XVI. WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA…

XVI. WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA

1855-1856.

KINNEY'S EXPEDITION—WILLIAM WALKER JOINS THE DEMOCRATS—FAILURE OF HIS EXPEDITION TO RIVAS—CHOLERA DECIMATES THE LEGITIMISTS AT MANAGUA—DEATH OF MUÑOZ—WALKER'S VICTORIES AT LA VÍRGEN AND GRANADA—EXECUTION OF MINISTER MAYORGA—WALKER'S CONVENTION WITH CORRAL—PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT ORGANIZED—PRESIDENT PATRICIO RIVAS—COMMANDER OF THE FORCES, WALKER—MINISTER OF WAR CORRAL PUT TO DEATH FOR TREASON—RECOGNITION BY SALVADOR AND HONDURAS—SEIZURE OF THE TRANSIT COMPANY'S STEAMERS—COSTA RICANS ON THE WAR-PATH—HAVOC OF CHOLERA.

Certain men of the United States, with ideas somewhat warped in regard to the relative rights of humanity, now come forward, as in the line of their destiny, to interfere in the affairs of their neighbors. The legitimist government of Nicaragua, in May 1855, felt certain of ultimate triumph over its democratic opponents at Leon. Circumstances seemed to point that way, when the infusion of this foreign element at this time came to defeat all preconceived plans.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT AT RIVAS.]

News arrived from the United States of the organization in New York, Philadelphia, and Washington, by H. L. Kinney, Fabens, American commercial agent at San Juan del Norte, and others, of an expedition ostensibly to establish a colony on the Mosquito Coast for the purpose of developing its resources, but really designed to overthrow the governments of Central America, and usurp sovereignty over the whole country.[XVI-1] Remonstrances against the scheme were duly made to the American government, which partially succeeded in their purpose. However, the project was not exactly the source of the dire calamities that were erelong to befall Nicaragua.[XVI-2] The real danger lay in another direction, to explain which I must go back in my narrative to previous events. An American named Byron Cole, who had conceived plans with respect to Central America, and was well informed on her affairs, arrived at Leon, in August 1854, when the democratic leaders became convinced that they could not take Granada. They entered into a contract with him to bring an expedition of foreigners, under the garb of colonists, who should receive grants of land.[XVI-3] Cole transferred his contract to William Walker, who at once set to work in organizing the expedition.[XVI-4] He sailed from San Francisco, California, May 4, 1855, on the brig Vesta, with 58 men,[XVI-5] touched at Amapala to meet Captain Morton, Castellon's agent, and on the 13th of June reached Realejo, where he received the greetings of the government he was to serve from Lieutenant-colonel Félix Ramirez.[XVI-6] At Leon he refused to serve under General Muñoz.[XVI-7] He was made a colonel of the Nicaraguan army, and with 55 foreigners and 100 natives was despatched to the department of Rivas, having in his company colonels Ramirez and Mendez, and Máximo Espinosa, the last-named going there as prefect. Muñoz at once informed Corral of the movement, and the town of Rivas was reënforced and prepared for defence. Walker obtained some advantages at first, on the 29th of June, but being assailed on his left by Colonel Argüello, his foreigners were dispersed, and Ramirez' native force fled, and entered Costa Rican territory.[XVI-8] Walker and his phalanx reached San Juan del Sur, whence they returned to Realejo on the brig San José;[XVI-9] and shortly after, Estrada, the legitimist president, went to Managua in June, staying there until early in July, when the first cases of cholera occurred.[XVI-10] The mortality in Managua from the epidemic was greater than in any other town, owing to the concentration of troops there. The army which had been organized for assailing Leon was destroyed within a few days; and only a small body of officers of all grades, some of them in a dying condition, transferred themselves to Granada, entirely abandoning Managua. The epidemic was still doing its work, when the action of El Sauce took place on the 18th of August, between forces respectively commanded by Guardiola and Muñoz, in which the former were defeated, and abandoned the place to their assailants; but just as success was crowning democratic efforts, Muñoz was killed by a bullet entering his side.[XVI-11] The victors, now under Colonel Sarría, did not pursue the enemy, but resolutely countermarched to Leon, and meeting Jerez on the road, who wished to lead them against the legitimists, they refused to follow him.

[Sidenote: SAN JUAN DEL SUR EXPEDITION.]

Another expedition under Walker, composed of 50 foreigners and 120 natives, whose immediate chief was J. M. Valle, alias El Chelon, sailed from Realejo on the 23d of August, and landed at San Juan del Sur on the 29th, his main object being to take up a position on the transit route between the two oceans. The news of his landing reached Granada on Guardiola's return from his ill-fated fight at El Sauce. Guardiola went to Rivas, and assuming command of 500 men, in the night between the 2d and 3d of September, marched against Walker. Once on the main road he heard that the latter had gone to La Vírgen, on Lake Nicaragua, and rapidly countermarched to that place, expecting to surprise the enemy. But he made the mistake of attacking an opponent whom he could not see, and in a little while his men became dispersed, and hurried back to Rivas. This may be said to have been the end of Guardiola's career in Nicaragua.[XVI-12] Corral was now placed in command of the legitimist forces in the south.

Castellon, the head of the democratic government, died of cholera on the 2d of September, and Senator Nazario Escoto was called to succeed him.

Walker's force, after his victory at La Vírgen, became greatly augmented with native democrats.[XVI-13] His movement on La Vírgen was intended to show that he had a sufficient force to take the offensive. After the action he returned to San Juan del Sur, where he received from Corral a paper hinting at a desire to enter into confidential relations with him, to which he paid no attention. His plan was to make a dash upon and occupy the legitimist seat of government, the battered city of Granada.[XVI-14] In furtherance of which Espinosa was despatched to Leon to ask the government for a diversion toward Managua, so as to draw resources away from Granada. General Pineda was accordingly stationed with a respectable force in Pueblo Nuevo. The legitimists, under General Hernandez, attacked Pineda on the 11th of October, defeated and drove him out of the place, after which he demanded of the government at Leon the surrender of the town, together with its garrison and military stores, as the only means of averting the bloodshed which must follow any attempt at resistance. The democrats suffered reverse, but Walker gained his point. Granada was left with a weak garrison. He had a force of 250 natives and about 80 Americans, with which he left San Juan at daybreak on the 11th of October, arriving at La Vírgen early the same morning. In the afternoon Colonel Hornsby seized the steamboat Vírgen, and the next morning the troops were embarked and informed that their destination was Granada. They effected a landing at 3 o'clock in the morning of the 13th, and took Granada with little resistance from the insignificant civic guard which constituted the garrison.[XVI-15] The place was taken before a majority of the inhabitants knew who their visitors were. President Estrada, and the ministers Nicasio Castillo and Francisco Barberena, saved themselves on foot in different directions, which the other ministers, Mayorga and Ruiz, failed to do. The fact is, that persons who did not get away at the moment of the invasion found themselves unable to do so, and at the mercy of the enemy. Walker, however, checked the abuses of his soldiery, and liberated nearly 100 political prisoners, who had been kept in chains and at hard labor, and who now joined his banner to a man. He next issued a proclamation guaranteeing the lives, liberty, and property of legitimists promising to be peaceable.[XVI-16]

[Sidenote: ATTITUDE OF THE BELLIGERENTS.]

Walker now manifested a disposition to treat with Corral, who had prepared five hundred men for an attempt to recover Granada. Juan J. Ruiz, Estrada's minister of war, was despatched by water in company with John H. Wheeler, the American minister, to convey a message to Corral at Rivas; but on finding that the legitimist general had gone off to the eastern department, he escaped into Costa Rica. Another commission went by land, and meeting the legitimist army near Nandaime, communicated to the general Walker's message to this effect: peace, on the condition that the two leaders should govern the republic, Corral as president, and Walker as commander of the forces.[XVI-17] The proposition was not accepted. The expedition which had been prepared for an effort to recuperate Granada finally went to Masaya, where the legitimist government became organized, with President Estrada, and his ministers, Castillo and Barberena.

[Sidenote: ASCENDENCY OF THE FILIBUSTER.]

The officers who had won the victory at Pueblo Nuevo, fearing that their country would become a prey to the foreign adventurers, proposed to Escoto's government a fusion of the parties, to drive Walker and his myrmidons out of the country. This effort failed.[XVI-18] Walker and Valle, for their successful campaign in the south, were on the 22d of October promoted to brigadier-general. The first named, angered by Corral's refusal to accept his proposals, and ignoring his own pledges to the prisoners taken at Granada, reduced to close confinement some of the most prominent, among them the ex-minister Mayorga,[XVI-19] whereupon a commission, composed of the Frenchman Pierre Rouhaud of Granada, and Fermin Arana, represented to Corral the necessity of his coming to amicable arrangement with Walker, but he declined a second time. Meanwhile an incident occurred which greatly aggravated the evils of the situation. Parker H. French[XVI-20] brought fifty men to Walker from California, who, under a so-called Colonel Fry, were to capture Fort San Cárlos, which they failed to do. The steamer then returned to Granada to leave the recruits, and to La Vírgen to land the rest of the passengers. This was done just as some legitimist troops, under Captain F. Gutierrez, arrived. Gutierrez asserted that he had been fired upon from the house of the Transit company, and returned the fire, keeping it up till hostilities from the other side ceased. The result was, that two or three passengers from the United States were killed. The San Cárlos also fired shots at the river steamer on her return from the north with passengers, a gun killing a woman and child.[XVI-21] This news reached Granada together with Corral's second refusal. Walker then resolved upon retaliation, to avenge the slain of San Cárlos and La Vírgen, and to frighten the legitimists into accepting terms of compromise. Mayorga, a young man of twenty-nine, generally esteemed for his fine qualities, was the chosen victim, and shot in the morning of the 23d.[XVI-22] Rouhaud and Arana went on the 22d to Masaya, reporting Mayorga's fate, and urging the absolute necessity of disarming Walker's wrath to avert greater calamities.[XVI-23] Added to their statement was a petition from the prisoners in favor of peace, and the alarming news that four hundred more riflemen had arrived to swell Walker's army. The legitimist authorities concluded then to negotiate for peace, and sent Corral to Granada on the 23d for that purpose, which was tantamount to a capitulation. The chief clauses agreed upon between him and Walker were: suspension of hostilities; recognition of Patricio Rivas as provisional president; and reorganization of the two contending forces into one army, with Walker as its commander-in-chief.[XVI-24] Corral returned to Masaya, and Estrada, submitting to the force of circumstances, approved it, though his army was disposed to disregard the capitulation.[XVI-25] However, he filed a protest declaring that the arrangement had been forced upon him, and therefore void.[XVI-26] He called on the other governments to come, without further invitation, and save the independence, sovereignty, and liberties of Nicaragua; and to that effect appointed commissioners with unlimited powers[XVI-27] to conclude adequate treaties. The fall of Cabañas in Honduras opened an opportunity in that direction. Estrada dissolved his government October 28th, and departed for Chontales, but soon after had to take refuge in Honduras.

[Sidenote: MURDEROUS PROCEEDINGS.]

Fermin Ferrer and Valle, alias El Chelon, were despatched as commissioners to obtain the assent of the government at Leon to the convention of October 23d, which, in view of Walkers rebellion, was given only after some hesitation.[XVI-28] A commission was despatched to Walker to thank him for his services, which had made possible a peace, and to authorize him to ratify the arrangement. After which the government, October 28th, dissolved itself. The commissioners[XVI-29] arrived at Granada on the 31st, and found there the provisional president, Patricio Rivas,[XVI-30] who had arrived from San Juan del Norte on the 30th, and occupied the presidential chair. He had at first appointed Corral minister of war, Walker general of division and in chief of the forces, and Norberto Ramirez minister of relations. Corral was pleased with this arrangement, as Rivas was disposed to rely on him; but Walker became suspicious, and the result was that, Corral's opposition notwithstanding, Rivas was made a blind tool of Walker, and in obedience to orders appointed a new cabinet with a majority of democrats; namely, Máximo Jerez, of relations; Fermin Ferrer, of public credit; Parker H. French, of the treasury; Corral retaining the war portfolio. The latter now saw the abyss his weakness had thrown him into. The man who, ignoring the duty he owed his cause, threatened with death any one proposing to him plans against Walker, now writes Martinez, comandante at Managua, that all is lost, and he, Martinez, must take some steps to save the country. With this letter were enclosed others to the same effect addressed to generals Guardiola and Pedro Xatruch, who had returned to Honduras.[XVI-31] These letters went into the hands of Walker,[XVI-32] who at once called to his presence the legitimists then in the city to forbid the departure of any of them, and laid the letters before Rivas and his cabinet. Corral acknowledged the authorship, declaring that he was solely responsible for them. It was then decided to confine in prison Corral and his chief supporters. This was on the 5th of November, the day after Corral's troops had been, without any previous notice, disarmed.[XVI-33] On the 6th, it was decreed that Corral should be dealt with as a traitor and tried by court-martial, which was done in the presence and with the approval of the government, notwithstanding its illegality.[XVI-34] The trial took place, and the prisoner was sentenced to death.[XVI-35] The prisoner's family used the utmost exertions to have the sentence revoked, but Walker was inflexible, and the penalty was inflicted on the 8th of November,[XVI-36] causing the utmost consternation in the native community. The portfolio of war was given to Selva by a decree of November 5th. Valle went to Managua to place Pascual Fonseca in command, vice Martinez, and to report if the latter made any resistance, in which event Walker would have shot his legitimist prisoners. But as none was offered, Martinez having had timely warning, Walker had them released.[XVI-37]

Walker was now master of Nicaragua. As a matter of fact, the secondary leaders were scattered and powerless, and but for the execution of Corral, and the wanton imprisonment of subordinate officials and private citizens, the conservative party would have submitted with a good grace to the new order of things, if pledged security of life and property. It is undeniable that the legitimists feared the Yankees[XVI-38] less than they did the native democrats. Walker pretended a great respect for religion, without whose support, he said, no government could have stability.[XVI-39] He succeeded in borrowing from the vicar 963 ounces of fine silver belonging to the church; and it is evident that he placed great reliance on a numerous foreign immigration to keep his ranks well filled.[XVI-40] A decree was issued at this time by the government, and published in its official journal, which might be called one for the confiscation of the property of absentees, who were required to return to their homes under heavy pecuniary penalties, collectible without any previous legal process.[XVI-41]

[Sidenote: RELATIONS, DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN.]

