latter hate the Spaniards and their descendants, but are friendly to the English.[XXVII-68]
In 1873, a law was enacted to compel the wild Indians to adopt the usages of civilized life, and prompt action was recommended by the executive of Panamá in 1874, but nothing came of it.[XXVII-69]
There are but few families of the higher class in Panamá, and time is required to establish a footing of intimacy with them. Considerable has been said in Europe against the character of the women of Panamá, which is not borne out by fact. Much real worth exists among them. Indeed, the native women of the Isthmus generally, possess the best qualifications. They are not only pretty, graceful, and refined, but are dutiful daughters, and excellent wives and mothers. Those in the higher positions, even while laboring under the disadvantage of a limited education, which during a long time was the case with a majority of them, have, as a rule, been of industrious and economical habits. In later years the young girls of the better class have been enabled to acquire an education. The same cannot be said of the women of the lower classes, whose moral scale is quite low, marriage with them being the exception rather than the rule. For this state of things the upper class is partly responsible, inasmuch as from a misguided feeling of charity it looks upon the practice with indifference instead of frowning upon it.[XXVII-70]
The women of Panamá, since the early days of railway travelling, have abandoned their former ways of dressing and of arranging their beautiful hair, adopting European fashions and putting on hats. The women of the lower order, till very recently, wore the polleras;[XXVII-71] but this is becoming a thing of the past. These women are very untidy; they move about their houses slipshod and stockingless. The dress of the native laboring man is a pair of cotton or linen trousers and a shirt.
The young men of the educated class are well-mannered, and most of them have an average share of ability, but application and steadiness of purpose are wanting. Like their sisters, they are kind and affectionate to their families and relatives.[XXVII-72] Nearly all the male inhabitants speak English as well as their native language, and a number, who have been abroad, are conversant with French and even German.
In their domestic life, notwithstanding their constant intercourse with people of other nations, the Panamanians keep themselves secluded, much as they did before the railway was constructed. They still hug a portion of their old opinions and prejudices. Nevertheless, the fullest liberty of conscience and of religion being recognized by the Colombian laws, all forms of worship may be publicly practised.[XXVII-73]
[Sidenote: EDUCATION.]
The government of Panamá has not always manifested a proper interest in the diffusion of knowledge among the masses. It must be acknowledged, however, that during the existence of the central régime, prior to 1860, the children throughout the Isthmus had a better opportunity to acquire instruction, there being schools with paid teachers in nearly all the towns.[XXVII-74] After the revolutionary period became inaugurated, the funds of the government hardly ever satisfied the greed of political leaders, or sufficed to meet the cost of a large military force, and public instruction suffered. This occurred more particularly in the interior, and even the capital has seen its public schools closed for the want of funds.[XXVII-75] The legislators in 1871 gave a new organization to this branch of the public service, but for various reasons nothing was accomplished until 1873, when the philanthropic Manuel J. Hurtado undertook the task of getting some light out of the existing chaos. His efforts soon began to yield good results, though more satisfactory ones might have been obtained had the state government afforded larger means.[XXVII-76] Normal schools have been also established for training teachers, and several other educational institutes have been founded, one for females under women of a religious order. Nevertheless, the majority of young men possessed of means go abroad or to Bogotá to complete their education.
The Isthmus has not produced any notable literary or scientific men, properly so-called, though there are and have been among its people bright intellects. In political and diplomatic life, however, may be mentioned as notabilities Justo Arosemena, José Obaldía, Pablo Arosemena, and Jil Colunje.
The newspaper press has been during many years represented on the Isthmus by the Star and Herald,[XXVII-77] which is the vehicle for the communication of news between Europe and the United States on the one side, and the countries in Central and South America on the other. It has been for many years, and continues to be, entitled to rank as a first-class newspaper. Its local edition now appears daily in English, Spanish, and French; the edition for Europe and the United States, to leave by each departing steamer, is in English; and the one for Central and South America is in Spanish, the publication then bearing the name of La Estrella.[XXVII-78] Several other newspapers have been published, besides the official organ, from time to time in English and Spanish, or wholly in Spanish, but they have been short-lived.
* * * * *
Bull-worrying is a popular amusement among all classes.[XXVII-79] Cock-fighting is also much patronized on Sundays and holidays.[XXVII-80] Horse-riding, and in later years driving, are recreations of the better classes. Public and private balls, and an occasional play, concert, or circus, when artists cross the Isthmus, help to break the monotony of life.[XXVII-81]
[Sidenote: HEALTH AND DISEASE.]
The Isthmus has suffered, not only from revolutions, but from calamitous visitations in the form of epidemics, particularly small-pox; also by convulsions of nature, and devastating fires.[XXVII-82]
Asiatic cholera visited Panamá in 1849,[XXVII-83] at a time when the Isthmus was crowded with strangers, early in the California gold fever. The destruction of life was heart-rending, as it spared no class or condition.[XXVII-84] Malignant fevers, pulmonary and throat diseases, and other maladies do their work of destruction, and yellow fever often carries off its victims from among unacclimated strangers.[XXVII-85] The tablon, a disease imported in 1873 from Cartagena, assumed an epidemic form, and carried off many of the aged and children.[XXVII-86]
Few, if any, precautions are taken to improve the sanitary condition of the capital, and much less of any other town. In fact, any partial efforts will be of little avail so long as drainage is so bad, and the habits of the lower classes continue so filthy. The necessity of sanitary measures is generally admitted, and ordinances have been enacted to that effect;[XXVII-87] but their observance is spasmodic at best.
The public hospital of Panamá city in 1865 was a poor affair.[XXVII-88] In late years, through the efforts of the private charity, improvements have been introduced, and greater pains taken in the care of the sick poor. The canal company has likewise made ample provision for the attendance of its sick employés and laborers.
Hurricanes and floods have helped to destroy life and property, and cause general distress. Fire has on several occasions left large numbers of people without shelter and utterly ruined.[XXVII-89]
XXVIII. THE PEOPLE OF COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR
1800-1887.
CENTRAL AMERICAN POPULATION—ITS DIVISIONS—GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS AND OCCUPATIONS—LAND GRANTS—EFFORTS AT COLONIZATION—FAILURE OF FOREIGN SCHEMES—REJECTION OF AMERICAN NEGROES—CHARACTER OF THE COSTA RICAN PEOPLE—DWELLINGS—DRESS—FOOD—AMUSEMENTS—NICARAGUAN MEN AND WOMEN—THEIR DOMESTIC LIFE—HOW THEY AMUSE THEMSELVES—PEOPLE OF SALVADOR—THEIR CHARACTER AND MODE OF LIVING.
The total population of the five states of Central America in 1883 was set down at about 2,831,847 souls,[XXVIII-1] divided as follows: in Costa Rica, 182,073; Nicaragua, 400,000; Salvador, 612,813; Honduras, 360,000; and Guatemala, 1,276,961. The figures for Costa Rica and Guatemala are the results of actual count, the others by computation. The census of August 10, 1885, showed Costa Rica's population to be 189,425; that for Guatemala, January 1, 1884, exhibited 1,278,311, to which must be added an increase during that year of 6,293.[XXVIII-2] The population of the last-named state on June 30, 1885, has been computed at 1,303,009.[XXVIII-3]
[Sidenote: COLONIZATION COMPANIES.]
The republic of Central America, as well as the several states that formed it, has from the earliest days of its national autonomy endeavored to encourage foreign immigration, offering inducements, such as liberal grants of land, exemption from taxes and military service, and the privileges of citizenship. At the same time care has been had to respect the property and other rights of foreigners. Colonization decrees were passed in 1831, 1834, and 1836,[XXVIII-4] the legislators feeling as sanguine of good results as they were earnest and sincere in their purpose. An English company, called the Eastern Coast of Central America Commercial and Agricultural Company, organized in London, was the first to enter the field, having obtained from the state of Guatemala a grant of land which included the whole department of Vera Paz.[XXVIII-5] Dishonesty presided over the operations of the company.[XXVIII-6] About 300 persons, many of them from the refuse of the population of London, were sent out, without proper preparations or knowledge of the country, to places in or near the hot and insalubrious coasts, where the unhappy creatures wandered, suffered, and almost all perished. Meanwhile, the directors of the company labored in vain to induce the British government to sanction their proceedings.[XXVIII-7] The whole project ultimately failed, the directors being in their turn deceived by the men in whom they had reposed most confidence. After wasting many lives, and misappropriating some £40,000, lost of course by the share-holders, the charter became forfeited for non-fulfilment of its terms.[XXVIII-8]
Another colonization scheme was started in May 1842, and ratified in a further convention of October 1843, between a Belgian company established in Brussels, and the government of Guatemala.[XXVIII-9] The company, under that contract, assumed the obligation of introducing at least 100 families of five members each, annually, till 1,000 families had been settled. The colonists were to be catholics, and from the moment of their landing were to be considered Guatemalan citizens, with all the rights and duties of such.[XXVIII-10]
All the articles of the agreement were most favorable to Guatemala, and yet the company, which was under the patronage of the king of the Belgians, signed it without his approval being first obtained. It is known that his government disapproved many parts of it. It would seem as if the Belgians were bent on getting possession of the district on any terms, hoping afterward to retain it by negotiation as a Belgian colony. The company fulfilled the conditions for the first two years, but the great mortality of colonists at Santo Tomás made it impossible to induce others to emigrate; and though the Belgian government rendered pecuniary aid to the amount of $200,000, the settlement shared the fate of the one attempted by the British in 1836. The company was dissolved, and the government of Guatemala resumed possession of the district, including the port of Santo Tomás.[XXVIII-11]
[Sidenote: IMMIGRATION AND COLONIZATION]
Since that time Guatemala has not failed to pass laws for the encouragement of foreign immigration, and the protection of foreign settlers.[XXVIII-12] In 1883 the government entered into a contract with F. F. Millen to introduce 10,000 immigrants from Europe or the United States, the former agreeing to give each immigrant, of upwards of 21 or under 50 years of age, a grant of 45 hectáreas of land, upon his complying with the terms of it.[XXVIII-13] Vain efforts had been made by the American government prior to the civil war to obtain permission from the Central American republics for the colonization, under its patronage on their waste land, of negroes voluntarily emigrating from those states. The scheme was opposed in toto by the leading men.[XXVIII-14]
In 1867 and 1868 a considerable number of immigrants, many of whom were Americans and some Cubans, settled in Honduras, the government by its liberal laws and other facilities encouraging foreign immigration. This policy it has continued to pursue, and in late years many foreigners have been drawn to the country by the discovery of valuable gold placers.[XXVIII-15]
Salvador has done little or nothing toward increasing her population by immigration; but foreigners of good moral character and industrious habits are always welcomed and protected in their rights. They can also become naturalized after five years' residence, or at the end of three years by contracting marriage with a native of the state.