The exiles who reached Honduras[XVI-42] endeavored to obtain help from the government, but Guardiola, now chief of the state, declined giving any, and in fact permitted no hostile words against Walker or the Yankees. Cabañas had come to Granada for aid to recover his lost position,[XVI-43] which alarmed Guardiola, who despatched Manuel Colindres with the ostensible mission of negotiating a treaty of friendship with the government, but really to watch Cabañas. Colindres announced himself from Yuscaran, but on reaching Leon, and ascertaining that Cabañas got no assistance, went back pleading fear of the cholera, which was doing havoc in the foreign force; but the recognition by his government was already accomplished. The cabinet of San Salvador also returned a satisfactory answer to a circular from Nicaragua.[XVI-44] Guatemala apparently inclined toward neutrality, until Estrada applied to Carrera for assistance, and was told that he would be recognized as the legitimate president of Nicaragua, but must first establish his government somewhere.[XVI-45] Estrada, being unable to set it up in Honduras, asked for 50 men to escort him to Nueva Segovia in Nicaragua, but did not get them, though he laid before Guardiola the letters from Carrera and Pedro de Aycinena. In Costa Rica, the situation of Nicaragua was differently viewed. President Mora despatched Nazario Toledo to Guatemala to arrange for concerted action against Walker.[XVI-46] Mora in an energetic proclamation asked the people to prepare for the defence of their lives and property at a moment's call.[XVI-47] Walker watched the conduct of Costa Rica, believing it prompted by British influence mainly against the United States. Rivas' relations with the cabinet of Washington were not encouraging. It is true that Wheeler, the American minister, had prematurely recognized him, but he had not been upheld in it by his government. Parker H. French, being accredited in November 1855 as minister at Washington with powers to negotiate a treaty, was not received in any diplomatic capacity.[XVI-48] He was thereupon recalled, and diplomatic relations were discontinued with Wheeler.[XVI-49] President Pierce issued a proclamation against the departure from the United States of filibustering expeditions, which were declared disgraceful and criminal. Cabañas, in whose behalf Jerez had used his best endeavors, having been refused by the government any aid,[XVI-50] retired to Salvador,[XVI-51] and Jerez resigned his portfolio on the 8th of January, 1856. Soon after, the cabinet was reduced to one, Fermin Ferrer, who served as ministro general.

Walker now endeavored to gain the good-will and coöperation of the legitimist party, but his intrigues, cajolings, and even threats failed to secure the desired effect.[XVI-52] The legitimists saw in Walker's disagreement with the democrats their opportunity to bring about the fusion of all Nicaraguans against the common enemy; but both Walker and the democrats concluded that they must work together for their mutual safety; hence the removal of the capital to Leon.[XVI-53]

[Sidenote: SEIZURE OF STEAMSHIP PROPERTY.]

Walker now committed one of the greatest blunders of his life in quarrelling with the founders and chief men of the Accessory Transit Company, whose ships had brought him much to recruit his needed men and military supplies.[XVI-54] He and Edmund Randolph, after studying the company's contracts made in 1851, arrived at the conclusion that there were good reasons to revoke their charter and acts of incorporation, and to make a grant to other parties.[XVI-55] This was secretly done without communicating their plans to President Rivas or his cabinet. After completing their arrangements in New York, Walker and Randolph drew up a decree suppressing the Accessory Transit Company, which was laid before Rivas, who issued it on the 18th of February, 1856. On the following day he, in obedience to Walker's command, signed a new charter in favor of Randolph.[XVI-56] Cleto Mayorga, E. T. C. Kewen, and George F. Alden were appointed commissioners to ascertain the amount of the company's indebtedness, and to attach their property, all of which was done with the utmost rapidity.[XVI-57] The transportation men raised a loud cry, of course, calling upon the United States government to recover their lake steamers and other valuables; but the attempt was unsuccessful. The company, however, had means which they brought into the service of the Central Americans to compass the destruction of Walker.

Costa Rica had failed to notice the communication notifying her of the new order of things established in Nicaragua on the 23d of October, 1855. Walker now thought the time had come to demand from that cabinet a frank explanation of its course.[XVI-58] But it persisted in leaving unanswered the Nicaraguan notes, and refused to receive Louis Schlessinger, the envoy sent, who retired threatening war and Walker's resentment.[XVI-59] Costa Rica accepted the challenge of war, President Mora, with the authorization of the legislative body, resolving to carry the arms of the republic into Nicaragua, and to aid in driving out the foreigners. War was accordingly declared, the strength of the army raised to 9,000 men, and a loan levied for expenses.[XVI-60] After surrendering the executive office to Vice-president Oreamuno, Mora placed himself, on the 8th of March, at the head of an army about 3,000 strong,[XVI-61] and in a few days was in Bagaces, at the extreme end of the gulf of Nicoya, ready to cross the frontier into Nicaragua. Walker, who seemed to misjudge Costa Rican prowess, sent only 500 men under Schlessinger, who on the 20th[XVI-62] encountered the enemy's avant guard, and after a few minutes' fighting were put to flight, losing a quantity of arms and several killed and wounded.[XVI-63] A number of prisoners captured by the Costa Ricans were at once tried by court-martial and shot.[XVI-64] Schlessinger with a few men reached Rivas, where Walker had concentrated his forces, and unsuccessfully tried to exculpate himself.[XVI-65]

[Sidenote: COSTA RICA TO THE RESCUE.]

The Costa Ricans marched to Rivas, and as they approached Walker retired on the Transit company's lake steamers to Granada. Two columns of 300 each dislodged on the 7th of April the Nicaraguan garrisons left by Walker in La Vírgen and San Juan del Sur, and on the following day the rest of the army occupied Rivas. But Walker soon came upon them. Under cover of the thick plantain and cacao plantations, he entered unperceived in the morning of the 11th. His attack began about 8:30 and lasted till night. He captured the main plaza, and from the church and houses kept up a deadly fire on the enemy, stationed only two blocks away. The latter fought desperately, till Walker, finding himself closely pressed by Costa Rican reënforcements from La Vírgen and San Juan del Sur,[XVI-66] and surrounded by burning buildings, gave orders for retreat, which was silently effected under cover of the darkness, never tarrying till he reached the Gil Gonzalez River. He left behind a considerable number of rifles, revolvers, and other arms, and about 50 saddled horses, besides his seriously wounded in the church. The Costa Rican victory was complete, though at the expense of heavy casualties.[XVI-67] The victors were relentless toward the first prisoners that fell into their hands. According to Mora's report, the wounded in the church were bayoneted, and seventeen others shot. Walker tried to make out that he had won a great victory, and the event was celebrated in Granada with salutes and ringing of bells; and his government published that the Costa Ricans had been dispersed and were in full flight.[XVI-68]

[Sidenote: UNSTABLE POWER OF THE PIRATE.]

Mora expected heavy reënforcements from Punta Arenas, and had formed the plan, after securing eastern Nicaragua between the Pacific and the great lake, and cutting off the transit communication, already suspended by a general order, to assail Walker in his stronghold of Granada. He was further encouraged in this by news that forces of Salvador and Honduras were already on the western frontier, under Belloso and Xatruch, ready to coöperate with him. But the breaking out of cholera in his army, with terrible havoc in its ranks, necessitated the abandonment of the project for the time. And a report having come of plottings in Costa Rica against his authority, with his brother José Joaquin and his personal staff, he returned home, leaving General Cañas in command of the remnants of the army, with orders to send it back to Costa Rica in the most convenient manner, which was done, many of the men being left dead or dying on the march. Cañas found it unavoidable to leave his wounded and sick in Rivas, and fearing retaliation because of the executions of prisoners at Santa Rosa and Rivas, he wrote Walker on the 26th of April, recommending these men to his protection, and proposing an exchange of prisoners, of whom he had twenty, according to the usages of war. This letter had the desired effect.[XVI-69]

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XVII. END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA

1856-1867.

RECOGNITION OF PRESIDENT RIVAS BY THE UNITED STATES—WALKER'S HOSTILE ATTITUDE—FLIGHT OF RIVAS—WALKER MAKES HIMSELF PRESIDENT—ALLIANCE AGAINST HIM—DEATH OF ESTRADA—THE LEGITIMISTS ACCEPT RIVAS—COSTA RICANS AND NICARAGUANS IN RIVAS—DESTRUCTION OF GRANADA—IT IS OCCUPIED BY ALLIED FORCES—WALKER REOCCUPIES RIVAS—WHERE HE IS BESIEGED—SUCCESSES OF THE COSTA RICANS—FAILURE OF LOCKRIDGE'S EXPEDITION—SURRENDER OF WALKER—WAR OF NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA—COMMODORE PAULDING AND WALKER'S SECOND ATTEMPT—WALKER'S INVASION OF HONDURAS, CAPTURE, AND EXECUTION—GOVERNMENT REORGANIZED—PRESIDENT MARTINEZ' ADMINISTRATIONS.

After the departure of the Costa Rican forces from Rivas, toward the end of April or beginning of May 1856, Walker visited the town, treating harshly the principal citizens—men who loved their country better than they loved designing interlopers—and causing one to be hanged.[XVII-1] This was done to terrify his enemies. Leaving Hornsby as military governor, with a garrison, Walker went back to Granada. His army here was also being decimated by the epidemic, but its ranks were replenished from the passengers brought by the steamships, which still were his efficacious auxiliaries. Meanwhile the presence of the combined forces of the other states in the west was felt in the towns of the western departments, chiefly in Chontales and Matagalpa,[XVII-2] the natives yearning for relief from foreign domination. A meeting of military officers held on the 20th of April at Matagalpa, and presided over by General Fernando Chamorro, adopted resolutions in favor of restoring Estrada as the legitimate president.[XVII-3] This movement came to naught; Chamorro, being defeated, passed into Honduras.

The democratic party, desirous as much as possible of being away from Walker's oppressive influence, had the government seat removed to Leon.[XVII-4] The general started from Granada May 31st with his best officers and 300 infantry, for Leon, where he was greeted as a conquering hero.[XVII-5] While there he approved of, or maybe prompted, the decree of June 10th, convoking congress, and for the election of a chief magistrate. He had in view to bring about his own election as president, intending after that to throw off his democratic friends, whose loyalty he distrusted. Very satisfactory news, both to him and the government, came at this time. The government of the United States had recognized Father Agustin Vigil as minister plenipotentiary accredited at Washington by Rivas. This recognition was of great advantage to Walker.[XVII-6]

[Sidenote: DISSENSIONS.]

On the 11th, after Walker had departed on his return to Granada, leaving Colonel Bruno Naztmer in command, this officer ordered foreign soldiers to take the place of the natives in the steeples of the cathedral. Minister of war Jerez countermanded it, and being disobeyed by Naztmer,[XVII-7] the government became much alarmed, Rivas and Jerez starting forthwith for Chinandega,[XVII-8] whence Walker was directed to concentrate the foreign forces in Granada. Upon hearing at Masaya of the occurrences of the 11th and 12th, he countermarched as far as Nagarote, ordering Naztmer to bring there his command; after which he quartered his troops in Granada, placing, however, strong garrisons in Managua and Masaya. Rivas thereupon declared Walker a usurper, traitor, and enemy of the republic, depriving him of his rank and command.[XVII-9] Walker, on his part, deposed Rivas, calling Fermin Ferrer, minister of hacienda and government at Granada, who had identified himself with his cause, to assume the executive office, for the main purpose, it seemed, of decreeing an election for supreme authorities, pursuant to the convocation of June 10th, though Rivas had revoked it on the 14th.[XVII-10]

Under the national constitution, the chief magistrate was not chosen by the direct suffrages of the people; neither did it permit a military officer in actual command, much less a foreign one, to be voted for. Nevertheless, in disregard of that law, the people of the region controlled by Walker's bayonets were made to give him their suffrages for the office of president, and 15,835 votes appeared as cast in his favor.[XVII-11] He was declared elected, and on the 12th of July was inducted into office with much pomp.[XVII-12] Wheeler, the American minister, recognized Walker as the legitimate president, and Rivas' government protested against it,[XVII-13] and declared all relations between the Nicaraguan government and Wheeler suspended.

Walker's first act was to appoint his cabinet, the chief of it being Fermin Ferrer.[XVII-14] One of his earliest decrees sounds the keynote to all this silly usurpation and accompanying infamy; it was the annulling of the federal law abolishing slavery.[XVII-15] Another infamous measure was the confiscation of the estates of Nicaraguans who might take up arms against him.

In a circular of July 3d Rivas appealed to the other Central American governments for aid to drive out the invaders. The call was answered, and his government recognized by Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador, these three powers agreeing to unite their forces against Walker. Costa Rica was invited to coöperate, and promptly did so.[XVII-16]

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE LEGITIMISTS.]

While the events thus far recorded were occurring, Estrada, the legitimist chief, entered Nicaragua, and established his government in Somotillo, appointing Pedro Joaquin Chamorro his minister-general, and General Tomás Martinez commander of the army to be raised.[XVII-17] On hearing that Rivas had been recognized, it was concluded to leave Somotillo, via Nueva Segovia to Matagalpa, where Gros aroused the Indians. But on the way, at Ocotal, on the 13th of August, a party of democrats attacked and defeated them. Estrada tried to flee, but was overtaken and hacked to death.[XVII-18] The town was plundered, and papers scattered, after which the assailants went away. Afterward an instrument was picked up in which Nicasio del Castillo was named Estrada's successor, who at once assumed the responsibilities of the position. However, General Martinez and Fernando Guzman, who, though respecting Estrada's good motives, had disapproved of his persistence in going contrary to accomplished facts, after his death held a consultation and concluded that the best policy was to coöperate with Rivas' government, bearing in mind the principle of legitimacy, though disregarding means and persons. Martinez and Guzman went to Leon, and succeeded with the assistance of the allied generals, and Gregorio Arbizú, the commissioner of Salvador, in making an arrangement by which there should be but one government in the republic, with certain legitimists in the cabinet;[XVII-19] pursuant to which the latter was organized as stated below.[XVII-20] Castillo accepted the arrangement and assumed the duties to which he was called.

* * * * *

The allied forces, having entered Nicaragua, occupied Leon in July, and in October advanced upon Managua, forcing Walker, after several encounters near Nindirí and Masaya, to reconcentrate in Granada.[XVII-21] Masaya was occupied by the allies October 2d. There was much division among them, owing to old rivalries, and the need of an influential commander was evident.[XVII-22] General Martinez was earnestly requested to hasten his movements and join the army. He had organized at Matagalpa a body of troops that subsequently bore the name of Ejército Septentrional, with which he came on; but cholera having played havoc among his Segovians at Tipitapa, he had to remain in Nindirí till the scourge abated, when he joined the allies.[XVII-23]

[Sidenote: THE BELLIGERENTS IN ACTION.]

Walker's forces consisted of about 1,200 effective men, mostly Americans, the rest being English, French, and Germans.[XVII-24] The climate was his worst enemy. A number of his men succumbed daily, victims of cholera and fever.[XVII-25] The ranks were further depleted by desertions.[XVII-26] This was one of the chief reasons why Walker abandoned Managua and Masaya to concentrate in Granada, keeping, however, the transit line from San Juan del Sur to La Vírgen. The filibuster chief now took advantage of the division of the allied forces—Belloso and Jerez in Masaya, Zavala and Estrada in Diriomo—and on the 11th of October made a dash with 800 men on Masaya, which had a garrison of 1,000. He entered the place at eight o'clock and took positions in Monimbó, south of the town. Early on the 12th he advanced as far as the blocks contiguous to the plaza, which he would undoubtedly have taken but for Zavala's attack on Granada.[XVII-27] On hearing of Walker's movement, Zavala started to the relief of Masaya. At Diriá he was informed that Walker was routed and in full retreat to Granada. He then changed his course, and turned up at the burying-ground of Granada with the view of getting the start of the enemy; but as the latter did not come, and he had positive information of the place being weak, he resolved to occupy it at once, though a heavy rain somewhat retarded the movement. He might have taken the town by surprise either from the north to south, but went round by Jalteva.[XVII-28] The allied force had not till then been detected from the city. But on the officer of the day descrying groups, he went to ascertain if they were Walker's men, and immediately giving the alarm, preparations were made to meet the expected assault. Nevertheless, the allies at two o'clock in the afternoon occupied the buildings on the plaza, excepting the church, where the foreign sick were intrenched. Zavala took Walker's house, and finding there a flag, rushed out waving it, until a bullet struck the flag, and another his surtout, when he realized his danger. Both the Guatemalans and legitimists gave themselves up to excesses.[XVII-29] The night of the 12th came on, and the church had not been taken. Hearing the cannonading or receiving a report, early that morning Walker hurried back, it being preferable to save Granada than to take Masaya. In the morning of the 13th, Zavala learned that the enemy was rapidly approaching, and vainly tried to check them at Jalteva. Zavala and Estrada fled in the direction of Diriomo, leaving a considerable number of drunken men in the streets, who were butchered. Several Guatemalans fell prisoners.[XVII-30] Zavala's assault of the place where Walker had his base of supplies was a failure, but it saved the allied army.[XVII-31]

[Sidenote: VERY FAIR FIGHTING.]

A Costa Rican division under General José M. Cañas started for Nicaragua, November 2d, and notwithstanding the enemy's efforts to hinder it, occupied San Juan del Sur and the road to La Vírgen, thus cutting off Walker's communication with either point. It concentrated at Rivas on the 13th, and was joined by Jerez with 300 Nicaraguans. It was now in communication with the main combined army, which was preparing to assail Granada. Belloso received information from a friend in that city that Walker was on the point of making another dash on Masaya with 600 men. The allied army, in the city and vicinity, was now of about 3,600 men,[XVII-32] and leaving out wounded, sick, and servants, the effective force must have been no less than 3,000. The filibusters came on the 15th under Bruno Von Naztmer, a German, and were met outside by Nicaraguans and 600 Guatemalans at three o'clock in the afternoon. The enemy opened fire, and the Guatemalans fled panic-stricken. However, the first charge of the filibusters was checked, and they now assumed the defensive. The Guatemalans returned to the charge, and heavy fighting followed, which lasted till night. The next morning Walker took command, Naztmer being wounded, and pushed his operations into the town, where the allies had concentrated in the night, burning a number of buildings; but he soon convinced himself of the impossibility of accomplishing his purpose, and retreated to Granada in the night of the 18th.[XVII-33] At a council of war, it was resolved to evacuate the city, after setting fire to the buildings, leaving a garrison to keep the enemy in check. This work of destruction was intrusted to Henningsen, who at once ordered the citizens to leave the place within a few hours before it was consigned to the flames. And all the time the authors of this vandalism were calling the Central American defenders of life, home, and liberty savages and greasers, and themselves lovers of freedom and disseminators of civilization![XVII-34]

In the early morning of the 24th the allied forces marched out of Masaya by the Carretas road; at 2 o'clock in the afternoon they were defiling on the low hills of the Otra banda, from which they could see the bonfire, made by the self-styled regenerators of Latin America, consuming seven churches and the public buildings, together with the dwellings of the citizens of Granada. The same day the allies had skirmishes with the enemy, and were defeated.[XVII-35] Martinez with his men from the north next day operated against the San Francisco building, and the filibusters in fear of being cut off abandoned it, and concentrated in the plaza. The night of the 25th was a very rainy one. The 26th the filibusters, being hard pressed in the plaza and Guadalupe street, kept up a constant cannonade to keep open the way to the lake. On the 27th the filibusters had been driven from the plaza and reduced to Guadalupe street between La Sirena, a high house on the east of the parish church, and the ruins of the church. The Guatemalans pressed them from the south; the Nicaraguans from the north.[XVII-36] Henningsen's force was on the 1st of December only 150 men, out of 300 that he had retained to hold the position of Granada with, and being invited by Zavala to surrender, proudly refused.[XVII-37]

[Sidenote: WALKER WORSTED.]

Walker had occupied San Jorge, distant three miles from Rivas, where Cañas and Jerez were intrenched, leaving his sick and wounded with a small guard on the island of Ometepec,[XVII-38] where he thought they would be safe; but a party of Indians with their priest Tijerino captured them on the 1st of December, and destroyed everything on the island that could be of use to the enemy. Walker did not lose sight of his lieutenant Henningsen, to whom he finally sent relief on the steamboat Vírgen, with which Henningsen captured the small fort that had so harassed him, and then, December 13th, left on the boat, taking with him the 115 emaciated men that remained of his original force. The site of Granada was now fully in possession of the allies,[XVII-39] who discovered in the woods a number of wounded filibusters, and treated them humanely, excepting one whom they put to death.

December 11th had been a day of joy in the allied camp, owing to the arrival of General Florencio Xatruch with the first contingent of Honduran troops;[XVII-40] but they were cut up in the attack of the 13th by Henningsen. This officer's success in extricating himself with so much loss to his opponents caused a panic among the allied leaders, and the breaking out anew of dissension. Belloso and his Salvadorans went back to Masaya, reporting the discomfiture of the army. Whether out of spite, or from ignorance of the state of affairs, the general ordered Cañas to return to Costa Rica, and Jerez to retreat to Masaya. The latter, as a subordinate, had to obey; but Cañas, having come to fight the filibusters, would not go back, and accompanied Jerez to Masaya. Thus was Rivas evacuated by the allies, and reoccupied by Walker without firing a shot.

The lake steamers were of great advantage to Walker for the quick transportation of men and supplies, and on the other hand, made it necessary that the allied chiefs should have strong garrisons in Granada and Masaya, preventing a movement on La Vírgen and Rivas. The president of Costa Rica determined to deprive Walker of those facilities. To this end he despatched his brother, General José Joaquin Mora, with troops to the confluence of the San Cárlos and San Juan rivers, who reached it on the 19th of December, and then going down in canoes to San Juan del Norte, without encountering much resistance, captured on the 24th four steamers.[XVII-41] They then went up the San Juan with the steamers, two of which were left at the junction with the Sarapiquí, and on the 28th took the Castillo Viejo with the steamboat Vírgen, laden with artillery, rifles, and ammunition. They next possessed themselves of Fort San Cárlos, and soon after of the steamboat of the same name, which had incautiously approached the fort. All this being accomplished, Mora was placed in communication with the allied forces of Granada, and left Walker without means of transportation by water, or to communicate with the northern sea-coast. Had the allies acted with reasonable promptness, both on land and water, Walker's end would have been a matter of only a few days. But it was retarded by their lack of union and generalship.[XVII-42] His situation was now critical. Desertions, which were frequent, sickness, and scarcity of food, daily decreased his force. For all that, he resisted in Rivas several assaults from both the land and lake till the 23d of February, and struck some heavy blows to the besiegers in San Jorge.[XVII-43]

[Sidenote: THE INVADERS BESIEGED.]

The allied leaders had, after a council of war on the 23d of January, at Nandaime, appointed a general-in-chief, and heads of the several departments. The chief command was conferred on Florencio Xatruch.[XVII-44] His tenure lasted but a few days, José Joaquin Mora being finally selected by the governments commander-in-chief, when he was recognized as such in general orders of February 19th and 20th.[XVII-45]

The allies came to the conclusion that it was advisable to closely besiege the enemy rather than to attempt further assaults. Xatruch occupied and held, March 26th, the barrio de la Puebla, south of the city, which was the only means of free ingress and egress for the filibusters. Thus was Walker penned. But his friends abroad had not forgotten him. Three Americans, Lockridge, Anderson, and Wheat, brought 500 men to San Juan del Norte in March, and undertook to ascend the river. Lockridge occupied La Trinidad, but Titus was repulsed at the fort. They then concluded to invade Costa Rica, as was then supposed, for they essayed to go up the Sarapiquí; but soon after entering the river their steamer blew up, and the expedition came to naught.[XVII-46]

The besieged, on hearing of the arrival, April 3d, with reënforcements, of General Martinez, whose prowess they had learned to respect, became alarmed, and the next day eighty deserters entered the allied lines. An assault in force was made April 11th, which failed. Walker's casualties were quite small, while those of the assailants were heavy.[XVII-47] The latter secured possession of San Juan del Sur, in order that Walker should receive no further aid from that quarter. It was now evident that the filibusters could not hold out much longer. The original force of 1,000, though more or less augmented with the arrival of every steamer, had become reduced to about one half that number. The garrison had an abundance of plantains, but no meat other than that of asses, mules, and horses.

[Sidenote: CAPITULATION OF WALKER.]

An officer of the United States corvette Saint Mary's, which had been some time lying at San Juan, came on the 24th to Mora's headquarters to solicit in the name of Commander Charles H. Davis a truce of six hours, which was granted, for the removal from Rivas of the women, children, and other non-combatants. Walker, becoming apprised by that officer of the failure of Lockridge's attempt to succor him, signified a willingness to capitulate, not to the general-in-chief of the besieging forces, as was natural, but to commander Davis. To this Mora assented, in order to bring the war to an end at once, and save himself from certain complications he apprehended.[XVII-48] The capitulation being signed and carried out, Walker and sixteen officers, after bidding adieu to the army on the 1st of May, departed under the escort of Zavala, for San Juan del Sur, where they embarked on the Saint Mary's.[XVII-49] Davis then delivered the city of Rivas to Mora, and the rest of Walker's men, about 400 in number, were transported to the United States.[XVII-50]

The war being ended, the allied troops retired to their respective states. But prior to their departure there was an affair which might have ended in a sanguinary conflict had it not been for the prudent course pursued by most of the generals. The trouble arose from the hot-headedness of Zavala, the commander of the Guatemalans, who had been led to believe, by an evil counsellor, that the government would not return him some arms he had lent, nor furnish him transportation, nor even pay him the honors due his rank. All this was unfounded, but he maltreated the officer of the guard at the government house, and grossly insulted the president, his ministers, and others, threatening to hang them on the church of La Merced. His conduct was violent and scandalous.[XVII-51] Máximo Jerez and hundreds of soldiers rushed to the government's defence, and there would have been bloodshed but for Barrios of Salvador, who had command of 1,800 men, and prevailed on Zavala to go back to Chinandega, whence he marched to Guatemala, where he was received with the honors he had fairly won.

Mora returned to Costa Rica, leaving the command in charge of Cañas. It is said that he had planned to extend the boundaries of Costa Rica to the lake, which he deemed an easy undertaking, as the Costa Ricans had the lake steamers, and the Nicaraguans would be sure to break out into civil war.[XVII-52] War was declared by Costa Rica against Nicaragua on the 19th of October, 1857, and accepted by the latter in defence of her territory.[XVII-53] But upon a second invasion by Walker, peace was concluded on the 16th of January, 1858.[XVII-54]

[Sidenote: SECOND AND THIRD EXPEDITIONS.]

Walker arrived safely in his own country. But he was not yet satisfied with the misery and desolation he had wrought upon a foreign and unoffending people. He must play the vampire further; he must conquer Nicaragua and be a great man. Taking advantage of the rupture between this republic and Costa Rica, he prepared another expedition, with which, eluding the vigilance of the United States authorities, he sailed from New Orleans for San Juan del Norte. He was arrested, however, at Punta de Castilla, December 8th, and sent back by Commodore Paulding, commanding the American home squadron.[XVII-55] The officer's course obtained the highest commendation and gratitude in Central America, and particularly in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, the latter conferring upon him high honors. Loyal men who took up arms in the country's defence were also rewarded.[XVII-56] But like a wild beast maddened by its wounds, Walker was still bent on blood, if blood were necessary to subjugate Central America to his will. He fitted out a third expedition, and landing with its avant guard at Trujillo on the 6th of August, 1860, seized the funds of the custom-house, which were pledged to the British government for the payment of Honduras' indebtedness to its subjects.[XVII-57] The British war vessel Icarus entered the port on the 20th, and her commanding officer, Norwell Salmon, demanded that Walker should forthwith leave the place, which he did, fleeing to the eastern coast, where he and his men underwent the utmost suffering in that uninhabited marshy region. A party of Hondurans harassed them, and Walker was wounded in the face and leg. Finally, General Mariano Álvarez arrived with a Honduran force at Trujillo, and together with Salmon proceeded to the mouth of Rio Tinto, arriving there on the 3d of September. Walker surrendered to the Icarus, and was turned over to Álvarez, who had him tried at Trujillo by court-martial. He was sentenced to death, and executed on the 12th of September. Thus ended on the scaffold the career of William Walker, filibuster, pirate, or what you will.[XVII-58]

* * * * *

The provisional government of Nicaragua on the 14th of January, 1857, organized a consultive council of five members and three substitutes,[XVII-59] which was installed on the 20th. To that body were referred the strictures of ministers Cardenal and Castillo, upheld by General Martinez, the two former having resigned their portfolios because the president had declined to transfer the seat of government to the eastern department.[XVII-60] The council did not approve of their course, and suggested that Martinez, under a clause in the agreement of September 12, 1856, should summon R. Cortés and P. J. Chamorro to fill the vacancies in the cabinet. It does not appear, however, that Martinez took any steps in that direction.