In Nicaragua the executive was authorized on the 6th of May, 1853, to enter into colonization contracts.[XXVIII-16] One such was made with James Welsh May 11, 1859, and another with Adolph Adlesberg May 11, 1861, neither of which had effect.[XXVIII-17]
A colonization decree was issued by President Rivas, November 23, 1855, granting each immigrant 250 acres of public land, and 100 additional to each family.[XXVIII-18] The liberality of the grants, together with the facilities then afforded by the Transit route brought a rapid increase of immigration. In 1861 a contract to foster colonization was made with Gottel.[XXVIII-19] Again, on the 7th of March, 1865, an immigration law was enacted granting a number of privileges to persons availing themselves of it. A number of Americans came, and in March 1867 the town of Guzman was founded.[XXVIII-20]
The government of Costa Rica has often offered inducements, in the way of land grants, for European immigration.[XXVIII-21] It must be said, however, that the Costa Ricans are jealous of foreign influence, and though willing to have the benefits of foreign capital, are not disposed to share with foreigners the wealth which that capital develops. Nevertheless, foreigners are permitted to hold real and other kinds of property, and to become citizens of the country.[XXVIII-22]
[Sidenote: LAND GRANTS.]
In 1849 a grant of land of 20 leagues in length by 12 in breadth was made to a French company for 1,000 colonists.[XXVIII-23] The conditions of the contract were not carried out, though a considerable number of immigrants formed under it an establishment. The project failed.[XXVIII-24] In the fall of 1850, 51 persons, after two months' sail from Bremen, arrived at San Juan del Norte, and underwent great hardships and privations to reach San José. After three years only three families remained.[XXVIII-25]
A similar grant to that of the French company was made on the Atlantic coast to a British company,[XXVIII-26] which had no effect.
Still another concession was made May 7, 1852, to a German company, organized at Berlin, who seemed to be actuated by a desire to carry out their obligations, even though the people and government of Costa Rica early showed a disposition to look upon their scheme with disfavor.[XXVIII-27] Baron Bülow was the director of the company. He died in 1856, and in all probability his enterprise died with him. Another attempt was made by Crisanto Medina, to whom a large grant of land was made for colonization purposes, at Miravalles, at the foot of the volcano of that name. The grant embraced a fine plateau about 2,500 feet above the sea.[XXVIII-28] In 1852 thirty-seven Germans were settled there, and possibly a few more came afterward, but the project was abandoned.[XXVIII-29]
In 1856 there was an arrival of French immigrants.[XXVIII-30] On the 23d of April, 1858, another colonization law was passed.[XXVIII-31] The idea of augmenting the population by offering inducements to foreign immigrants has not been abandoned. Thus we see further contracts entered into with private parties to that end.[XXVIII-32]
[Sidenote: CLASS DISTINCTIONS.]
The most numerous class of population in Central America, next to the pure Indians, are the ladinos, most of whom are half-breeds, which include the mestizos, mulattoes, quadroons, octoroons, and zambos.[XXVIII-33] The mestizos are of a light yellow hue; numbers of them, however, are found as white as the natives of southern Europe. They are generally a fine-looking race of men, resembling in bodily and mental features the creoles or pure native whites, though more hardy. In temperament they are passionate, revengeful, treacherous, and cowardly, ambitious and yet lazy, sensuous, and in a majority of cases, at least in the lower class, devoid of moral principle. The pure Indian is more reliable than the mestizo, the latter having all the vices of the two races out of which he sprang.
The ladino class furnishes the domestic servants, muleteers, small farmers and tenants, herdsmen, and not a few beggars and robbers. In revolutionary times many of its numbers have been banditti, preying, under the garb of guerillamen, upon both friend and foe. A considerable number of ladinos, however, become mechanics and traders, and many have attained high positions in the church and the state, and become distinguished for their talents and abilities.[XXVIII-34] The zambos and other mixtures of the negro race, like most of the negroes and mulattoes, reside in the coast districts. They do the heaviest work in the towns, and often engage in agriculture.
The Creoles, or pure native whites, calling themselves Americans, though less numerous, form the ruling class. In the towns they are the leading element, filling the most desirable positions, such as those of land and mine owners, merchants, manufacturers, lawyers, physicians, mechanics, officials, and higher clergy.[XXVIII-35] The creole is generally well built, and of about medium height, with a pleasing expression of countenance. His eyes are usually black like his hair and beard. He lacks the steadfastness of the Anglo-Saxon, and the trustworthiness of the German, often allowing himself to be swayed by passion and caprice. There are, nevertheless, many honorable exceptions, which are probably the result of education and contact with the people of other and older nations. Indeed, whatever may have been the defects of character of the creole, when he lived comparatively isolated from the world, and entertained the conceit of his own excellence and superiority, a great change for the better is noticeable in many individuals in after years, since Central America has been enjoying facilities of communication with other peoples, which has enabled her sons and daughters to study their ways, and to adopt whatever is good in them, not to mention the bad ways which have also taken root.
* * * * *
The population of Costa Rica is represented to be nearly all white, the Indians not being numerous, and the negroes and mixed breeds living on the coast.[XXVIII-36] The Costa Ricans are a well-formed people. There is, perhaps, not as much manly dignity and female grace as are yet to be found in Spain; nor is the color of their females, as a rule, to be compared with that of their European sisters; but what is lacking in that is fully compensated by elegance of form, regularity of features, splendid eyes, and an abundance of glossy hair,[XXVIII-37] and not least by their affability and sweetness of manner. The people are generally intelligent, and noted for the absence of hauteur in their manner.[XXVIII-38] They are sedate, industrious, economical, fairly honest,[XXVIII-39] and peaceable. Upon occasions they have shown themselves possessed of good soldierly qualities when their independence or rights have been in peril, as during Walker's filibuster war; but they cannot be called a warlike people.[XXVIII-40] They are not ambitious, aspiring to a moderate independence to be attained without an excessive effort. Indigence is almost unknown. All Costa Ricans own property of some kind, and even the humblest of them has the ambition of possessing a piece of land.
[Sidenote: DOMESTIC AFFAIRS]
The houses of the wealthy and well-to-do are quite comfortable. They are built with ordinary doors and windows, and of one or two stories.[XXVIII-41] Window-glass is only used in the better houses of the principal cities. In the smaller towns windows are dispensed with as superfluous. Carpets are to be found in a few houses of the wealthy, or of foreigners. Instead of them, floors are covered with matting. The rich exhibit paintings or engravings on their walls. The houses of the poor are comfortless.[XXVIII-42]
The higher classes enjoy the pleasures of the table. In the populous cities inns are kept for the better class of travellers, at which a tolerably good table is provided. The usual food of the peasants and other poor people consists of tasajo, or jerked beef, black beans, corn, rice, tortillas, plantains, and other fruits.[XXVIII-43] Intoxication is prevalent among the lower classes. Guaro, or aguardiente, and gin are deemed a necessity for the peasant and laborer. With the action of the heat and the poor food, liquor soon overpowers him.[XXVIII-44]
Saturday is the day upon which the cities are supplied with comestibles and other commodities for the week. Natives of both sexes and all ages throng the market-places, particularly in San José,[XXVIII-45] bringing vegetables, fruits, and other food for the table. Others bring manufactured articles, like earthen-ware, hammocks, charcoal, hats, rebozos, etc.[XXVIII-46] From sunrise till noon the market-places are crammed with sellers and buyers. The ladies of all ranks do their own marketing, and are seen, basket on arm and bareheaded, strolling about and driving bargains. The market-women move rapidly, carrying goods on their heads or in strings. The better class of women follow in their dress the fashions of Europe, except that they wear no hats. The females of the lower classes have their own mode of dress, which is generally more studied than in other places of Central America. Some of them wear ear-rings and expensive collars, a jipijapa hat costing $16. The gowns are of muslin, printed calico, or some other light material, and cover half a dozen embroidered petticoats. The hair is divided into two tresses hanging down behind, and in the braids runs a bright-colored ribbon. Others wear on the head a rebozo, which like the hat is significant of the taste or wealth of the wearer.[XXVIII-47] Only a few among them complete this studied toilet with shoes or boots. The men bring their mules, or carts, or merely their machetes. They generally wear a coarse cloth coat and a pair of drill or cotton trousers. The hat varies; it is either of straw, otter, or felt. Most of the people of the interior go barefooted, but carry plenty of pesos in their pockets and make them jingle. After purchasing in the market-place such articles as they need, which go under the general term habilitaciones, and selling their products, they seek the vinaterías or pulperías, and invite one another to drink.
The great amusement of Costa Rica is gambling. The people have a command of money, and their only ways of spending it, to afford them entertainment, are the church, the bottle, and gambling.[XXVIII-48] On Sundays and feast-days after the church service[XXVIII-49] the men resort to the cockpit, many staking from $200 to $500 on the result of a fight between two cocks.[XXVIII-50]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: NICARAGUAN SOCIETY.]
The Nicaraguan women of pure Spanish stock are quite fair, and have the embonpoint characterizing the sex under the tropics. Many of them are handsome, having an oval face, regular features, large and lustrous black eyes, small mouth, good teeth, small hands and feet; and withal a low but clear voice. Some of the descendants of white and Indian of the higher class are also quite beautiful. The Indian girl with her full lithe figure, long glossy hair, and erect walk should not be overlooked.[XXVIII-51] Nicaraguan society has a peculiar charm and grace, with little conventionality. Both men and women of all classes are extremely courteous.[XXVIII-52] Strangers are well received, if decently clad, well-mannered, and of good behavior. They will find it rather difficult to obtain the privilege of visiting respectable families. When a young man desires to pay his addresses to a young lady, he applies for the permission of her parents, guardian, or relations, as the case may be. Marriages are invariably according to the rites of the catholic church. Burials of members of rich families are in churches.[XXVIII-53]
The Nicaraguans of the higher order—there is no middle one—cannot be credited with industrious habits. Life is easy with them, and the climate is enervating. So they spend much of their time lying in a hammock and smoking cigarettes.[XXVIII-54] The lower order in the towns follow the example, at least the male portion. The peasantry, however, is docile and fairly industrious, and may be called an excellent rural population. The peon system is unknown in Nicaragua.
The Nicaraguan people have a fine muscular development, and a mild soft expression. Though not warlike, they are brave, and will fight desperately when reduced to it by necessity. The masses are not so demoralized as some travellers would have us believe them. Crimes are relatively rare, and the public roads are safe from highwaymen.[XXVIII-55] A servant may steal a small amount, or some object thrown in his way, and yet will convey a large sum of money to a long distance without thinking of running away with it. It must be confessed that there is too much proneness to condone offences against morality and honor.[XXVIII-56]
[Sidenote: DRESS AND DWELLINGS.]
There is no national costume. The wealthy follow to some extent to European fashions, generally suppressing the silk hat, which is replaced with any hat that is broad-brimmed and suited to the climate.[XXVIII-57] Men of the lower class go barefooted, or wear the caite, which is a species of sandal. The rest of their dress is a pair of cotton trousers, frequently not reaching lower than the knees, a shirt, its lower part often outside the trousers, and a palm-leaf hat.