The old dissensions which Walker's war had kept in abeyance now threatened to break out afresh. Legitimists and democrats alike saw in bloodshed and desolation the only means to settle their differences. Martinez and Jerez, with some of their friends from the east and west, and assisted by General Gerardo Barrios, commissioner of Salvador, labored in vain to effect an amicable arrangement.[XVII-61] Jerez concluded that the only recourse now left to avert a war was for himself and Martinez to assume the responsibility of jointly governing the country dictatorially until it could be again placed under a constitutional régime. This plan being accepted, the two leaders organized themselves, on the 24th of June, into a junta de gobierno, otherwise called Gobierno Binario, which was recognized by both parties, and the dreaded calamity of war was avoided. The organization was completed with the appointment of Gregorio Juarez and Rosalío Cortés as the cabinet. Martinez and Jerez continued at the head of affairs until the 19th of October, when war with Costa Rica having been accepted, they resolved to assume personal direction of military operations, and resigned the executive office into the hands of the ministers. Martinez was then made general-in-chief of the forces, with ample powers, and Jerez second in command.[XVII-62]

[Sidenote: REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT.]

The first acts of the new government were to reconstitute the supreme and other courts, and to summon the people to choose a constituent assembly for framing a constitution,[XVII-63] and a president of the republic. At the suggestion of Cortés, and with the assent of Jerez, Tomás Martinez was named to the people as a proper person for the executive office, and he was elected almost unanimously.[XVII-64] He took the oath of office on the 15th of November, promising to pursue a policy of peace and conciliation,[XVII-65] and appointing Juarez, Macario Álvarez, and Cortés, his ministers respectively for foreign relations, treasury, and government.[XVII-66] During his first term there were several changes in the personnel of the cabinet.[XVII-67]

Martinez' administration not only gave Nicaragua the longest period of internal peace she had ever had, but promoted her prosperity in every branch, and notably in finances. At the time of its inauguration, the government had not one hundred dollars in the treasury. The liberating army had not been paid during the late war, and the only way to adjust the arrears was by issuing warrants, which the merchants soon got possession of at sixty to eighty per cent discount, and returned to the treasury at par in payment of import duties on merchandise, thus greatly reducing the revenue from that source. The government also adopted the unusual course of assuming to indemnify private persons for the losses they had sustained during the civil war, those resulting from the burning of Granada included.[XVII-68] And yet Martinez, after his victory of April 29, 1863, against the united forces of Salvador and Honduras, succeeded within six years in doubling the amount of public revenues, and in arranging for the payment of the foreign debt.

[Sidenote: NEW CONSTITUTION.]

The constituent assembly, on the 19th of August, 1858, adopted a new constitution, declaring Nicaragua to be a sovereign, free, and independent republic under a popular representative government.[XVII-69] Two days later the assembly resolved to continue acting as an ordinary legislature, and decreed that all public functionaries should retain their respective offices until the new constitutional régime should have been installed. Prior to this, on the 30th of January, that body had declared illegitimate all the provisional administrations which had ruled Nicaragua from 1854 till the 8th of November, 1857, excepting only the gobierno binario from June 24, 1857.[XVII-70]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT MARTINEZ.]

During the first years of Martinez' rule, the most friendly relations seemed to exist between him and the leaders of the two political parties. Jerez was intrusted with important diplomatic duties.[XVII-71] At the beginning of 1861, the president in his message to congress stated that the country was at peace at home and abroad, Salvador being the only nation that had suspended diplomatic relations with Nicaragua.[XVII-72] Again, in January 1863, the president congratulated congress that peace reigned, and the country was prospering. He said with pleasure that no Nicaraguan was undergoing penalty for political causes.[XVII-73] The country was at the same time an asylum for the persecuted and exiles of other states. However, this hospitality extended to exiles gave rise to serious differences with Salvador, whose demands were invariably disregarded, until Barrios threatened to blockade the port of Realejo.[XVII-74] The consequence was, that Nicaragua and Guatemala, pursuant to the treaty made September 20, 1862,[XVII-75] became allies in the bloody war that broke out this year against Salvador and Honduras, details of which have been given in the history of Salvador for this period.[XVII-76] Martinez having been reëlected president for the quadrennial term from March 1, 1863,[XVII-77] offered his resignation on the ground that there might be opposition to his holding the office a second term. But congress, on the 5th of February, 1863, declined to accept it, and requested that he should continue at the head of affairs at least for a time. During the war with Salvador and Honduras, Martinez commanded the army in the field, and Nicasio del Castillo acted as president. At the end of the campaign, Martinez and the troops were rewarded for their services, he being raised to the rank of captain-general.[XVII-78] He resumed the executive office August 31, 1863.[XVII-79] The most stringent orders were issued against Jerez and others, declaring them traitors, and decreeing that revolutionists were severally answerable with their property for the expenses the government had been put to by their acts. However, on the 20th of April, 1864, an amnesty law was passed, though not including the chief leaders.[XVII-80]

Toward the end of Martinez' second term some attempts at revolution were made, and easily quelled. They arose from a representation that Martinez contemplated retaining power for life; but in a proclamation of April 24, 1866, he pronounced the statements false.[XVII-81] Following the example of Washington, he insisted on his countrymen calling another citizen to the executive chair, and Fernando Guzman having been chosen,[XVII-82] he surrendered his authority to him on March 1, 1867. His rank as captain-general had been confirmed, and upon his tendering a resignation, congress refused to accept it.[XVII-83] However, scarcely one year later, congress suppressed the rank altogether.[XVII-84] Ex-president Martinez' death occurred on the 12th of March, 1873, and his remains were buried with high honors on the 20th.[XVII-85]

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XVIII. POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA

1856-1886.

REWARDS TO WALKER'S CONQUERORS—REËLECTION OF MORA—HIS DOWNFALL AND EXILE—HIS RETURN, CAPTURE, AND EXECUTION—MONTEALEGRE'S ADMINISTRATION—VIOLENCE OF PARTIES—COMPROMISE ON JESUS JIMENEZ—HIS PEACEFUL RULE—PRESIDENT JOSÉ M. CASTRO—CHARGES AGAINST HIM—HIS OVERTHROW—SEVERAL NEW CONSTITUTIONS—JIMENEZ AGAIN PRESIDENT—HIS ARBITRARY ACTS—HOW HE WAS DEPOSED—PRESIDENT CARRANZA—OTHER TEMPORARY RULERS—PRESIDENT GUARDIA'S DESPOTISM—FAILURE OF HIS WARLIKE PLANS—HIS DEATH—ADMINISTRATION OF PRÓSPERO FERNANDEZ—PREPARATIONS TO DEFEND INDEPENDENCE—HIS SUDDEN DEATH—BERNARDO SOTO'S PEACEFUL RULE.

In describing the early operations of the Costa Ricans in Nicaragua against Walker in 1856, I alluded to the sudden departure of President Mora and his brother from Rivas for Costa Rica, because of tidings received of an attempted insurrection against the government, then temporarily in charge of Vice-president Oreamuno. This revolt was soon quelled, and the leaders and officers connected therewith were arrested and expatriated. Oreamuno having died, Vicente Aguilar was chosen vice-president on the 17th of September, but resigned the position the next month.[XVIII-1] A change of ministry took place on the 26th of September, the distinguished statesman taking charge of the portfolio of foreign relations.[XVIII-2] The president, owing to war against the filibusters, suspended the action of the constitution on the 15th of November, but repealed the decree a few days later.[XVIII-3]

The successful termination of the war was hailed in Costa Rica with great joy, and the men who gave this glorious page to her history were highly honored. The president was made a captain-general,[XVIII-4] and the officers, as well as the rank and file, were promoted and otherwise rewarded.[XVIII-5]

The elections for president and vice-president of the republic took place, and congress on the 4th of May, 1859, declared that Juan Rafael Mora had been reëlected, and Rafael G. Escalante chosen for the second position.[XVIII-6]

Mora's administration had initiated a number of measures tending to the advancement of the country. Among other improvements was that of the fine national palace in San José. Costa Rica had enjoyed a long period of internal peace with an increasing prosperity. Mora was quite popular with the masses, but encountered opposition from the property owners, merchants, and army men. For this reason he could not strengthen his government, and found himself at the mercy of a coup de main the moment the people thought their interests were jeopardized by his power.[XVIII-7] Hence the revolutionary movement that hurled him from his executive office in the night of August 14, 1859. A provisional government, composed of his political enemies, was at once organized, meeting with no opposition on the part of the people. It was a palace revolution, and no blood was spilt. Mora was kept in confinement, though otherwise well treated during three days at the end of which he was taken to Puntarenas, and sent out of the country on an American steamer. He settled with his family in Salvador, where he introduced the cultivation of coffee.

[Sidenote: VICENTE AGUILAR.]

The new government now took steps to have itself confirmed by a constituent assembly, and to cause its provisional president, José María Montealegre, regularly elected. The influential man of the administration was Vicente Aguilar, ex-vice-president, a wealthy man, and the deadly enemy of Mora. He was the minister of the treasury and of war, and by his instigation some reactionary and despotic measures were adopted, thereby increasing the general uneasiness. The country was henceforth divided into two political parties, each claiming to be the representative of law and order.[XVIII-8]

The constituent assembly, pursuant to convocation, met on the 16th of October, and on the 26th of December adopted a new constitution in 142 articles, which was promulgated the next day. This fundamental law was liberal except in the matter of religion, as it neither recognized nor tolerated any form of faith but the Roman catholic. All other rights of man were conceded.[XVIII-9] The constituent congress adjourned sine die on the 27th of December, and the ordinary congress opened its session on the 22d of April, 1860, on the next day declaring that José María Montealegre had obtained a popular majority for the office of president of the republic, and appointing the 29th for his inauguration. On the 24th that body designated the persons who were to fill the executive chair in the temporary or absolute absence of the president.[XVIII-10]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF MORA.]

Before many months had passed, Costa Rica witnessed a catastrophe which filled the whole of Central America with sorrow, indignation, and shame. Mora, the deposed president, had solemnly protested against the revolutionary acts which deprived him of his office. There were not wanting men, who, either honestly or with evil intent, beguiled him into the belief that he was wanted back, and would meet with a cordial reception and support. He allowed himself to be thus deceived, and committed the error of going against an accomplished fact, in an attempt to recover by force the executive authority, which was now legitimately held by Montealegre. He landed in September at Puntarenas with a few friends, was received with apparent enthusiasm, and got together about 300 or 400 men;[XVIII-11] but believing it safer to increase his force before marching to the capital, he tarried behind, thus allowing the government an opportunity to organize superior forces, and to issue relentless decrees. The government's forces assailed Mora on the 28th of September at La Angostura,[XVIII-12] and defeated him. He soon found himself forsaken by his men, and though aware that stringent orders for his arrest had been issued, he surrendered to his enemies on the 30th, when he was tried by a drum-head court-martial, and shot three hours after.[XVIII-13] This judicial murder of this honorable, just, and progressive man, who had rendered such great services in saving national independence, caused general consternation and displeasure. His invasion was not approved of, but no one had imagined that his life could be in peril if he were captured. Public opinion was pronounced against such relentless vengeance. Even Nicaragua, which had grievances against Mora, and had excluded his supporters from her territory, regretted his untimely end.[XVIII-14] In Costa Rica his death was attributed to bitter personal and sordid animosity. Public opinion was not at fault. Mora wrote his wife, one hour before his execution, on his faith as a Christian, that Vicente Aguilar justly owed him upwards of $200,000; and if he ever expected to die in peace with his God, he should make restitution of that sum to Mora's family. Aguilar, as minister of war, signed the orders for the execution, and was responsible for Mora's death. These orders included the execution of two others, namely, General J. M. Cañas, and Manuel Argüello, a young lawyer. The latter was saved by General Máximo Blanco, but Cañas was shot two days after Mora.[XVIII-15]

The penalty of death was doubtless intended by Aguilar to be a settlement of accounts with the man he detested; but it did not satisfy him; he added confiscation, and to the end showed himself relentless in his animosity to Mora's family and supporters. But he did not long survive his victims, dying on the 26th of April, 1861, of ossification of the heart. After his death, a milder policy was inaugurated. A general amnesty, from which were excluded only a few military men who while in active service had joined revolts, was issued;[XVIII-16] exiles returned to their country, and regularity in affairs was restored. The government gained in popular esteem by a scrupulous observance of the promises made at the time of its creation, restoring internal peace based on constitutional liberty and a proper economy.[XVIII-17] However, Mora's friends, though disposed to do justice to Montealegre's administration, never would forgive its origin and early acts. They and their political confrères brought on a reaction against it. Party excitement became great, and there was danger of civil war. Two presidential candidates for the next term, namely, Aniceto Esquivel and Julian Volio, were in the field, the former being a warm friend of the administration, and the latter independent. Montealegre was the first to suggest a compromise. There was in Cartago a former minister of Mora, Jesus Jimenez, who was finally agreed upon by all parties for the executive office, and was accordingly elected.[XVIII-18] He took possession of the chair on the 7th of May, Montealegre surrendering it with greater alacrity than he had occupied it in 1859.[XVIII-19] [Sidenote: JIMENEZ AND CASTRO.]

Jimenez, during his administration, fully answered expectations. He maintained peace by pursuing a just and conciliatory policy. The country kept on its career of progress and prosperity.[XVIII-20] The next president duly chosen was the founder of the republic, José María Castro, for the term from May 8, 1866.[XVIII-21] The number of ministers of state having been reduced to two, the president decreed the organization of a privy council whose members were to serve without pay.[XVIII-22] Castro's government was a strictly economical one. It diminished the number of officials, and suppressed the president's guard of honor. The result was that the treasury was enabled to meet obligations contracted for the development of education, and of the interests of the country.[XVIII-23]

During the presidential election in 1868, party agitation jeopardized the public peace. The press became virulent, not sparing even the families of prominent men. The government was accused of making no effort to check such abuses, or to restore harmony. There would certainly have been a resort to arms but for the moderation of the two chief officers of the army, generals Lorenzo Salazar and Máximo Blanco.[XVIII-24] These officers and others placed themselves at the head of a pronunciamiento which took place at San José on the 1st of November to depose Castro and suspend the constitution of December 27, 1859. Jesus Jimenez, the first designado, was then called to assume the executive office, with ample powers to call a constituent assembly. He accordingly placed himself at the head of affairs, and convoked the assembly, to meet on the 1st of January, summoning the people also to choose the next president, together with senators and representatives for the next constitutional term to begin May 1, 1869.[XVIII-25]

The new constitution was framed on the 18th of February, and promulgated in April 1869, consisting of 149 articles, and containing very liberal principles.[XVIII-26]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION.]

The ordinary congress met, and declared Jimenez to be the constitutional president for the next term, and he was inducted into office with the usual formalities.[XVIII-27] But owing to congress having refused to pass a railroad bill, Jimenez lost his temper, resigned his office, and left the capital. But the resignation was not accepted, and he was induced to return. Subsequently, on his representing that the country was in danger from internal disturbances due to party violence, that body decreed a suspension of the constitution.[XVIII-28] This order of things lasted until the 27th of April, 1870, on which day sixteen men, among whom were Tomás and Víctor Guardia, Pedro and Pablo Quiroz, and Próspero Fernandez, captured the artillery barracks of San José by a coup de main. There were a few killed and wounded, among the former being the commander, Colonel A. Biscoubi, a French officer who distinguished himself in the defence of San Salvador in 1863.[XVIII-29]

After the capture of the barracks the president was seized, and kept a prisoner about twenty-four hours. Bruno Carranza was then proclaimed provisional president, and assumed the duties on the 28th. Jimenez and his ministers were detained to answer charges that would be preferred against them.[XVIII-30] Jimenez was allowed to reside in Cartago under surveillance; but, fearing for his life, as he alleged, escaped.[XVIII-31] The men who brought about the overthrow of the oppressive government of Jimenez were not left unrewarded.[XVIII-32] All proscriptive orders which had emanated from it were revoked, and persons in exile were enabled to come back.

The people were again summoned to elect a constituent assembly to meet on the 8th of August, which took place; it declared the constitution of 1869 no longer in force, and temporarily revived that of December 1859. Carranza resigned on the same day that the convention assembled, and Tomás Guardia[XVIII-33] was appointed his successor on the 10th. One of Carranza's last acts, July 30th, was to suspend the treaty of friendship with Guatemala of 1848, because the latter had closed diplomatic relations with Costa Rica.[XVIII-34] It is to be said to the credit of Carranza's short rule that though clothed with dictatorial powers they were used very sparingly.[XVIII-35]

[Sidenote: TOMÁS GUARDIA.]

Public tranquillity was constantly menaced, till finally a number of assemblages passed resolutions to rescind the powers conferred on the constituent assembly, and granted the authority of a dictator to Tomás Guardia, whereupon on the 10th of October that body was dissolved by him.[XVIII-36] That same day he decreed a full amnesty to Ex-president Jimenez and his ministers Agapito Jimenez and Eusebio Figueroa. He next, on the 13th, created a council of state with prominent political men,[XVIII-37] assumed personal command of the forces, and appointed Rafael Barroeta his substitute. In May 1871, several prominent citizens were ordered to reside on the Golfo Dulce.[XVIII-38]

A constituent assembly was convoked on the 12th of August,[XVIII-39] and met on the 15th of October, which adopted another fundamental law for the republic on the 7th of December. It was a most liberal constitution, recognizing all the rights of man. On religion it accepted the Roman catholic as the only one to be supported, but tolerated other forms. Foreigners were allowed the privilege of trading and other lawful industries, including navigation of rivers and coasts, of holding property, marrying, and testating. They could not be compelled to become citizens, but if they wished it, one year's residence sufficed to obtain naturalization. The government was declared to be popular, representative, alternative, and responsible. It was divided into three branches; namely, legislative, executive, and judicial.[XVIII-40]

The national congress being installed May 1, 1872, on the 30th declared Tomás Guardia duly elected president, and on the same date appointed José Antonio Pinto and Rafael Barroeta first and second vice-president respectively. The same body June 20th granted Guardia leave of absence, with permission to visit foreign countries for the benefit of his health, and authorized the government to appropriate out of the treasury a sum not exceeding $25,000 for his travelling expenses. José A. Pinto had charge of the executive in his absence.[XVIII-41] Guardia reassumed his office on the 26th of January, 1873.

The policy Guardia's government had pursued toward Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua caused these three powers to prepare for any emergency which might arise. They accordingly entered into a treaty of alliance on the 26th of August, 1873.[XVIII-42] Minister Montúfar had been the only one to endeavor to check Guardia's hare-brained plans; but he was despatched to Europe with the intent of dismissing him in his absence. Costa Rica, on the 24th of October, addressed a circular to other governments remonstrating against that treaty.[XVIII-43] Her government implied that the treaty had been prompted by private animosity, which the others indignantly denied.[XVIII-44]

[Sidenote: MORE PRESIDENTS.]

This state of affairs created much alarm in Costa Rica, as well as elsewhere in Central America, and Guardia, professing to give way to the demands of public opinion, which pointed to him as the sole promoter of war, temporarily resigned the executive office into the hands of the first designado, Salvador Gonzalez, on the 21st of November.[XVIII-45] Gonzalez formed a new cabinet, with José M. Castro as minister of foreign affairs, and fixed upon a policy that would secure public confidence at home and peace with the other states.[XVIII-46] Gonzalez and his ministers had believed in Guardia's sincerity, but they soon discovered that he had been playing a hypocritical rôle. Pretending indignation at what he called lowering the country's honor, and trailing its flag in the dust,[XVIII-47] he resumed the presidential office on the 1st of December, and the next day placed it in charge of Rafael Barroeta,[XVIII-48] who held it till the 28th of February, 1874, when Guardia resumed it. The latter was again granted a leave of absence May 19, 1875, and was absent several months.[XVIII-49]

Some further correspondence passed between the governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, resulting from an abortive attempt at revolution in Guanacaste, when the insurgents, being defeated, escaped into Nicaragua. A force of Costa Ricans landed from a steamer, killed some persons and arrested others in territory claimed to be within the neutral district, under the boundary treaty of 1858, which both parties had bound themselves to respect till the question of limits should be finally settled.[XVIII-50] Congress, in March 1876, authorized the executive to station troops in Guanacaste, on the frontier of Nicaragua, and defend the country's honor, if assailed. He was also to arrange, if possible, the troubles with that republic. Guardia visited the frontier, where General Máximo Jerez and a number of officers also went via Puntarenas.[XVIII-51]

On the 27th of March a general amnesty was issued to all political offenders, which implied that the government was confident the public peace would not be disturbed.[XVIII-52]

Congress declared, May 3d, that Aniceto Esquivel had been constitutionally chosen president of the republic,[XVIII-53] and on the 9th appointed Tomás Guardia and Vicente Herrera first and second designados in the order named. On the 8th Guardia took the chief command of the forces; and as the constitution did not allow of his reëlection to the presidential chair, he could reoccupy it at pleasure by virtue of his position as first designado.[XVIII-54]

[Sidenote: MORE REVOLUTIONS.]

Esquivel inaugurated his administration under favorable circumstances. He pledged himself to pursue a conciliatory policy, at home and abroad, though never failing to uphold the rights of Costa Ricans in foreign lands. Discord, however, broke out, and the opponents of Guardia vented their hostility by the press. A revolt, with bloodshed, occurred in Cartago, July 29th, and 30th, to depose Esquivel,[XVIII-55] which movement proved successful. Vicente Herrera, second designado, was called to occupy the executive seat.[XVIII-56] The new ruler made Saturnino Lizano his minister-general, closed diplomatic and commercial relations with Nicaragua,[XVIII-57] and on the 11th of August established censorship of the press as a necessity for the preservation of order.

Herrera's administration was noted for its illiberality toward foreigners, and for religious bigotry.[XVIII-58] The press was gagged; capitalists and merchants were heavily mulcted on the pretext of their being malecontents; men of reputation and standing were driven from their homes upon the reports of paid spies; and other outrages were committed.

A revolutionary movement on the 11th of September, 1877, forced Herrera to surrender the executive office[XVIII-59] to Tomás Guardia, who assumed the duties, the municipal governments recognizing him as provisional president with unlimited powers.[XVIII-60] On the 24th he called on the people to choose a constituent assembly to meet on the 23d of December. The same day he created a gran consejo nacional, delegating the choice of the majority of its members to the municipalities. That body, under its constitution, had devolved upon it several important duties.[XVIII-61] A general amnesty law for political offences was decreed October 15th, and on the 17th the gran consejo nacional issued a ley de garantías, declaring life, liberty, and property inviolable.[XVIII-62] This law was in force only about three months.

[Sidenote: ARBITRARY RULE.]

Costa Rica was not, it seemed, to be free from actual or impending trouble. Guatemala refused to recognize Guardia's government, and the latter closed relations with her as long as Barrios should be her ruler.[XVIII-63] Early in the following January rumors came that the republic would soon be invaded by a party of men who had in Nicaragua organized a government, and purposed establishing it in Costa Rica by force of arms, if necessary. The invasion took place through Limon, under the leadership of Federico Mora, who called himself provisional president. In consequence of this the law of guaranties, and the elections for the constituent assembly, were suspended, and a decree issued for the punishment of the invaders when taken.[XVIII-64] The attempt to overthrow Guardia failed, Mora being defeated at El Zapote and Matina, and fleeing to Nicaragua. The campaign lasted only eight days.[XVIII-65] Quiet having been restored for a time, an amnesty was granted to political offenders.[XVIII-66]

Very little worth mentioning occurred in 1879, except that in October Costa Rica suspended relations with Salvador. Guardia on the 10th of July, 1880, restored the law of guaranties, and repeated those of January 21 and February 1, 1878, appointing August 1st for the election of deputies, and the 29th of the same month for the instalment of the constituent assembly. This body met on the appointed day,[XVIII-67] but had been in session only about three weeks, when from the liberal views introduced and discussed, and likely to be incorporated in the new constitution, it became apparent that Guardia would not be the popular choice for the next presidential term. The last day's proceedings were an indication of the doom of despotism.[XVIII-68] Guardia and his satellites, alarmed at their impending downfall, resolved that their safety lay in dissolving the assembly, suspending the law of guaranties, and imposing on the people anew the dictatorship. This was done at once on the pretext of suppressing an imaginary revolution. The military being all powerful, Guardia on the 28th of September revived the gran consejo nacional to meet at San José on the 16th of October. He continued his usual arbitrary practices of imprisoning and exiling such persons as made themselves obnoxious to him.[XVIII-69] In 1881 he revisited Europe, and in his absence Salvador Lara acted as president. A constituent assembly was convoked, which adopted a constitution containing very liberal clauses, on the 7th of December. This constitution Guardia suspended on his return to power, early in 1882, but restored with amendments by his decree of April 26th. Guardia's health had not been much benefited by his journey to Europe, and death overtook him at Alajuela in the evening of July 6, 1882. The highest honors were paid to his remains, such as were never seen in Central America before or after the independence. They were buried in San José.[XVIII-70]

Saturnino Lizano had charge of the executive office until the 20th of July, when he surrendered it to the designado General Próspero Fernandez, who being subsequently elected president was inducted into office on the 10th of August.[XVIII-71] The new administration soon restored diplomatic intercourse with Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras.[XVIII-72]

[Sidenote: CHURCH AFFAIRS.]

The relations of the government with the church became strained in 1883. Early that year a decree was issued forbidding the entry of members of the society of Jesus into the republic, though a few who had charge of a college at Cartago were allowed to remain. The clergy began an agitation, and had to be advised by the government, and the bishop as well, to moderate their zeal.[XVIII-73] But the trouble did not end. The old struggle between the civil and ecclesiastical powers was revived. Bishop Thiel, with the aid of the jesuits, attempted to interfere with and to place himself above the government, which, on its part, under the authority conferred by congress, resolved to uphold its supreme authority at all hazards. Hence a decree of July 18, 1884, expelling the bishop and the jesuits from the country.[XVIII-74] Other important measures affecting the clergy were also adopted at this time.[XVIII-75] The bishop was recalled in the following year.

The republic was at peace, when a measure of the legislative assembly of Guatemala came to create a great alarm. I refer to the decree of February 28, 1885, declaring the union of Central America in the form of a single republic, to carry out which scheme President Barrios assumed military command over Central America. The news of this was received by President Fernandez from Barrios himself in a telegram on the 7th of March.[XVIII-76] The national congress was then summoned to meet on Sunday the 8th, and the president called on the people to prepare for the defence of Costa Rican independence. The call was responded to with much enthusiasm. Congress clothed the executive with extraordinary powers.[XVIII-77] But fate had decreed that Fernandez should be saved the vexation of spirit and anxiety which the situation must have caused him. He died suddenly in Aténas between 3 and 4 o'clock in the morning of March 12th. Fernandez was greatly esteemed both as a private and public man. His funeral took place from the presidential mansion on the next day, with the honors due his position as the national chief magistrate.[XVIII-78]

[Sidenote: PEACE AND WAR.]

The first designado, General and Licentiate Bernardo Soto, immediately assumed the duties of president, as well as of commander of the forces,[XVIII-79] and at once called to form his cabinet José M. Castro, Mauro Fernandez, and Santiago de la Guardia.[XVIII-80] Preparations for war were continued, and other nations advised of Costa Rica's disapproval of Guatemala's action.[XVIII-81] Peace was proclaimed on the 19th of April, and the president on the 30th called congress to meet on the 8th of May, when he would surrender the extraordinary powers it had clothed him with.

General Fadrique Gutierrez attempted a revolution in August, which failed. He was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and cashiered.[XVIII-82]

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XIX. DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR

1865-1885.

RULE OF PRESIDENT DUEÑAS—HIS CONSERVATISM—QUARREL WITH HONDURAS—THE LATTER ALLIED WITH SALVADORAN LIBERALS—BATTLE OF SANTA ANA—DUEÑAS DEPOSED—HIS IMPEACHMENT, RELEASE, AND TEMPORARY EXILE—SANTIAGO GONZALEZ PROVISIONAL PRESIDENT—GONZALEZ ELECTED CHIEF MAGISTRATE—GUATEMALA AND SALVADOR AT WAR WITH HONDURAS—MURDER OF VICE-PRESIDENT MENDEZ—EARTHQUAKES—PRESIDENT VALLE—TROUBLE WITH GUATEMALA—EXEUNT VALLE AND GONZALEZ—ZALDÍVAR'S LONG RULE—CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES—ALLIANCE WITH NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA—RESISTANCE TO BARRIOS' PLAN OF CONQUEST—SALVADOR VICTORIOUS—RESTORED PEACE—ZALDÍVAR ELIMINATED—REVOLUTION—F. MENENDEZ MADE PRESIDENT.

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT DUEÑAS.]