There are many fine horsemen in Nicaragua, as well as in all Central America. A caballero is in his element when mounted on a spirited, champing horse, with a pellon thrown over the saddle, which is the Mexican saddle modified and with high peaks. He carries also to complete his equipment a pair of bolsters and pistols.[XXVIII-58] Women imitate the European summer costumes, but use no hat except when riding on horseback. They generally appear in a loose and flowing dress, with neck and arms exposed. A light shawl is thrown over the shoulders, or worn over the head at church. A red or purple sash may be wound around the waist, and a narrow golden band, or a string of pearls extending around the forehead and binding the hair, which often falls in luxuriant waves over the shoulders. The usual way of dressing the hair is to have two braids knotted behind the head, and to place a few natural flowers in it. The feet are incased in satin slippers. The women of the lower class use a petticoat without waist, covering the undergarments. A floating short shirt quite open in the upper part, and almost sleeveless hardly concealing the bust. In the street they wrap themselves in a rebozo. Stockings and shoes are worn only in cities.[XXVIII-59]
The dwellings of the poor in the country are usually of canes thatched with palms, many of them open at the sides, and with the bare earth for floors. Some of them have the canes plastered over, and whitewashed, with tile roofs, or otherwise improved. Those of large proprietors are strongly built, neat, comfortable, and generally cool. In the towns there are many dwellings of the same character; but the residences of the wealthier class are built of adobes, of one story, enclosing large courts which are entered under archways, these being frequently constructed with much beauty.[XXVIII-60] The interior is divided into large rooms around the gallery or corridor. The walls are whitened on both sides. One of the rooms is used as a parlor, the others for different purposes.[XXVIII-61] The furniture is generally of home manufacture and simple enough.[XXVIII-62] The house is lighted with stearine candles, imported or common tallow dips. Petroleum and lamps have also been introduced.[XXVIII-63]
[Sidenote: FOOD AND DRINK.]
The characteristics of Nicaraguan life are sobriety and uniformity of food.[XXVIII-64] Families make a practice of not laying in supplies, but purchase what they need from day to day. Some buy their food already cooked.
The custom of extending invitations to dinner with one's family, so common in other countries, does not obtain in Nicaragua, except among relatives or very intimate friends. Men are asked to eat only on special occasions, when banquets are given, at which the English custom of giving toasts is followed.
Amusements are few in Nicaragua. However, the upper classes have their tertulias and balls, often improvised, at which the polka, waltz, bolero, and other well-known Spanish dances are performed with grace and spirit. The lower classes frequently have fandangoes and other characteristic dances. There is no place of general resort for the better classes, unless it is the billiard-room, which serves alike as a gambling-den.[XXVIII-65] The cockpit is in full operation every Sunday, the people being fond of the amusement, and even the most respectable indulge in it.[XXVIII-66] Gambling at monte and other games of hazard is common enough, but the vice has not attained the development noticed in other parts of Spanish America.[XXVIII-67] It is certainly conducted with less publicity.
There are neither bull-pits nor professional bull-fighters. Now and then a performance of the kind takes place in some plaza; the bull is much worried, but not killed.[XXVIII-68]
* * * * *
After describing the manners and customs of the Nicaraguans, there is but little left to say of their neighbors the Salvadorans, who resemble them in most characteristics. It must be acknowledged, however, that the people of Salvador are entitled to the first rank in Central America for their industry, general intelligence, and love of order. Individual rights are respected among them, and well-behaved foreigners are at all times made welcome. The Salvadorans seem to understand what are the duties of republicans.[XXVIII-69]
The population of Salvador consists of Indians, ladinos, and zambos. The ladinos comprise the whites, of which class the proportion is small, and the several mixtures of white and Indian. The mode of living of the latter scarcely differs from that of the Nicaraguans or other Central Americans of the same standing.
[Sidenote: SALVADORAN SOCIETY.]
The aboriginal peoples have undergone considerable modification from the three centuries of contact with the white men, and of subjugation to the Spanish rulers. But there are towns, even near San Salvador, the capital, which have retained many of their primitive customs, and where the aboriginal blood has suffered but little, if any, intermixture. The native language has fallen into disuse in most places, and only a few words, also accepted by the whites, are retained.[XXVIII-70] The region known as costa del bálsamo[XXVIII-71] is entirely occupied by Nahua nations, whose habits have scarcely changed since the conquest. They are not absolutely hostile to the Europeans, but certainly dislike any intrusion on their part. They are an industrious people.
The aboriginal Salvadoran is, as a rule, slender in form but muscular. Some of the women have fine figures and graceful carriage; they walk with a firm step and body erect. They are, both men and women, gentle, affable, and rather hospitable; their temperament is melancholy and dreamy. They are well-disposed toward foreigners, and though they will not tolerate any doubt as to the purity of their blood, yet consider themselves insulted by being called indios. They also look upon the whites and ladinos as usurpers in the land. They are much given to boasting of their courage and generosity, and wish to be taken for a brave people. The Indian possesses a certain quantum of honesty, but will fulfil his contracts faithfully when his interests do not suffer by it; otherwise, he will find a loop-hole of escape. He cannot understand the value put by others on capital; his present needs being covered, he cares nothing for the superfluous.[XXVIII-72]
The men are quite reserved in their manner; the women are different. Their desire to have children by white men promotes looseness. They do not see any dishonor in having foreign lovers, and children born out of wedlock. Nearly all the Indians can read and write, and have some knowledge of arithmetic.
The dress of the Salvadoran Indians is extremely simple; probably the same as that worn by their ancestors. The women use a piece of blue cotton wrapped round the waist, and reaching only a little below the knees; the upper part of the body being scantily covered with a sort of chemise with an aperture at the top for the head, and open at the sides.[XXVIII-73] The head-dress consists of two long tresses of their own black hair, interlaced with a red ribbon, and wreathed round the head like a turban. They wear neither shoes nor stockings. The men generally have caites to their feet. Their dress is a light suit of cotton, a straw hat or colored kerchief on the head, and a chamarra of coarse cloth, which answers all the purposes of cloak, blanket, carpet, and bed.
The dwellings are simple and comfortless; indeed, they seem to have been put up with the expectation of their being tumbled down at any moment by earthquakes.
[Sidenote: MUSIC AND SKY-ROCKETS.]
The men leave to the women all the cares of the house; the latter, consequently, lead a laborious and hard life. Their food consists of eggs, venison, tortillas, beans, rice, and fruit. They are fond of coffee, and the men indulge freely in the use of chicha, rum, and every other alcoholic drink that comes in their way. The women, on the contrary, are strictly sober.[XXVIII-74] Like all other christianized Indians, they devote much of their time and substance to religious feasts, which are generally followed by carousals and gambling, cock-fighting being a prevalent amusement. They have a decided liking for music, accompanying their sad strains with the guitar, accordion, marimba, or dulcema. The practice of burning fire-crackers and letting off sky-rockets is quite common upon every occasion, whether of rejoicing or mourning. At funerals they let off rockets as they march along to the cemetery.[XXVIII-75]
XXIX. THE PEOPLE OF HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA
1800-1887.
AMALGAMATION IN HONDURAS—POSSIBLE WAR OF RACES—XICAQUES AND PAYAS—ZAMBOS OR MOSQUITOS—PURE AND BLACK CARIBS—DISTINGUISHING TRAITS—LADINOS—THEIR MODE OF LIFE—GUATEMALA AND HER PEOPLE—DIFFERENT CLASSES—THEIR VOCATIONS—IMPROVED CONDITION OF THE LOWER CLASSES—MESTIZOS—PURE INDIANS—LACANDONES—WHITE AND UPPER CLASS—MANNERS AND CUSTOMS—PREVAILING DISEASES—EPIDEMICS—PROVISION FOR THE INDIGENT.
In Honduras, the amalgamation of races has almost obliterated the line distinguishing whites from blacks. The mixture of white, negro, and Indian has brought about a population ranging in hue from chocolate to cream color. Now and then a pure white descendant of the old aristocratic families may be seen; but such instances are quite rare, as few families have escaped the amalgamation.
A war of races is among the possibilities. In former times some families were wont to enlist blacks and Indians in the deadly feuds of the country; now they stand in dread of elements which will overshadow or exterminate them, unless a timely influx of whites from the United States and Europe shall counter-balance the ever-increasing preponderance of the black race.[XXIX-1] However, there are a number of respectable negro families, some of whose members have occupied high positions in the government.
[Sidenote: WHITE, RED, AND BLACK.]
The Indian or aboriginal element predominates here as in all Central America. In some districts it is difficult to say whose habits of life prevail, the white or the Indian. In the eastern portion of the state,[XXIX-2] the population is almost entirely of Xicaques and Payas, portions of which native tribes have accepted the catholic religion and live at peace with the white inhabitants; the rest, living among the mountains, conform more to their original mode of life, but maintain friendly relations with the white race.
The coast around Carataska Lagoon, and as far to the westward as Brewer or Brus Lagoon, was at one time occupied by zambos, or Mosquitos, but the Caribs spreading rapidly eastward from Trujillo and Black River have displaced them. The zambos have of late years lost their former activity, and surrendered to the besetting vice of drunkenness, which, together with other causes, is hastening their extinction. Most of them having been driven by the Caribs into territory belonging to Nicaragua, the proportion of them still remaining in Honduras must be small.
The Caribs are the descendants of the original inhabitants of the leeward island of Saint Vincent.[XXIX-3] The presence of negro blood among the Caribs is explained by the foundering, when they were still dwelling in Saint Vincent, of an African slave ship, on one of the small islands of the vicinity.[XXIX-4] The Caribs, both the pure and the black, are active, industrious, and provident, and far more civilized than the zambos, living in well-constructed huts, which are kept clean and comfortable. They still retain their original language, though most of them can speak Spanish and a little of English. While professing to be catholics, they retain many of their old rites and superstitions. Being a good, frugal, intelligent, and useful laboring population, much aid may be expected from them in the future development of the country.
In Comayagua and Choluteca there are several towns wholly occupied by Indians, who retain their ancient language and many of their primitive customs. They are industrious, provident, and peaceable; but if left to their own unaided efforts, will never bring about the development of the country; but with the introduction of an intelligent and enterprising people their good qualities could be rendered useful.
Among the ladino class the men are all polite; the educated are well-bred; and even in the lowest walks of life courtly language and manners prevail.[XXIX-5]
The women of the higher class are rather tall, but straight; their every movement is elegant and modest. The brunettes with raven hair prevail as to numbers; yet a fair complexion, with light hair, blue eyes, and ruddy cheeks is found, particularly in the highlands. Pretty hands and arms are common. The women of the lower classes are generous and kind-hearted, hospitable, gentle, frank, and patient. Upon them falls a large share of the work done.[XXIX-6] This does not, of course, apply to women of wealthy families, but the fact stands that the women of the lower orders are mere slaves, albeit they appear cheerful and happy. The practice of men and women living together without being married prevails here, as elsewhere in Central America, chiefly among the lower order.[XXIX-7]
[Sidenote: DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.]