Francisco Dueñas, called to preside over the destinies of Salvador in 1865, by the grace of President Carrera of Guatemala, was a member of the legal profession, and had already figured in public affairs. He was from early youth destined for the cloister, and in due time took the vows as a Dominican. But being of an ardent temperament, he came after a while to think himself adapted for a political leader rather than to serve God under a monk's habit.[XIX-1] He accordingly entered the political field, and soon attained prominence. In 1845 he was a minister of state, and had previously been a deputy to the federal congress, wherein for lack of eloquence he made no display; but in committees and private conversations with his colleagues, he often managed to have his ideas accepted. He was one of the deputies who voted against the fatal decree leaving the states free to constitute themselves. He was then a friend of Central American nationality, and often defended it almost as warmly as Barrundia. Pretending to follow public opinion, he was affiliated with the liberals. But his chief aim was even then the furtherance of his own political advancement. Thus we see him join the oligarchic clique, and ally himself with Carrera of Guatemala, from which time he discountenanced every attempt to restore true democracy. The republic became one in name only, for his government was personal and absolute.[XIX-2] With the aid of the oligarchs he managed to sustain himself for years, the country enjoying peace and material prosperity, for which, as well as for his not neglecting public education, he should have some credit.[XIX-3]

In December 1868, he was elected president for the next term, and public affairs continued in a nominal condition for some time, the most friendly relations being maintained with foreign powers, and specially with the other Central American states. But in the latter part of 1870 serious differences occurred with the government of Honduras, the latter imputing to Salvador marked favors to Honduran and Nicaraguan refugees, who were constantly plotting to overthrow the administration of President Medina. At last the Honduran government accredited two commissioners, namely Céleo Arias, and Teodoro Aguiluz, in San Salvador, with the view of settling those differences, if possible, in a friendly manner. Salvador on her part named Rafael Zaldívar her commissioner to treat with them, and their conferences began on the 16th of January, 1871, but they led to no satisfactory result.[XIX-4] At the fourth and last conference, on the 21st of January, the Honduran commissioners, after protesting against Salvador's course in rejecting their demands, proposed as a last resort to preserve friendship—in view of the fact that all hope of arriving at an understanding had disappeared, as confidence between the two governments no longer existed—that the legislatures of both states should be convoked to meet on the 12th of March, and the two presidents, Medina and Dueñas, resign their offices. After which elections for chief magistrates should be held, with the express condition that during those elections both Medina and Dueñas should reside out of their countries. Four days having elapsed without any answer having been returned to that proposition, the Honduran commissioners on the 25th renewed their protest, declared the conferences closed, and demanded their passports. However, after this, Zaldívar signified to them an acceptance of the proposal concerning the resignation. This inspired some hope that peace might yet be consolidated. But it proved to be a vain hope; for the government of Honduras on the 7th of February suspended all treaty stipulations between the two republics, and Salvador despatched in the same month a body of troops to invade her neighbor's territory;[XIX-5] in consequence of which President Medina on the 5th of March declared war against Salvador, or rather against Dueñas' government.[XIX-6]

[Sidenote: HOSTILITIES WITH HONDURAS.]

The liberal party took advantage of the situation to adopt active measures for the overthrow of despotism, and the restoration of democratic principles. General Santiago Gonzalez, who had been called to head a movement, made an address to the people, which produced a great excitement. Dueñas tried to strengthen himself by means of a so-called plebiscite, but this only served to show that a revolution was impending. Gonzalez applied for aid to the government of Honduras,[XIX-7] which, being then on the point of waging war against Dueñas, was prevailed on to place under command of that officer the forces he had organized to invade Salvador through Sensuntepeque. With his Salvadorans and Honduran allies Gonzalez made himself master of the departments of Santa Ana and Sonsonate,[XIX-8] from which he could procure abundant supplies. The government forces, which had been kept in suspense, not knowing which would be the invaders' objective point, attacked them at Santa Ana, and after four days' hard fighting, though much superior in numbers, were utterly routed on the 10th of April, with heavy casualties; the main army was put to flight, and the reserve forsook their standard.[XIX-9] Gonzalez was then proclaimed provisional president, and Dueñas' government collapsed, he, together with Tomás Martinez, ex-president of Nicaragua, who commanded in chief the government's army, and others, seeking a place of safety in the United States legation, then in charge of General A. T. A. Torbert, minister resident. The next day Gonzalez and his army marched into the capital amid the most enthusiastic acclamations. His first step was to protect the person of Dueñas against possible violence from his exasperated enemies, among whom were the friends of the never-forgotten Gerardo Barrios, whom Dueñas had caused to be shot in cold blood, and to obtain his surrender that he might answer before the nation for his alleged illegal acts.[XIX-10] Both Dueñas and Martinez were surrendered to the provisional government on its giving a pledge that their lives would not be imperilled. The surrender of Dueñas was made on the 20th of April, with his own acquiescence; he was then transferred as a state prisoner to the military school building.[XIX-11] Martinez was released and permitted to leave the republic.[XIX-12]

Ex-president Dueñas was, on the 13th of April, 1872, declared by the senate legally deposed, and amenable to the laws for acts of usurpation. Murders, among which was reckoned the execution of Ex-president Barrios, unjustifiable executions, and imprisonments of citizens, incendiarism, misappropriation of public moneys, and other misdemeanors. It was further ordered that the accused should be turned over to the jurisdiction of the courts for trial, pursuant to article 71 of the constitution.[XIX-13] In July of the same year, while the constitution was in suspense, during a temporary internal disturbance, the supreme court set him at liberty, which caused much agitation in Salvador. He left the country after giving bonds in $100,000 that he would not land in any port of Central America. He went to and remained in Europe some time, then returned to America, residing a while in New York, and afterward in San Francisco, California. Subsequently he was permitted free access to his country, and was treated with high consideration both in Salvador and Guatemala.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NEW CONSTITUTION.]

The constituent assembly, which had been convoked by the provisional government, was installed July 28, 1871, and began its labors on the 31st, when the provisional president gave an account of his official acts, all of which were legalized at once.[XIX-14] The following persons were, in the order named, designated to take charge of the executive, provisionally, in the event of disability of Gonzalez; namely, Rafael Campo, Manuel Gallardo, and Cruz Ulloa.

On the 16th of October, the assembly adopted a new fundamental law in twelve titles, which may be said to have been in perfect accord with democratic principles.[XIX-15] This constitution was amended on the 9th of November, 1872, in a few particulars by a constituent assembly, the presidential term being made of four years instead of two. He could neither be reëlected for the next immediate term, nor act as president even a single day beyond the time for which he was chosen.[XIX-16] This same assembly in 1872 enacted several secondary laws of importance, to wit: on freedom of the press; trial by jury in criminal and libel cases; use of martial law; elections by universal suffrage; public instruction; codification of the laws in force since 1821; and appropriation of private property for great public uses.

The presidential election under the new charter of 1871 resulted in Gonzalez, the provisional president, being chosen the constitutional chief magistrate, his term to begin on the 1st of February the following year. The amendment to the constitution of November 9, 1872, extended it to February 1, 1876.

[Sidenote: CALAMITOUS TIMES.]

The political relations of the governments of Salvador and Guatemala with Honduras had, early in 1872, become so unfriendly that a war was unavoidable. Salvadoran and Guatemala forces invaded Honduras, and were successful in their operations, the details of which will be given in connection with the history of the latter country.[XIX-17] President Gonzalez and his victorious army on their return to San Salvador in June received an ovation. Subsequent events demanded the despatch of more troops to Honduras, which, together with Guatemala's, completed the work of the first campaign. The government also felt compelled to exile a number of persons who were manifestly conspiring for the destruction of the liberal régime.[XIX-18] The ministers addressed an exposé to the constituent congress, which had been in session since September 27th, reviewing the policy of the administration, and submitting for its sanction the late war measures, at variance with the constitution. All the acts of the president were subsequently approved by congress.[XIX-19]

The only other event of 1872 worthy of mention was the murder of the vice-president, Manuel Mendez, on the night of the 1st of September, in the public street,[XIX-20] by a man named Juan Melendez. At first it was supposed that the act might have been prompted by other motives than personal revenge; the latter proved, however, to be the real cause. The assassin fled into Honduras, but was finally discovered and surrendered to Salvador, where he was tried and executed.[XIX-21]

The year 1873 in its first part was a calamitous one for Salvador. A series of earthquakes caused destruction in many places, specially on the 19th of March, ruining the capital for the eighth time in its history. The national congress, after approving the government's acts to the date of closing its session, left the country to devote its best energies in repairing the havoc of that catastrophe. The rest of the year and 1874 formed, indeed, a period not only of restoration but of marked progress in every respect. National industries went on developing, public instruction, under the fostering care of the authorities, was constantly being spread among the masses, and the financial condition had become much improved. Peace reigned at home, and the relations with foreign powers were on an amicable footing; cordiality seemed to preside over those with the other Central American states. The future, at the inception of 1875, promised concord and good-will as well as undisturbed progressiveness.[XIX-22] But these expectations were not realized. The public peace was disturbed on two occasions; the first, by the Indians of Dolores Izalco, who, because of a dispute with the authorities anent their community lands, rose in arms, and on March 14th assaulted the garrison of the city of Izalco, to be repulsed with considerable loss. Their head men were arrested and imprisoned some months, until, promising good behavior in the future, they were released.[XIX-23] The other affair was a more serious one, calling for energetic action on the part of the military power. An armed mob of reactionists and religious fanatics, led by one Tinoco and a clergyman named José Manuel Palacios, on the 20th of June, fell upon the city of San Miguel, slaying the small garrison, together with the comandante general, Felipe Espinosa, and several citizens, sacking the business houses, and burning down a portion of the town. Such deeds of blood, robbery, and incendiarism as those of the 20th to the 24th had seldom been witnessed in Central America. Troops arrived from La Union, and the Honduran port of Amapala, on the 24th, and the malefactors fled, but not before about thirty of their number, including Father Palacios, were taken prisoners. A considerable part of the stolen goods was recovered. Reënforcements followed, and the department was secured from further molestation. President Gonzalez was at San Miguel on the 27th.[XIX-24]

On the other hand, a sanguinary and disastrous war with Guatemala caused an entire change in the administration.

The general assembly had, on the 1st of March, convoked the people to elect on the first Sunday of December a president and vice-president for the second constitutional term to begin February 1, 1876, and end February 1, 1880. Andrés Valle was chosen president, and Santiago Gonzalez, vice-president. The latter offered his resignation, but the assembly did not accept it. They were inducted into office on the appointed date. But previous to this, Guatemala having assumed a menacing attitude, congress decreed that in the event of the president going to the field at the head of the army, Valle, then a senator, should act in his stead, pro tempore. On the same date a forced loan of $500,000 was also ordered to be raised.

[Sidenote: PENDING HOSTILITIES.]

The difficulties arose from a supposed understanding of President Gonzalez with Guatemalan refugees in Salvador, and the government of Ponciano Leiva in Honduras, with the ulterior object of bringing about the downfall of Barrios. The latter alleged also that Gonzalez intended to uphold with his forces the government of Leiva, which, according to him, was entirely unpopular, because of its subserviency to Salvador. This intervention was deemed not only an attack against Honduran autonomy, but a menace to Guatemala. Gonzalez was notified that if he persisted in that course, Guatemala would then interfere in favor of General Medina, who was then trying to overthrow Leiva. The result of this attitude was a renewed assurance by Gonzalez of friendly feeling, and a proposition to hold a verbal conference on Honduran affairs, which Barrios accepted, and such a conference was held now with President Valle at Chingo, and a convention was signed on the 15th of February, under which Marco Aurelio Soto, an Honduran by birth, was to undertake the pacification of his country, backed by equal forces of Guatemala and Honduras.[XIX-25] Barrios contended that, though Valle was president, Gonzalez was the real power in Salvador, whom he accused in a public manifesto of hypocrisy and treachery. Angry words continued, the two nations being now armed for the conflict, till they agreed to disband their forces. Both governments claimed to have done so, imputing to the other a wilful neglect of its obligation. The probability is, that, distrusting one another, they merely pretended compliance, keeping their troops ready for action. Barrios sent 1,500 men into Honduras, and came himself with a force to threaten Salvador on the west, and actually invaded the latter without a previous declaration of war. At last, on the 20th of March, José María Samayoa, minister of war in charge of the executive of Guatemala, formally declared all official relations with Salvador at an end, and then again on the 27th, alleging that Salvadoran troops had invaded Guatemala, decreed the existence of war, giving Barrios unlimited power to make such uses of this declaration as befitted the dignity of Guatemala.[XIX-26] The government of Salvador on the 26th of March decreed the treaty of amity and alliance concluded with Guatemala January 24, 1872, to be no longer in force.[XIX-27]

[Sidenote: THE WRATH OF BARRIOS.]

Barrios' plan for the campaign was to assail Salvador on the west direct from Guatemala with an army under his personal command, and at the same time by a movement from Honduras under General Gregorio Solares on the eastern departments of San Miguel and La Union.

The Mexican general, Lopez Uraga, adjutant-general of Barrios, was stationed with a garrison at Jutiapa to guard the army supplies. At this time the Salvadorans unsuccessfully attacked an isolated position on the frontier, which roused the ire of Barrios. He then directed Uraga to move the supplies to Chingo, whence he started himself to the invasion of Salvador. Solares had not yet been heard from. He had first of all to get Medina and Leiva out of the way in Honduras. The Guatemalan president then marched to the Coco hacienda, and hearing that Chalchuapa was abandoned, occupied it at once. The Salvadorans had their headquarters at Santa Ana. The armies which were to encounter each other on the field of battle were the most numerous Central America had ever seen. Barrios with 8,000 or 9,000 men laid siege of Ahuachapan. Uraga stationed himself at Chalchuapa with about 1,500, and Chingo was left with a handful of men.[XIX-28]

The Guatemalans who have occupied Apaneca were driven away, and on returning thereto encountered the Salvadorans on the 15th of April, and after a fight lasting from eight in the morning till nightfall, were routed, and pursued as far as Atiquizaya, sustaining heavy losses.[XIX-29]

Meantime the belligerent armies in the east were not idle. Solares after hard fighting from the 17th to the 19th of April won a signal and decisive victory at Pasaquina over the Salvadorans commanded by generals Brioso, Delgado, Sanchez, and Espinosa; the results of which were that he obtained control of the departments of San Miguel and La Union, menacing those of San Vicente and Usulutan, and even the official residence of President Valle; thus depriving the government of large resources, and disheartening the army of Gonzalez in Ahuachapan and Santa Ana.[XIX-30] After this victory, Solares being reënforced, the Salvadorans, now reduced to 800 or 900, precipitately retreated to San Miguel, but by desertions on the march dwindled down to less than 200. The defence of San Miguel became impossible, and Solares occupied it, as well as La Union. There being insufficient elements to defend San Vicente, the government ordered the scattered garrisons to concentrate at the capital.

[Sidenote: CONVENTION AND TREATY.]