Women of the higher class are taught but little beyond reading, writing, and a few rules of arithmetic, playing on the guitar or piano, dancing, and presenting a good appearance in society. This done, they are soon taken to the altar, and their matronly duties begin. A few young women, however, are sent to the United States for an education.[XXIX-8]
Dwellings in Honduras are mostly of one story; the Hondureños, not having the excuse of earthquakes, say that it was the mode established by their ancestors. The sala, or parlor, is the room where the family pass the greater part of the day, doing nothing in the forenoon.[XXIX-9] The construction of the house is very much like that described for Nicaragua. The residences of the wealthier classes are cleanly and cool, and have neat gardens in the rear, adorned with beautiful flowers and birds in cages. There is no excess of furniture. A bedstead, one or two chairs, and a clothes-press form the ordinary furnishing of a bedroom. But in the houses of the wealthier families, and where several women reside, the rooms are more generously supplied.
Breakfast and dinner are substantial meals with the wealthy.[XXIX-10] The manners observed at table are very sedate, and always courteous. When wine or other beverage is drank, the health of the master and mistress of the house is pledged with the first glass. The poor, especially in eastern Honduras, are badly fed, and though generally fleshy and well formed, are not constitutionally strong. In the cattle districts of Olancho they fare better, getting all the beef they need. Yet even the former make patient and enduring soldiers, capable of travelling twenty leagues a day through the mountains.[XXIX-11]
The upper classes adopt American and European fashions, and costly articles of wearing apparel are in demand. Women, as a rule, wear white dresses the year round, or those of a light pink or blue gauzy stuff. At parties or balls the dress is usually white and very light. Little jewelry is worn. In the street a woman always wears a mantilla or a shawl covering her head. The hair is oftener worn plaited, and put up behind the head. Ringlets are seldom seen. Women are rarely seen out except in the morning and toward sunset.
Men of means travel on fast mules worth at least $150 each; the trappings being silver mounted, and some of the bridles and head-stalls adorned with plates of virgin silver. The Hondurans are fine riders. Many of the females are graceful and fearless horsewomen. The habit of riding on the right side prevails. Sometimes the bottom of the rider's dress is loaded with small silver coins fastened through holes in the skirt.[XXIX-12]
All classes of the people, from the clergy down—or up—indulge in bull and cock fights, horse-racing, dancing, and the excitements of the monte-table, all of which amusements generally follow the services of the church on great civic or religious festivities.[XXIX-13] Gambling is quite general, and thousands have been ruined by this vice; however, there is less of it here than in other parts of Central America. Begging is a prevalent practice throughout the country, and various devices are resorted to by the halt, maimed, blind, and others to obtain alms.[XXIX-14] Good domestic servants are not easily procured in Honduras; they are generally mulattoes of poor intelligence, and exceedingly indolent.[XXIX-15]
[Sidenote: CASTES AND CLASSES.]
The population of Guatemala is set down at about 750,000 Indians, 430,000 ladinos or mestizos, 10,000 persons white or nearly so, 8,000 negroes or colored, and 2,000 foreigners.[XXIX-16] The white men are mostly owners of estates, and several of them belong to the learned professions; others are engaged in trade, or keep shops.[XXIX-17] The mestizos are mechanics, retail shop-keepers, or servants. The Indians are the cultivators of the soil, and generally speaking, the agricultural laborers. Many mestizos, and not a few pure Indians, however, belong to the learned professions, and for that reason are counted among the gentry, though not among the so-called nobles, supposed to be descendants of the Spaniards who in colonial times held positions under the government, or were connected with them.
Until the liberal régime became established in 1871, a régime which did away with the privileges of class, there were two castes in the country; namely, the laboring and producing class, and the governing one which was wholly made up of consumers. Between the two classes custom and the rulers had built up a Chinese wall, an almost impassable barrier. That distinction has been rapidly disappearing under the influence of liberal laws.
The Guatemalans of the educated class are noted for their kindly disposition, simplicity of manners, and high sense of justice. Both sexes are amiable, courteous, and attentive to strangers.[XXIX-18] Notwithstanding their good intellectual powers, owing to the effects of climate, habit, educational and religious training, bad government, and perhaps the combination of those causes, they have been inclined to indolence, and have lacked in vigor of thought, energy, and enterprise; punctuality could not be counted among their good traits, but a most confirmed religious bigotry prevailed for years among all classes.[XXIX-19] An enlightened public opinion, in both government and religious matters, has been, however, growing from the time that the detestable old system was overthrown, it is hoped forever.
The youth of Guatemala are made conversant with the etiquette of society. The higher class are quiet, reticent, grave, and seemingly impassible, but as a rule make good husbands, fathers, and neighbors. They are studiously polite and punctilious, expecting a full return from others. The women are more free, impressive, and impressible than the other sex, gracious in speech, unaffected and winning. They also rank high for morality.[XXIX-20] Many of them are blondes; many have a white skin, with dark eyes and hair.[XXIX-21]
The mestizos, who are the issue of white fathers and Indian mothers, and of the promiscuous intercourse,[XXIX-22] habitually seek the towns. They are, as a class, much the superior intellectually of the pure Indian, better educated, and less superstitious, as well as less loyal to church and government, and too often wicked, treacherous, and dissolute. When not injured by early excesses the mestizos are finely built. The younger and uncorrupted females are distinguished by the voluptuous swell of their busts, fine lithe forms, erect and graceful carriage. They walk with an elastic footstep and inimitable grace and freedom.
[Sidenote: PHYSIQUE AND DWELLINGS.]
The Indians mostly dwell by themselves in villages, many on the estates of planters, and a few in the cities and towns.[XXIX-23] They are supposed to be intensely catholic, but they mix in with their christianity many heathen rites; and being partially educated by the clergy, nearly all understand and can speak the Spanish language. When not corrupted by military service the aboriginal is industrious, mild, and temperate. Those who dwell apart in their villages raise most of the fruits and produce marketed, and make most of the domestic articles sold in shops. Nearly all, and particularly those of the departments of Los Altos, have a fine physical development.
The race has been from the time of the conquest oppressed and kept in a state of barbarous ignorance and superstition. The régime, established since 1871, energetically enforced by the late President Barrios, has done much to bring about a change for the better.[XXIX-24]
The Lacandones have been specially spoken of by several authors who have written on Guatemala. The Spaniards, after attempting in the latter end of the seventeenth century to pacify the warlike Indian provinces, including the Lacandon region, resolved upon forcibly removing the Indian towns. The Indians of the town of Dolores were generally quiet, but as an expensive garrison would be required to make sure of their continuing at peace, the inhabitants were removed first to Aquespala, next for some unknown reason to San Ramon, and finally to Santa Catarina de Retalhuleu.[XXIX-25] These changes caused much suffering; a large number died, others became scattered, but most of them returned to their native mountains.[XXIX-26] The government of Guatemala tried in 1831 and 1837 to bring the Lacandones under its authority, but all its efforts failed, and they have since retained their independence, though seemingly they have abandoned their old predatory habits, contenting themselves with preserving their isolation.[XXIX-27]
The above remarks refer to the western Lacandones, who live on or near the Pasion River, and its tributaries. The eastern Lacandones are a harmless tribe who hold no relations with and fear the others.[XXIX-28]
The dwellings of the citizens of Guatemala are generally of only one story, but the capital and other cities present fine houses of two stories; as a rule the houses are commodious, and abundantly supplied with water. Those of the wealthy are elegantly furnished, and the rest tolerably well provided, the floors being covered with mattings. The habitations of the poor and Indians are mere thatched huts and altogether comfortless.
[Sidenote: DRESS AND FOOD.]
The upper or educated class follow in their dress the fashions of Europe and the United States. The women, however, wear a mantilla or shawl and veil when going to church, and appear without any covering of the head when walking out or on a visit. They like to adorn their hair with flowers.[XXIX-29] The men are rather modest in their apparel, and only when equipped for travelling do they exhibit some ostentation. At such times, their weapons, the trappings of their horses or mules, and other ornaments are expensive, provided their means will allow the indulgence.
The following was the dress worn in the first quarter of the present century by the women of the lower order, not included in the wealthy class. Short red petticoats, with deep plain white flounces round the bottom, gathered up in very thick plaits over their hips with a white border; thence upwards, they had only a chemise to cover them.[XXIX-30] The hair in front was in the madonna form, and the hinder part, being of great length, was divided into tightly plaited cords, which were twisted round the head in various devices. A pink satin shoe, without stockings, completed the costume. Most of the Guatemala damsels of the lower classes dressed in that style, excepting that more frequently they went without shoes, this being specially noted in the servant class.[XXIX-31] Some changes have occurred since then, and a considerable number of the lower order have adopted the custom of dressing like the wealthy, but as a rule a marked difference exists between the two classes.
Men of the mechanic class generally dress like the upper class; the laborers rarely have more than a shirt and trousers; and occasionally a round jacket. Many go barefooted or wear the caite. A common palm or straw hat covers the head. The village or agricultural Indians go scantily clad. The best wear of a male consists of a straw hat, a short-sleeved shirt, short breeches, and caites. The females rarely sport more than a loose waistcoat, and a short petticoat, or a cloth wrapped round the waist, reaching a little below the knees. Children of both sexes run nude.
The food of the Guatemalans is about the same as that of other Central Americans of their respective classes. Travellers will find mesones to provide shelter and refreshments for man and beast at certain distances on their journey.[XXIX-32] At places where no inns exist, the traveller will be accommodated by the priest, or by the alcalde in the town hall.
The Guatemalans, like all Central Americans, are fond of bull and cock fighting,[XXIX-33] as well as of games of chance, which are indulged in with great frequency.[XXIX-34] The government endeavors to provide amusements of a more intellectual and refined character. It built a fine theatre in the capital, and from time to time subsidizes musical and dramatic troupes.[XXIX-35]
Begging is common. The sight of a crowd of beggars in rags, many of them exhibiting their sores, is very repulsive. Those beggars are supported by public charity and are rarely sent away without relief.[XXIX-36]
[Sidenote: DISEASES AND HOSPITALS.]
The several states of Central America have often been visited with calamities in the form of storms and hurricanes, freshets, and fires, causing heavy losses of property, and at times of life also. Disease causes its destruction as elsewhere, and often maladies in an epidemic form have decimated the population. Fevers are rare, except on the coasts, where they prevail during the hottest months.[XXIX-37] The small-pox has on several occasions done havoc among the population. The invasions of the malady in 1851 in Costa Rica, 1862 in Guatemala and Honduras,[XXIX-38] and in 1883 in Costa Rica, have been specially recorded in those countries.[XXIX-39]
Leprosy prevailing in several parts of Central America, special hospitals have been established in some of the republics for the reception and care of persons thus afflicted.[XXIX-40] Syphilis exists in Central America, but is not so prevalent as in Mexico. In some parts laws have been enacted to regulate the social evil.[XXIX-41]
That great scourge of the present century in Europe and America, Asiatic cholera, has repeatedly invaded the Central American states, carrying vast numbers to destruction. In 1836 it desolated the largest cities, and everywhere created the utmost consternation.[XXIX-42] It again made its appearance in the early part of July 1855. A soldier died in Fort San Juan. A few days later a boat-load of cholera patients came to Granada, and forthwith the malady spread throughout Nicaragua and the rest of Central America, its heart-rending effects not ceasing in Salvador and Guatemala till toward the latter part of 1857.[XXIX-43] The disease broke out again epidemically in Nicaragua toward the end of 1866, and continued its ravages there and in Honduras in 1867 and 1868, and it appears that some cases occurred in Honduras even as late as 1871.[XXIX-44]
The several republics have provided hospitals for the care of the indigent poor, as well as other benevolent establishments for the comfort of orphans and others needing public support. There are also charitable societies affording great relief to the sick and destitute.
XXX. INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT
1800-1887.
PUBLIC EDUCATION—EARLY EFFORTS AT DEVELOPMENT—COSTA RICA'S MEASURES—SMALL SUCCESS—EDUCATION IN NICARAGUA—SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES—NICARAGUAN WRITERS—PROGRESS IN SALVADOR AND HONDURAS—BRILLIANT RESULTS IN GUATEMALA—POLYTECHNIC SCHOOL—SCHOOLS OF SCIENCE, ARTS, AND TRADES—INSTITUTE FOR THE DEAF, DUMB, AND BLIND—UNIVERSITY—PUBLIC WRITERS—ABSENCE OF PUBLIC LIBRARIES—CHURCH HISTORY IN CENTRAL AMERICA AND PANAMÁ—CREATION OF DIOCESES OF SALVADOR AND COSTA RICA—IMMORALITY OF PRIESTS—THEIR STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY—EFFORTS TO BREAK THEIR POWER—BANISHMENTS OF PRELATES—EXPULSION OF JESUITS—SUPPRESSION OF MONASTIC ORDERS—SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE—RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.
During the last years of colonial rule the government displayed some interest on behalf of public education in Central America. It was, however, religious rather than secular, and the consequence was that liberal ideas were not countenanced. After the establishment of the republic, and while the liberal system prevailed, this important branch was not neglected.[XXX-1] Later, after the dissolution of the confederation, some of the states, having fallen under the rule of a despotic oligarchy, were lukewarm, to say the best. Costa Rica cannot be accused of neglect.[XXX-2] In 1856 she had public schools in all the towns, supported by the government, and in the chief places others receiving aid from the municipalities.[XXX-3] The university of Santo Tomás, at San José, has chairs of Spanish and Latin grammar, philosophy, mathematics, law, medicine, and pharmacy, and confers diplomas.[XXX-4]
The efforts of general and local authorities, as well as of private individuals, for the spread of instruction among the masses were never discontinued, education being more or less under ecclesiastical control till August 1881, when it was placed under the supervision of the national executive. Thus far educational results were far from satisfactory, the statistics in November 1883 showing, that throughout the republic only 14.70 per centum of the population could read and write.[XXX-5] Nevertheless, there are many well-educated men, who received their instruction in the schools, colleges, and university, and have attained good standing in the several learned professions, and in political life.
The labor to enlighten the masses continues unabated, with hopes of better success. No works of literary importance have been issued from the press in Costa Rica, and only a few newspapers, other than the official journal, are published.
[Sidenote: EDUCATION IN NICARAGUA.]
The advantage to Nicaragua of possessing an educated people has not been unknown, and efforts to that end have been made since early times, though without the desired results.[XXX-6] The general supervision was finally given the executive, and local boards in the departments. Since that time some progress has been made. The number of primary schools has been increased; and schools of agriculture, arts, and trades, new colleges, and a national library have been established. Teachers of both sexes have been brought from the United States and Europe. It is hoped that these efforts, persistently sustained, will yield the better fruits. Indeed, President Cárdenas' message of January 15, 1885, gave a hopeful account, though primary instruction still is quite backward for want of competent teachers.[XXX-7]
There are no data as to the number of those who can read and write, or as to the mental condition of the population. There is no national literature. Persons assuming to write for the public generally do it through a newspaper or loose sheet. Among this class are some who wield powerful pens.[XXX-8] Occasionally there appears a work in book form from the pen of Tomás Ayon, Gerónimo Perez, and others on history or politics.[XXX-9]
The Spanish language was introduced in Nicaragua, as in the rest of Spanish America, but a great number of Indian words are in daily use even by the educated classes.
Salvador, from the earliest days of her autonomical life, has been a warm advocate and supporter of public instruction.[XXX-10] As early as 1846 it was already progressing considerably under President Aguilar's administration.[XXX-11] Attendance having been made compulsory, and schools established to fill the requirements, primary instruction has been brought within the reach of nearly all Salvadorans.[XXX-12] The republic has a large number of educational establishments, to wit, three universities,[XXX-13] a seminary, a botanic garden, schools of agriculture, design, medicine, and military academy. There is also a national library at the capital.[XXX-14] A school of mechanics was ordered founded in 1885.
Salvador does not lack for men of good attainments in science and literature, nor for writers possessed of power and elegance, especially in diplomacy and other political topics.[XXX-15]
[Sidenote: EDUCATION IN HONDURAS.]
The spread of education among the masses in Honduras was until late years sadly neglected.[XXX-16] The state has two universities, one in Comayagua and another in Tegucigalpa, both having, nominally, chairs of law, medicine, and theology.[XXX-17] Most of the educated men of Honduras have received their instruction in foreign countries, or at the universities of the other states.[XXX-18]
The Lancasterian system of education was introduced in Honduras, as in the rest of Central America, early during the confederation system, and has been continued with some modifications. There may, possibly, be 400 schools in all the state, each with an average attendance of 25 pupils, making an average of 10,000 pupils of all classes in a total population of 350,000 to 400,000 souls. There are no libraries in the country worthy of mention, and hardly any newspapers other than the official journal.[XXX-19]
Greater interest has been manifested in public education in late years.[XXX-20] Larger appropriations have been made, and competent teachers procured.[XXX-21]
The retrogressive government which ruled over Guatemala for more than thirty years, down to 1871 when it was overthrown, not only failed to make adequate provision for the education of the masses, but endeavored to keep them in a state of ignorance and fanaticism. The new régime hastened to bring on a change, being convinced that without an educated people, democratic institutions would be impossible. Primary schools were accordingly established as fast as circumstances and the condition of the treasury permitted, in every town and village. In 1876 their number had already reached 600, and progress was uninterrupted after that.[XXX-22] Secondary and professional education have also been fostered. There are three national institutes of secondary instruction for males and two for females, a normal school for training teachers; also several of special instruction, namely, agriculture, design, arts, and trades; one for the deaf and dumb and two of law, one of medicine, and one of engineering. Since 1882 schools of music and elocution and a mercantile academy[XXX-23] have been added. Special mention should be made of the Politécnica, or military academy, in which a liberal education is afforded, comprising English and French, a thorough course of science, including mathematics and drawing, in addition to the specialties of the military profession.[XXX-24]
The national university, which during the old régime had been governed by the ordinances of Cárlos II., the Bewitched, who ruled in the latter part of the seventeenth century, was placed under regulations more in consonance with modern ideas. The establishment has been since imparting the highest order of instruction. The old Sociedad Económica, whose mission is to advance agriculture, and the fine and mechanic arts, likewise has undergone improvements.[XXX-25] The expenditure for public instruction has increased from year to year, as appears in the note below.[XXX-26]
Notwithstanding the retrogressive policy of the oligarchic rule, Guatemala was not devoid of men of ability and learning. Several works have issued from Guatemalan pens, the writers deserving special mention being José Valle, Domingo Juarros, Alejandro Marure, Pedro Molina and his sons, Francisco Barrundia, Lorenzo Montúfar, José Milla, and others, including the brothers Dieguez as poets.[XXX-27]
Newspapers as a rule have had a precarious life, though several of them often contained productions from able Central American pens. The government has at times afforded aid with subsidies.
[Sidenote: RELIGION AND THE CLERGY.]
It is hardly necessary to mention the fact that the catholic religion was the only form of worship recognized or tolerated in Central America during the Spanish domination. Its clergy enjoyed here the same privileges, and were subject to the same duties and restrictions, as in Mexico. In the short period that the country was an appendage of the Mexican empire, no change took place in the relations between church and state. But soon after the establishment of the Central American confederation, and while the liberal democratic party was in power, efforts were made to do away with the privileges of the clergy, and to bring them under subjection to the civil authority.[XXX-28] Pursuant to this policy several laws and measures were adopted against the clergy in general, and Archbishop Casaus in particular,[XXX-29] which irritated the anti-liberals and roused the ire of the clericals, who at once gave utterance to the most fanatical language; and there were even liberal-minded men who took up the cause of the friars and abused in the press some of the wisest measures.[XXX-30] Serious troubles ensued; but during several years the legislative action was sustained, and still more radical resolutions were adopted. In 1829 the archbishop and a portion of his clergy being detected in plotting against the government were forthwith sent out of the country. Two months later the general congress declared religious orders at an end in the republic.[XXX-31]
[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.]
Finally, in 1832, religious freedom was proclaimed,[XXX-32] and it was moreover declared that the appointment to church dignities pertained to the nation, and should be made by the executive.[XXX-33] The church was thus brought low; but a reaction came erelong, and with the practical dissolution of the confederation, the serviles, then in power, undid what their opponents had done, and among other acts restored the privileges of the clergy, and also the monastic orders.[XXX-34] For all that, the church had been struck blows from which it never fully recovered. It is true that the masses still cherished a portion of their former religious bigotry, but from year to year it has been giving way to move liberal sentiments, and foreigners never encountered any difficulty to remain on the score of religion, so long as they respected the prejudices of the people.[XXX-35] The shameless immorality of the priests has tended to develop a feeling of indifference to religion, and to weaken the reverence formerly felt toward its ministers. Being shielded by the fuero eclesiástico from trial by the common courts, the clergy were practically exempt from deserved punishment, provided they were submissive to their superiors.[XXX-36] Superadded to which was the repeated interference of the clergy in political affairs, which had been so baneful that the people came to learn what was the proper orbit of church and state respectively.