The condition of the army of the west was not much better. There were in Ahuachapan about 2,600 men, and in Santa Ana hardly 3,500. The former was greatly decreased by constant fighting during the holy week, and on the day after easter hardly exceeded 900 demoralized troops. An unsuccessful attempt was made against Chalchuapa. A few days later Salvadoran commissioners visited Barrios' headquarters, as he was, it is averred, on the point of raising the siege of Ahuachapan.[XIX-31] He then marched to Atiquizaya, and the next day to Chalchuapa, where the negotiations for peace were held,[XIX-32] which resulted in a convention, preliminary to a treaty of peace, concluded on the 25th of April, ratified the next day, and coupled with the condition sine qua non of a complete change in the personnel of the Salvadoran government.[XIX-33]

Under the preliminary convention of April 25th, Rafael Zaldívar was chosen provisional president, and on the 1st of May appointed his cabinet.[XIX-34] A definitive treaty of peace, friendship, and alliance, offensive and defensive, was signed at Santa Ana May 8th,[XIX-35] in which Honduras joined on the 27th of May. General Gonzalez had meantime repaired on board the British war ship Amethyst at La Libertad, transferring himself afterward to the American mail steamship Costa Rica, on which he left Central America.

Pursuant to the 6th clause of the convention of April 25th, the people were called upon to choose, on the first Sunday of June, a president and vice-president, as well as representatives to the legislative assembly, the latter to meet at San Salvador on the 1st of July. This clause having been duly carried out, the Guatemalan forces withdrew from Salvador, in accordance with the 7th.[XIX-36] The elections took place, the national congress being installed July 3d, and Rafael Zaldívar declared to have been duly chosen constitutional president to continue the term from February 1, 1876, to February 1, 1880. He was accordingly inducted into office on the 19th of July.

* * * * *

Rafael Zaldívar had previously served in both houses of congress, in the cabinet, and filled several diplomatic missions, notably that of minister plenipotentiary in Berlin.[XIX-37] On his return he became President Dueñas' right-hand man and supporter. He was president of the last general assembly at the time of Dueñas' downfall, and considering his life in danger, he concealed himself, and finally escaped out of the country.[XIX-38] After this he lived in exile about five years.[XIX-39]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS.]

The new administration had no home or foreign complications to distract its attention from the usual routine of duties, and progress was soon noticeable in every branch of industry as well as of the public service. The executive, on the 3d of April, 1879, called the people to choose a constituent congress to effect reforms in the constitution of November 9, 1872. This body was duly installed June 9th, under the presidency of Teodoro Moreno; but after appointing a committee to frame a constitution, it adjourned July 2d to meet again between the 1st and 15th of January, 1880. It reassembled on the latter date, and proceeded to consider the project of a fundamental law laid before it by that committee. Some amendments were finally adopted on the 19th of February, and Zaldívar was reëlected president for the ensuing term from February 1, 1880, to February 1, 1884.

Nothing worthy of special mention occurred till the end of 1882. The constitutional congress opened its session on the 5th of January, 1883, when the president gave an encouraging account of the political situation. Peace reigned, and the people were devoted to their industrial pursuits. The relations with the other nations of the earth were cordial, Salvador, though a small power, being the recipient of respect and regard from all others. With Costa Rica the relations, interrupted since October 1879, were renewed, and with Nicaragua the most perfect understanding existed. The treaty of alliance with Guatemala and Honduras was in full force.[XIX-40]

But this happy state of things was not to last. At 2 o'clock in the morning of April 16th, a body of men armed with rifles, shot-guns, revolvers, and machetes attacked the garrison at Santa Tecla, crying Viva la religion! Viva el Doctor Gallardo! Mueran Zaldívar y Barrios! They were repulsed by the troops commanded by Colonel Matías Castro Delgado, who captured forty prisoners. The government forces went in pursuit of the others in the region of the neighboring volcano.[XIX-41] The insurrectionary movement had ramifications in other towns, namely, La Libertad, San Salvador, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, and Sonsonate, where its authors expected to be seconded. The president at once placed the departments of San Salvador, La Libertad, and the west under martial law. This and other prompt measures prevented any further action on the part of the would-be revolutionists. Quiet having been fully restored, the decree of martial law was repealed.[XIX-42]

Another change in the constitution was made this year. The executive called a convention on the 18th of October to meet between the 15th and 20th of December, to revise the charter of February 19, 1880, adapting the fundamental institutions of the country to its present needs; and also to take cognizance of other matters which the executive would lay before it.[XIX-43]

[Sidenote: CHRONIC REVOLUTION.]

A new constitution was adopted soon after, containing all the political rights recognized in the most liberal instruments of the kind, guaranteeing also the free exercise of all religions not repugnant to morality and public order.[XIX-44] President Zaldívar was reëlected and reinaugurated on the 1st of February, 1884.[XIX-45] But obtaining leave of absence to visit Europe, where his family had been some time, he turned over the executive office to the first designado, Angel Guirola, who was to hold it till his return.[XIX-46] He was again in San Salvador in August, and resumed his duties.

Another period of trouble is now again impending on Salvador. Elsewhere I give the particulars of the undertaking of Barrios, president of Guatemala, to reconstruct Central America as one republic by force of arms. It is unnecessary to do more than glance at the same here. On finding a deliberate opposition to his project on the part of the governments of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, he placed his army in the field to support any movements in those republics toward the end he had in view. The people of Salvador responded to the call of their authorities,[XIX-47] who in a short time had about 1,800 volunteers enrolled, and relied, moreover, on the aid of the other three governments equally interested in defending their autonomy. About 12,000 men were stationed on the western frontier under the direct command of President Zaldívar, but no act of hostility was committed, out of respect for the American minister, who had been mediating, and obtained from Barrios that he would not invade Salvador if his own territory were not assailed. But this pledge went for nothing. The Guatemalans invaded Salvador March 30th, compelling the Salvadorans who had been fortifying the hacienda del Coco to abandon that position, though only after severe fighting, and retire into their fortifications of Chalchuapa.[XIX-48] The latter were assailed by the whole force of the enemy, but the garrison returned the fire with success, and gallantly met the desperate onslaught until a signal victory crowned their well-directed efforts. Barrios, the intrepid leader of the Guatemalans, lost his life, but this did not put an end to the fight for several hours yet.[XIX-49] The discomfited assailants began their retreat to the frontier at six o'clock, or a little later, in the evening, unpursued.[XIX-50]

[Sidenote: FRANCISCO MENENDEZ.]

With the friendly intervention of the foreign diplomatic corps an armistice was signed, giving time for negotiations, which culminated in a treaty of peace with Guatemala, the particulars of which are given elsewhere.[XIX-51] With Honduras[XIX-52] a treaty was concluded, with the assent of the three allies, which restored friendly relations. Zaldívar called congress to hold an extra session, and laid before it, May 4th, an account of the campaign and its results, and concluded, asking that body to accept his resignation. This was unanimously refused; nor was his subsequent request for a year's leave of absence granted. But on his declaring his intention of taking the unused time of the leave given him in 1884, that body acceded, and allowed him to be absent twelve months. On the 14th, he placed the executive authority in the hands of the second designado, General Fernando Figueroa, his minister of the treasury, who had the support of Zaldívar's friends; and on the following day departed for Europe.[XIX-53] An insurrection had already broken out in the west, promoted by political adversaries, whose leader was General Francisco Menendez. The government reported a victory over the insurgents at Armenia the 19th of May, but the revolution gained ground so rapidly that Menendez, who had been proclaimed presidente provisorio, made his triumphal entry in San Salvador on the 22d, midst the acclamations of the populace.[XIX-54] The revolution was successful, and the new government was afterward recognized by foreign powers.[XIX-55]

In August, Menendez called on the people to choose a constituent convention, and preparations were made therefor; but disturbances having occurred in several places, he prolonged his dictatorship and redeclared martial law.[XIX-56] Zaldívar was charged with improper uses of the public funds, and the government refused to recognize a certain indebtedness incurred in his administration. His property in Salvador was seized, and an attempt was made by certain persons to lay hands on some real estate of his in Costa Rica, but they were not permitted to do so.[XIX-57] Shortly after there was a rupture with Nicaragua, which did not last long, a treaty of peace being signed at Amapala in January 1886.

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XX. DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA

1865-1873.

PRESIDENT CERNA'S RULE—PARTIAL REVOLTS—LIBERALS IN THE ASSEMBLY—CERNA'S REËLECTION—RIOTS IN THE CAPITAL—ZAVALA'S COURSE—CRUZ' REBELLION, DEFEAT, AND DEATH—ARRESTS OF LIBERALS—MODERATION OF THE GOVERNMENT—REVOLUTION OF GARCÍA GRANADOS AND BARRIOS—PLAN OF PATZICIA—CERNA DEFEATED AND OVERTHROWN—GRANADOS AS PRESIDENTE PROVISORIO—SEDITIOUS MOVEMENTS QUELLED—ABOLITION OF PRIESTLY PRIVILEGES—PRELATES, JESUITS, AND CAPUCHINS EXPELLED—WAR WITH HONDURAS—BARRIOS AS SUBSTITUTE PRESIDENT—HIS SEVERITY—ELECTIONS—BARRIOS CHOSEN CONSTITUTIONAL PRESIDENT.

Upon the demise of President Carrera, April 14, 1865, the government devolved for a time on Pedro de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs, who summoned the legislative body to choose a successor in the executive seat. The person then selected was Vicente Cerna,[XX-1] who took possession of the chair with the usual formalities on the 24th of May, and in his manifesto and inaugural made known that his policy would be that of the preceding administration, being assured of the coöperation of the late president's ministers, whose qualifications he could not too highly extol.[XX-2] Though a brave man, and not an unskilful general, Cerna was not gifted with the extraordinary acuteness of Carrera; and not possessing the support and overawing power which the late ruler had over the liberals, omens of trouble began to appear in the political horizon. The fact is, that the assembly and people, at the time of his election, had expected some reforms of the former policy. But at the end of nearly two years these expectations had vanished, and insurrections were erelong set on foot; for the liberal party, though kept under so many years, had not died out. Justo Rufino Barrios, hitherto a refugee in Chiapas,[XX-3] now appeared on the theatre of war, rendering efficient aid to the most influential opponent of the government, Serapio Cruz, one of Carrera's generals, who had early in February 1867 initiated a revolution in Sanarate, recruiting men and capturing arms from Guastatoya.[XX-4] Though corpulent, Cruz was energetic and strong, active in his movements, and possessing a knowledge of the mountainous region, could not be easily subdued by the government.[XX-5] However, it so happened that Brigadier Solares pressed him hard, and he had to flee, when his followers abandoning him, he asked for a safe-conduct out of the country, which was given him on the 8th of April, and he was taken under a guard to the frontier of Salvador.[XX-6] The government did not sanction this proceeding of Solares.

[Sidenote: BARRIOS' PRONUNCIAMIENTO.]

A pronunciamiento took place at the Malacate hacienda, belonging to Barrios, August 3d, the same year, which also failed, the insurgents being defeated, and their leader, Francisco Cruz, and thirty-seven others captured by Indians friendly to the government, and sentenced.[XX-7] Serapio Cruz with twenty men invaded Guatemala from Chiapas in March 1869. The government decreed stringent measures.[XX-8] Cruz on the 27th of April destroyed a small party of troops under Lieutenant Abelar in the mountains. He was on the 2d and 3d of May at Huehuetenango,[XX-9] and on the 4th marched to Momostenango with five hundred Indians and some ladinos. About one hundred of his men had fire-arms, a number only machetes, and the rest were unarmed. He continued his march to Santa María Chiquimula, thence to Santa Lucía, five leagues distant, but abandoned it on the 6th, upon the approach of government troops, going to Sacapulas, as if to return to the mountains of Nebaj. Colonel Battle reported May 20th from Nebaj the utter discomfiture of Cruz that morning. His men had taken flight, scattering in the mountains.[XX-10] Another report of the 23d stated that Cruz with only 23 men was on the 21st fleeing through the unsettled region of Chimal, as if bound to Chiapas by way of Chaculá. It seems that being pursued from all directions, he fled from Verapaz, where he found no followers, to Canillá, and succeeded in entering the Sierra Madre. In Guatemala it was reported, July 30, 1869, that Cruz had again taken refuge in Chiapas.[XX-11]

* * * * *

While the government had been thus harassed by insurgents in arms, the liberal opposition in the legislative chamber was daily growing in strength. Deputy Miguel García Granados repeatedly denounced the arbitrary acts of the ministers. After a while there came to be but few less liberals than conservatives in the legislature, and when Cerna's term was approaching its end, the opposition felt strong enough to have a candidate of their own at the presidential election. Cerna was brought forward by his party for the next term—May 24, 1869, to December 31, 1872. The liberals nominated General Victor Zavala, who had won so much distinction in the Walker campaign, and was popular with the military element.[XX-12] Zavala was defeated, though he had a respectable support in the assembly,[XX-13] which was an omen of a not distant change in the political situation.

On the 24th of May, 1869, the date of Cerna's second inauguration, there was a great popular excitement at the capital. A revolution was impending. At the approach of night every precaution was adopted by the ministers to guard the president's mansion and the public buildings. The troops were kept in the barracks under arms. As darkness increased, cries of Viva Zavala! were repeatedly heard, shots were fired, several persons being wounded, and one killed in the plaza del teatro. Zavala's friends tried to prevail on him to lead them in an attempt to overthrow the administration. He refused to do so, from motives of prudence and unwillingness to cause bloodshed. He strongly doubted that such a movement could be successful, and was probably right, but his course on that occasion lost him the regard of the more enthusiastic portion of his political supporters. There had been an escape from a sanguinary revolt, but the public mind remained greatly agitated.

[Sidenote: DETERMINED REVOLUTIONISTS.]

Cerna in his inaugural address had said that the troubled state of the country had demanded his acceptance of a reëlection, and that this opportunity, when the republic was at peace with the other Central American states, and with all foreign powers, was a favorable one for good citizens to aid the government in securing quiet at home. But his advice was unheeded. Neither he nor his ministers were allowed any peace. García Granados continued his agitation in the legislative chamber, his denunciations of the government growing from day to day louder and more menacing. The president and his cabinet were aware that a large portion of the middle class in the chief towns sided with the liberal agitator, and that the leaven of liberalism already was working in the army. Several superior officers were accordingly distrusted, and the lower ones serving under them were of course looked on as unreliable. The treasury was empty, and the country burdened with a heavy debt, both internal and foreign.[XX-14] Meantime, Serapio Cruz was daily gaining strength on the north-western frontier. He was supplied with money by the liberals, with which he bought arms for his followers. His Indian allies kept him advised of every advance of government troops.[XX-15] He was exceedingly active and successful in the latter part of 1869, having at this time from 700 to 1,000 men, and being efficiently seconded by J. Rufino Barrios. Various collisions with the government troops were favorable to the insurgents. The latter assaulted Huehuetenango, a strongly garrisoned place, and were repulsed, but not before they had burned down a large part of it. In December 1869, Cruz approached the capital, and by rapid movements evaded the superior forces of the government.