Archbishop Casaus died November 10, 1845, aged eighty years.[XXX-37] During his absence, the archdiocese of Guatemala was in charge of Francisco de Paula Pelaez, archbishop of Bostra in partibus infidelium and coadjutor with right of succession, who became Casaus' successor[XXX-38] and held the office till his death, on the 25th of January, 1867.[XXX-39] The next occupant of the see was Bernardo Piñol y Aycinena, late bishop of Nicaragua, from September 1868. The expulsion by the provisional government, in 1871, of the jesuits, together with the confiscation of their estates, and the apprehension of further action against the clergy, prompted the archbishop and many of his subjects to promote a counter-revolution; their plans failed, and the archbishop, together with Mariano Ortiz y Urruela, bishop of Teya in partibus infidelium, was expelled from the country; neither of them ever returned.[XXX-40] The Guatemalans have been since without a pastor.
[Sidenote: THE CHURCH STRIPPED.]
The government soon after concluded to adopt radical measures in order to crush the power of the clergy,[XXX-41] which being accomplished, the government has since provided for the support of public worship and of the benevolent establishments. But freedom of conscience and of worship is fully recognized and protected by law.[XXX-42]
Bishop Barranco occupied the see of Honduras from 1811 to 1819.[XXX-43] It was then vacant until 1841, when Francisco de P. Campoy, a Spaniard, was made bishop. The tithes were restored for the support of the church; they amounted to a large sum, especially in Olancho. Campoy's death occurred on the 24th of September, 1849.[XXX-44] The next incumbent was Hipólito Casiano Flores, appointed in 1854, and consecrated in 1855.
Since the abolition of the monastic orders by President Morazan in 1829 there have been no convents in Honduras.[XXX-45] The clergy are mostly negroes, mulattoes or mestizos; their power for evil has been greatly curtailed.[XXX-46] The authorities and people are neither intolerant nor bigoted; on the contrary, they are very liberal in regard to religion. Freedom of worship exists by law, but the catholic is the religion of the state.[XXX-47]
The aristocrats, who in the early days of the Central American confederation, opposed the creation of a bishopric in Salvador, concluded, in 1842, upon its creation with a bishop who should uphold their ideas. Jorge Viteri y Ungo went to Rome on this mission, and its object was granted.[XXX-48] Viteri himself was made the first bishop[XXX-49] and took possession of his office on the 25th of September, 1843, after swearing allegiance to the state of Salvador. His career has been detailed elsewhere, as well as the cause of his banishment. After his departure the pope, at the request of the Salvadoran government, made Tomás Miguel Pineda y Zaldaña, bishop of Antígora, in partibus infidelium, guardian of the diocese, and upon Viteri's translation to the see of Nicaragua, he became the real bishop.[XXX-50] Zaldaña had troubles with the government, and left the diocese, but after the overthrow of President Gerardo Barrios returned, and ruled till his death on August 7, 1875.[XXX-51] His successor, José Luis Cárcamo y Rodriguez is represented to be intolerant and hostile to the supremacy of civil over ecclesiastical authority. However, freedom of thought and of religion has existed in the country since 1872, and in 1881 marriage was declared to be a civil contract.
The diocese of Nicaragua has had, from its creation till the present time, 41 bishops, though only 37 have ruled over it.[XXX-52] It was originally a suffragan of the archbishopric of Lima, but in 1743 was transferred to that of Guatemala. Since the decree of 1829, suppressing the monastic orders, there have been none in Nicaragua. There never was any nunnery.[XXX-53]
The government allows for the support of the church a sum exceeding $14,000 yearly.[XXX-54]
[Sidenote: CHURCH AND STATE.]
According to the national constitution, the Roman catholic is the state religion, but there is no law against other creeds. Treaties with foreign nations guarantee to their subjects or citizens the most perfect religious liberty, and worship in private houses, chapels, etc. They may also have their own cemeteries.[XXX-55] The relations between church and state are held under a concordat with the holy see of August 29, 1862. Since then there have been dissensions, but they were settled at Rome.[XXX-56] After several vain attempts, Costa Rica was finally made a separate bishopric by a bull of Pius IX., dated March 1, 1850, and since that time the see has been ruled by only two bishops.[XXX-57]
Under the concordat with the pope of October 2, 1882, the government of Costa Rica is bound to make the church an allowance of $9,000 yearly,[XXX-58] but it has almost invariably paid more than double that sum.[XXX-59]
The concordat places the clergy under restrictions. There exists in Costa Rica but little bigotry, except in the lower people. In fact, the educated classes merely acquiesce in the pretensions and formulas of the church.[XXX-60] The most perfect freedom of religion exists, and those not professing the catholic are protected in the exercise of their own forms of worship.[XXX-61]
[Sidenote: INQUISITION ABOLISHED.]
Harmony had prevailed for years in the relations of the state with the church, until Bishop Thiel and some of his priests undertook to assume a superiority over the government. Their attempts failed. President Fernandez expelled the bishop in August 1884,[XXX-62] and Vicar Antonio C. Zamora, who took charge of the diocese, restored friendly relations. After the death of President Fernandez, Bishop Thiel was recalled.
Before bringing the ecclesiastical subject to an end, I must add some remarks on church affairs of the Isthmus of Panamá. The diocese of the Isthmus has had, from its creation in 1514 till 1884, 45 bishops appointed.[XXX-63]
The inquisition was abolished in 1821. The bishop and his clergy were partly supported from the tithes, which at that time yielded about $25,000 a year. The number of clergy was then 89 secular and 25 regular.[XXX-64] Panamá had been well provided with religious buildings, most of which have since been completely ruined.[XXX-65]
There existed from the earliest days of the republic an intimate alliance between the national government and the ecclesiastical authorities, and they aided one another.[XXX-66] The clergy were quite wealthy, possessing many valuable estates, and mortgages on almost all the landed property in Colombia.[XXX-67] In the course of centuries the church became, if not the sole owner, the co-owner of all estates. It also derived a large revenue from first-fruits, tithes, fees, etc.
The republican government from a very early time understood that the immense power wielded by the church was incompatible with the spirit of the age, and began gradually, almost year by year, to curtail it, and to loosen the ties formerly existing between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. In the decade from 1851 to 1860, the church lost much of its political sway, but still held the powerful lever of its great wealth. It was afterward deprived of that wealth, and its much-abused power ceased. This occurred during the war begun in 1860 by the liberal party under General Mosquera against the conservatives, in which the clergy took sides with the latter. Mosquera triumphed; and his first measure was to destroy the power of the church. He issued decrees confiscating its whole property.[XXX-68] That was, of course, accompanied with banishments of bishops and priests.[XXX-69] But afterward, when affairs became more settled, they returned poor and submissive to live on fees for the ministration of religious rites.[XXX-70] From all accounts the people had not lost much by the absence of the priests. The clergy, taken all in all, did not deserve any consideration, and with a few honorable exceptions, do not deserve it now, for they have taken no pains to enlighten the masses, and their discipline and morals have not been and are not exemplary.
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ CHURCH AFFAIRS.]
It was made unlawful to settle property on the church. Religious communities, such as friars, or monks, nuns, etc., were strictly forbidden.[XXX-71] Church and state have been since that time independent of one another, but by law no person can become a bishop or the guardian of a diocese who is not a native citizen of the republic. All religious sects not indulging in immoral practices are recognized and protected by the laws.[XXX-72] In Panamá the cemeteries are in charge of a commission deriving its powers from the civil government.
XXXI. JUDICIAL AND MILITARY
1887.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF GUATEMALA—JURY TRIALS IN THE SEVERAL STATES—COURTS OF HONDURAS—ABSENCE OF CODES IN THE REPUBLIC—DILATORY JUSTICE—IMPUNITY OF CRIME IN HONDURAS AND NICARAGUA—SALVADOR'S JUDICIARY—DILATORY PROCEDURE—CODIFICATION OF LAWS IN NICARAGUA—COSTA RICAN ADMINISTRATION—IMPROVED CODES—PANAMÁ COURTS—GOOD CODES—PUNISHMENTS FOR CRIME IN THE SIX STATES—JAILS AND PENITENTIARIES—MILITARY SERVICE—AVAILABLE FORCE OF EACH STATE—HOW ORGANIZED—NAVAL—EXPENDITURES—MILITARY SCHOOLS—IMPROVEMENTS.
During the Spanish rule the administration of justice in Central America was vested in the real audiencia, composed of a regente, several oidores, a fiscal, and secretary, the governor, captain-general of the provinces, being ex-officio the president. The courts of first resort were filled by alcaldes mayores.[XXXI-1]
One great step taken early in the nineteenth century was the abolition of torture of prisoners and witnesses.[XXXI-2] The córtes had previously, in September 1813, decreed the abolishment of flogging for crime, or in houses of correction, seminaries, schools, etc.[XXXI-3]
Soon after the establishment of the Central American confederation, the national constituent assembly organized a supreme court of justice for the state of Guatemala. Since the dissolution of the confederation, the judicial system of the several states has undergone many changes, which it would occupy too much space to detail here.[XXXI-4] I will therefore confine myself to the present organizations, giving such other particulars as are of general interest.
[Sidenote: PRESENT JUDICIAL SYSTEM.]
In Guatemala the administration of justice is intrusted to a supreme court, four chambers or sections of second resort in the capital, and one court of second resort in Quezaltenango.[XXXI-5] There are also courts of first resort and lower courts for the adjudication of petty civil cases, or the correction of trivial offences. The jury system was formally established by the liberal government in 1872.[XXXI-6]
The legislature, recognizing the necessity of amending the existing codes, authorized the executive to issue laws conducive thereto, which was done.[XXXI-7] The government has caused the construction of two penitentiaries, one in the city of Guatemala, and the other in Quezaltenango.[XXXI-8]
Under the late organization justice is administered with fair regularity and promptness.[XXXI-9] During Barrios' rule an efficient police was organized in the capital.
In Honduras the absence of a penal code caused delays in the prosecution of criminals, and there being no good jails or prisons, their offences often went unwhipped of justice.[XXXI-10] Hence the numerous robbers and assassins then infesting the frontiers. However, we are assured that in the well-settled portions of the country life and property were secure. Capital punishment being abolished by the constitution, the severest punishment that could be inflicted was that of 500 blows with a heavy withe of the consistency of India-rubber.[XXXI-11]
The government in 1876 and succeeding years introduced reforms in the police department. The political disturbances, which had nullified the action of the courts, being now at an end, the supreme and lower courts were at once reorganized, and permitted to exercise their functions. But the non-existence of suitable penal establishments, and the antiquated legislation, were powerful drawbacks. The minister-general was directed by the president to procure the best works on legislation, and the most noted codes on civil and criminal matters, as well as on mining, commerce, etc., with the view of placing the materials in the hands of competent persons, who were to form codes suited to the requirements of the country.[XXXI-12] Such work demands careful study, and time to accomplish it. I am not aware that it is even commenced.
[Sidenote: SALVADOR AND NICARAGUA.]
The laws of Salvador were codified in 1875.[XXXI-13] The judiciary is vested in a supreme court, tribunals, juries,[XXXI-14] and inferior judges established by the constitution and the laws.[XXXI-15] The president in his message of 1878 to congress stated that the administration of justice was not yet as expeditious as it should be, owing chiefly to confusion in the laws, to obviate which he had appointed commissioners to study them, and introduce harmony in the legislation.[XXXI-16] During the year 1878 the chamber of third resort issued 188 decisions, comprising final sentences and decrees in civil and criminal causes.[XXXI-17]
The administration of justice in Nicaragua is vested in a supreme court and a variety of lower courts.[XXXI-18] The supreme court is divided into two sections, one residing at Leon, and the other at Granada.[XXXI-19] The alcalde of each town has cognizance of civil cases not exceeding $100 in value, and of simple infractions of police ordinances. Cases of greater importance must go before the judge of first resort.[XXXI-20]
The laws have never been collected and revised to form one body of legislation. The only ones published, to my knowledge, are the code of commerce, on March 12, 1869; the civil code, on March 31, 1871; that of civil procedure, in May 1871; and lastly, the laws on hacienda, in 1872.[XXXI-21] The executive in his message of 1871 complained that the legislation was defective, and that it was almost impossible to terminate suits at law.[XXXI-22] In criminal causes the constitution enjoined the greatest precautions and restrictions for inflicting the death penalty, which was by shooting the prisoner. But that penalty was finally abolished on the 31st of March, 1873.[XXXI-23] Trial by jury for grave offences was established on the 31st of March, 1871. Punishments for other offences are, under the penal code of 1839,[XXXI-24] detention for a long or short term, with or without pecuniary fines, in chains or without them, and with hard labor, or none. Women sentenced for serious crime are made to work in the hospitals. Incorrigible criminals of the male sex may be sentenced to receive a number of blows on the bare back, even as many as 500, as elsewhere.[XXXI-25]
The number of criminal prosecutions initiated from December 1, 1880, to Nov. 30, 1882, throughout the republic, were 1,976 of men and 161 of women, a total of 2,137.[XXXI-26]
[Sidenote: COSTA RICA JUDICIARY.]
Costa Rica, as soon as she became a member of the Central American confederation, organized a judiciary of her own, consisting of a superior court, several tribunals of first resort in the provinces, and the alcaldes of towns, who were justices of the peace, with jurisdiction over petty affairs both civil and criminal. The supreme court has since undergone many changes, which would occupy too much space to detail. Its members have been sometimes appointed by the executive, and at others chosen by the people or the legislative body.[XXXI-27] At present, they are elective, the court being formed with the following personnel: president of the full court, presidents of the first and second sections, six justices, secretary, and the requisite clerks, etc.[XXXI-28] The administration of justice in the first instance is vested in courts sitting in each province, and having civil and criminal jurisdiction, except in the province of San José, which has a civil and a criminal court, distinct from one another.[XXXI-29]
Costa Rica adopted in or about 1841 a civil and penal code, and likewise a code of procedure, with which she rid herself of the old cumbersome and expensive legislation.[XXXI-30] But nothing was done toward improving this work. Indeed, the administration of justice in Costa Rica is not what it should be, not for lack of honesty, ability, or laboriousness on the part of the courts, but because of the antiquated and inadequate civil legislation and mode of procedure.[XXXI-31]
The government, after obtaining the authorization of the national congress, appointed a commission to form new codes.[XXXI-32] No difficulties were apprehended in regard to the civil code; but the penal code, involving the manner of dealing with criminals, has required a more careful study, with the view of abandoning the old vindictive system.[XXXI-33]
Under the new penal code there were to be three separate presidios for different grades of criminals; but owing to scarcity of funds only two were established, one on Coco Island, and the other on San Lúcas.[XXXI-34] But later, under an executive order of November 6, 1882, the prisoners on Coco were removed to San Lúcas, and thus were the three presidios which should have been separate merged into one.
Under the latest constitution of the state of Panamá, the judiciary was comprised of the following: a superior court in the state capital;[XXXI-35] one district court for civil and one for criminal affairs in the same city; in the other departments the district judge has jurisdiction over civil and criminal causes. In each ward of the capital there is an alcalde, and in the country a regidor for each canton.[XXXI-36]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ MATTERS.]
A penal code was adopted by the constituent assembly in July 1863, under which capital punishment was abolished, and the highest penalty established was that of ten years in chains with hard labor.[XXXI-37] A contract was entered into with Justo Arosemena in 1868 to revise some codes and form others,[XXXI-38] and in general to codify all existing laws. The contract was fully carried out, and the state became possessed of a full and well-arranged system of legislation.
Of the criminal prosecutions initiated in 1876 only thirteen per centum resulted in convictions, which elicited from the government secretary some deprecatory remarks.[XXXI-39] The state had in 1880 an organized body of police of a little over forty men including the officers. The men are armed with a club, and on extraordinary occasions with carbines or rifles.[XXXI-40] The prison arrangements have nothing to commend them.[XXXI-41]
* * * * *
In regard to the military department of the Isthmus, hardly anything can be said with certainty. It might possibly, in an emergency, keep under arms 3,000 or 4,000 men for a short period. The force in active service has varied with circumstances from 400 or 500 to 75.[XXXI-42] The number of commissioned officers has ever been large, and not a few of them received pay without rendering any service worth mentioning.[XXXI-43] The general government of Colombia usually keeps a force of its own, varying between 150 and 500 men, with the double object of guarding the transit from interruption, and of controlling the political situation.
The available military force of Costa Rica for active service is close upon 15,000 men, to which must be added a reserve of nearly 6,000, the national guard of about 3,500, and the field and company officers numbering 2,485. The garrisons of San José, Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela, Liberia, and Puntarenas in 1883 aggregated less than 500, including officers, and 85 musicians, a reduction of 128 from the preceding year.[XXXI-44] The garrison formerly kept at the president's house was suppressed. Schools exist for instructing the militia officers. A good supply of arms, ammunition, and other war material is kept in serviceable condition.[XXXI-45] Costa Rica formerly had a navy of three steam vessels and one schooner. The latter is all she has now, besides two small steamers used for the protection of the revenue.
[Sidenote: ARMY AND NAVY.]
In Nicaragua the army continued in the biennial period of 1881-2, as formerly organized, in three divisions of 3,200 men each, which might easily be increased, but that number was deemed sufficient to cover the garrisons.[XXXI-46] The republic is provided with artillery and other arms, as well as with the requisite ammunition. Invalided men, and widows and orphans of the soldiers, receive pensions.[XXXI-47]
Nicaragua may in the course of time become a maritime nation. At present there is no Nicaraguan navy. The naval service is reduced to the mere police of the ports of San Juan del Norte, San Juan del Sur, and Corinto.
Honduras has but a small number of men under arms in time of peace, but all male citizens from 18 to 50 years must do military service in time of war.[XXXI-48]
The men do not make a fine display, but will march from 50 to 60 miles a day with no other food than a plantain and a little cheese, and when well officered, will fight desperately.
The government has had it in contemplation to introduce some order in the service, and to develop a sentiment of respect and appreciation of the military profession; but I am not aware that any change for the better has taken place. Honduras has forts at Omoa and Trujillo, the same which existed in the Spanish domination; they could offer resistance to scarcely any force bombarding them from the sea.
The government of Salvador, in May 1879, ordered a complete reorganization of the army, fixing its force at 20,000 men in four divisions,[XXXI-49] whose commander-in-chief should be the president of the republic,[XXXI-50] who allowed himself four aides-de-camp of the rank of colonel, four of the grade of lieutenant-colonel, and eight others from captains to sub-lieutenants. The term of military service was fixed at six years, each man being credited with double time for active service. The cost of the force doing garrison duty, which in 1876 had been fixed at 1,427 men—exclusive of the general staff, other officers of all grades, and two music bands—was computed at $31,788 per month.[XXXI-51]
An act of congress of January 1877 suppressed pensions of officials on retiring from service, and extended the rule to military men having means of their own for support. The retired pension was to be paid only to destitute ones, and in no case was it to exceed fifty dollars a month.[XXXI-52] A new military code was promulgated on the 1st of January, 1880.[XXXI-53]
In Guatemala military service is required of every male citizen of the ages of 18 to 50, excepting Indians, priests, 'students,' and those who pay fifty dollars a year for exemption.[XXXI-54] The strength of the army is estimated at 16,000, but there is no doubt that a larger force can be raised when needed. The following are the grades of commissioned officers in the service: generals of division and of brigade,[XXXI-55] colonel, lieutenant-colonel, first and second comandantes, captain, lieutenant, and sub-lieutenant.[XXXI-56]
[Sidenote: GUATEMALA AFFAIRS.]
The government of President Barrios labored assiduously in providing the country with a well-disciplined militia, having competent officers, as well as with the other necessary elements of a perfectly organized army. The military school has already furnished useful officers.[XXXI-57] The ranks are filled without dragging men from their usual vocations; garrisons are frequently relieved, the active service being distributed among the several departments. Citizens have since looked on the profession as one of honor and glory, instead of shunning it as in former times.[XXXI-58] A well-provided hospital was established in the capital, which went into operation on March 15, 1881.[XXXI-59]
The expenditures of the war department for the fiscal year 1883 were $1,031,501.[XXXI-60]
XXXII. INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS
1800-1887.
EARLY AGRICULTURE—PROTECTION OF THE INDUSTRY—GREAT PROGRESS ATTAINED—COMMUNAL LANDS—AGRICULTURAL WEALTH—DECAY OF COCHINEAL—DEVELOPMENT OF OTHER STAPLES—INDIGO, COFFEE, SUGAR, CACAO, AND TOBACCO—FOOD AND OTHER PRODUCTS—PRECIOUS WOODS AND MEDICINAL PLANTS—LIVE-STOCK—VALUE OF ANNUAL PRODUCTION IN EACH STATE—NATURAL PRODUCTS OF PANAMÁ—NEGLECT OF AGRICULTURE—MINERAL WEALTH—YIELD OF PRECIOUS METALS—MINING IN HONDURAS, SALVADOR, AND NICARAGUA—DEPOSITS OF GUATEMALA AND COSTA RICA—MINTS—FORMER YIELD OF PANAMÁ—MINING NEGLECTED ON THE ISTHMUS—INCIPIENCY OF MANUFACTURES—PRODUCTS FOR DOMESTIC USE.
In the early part of the present century cattle were the mainstay of the large estates in Central America; but the great staple was indigo.[XXXII-1] Sugar and raspadura were also important crops, but the most valuable was that of Indian corn. Some tobacco was also grown. The cacao plantations had ceased to exist. The cultivation of jiquilite, cochineal, and vanilla had also declined.[XXXII-2]
[Sidenote: GUATEMALA PLANTATIONS.]
Guatemala passed, from time to time, laws for the protection and development of agriculture,[XXXII-3] and yet it made no notable progress down to the end of the seventh decade.[XXXII-4] But with the establishment of a more liberal system, a great change soon became manifest. The cultivation of cochineal having become unproductive,[XXXII-5] the government turned its attention to the development of coffee,[XXXII-6] until it became the first source of wealth of the country. In Antigua Guatemala coffee, and in Amatitlan sugar, have taken the place of cochineal.[XXXII-7] Every possible encouragement has been given to other products, such as sugar, wheat, tobacco, cinchona, jiquilite, spices, and grapes, with good results in some of them, and prospects of the same in others.[XXXII-8] I give in note statistical data on the country's productions.[XXXII-9]
Honduras produces all the great staples of the tropics. The land on both coasts is adapted for cotton.[XXXII-10] A soft, slender, and juicy sugar-cane is indigenous; two and even three crops are taken annually. This cane requires replanting only once in ten or twelve years. Excellent coffee may be had in abundance if cultivated. Cochineal and grapes were obtained in former years.[XXXII-11] The nopal is indigenous and abundant in Comayagua. The tobacco of Honduras has a well-deserved reputation. Indigo is produced in quantities for commercial purposes. Food staples are varied and abundant. The country has also a wealth of precious woods, and indeed, of every variety common to the tropics. Of fruit-trees, there are many indigenous. Sarsaparilla, of which there is none superior, is found in abundance, particularly on the northern and eastern coasts. Vanilla grows in the same districts.[XXXII-12] Agriculture is progressing. The cultivation of fruit-trees on the northern coast has drawn the attention of capitalists. Coffee, indigo, sugar-cane, and tobacco are the chief staples. Neat cattle were the most obvious source of wealth, the interior country being favorable for their increase.[XXXII-13]
Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica enjoy the same advantages as the other two states already described, and have within the last thirty years developed agriculture in a remarkable degree. The great products of the first named are indigo, coffee, maize, sugar, and rice. A variety of other articles contribute to increase the country's wealth.[XXXII-14] The old system of communal lands prevails throughout Central America.
The chief staples of Nicaragua are cacao, sugar, indigo, tobacco, cotton, coffee, wheat, and other cereals, and plantains and fruits in great profusion.[XXXII-15] The departments of Rivas, Granada, Leon, and Chinandega supply trade with the most valuable staples. The government has endeavored to promote agriculture, particularly the cultivation of coffee and tobacco.[XXXII-16] Among other productions mention must be made of the inexhaustible quantities of medicinal plants, and valuable cabinet and dye woods.[XXXII-17] Cattle are another source of wealth, but cattle-raising has its drawbacks.[XXXII-18]
[Sidenote: COSTA RICA AND PANAMÁ.]
Costa Rica produces indigo and sugar of excellent quality, and some of the best cacao in the Matina Valley.[XXXII-19] Wheat, potatoes, and other vegetables, apples, and other fruits of the temperate zone are also found; but the republic's chief staple and source of wealth is coffee.[XXXII-20] The plantations are small and looked to with the utmost care. The largest one of Costa Rica would be considered small in Guatemala; but on the other hand, men and women find occupation, and there is no actual poverty. The production of coffee has steadily increased, except when rains have been scanty or excessive, or locusts have caused devastation in the fields.[XXXII-21]
Fiscal monopolies have kept back, in a great measure, the development of the cultivation of sugar and tobacco.[XXXII-22] The country is well supplied with livestock of all kinds, and is also rich in valuable cabinet and dye woods as well as in medicinal plants.
The soil of the Isthmus of Panamá is well adapted for all tropical productions. The country only needs an industrious population and peace to develop its immense natural wealth. The chief productions are Indian corn, sugar-cane, rice, a great variety of fruits, vegetables, and nutritious roots, such as yam, yucca, etc. Agriculture has been limited to the supply of edibles, and of late years to the shipment of some fruit to the United States. The cultivation of sugar and coffee might be made profitable, though requiring a large outlay, but for being dependent on an uncertain supply of labor. In 1862 and 1863, cotton culture was undertaken in the interior with fair success, and in 1864 had spread all over the country.[XXXII-23] The plant is perennial, and yet, with this and other advantages, the natives have not become awake to the importance of it. Cacao is another article that might be grown to advantage. The government has tried to promote the culture of coffee and cacao.[XXXII-24]
Coffee and sugar are cultivated, but not in sufficient quantity to meet even the home demand. I append in a note an official account of agricultural production for 1882, though not giving it much value.[XXXII-25]
[Sidenote: VERAGUA AND CHIRIQUÍ.]
Veragua and Chiriquí have good plains for raising neat cattle, goats, pigs, horses, asses, and mules.[XXXII-26] Poultry, and a great variety of wild animals exist in abundance. The seas on the two coasts are well stocked with fish.
The Isthmus has plenty of timber of the best kinds and of enormous size, found in South Darien, and in all the mountains on both coasts, and in the islands; also cabinet and dye woods, and medicinal plants.[XXXII-27]
* * * * *
Of the five states of Central America, Honduras appears to be the most plentifully supplied with mineral wealth. Mount Merendon was long celebrated for its silver and gold mines. Until about thirty or forty years ago, mining was the most prominent interest in the state, but wars and political disturbances caused the abandonment of the mines, and the works fell into decay, after which there was neither enterprise, capital, nor skill to restore them. The owners of the property afterward became owners of immense grazing estates. Some mines were continued in operation, however, on a small scale, and in a rude manner.[XXXII-28] In 1860 and for some preceding years the bullion export of Honduras amounted to about $400,000 annually, most of it being gold collected by the Indians from shallow washings.
[Sidenote: MINERALS AND METALS.]
The development of the mining wealth of Honduras is engaging the attention of foreign capitalists.[XXXII-29] Several companies have been organized in the United States, France, and elsewhere to work the mines in the departments of Tegucigalpa, Santa Bárbara, Yuscaran, and Jutigalpa.[XXXII-30]
Guatemala has not been noted for mines. However, the district in the Alotepec mountains was rich toward the latter part of the eighteenth century, yielding large quantities of silver.[XXXII-31] The river sands of the department of Chiquimula are auriferous, and the Indians wash them for gold.[XXXII-32] Recently several deposits have been reported to the government, of lead, silver, gold, cinnabar, coal, kaoline, marble, etc.[XXXII-33]
Nicaragua possesses an immense wealth in minerals, which has not been developed as yet, except on a small scale, and generally, without any intelligence. Gold and silver and several useful metals are found in great abundance.[XXXII-34] There are also deposits of gypsum, marble, alabaster, lime, saltpetre, etc. Sulphur is sometimes found pure. The mining laws favor the industry by either natives or foreigners. A mint has existed in the republic for several years.[XXXII-35]
In Salvador there can be no mines of precious metals out of that portion of the state which is geologically dependent on the mountain system of Honduras. The silver mines of Tabanco, Encuentros, Sociedad, Loma Larga, Divisaderos, Capetilla, Santa Rosalía, etc., in the department of San Miguel, on the north-eastern part, and bordering on Honduras, have had a wide celebrity. Some of them were extensively worked, and with great profit. The group called Minas de Tabanco, holding the ore in combination with galena and sulphuret of zinc, are easily worked.[XXXII-36]
Salvador has rich mines of iron near Santa Ana, and of brown coal throughout the valley of the Lempa, and in the valleys of some of its tributaries, over a region of 100 miles long by 20 miles broad.[XXXII-37]
Costa Rica has been less favored than the other states in mining wealth. Rich gold mines are supposed to exist near the border of Panamá.[XXXII-38] In the Aguiate Mountains and at cuesta del Jocote gold mines were worked by foreigners with a moderate profit. It is stated that the country also possesses mines of silver, copper, nickel, zinc, iron, lead, and coal.[XXXII-39] The republic keeps a well-organized mint, the improvements having been first introduced by Chief Mora; since then none of his successors has neglected that establishment.
[Sidenote: YIELD OF PRECIOUS METALS.]
The yield of gold and silver of the five states of Central America for the years 1804-1868 is estimated at $13,800,000 of the former, and $7,400,000 of the latter, making a total of $21,200,000.[XXXII-40] The yearly supply since has been roughly calculated at $300,000 in gold, and $200,000 in silver.[XXXII-41]
The Isthmus is reputed to have a great mineral wealth. The mines of Darien have been renowned from the earliest times after the conquest. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa speaks enthusiastically of them.[XXXII-42] They were not worked till the second half of the seventeenth century. The richest of them were those of Santa Cruz de Cana, where of the Espíritu Santo was the chief.[XXXII-43] In 1708 the king's fifths were equivalent to $216,500. The mines had attained a high state of prosperity, when an end was put thereto by the Indian revolt in 1726 and 1727.[XXXII-44] Since then, though the mines have been granted from time to time to several parties, nothing has been done worth mentioning.[XXXII-45] It is believed that the yield of these mines had reached 18,000 to 20,000 pounds of gold yearly.[XXXII-46]
According to a report addressed to the Colombian secretary of the treasury, and published in the Diario Oficial at Bogotá, the whole production of gold and silver in New Granada or Colombia, from 1537 to 1800 was $414,000,000, and from 1801 to 1882, it was $216,000,000; total, $630,000,000,[XXXII-47] of which amount $74,000,000 is credited to the Isthmus of Panamá, four millions of them being the yield of the present century. Cinnabar and manganese are reported to exist on the Isthmus, and coal in Chiriquí, Bocas del Toro, and the bottom of Colon harbor.[XXXII-48]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: MANUFACTURES.]
Manufacturers are as yet in their infancy in Central America.[XXXII-49] Since the separation from Spain, every inducement has been offered to develop them, and more especially after the change of governmental régime of 1871.[XXXII-50] In later times we find in Quezaltenango good factories for spinning and weaving textiles. In Chiquimula they manufacture palm-leaf hats, mats, and maguey-fibre baskets. In Vera Paz the natives make excellent hammocks, bags, rope, etc. But the fact stands officially acknowledged that Guatemala has not made a sufficient advancement to enable her to export any manufactures, or even to compete in her own markets with the better and cheaper productions of other countries.[XXXII-51]
In Honduras manufactures are at a low ebb, owing to the condition of affairs before and after her independence, not less than to the composition of her people.
There are in Salvador several factories at which cotton and silk rebozos are made, which meet with easy sale in all the Central American markets.[XXXII-52] Hammocks, earthen-ware, straw hats, cigarettes, sweetmeats, etc., are manufactured. Rum is made, as in Guatemala, from sugar-cane.
In Nicaragua mechanics are scarce. Manufacturing is yet in the incipient state.[XXXII-53] However, the Indians make excellent pottery and other articles for home consumption.[XXXII-54]
In Costa Rica there is hardly any domestic manufacturing.[XXXII-55] Efforts are made by the government to develop the industry.[XXXII-56]
As regards Panamá, it may be said that manufactures are almost unknown, save such as are imported.[XXXII-57]