On Saturday, the 15th of January, 1870, the liberals in the capital had made preparations for an outbreak the following day, when Cruz was expected to march in and support them. Early on Sunday there was much excitement in the city. Unfortunately for their cause, Cruz had relaxed his vigilance. Before noon it was whispered that on the road leading from the eastern gate to Palencia, a severe encounter had taken place; next came a report that Cruz had been defeated and killed, soon followed by another that his head was on its way to the city. This proved to be a fact.[XX-16] The victors marched into the capital with their ghastly trophy, the head of the man who had expected at that moment to be master of the place.[XX-17]

[Sidenote: EXCEPTIONAL CLEMENCY.]

All hope of success for the liberals was now at an end, at least for a time. The correspondence of their chief men with Cruz having been captured, the government ordered their arrest, but most of them escaped. José María Samayoa, the wealthiest of them, was imprisoned a short time, and then banished, and went to sojourn in San Salvador. García Granados, after being some time concealed, was ultimately discovered, and sought asylum at the British legation, from which, by the intercession of other foreign representatives, he was permitted to leave the country. He went to reside in Chiapas.[XX-18] The administration must be commended for its magnanimity. Not a single execution or confiscation of property followed its triumph. Whatever the motive was which prompted clemency to such bitter opponents[XX-19] against the opinion of many firm supporters, it may not be denied that it eventually brought about the government's overthrow; for the condition of the liberals, though overspread with gloom, was not altogether hopeless. The government strengthened their bands by failing to satisfy the people with liberal measures.[XX-20] The discontent grew apace. Neither the authorities nor García Granados were idle during 1870, both laying in a supply of breech-loading rifles.

Early in 1871, the liberals of Salvador, with the assistance of the president of Honduras, overthrew the government of Dueñas.[XX-21] This was a heavy blow to the conservatives. García Granados was organizing an expedition in Chiapas, probably in concert with the liberals of Salvador, and as soon as Dueñas' downfall was accomplished, he invaded Guatemala, where he was joined by J. Rufino Barrios, who, upon the defeat of Cruz, had retired into Mexican territory. Vicente Mendez Cruz invaded on the 5th of March at Charulá and proceeded to the sierra of Nebaj, relying on the aid of the Indians of Chajul. He was joined by another party under E. Giron, and together they occupied Coban, which was ungarrisoned. Barrios with about sixty men encountered, April 4th, on the Tacaná heights, a government force, which retreated to San Márcos. Lastly, Lieutenant-colonel Juan Viteri joined them with some servants of his hacienda.[XX-22]

[Sidenote: GARCÍA GRANADOS.]

García Granados, by way of Cuilco and Tejutla, reached, May 10th, Serchil, distant three leagues from San Pedro Sacatepequez. He, together with Barrios, occupied San Márcos, and on the approach of Lieutenant-colonel Calonge, retreated toward Coatepeque.[XX-23] The result of the operations was that on June 1st Calonge, at the head of 800 men, was routed by García Granados near La Antigua, losing his artillery, 500 rifles, and ammunition. Of the government troops hardly 100 men got back to the capital. The people of Jutiapa revolted, and sent a commissioner to General Gregorio Solares, then at Santa Ana, in Salvador, to invite him to command a considerable force for coöperation with García Granados. Solares lost no time in answering the call.

The officers of the liberating army held a meeting on the 3d of June at the town of Patzicia, and in a preamble and series of resolutions made known their purpose to overthrow Cerna and his administration, and establish a republic based on democratic principles, to which effect Miguel García Granados was called to act as provisional president with ample powers.[XX-24] García Granados had previously made a proclamation to his countrymen detailing the arbitrary acts of the government, one of which had been the order to confine him and other representatives of the people[XX-25] in the dungeons of Fort San José. He was fortunate, however, in escaping arrest. He now urged the necessity of overthrowing a despotism under which the nation could make no progress whatever.[XX-26] Again, after the pronunciamiento of Patzicia, he issued another manifesto, pledging himself to labor for the establishment of a republican government.

The troops sent against the insurgents at first made little or no resistance. They were disaffected men, and led by lukewarm or faithless officers.[XX-27] Cerna then took the field with the troops which could be spared from the defence of the capital, a good portion being his faithful battalions of Santa Rosa and Chiquimula Indians; but it was too late. He was in no condition to cope with the enemy, most of his best officers having deserted him. There were several encounters, in only one of which he had any chance of success. On the 23d of June he surprised the insurgents on the hills between Totonicapan and Quezaltenango, in Tierrablanca; his brave Indians drove back the Quezaltenangos, but Barrios came with reënforcements of his best troops, and regained the lost ground. At this moment Cerna was no longer fit to command, being taken very ill.[XX-28] His friends hurried him off, and his men were utterly routed, and made a hasty retreat in the afternoon. Next morning Colonel Julio García Granados went in pursuit, and captured nearly 100 prisoners and a quantity of war material.

[Sidenote: IMPORTANT VICTORY.]

Cerna reached Chimaltenango, and thought of fortifying himself there. With reënforcements received from the capital he now had 2,100 men. The insurgent army, though increased in Los Altos, was only 1,200 strong; but it was flushed with victory, and counted on the superiority of its Remington and Winchester rifles. García Granados resolved not to attack Cerna in Chimaltenango, but to march by way of San Andrés Itzapa to La Antigua, and occupy the heights of Santa Lucía, thus menacing the capital.[XX-29] On reaching Chicoj he heard that Cerna was at La Antigua. Changing his plans, he marched to Chimaltenango, and thence to Santiago, a town six leagues from Guatemala, where he spent the night. In Zumpango he was advised of the occupation of Amatitlan by Solares, whom he at once directed to harass Cerna on his march to the capital. Granados' intent was to meet Cerna on the Mixco road; and to this end early on the 29th of June repaired to San Lúcas, to ascertain with certainty the time when Cerna would pass through Rancho de San Lúcas toward Bárcenas. He occupied that town, and after a consultation with his second in command, Barrios, went with a body of cavalry to the Mixco heights, where he presently heard shots from the direction of San Lúcas. Cerna had made ready for the struggle. Barrios saw victory on the San Lúcas hill; and without waiting the return of his chief, directed Julio García Granados with 800 men to support his front, and rapidly marched with 400, and occupied the hill, thus winning the day. Cerna's troops, finding their retreat cut off, disbanded by hundreds, and by nightfall the number of prisoners and deserters, most of the latter with their arms, exceeded 1,000.[XX-30] The victory was complete; for of Cerna's 2,400 men—he had lately received 400—scarcely 30 entered the capital that day.[XX-31]

The provisional president passed the night in Bárcenas, and the next morning after the civil authorities of Guatemala had met him outside and quietly delivered the keys of the city together with the castle and barracks, he, accompanied by Barrios, the other leading officers, and the troops, marched into the capital amid the most enthusiastic plaudits.[XX-32] With the exception of a few hostile cries against Cerna, Bolaños, the comandante general, and others, perfect order prevailed; no acts of violence or retaliation were permitted.[XX-33]

The task of reorganizing public affairs was an arduous one.[XX-34] The first attempt to appoint a cabinet was unsuccessful. Persons who were tendered portfolios declined them. However, Felipe Galvez, who had been secretary-general during the campaign, became minister of foreign affairs, public instruction, and ad interim of hacienda; and Arcadio Estrada, minister of government, justice, and ecclesiastical affairs.

The act of Patzicia was accepted by the principal towns in the republic, save those of the departments of Santa Rosa and Chiquimula. The government decreed several liberal measures, and restored diplomatic relations with Costa Rica.[XX-35]

[Sidenote: DOWNFALL OF THE CLERGY.]

The new administration had hardly initiated reforms when an insurrection broke out in Santa Rosa, promoted by the priests and their aristocratic allies. It does not appear that García Granados had at first intended open hostility to the religious orders. The tone of his address, early in September 1871, to the Santa Rosa Indians, indicated that his plans involved absolute religious tolerance.[XX-36] The priests would not rest contented with the loss of their former high standing.[XX-37] Had they remained quiet, it is not likely they would have been molested. The president's call on the insurgents of Santa Rosa to submit was disregarded, but their movement was quelled by the end of the month with much bloodshed.[XX-38] An amnesty was granted to rebels surrendering to the authorities. The decree of martial law was repealed; and the ministers then in charge of the executive made García Granados a captain-general and Barrios a lieutenant-general.[XX-39]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: SUPPRESSION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES.]

The new régime now resolved to cut loose of the ecclesiastical incubus, and to establish the supremacy of the civil authority in the state on a firm basis. Its first step was to carry out a decree of the revolutionary government, dated May 24, 1870, to expel the society of Jesus forever from the republic.[XX-40] This was not effected without some scandal and disturbance from the zealous partisans of the order. Seventy-three jesuits, most of whom were foreigners, were sent away on an American steamship, bound to Panamá.[XX-41] They did not go so far down, however, as will be shown elsewhere. The decree under which this expulsion was effected resembled that of April 2, 1767, issued by Cárlos III.[XX-42]

Archbishop Piñol of Guatemala, and Ortiz Urruela, bishop of Teya in partibus infidelium, for their marked hostility in promoting rebellion, were, on October 17th, ordered to leave the country, and they departed without offering any resistance. The tithes tax was at once suppressed.[XX-43] On the 7th of June, 1872, religious communities of men were extinguished, causing great excitement, but owing to the energy of the government it soon died out.[XX-44] Nor did the action of the government stop here. The fuero eclesiástico in both civil and criminal causes was done away with March 12, 1873, and freedom of worship decreed on the 15th.[XX-45]

The turn of the nunneries came at last. On the 28th of February, 1874, it was ordered that all the nuns should be concentrated in one convent, the Santa Catarina, and be allowed to receive their families and friends without hindrance. This convent was placed under the immediate protection and vigilance of the civil authorities, which roused the ire of the ecclesiastics, who endeavored to nullify the order.[XX-46] The consequence was, that in February 1874, President Barrios decreed the suppression of many religious houses, prohibiting professions in the future, and permitting nuns who so desired to leave the cloister, and to each one so departing would be given a monthly allowance of twenty dollars. On the 3d of March the nuns residing in Santa Catarina were put out of the cloister.[XX-47]

* * * * *

The aspect of public affairs in Central America at the inception of 1872 was not promising of stability and peace. Honduras, together with Archbishop Piñol, Bishop Ortiz Urruela, the jesuits, and their conservative friends, all combined, had assumed a reactionary attitude, with the avowed intent of upsetting the governments which were laboring to consolidate democratic principles, and serious complications were apprehended.[XX-48] The two governments thus menaced were, however, fully prepared for the emergency.[XX-49]

President Medina, of Honduras, having become the leader of the reactionary element, Guatemala and Salvador entered into a treaty of alliance and despatched troops against him, after a formal declaration of war.[XX-50] The president took command of the Guatemalan troops for the campaign, leaving the executive office temporarily in charge of Barrios. The war was but a short one, ending advantageously for the allies, who, after concluding a satisfactory arrangement, retired their troops. García Granados returned to Guatemala on the 10th of June, and reassumed his executive duties, Barrios going to Quezaltenango as comandante general of Los Altos.[XX-51] The cabinet was now organized, as appears in the note at foot.[XX-52] The reactionists would not keep still. Colonel Vicente Mendez Cruz, jefe político of Amatitlan, placed himself at the head of an insurrection.[XX-53]

[Sidenote: ELECTION OF BARRIOS.]

The reactionary forces took the name of "ejército de la reaccion dirigido por los santos padres," and their avowed object was to bring Cerna back to uphold their rights and religion, which they claimed to have been assailed by heretical rulers. The government adopted active measures, and the rebellion was quelled in a short time, Cruz losing his life at the hands of his own men.[XX-54] After peace was nearly restored, García Granados, who had gone to the front, returned to the capital, and resumed the presidency.[XX-55] On the 29th of March he convoked the people to chose a constitutional president, although the constituent assembly, which had been installed March 10, 1872,[XX-56] had failed to frame a constitution.[XX-57] The elections were to begin April 20th, and last seven days. The term for which the elect should hold the office was to be established by the new charter, taking into account the time already served. The assembly was to be summoned for the 5th of May, to count the votes. The election took place, and Justo Rufino Barrios was declared by the assembly on May 7th to have been popularly elected. He was formally inducted into office on the 4th of June, 1873.[XX-58]

The late administration must be held to have been somewhat weak. García Granados was an enlightened and able man, but easy, unassuming, indolent, and kind-hearted; too much so, indeed, for the place he had been called to fill at a period demanding of him great energy, and an unbending will. His was not a disposition to deal harshly with any one, or inflict suffering. Another drawback was his connection by the ties of family and early association with the men and women who were laboring to undo the work of the revolution he had accomplished. Among his own relatives were some of his most strenuous opponents. The reactionists took advantage of his good nature to keep the country in a turmoil, hoping thus to restore the old régime of fanaticism and general retrogression. They defeated themselves, however, bringing into existence the iron power of Barrios, who tolerated no opposition to his will, nor overlooked sedition in any form.

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XXI. RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY

1873-1885.

PRESIDENT BARRIOS OF GUATEMALA—END OF REACTIONARY WAR—GUATEMALAN PROGRESS—WAR WITH SALVADOR AND HONDURAS—BARRIOS' SUCCESSES AND GENEROSITY TO THE VANQUISHED—CONSTITUTIONAL RÉGIME IN GUATEMALA—BARRIOS' REËLECTIONS—HIS VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES—PEACEFUL EFFORT TO UNITE CENTRAL AMERICA—RESORT TO ARMS—ALLIANCE OF GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS—BARRIOS ATTACKS SALVADOR—HIS DEFEAT AND DEATH—HIS PLAN ABANDONED—M. L. BARILLAS, PROVISIONAL PRESIDENT OF GUATEMALA—RESTORATION OF PEACE.

Justo Rufino Barrios, now president of the republic by the popular choice, was born about 1834 in San Márcos, department of Quezaltenango. He received his education in Guatemala, and fitted himself for a notary public, and received his commission as such; but it does not appear that he performed notarial duties.[XXI-1] He was of about middle height, and rather light complexion, with a cold, distant look, and plain and unassuming in his dress. His manners were brusque, unrefined, and unconventional, as if it were easier for him to despise good manners than to acquire them. However, after a while they become more polished. Without any claim to enlightenment, or to a knowledge of public affairs,[XXI-2] it is not too much to say that he possessed natural talents, a far-reaching mind, and a disposition to labor unremittingly for the welfare of his country, though at the same time looking after his own aggrandizement. His energy of character and iron will have been generally recognized. Whatever his enemies may say, the fact stands that his country owes him much; for example, liberal institutions, internal peace, and with them the advancement of intellectual pursuits, industries, and wealth.[XXI-3]

The cause of education was fostered as it had never been before, efforts being constantly made to elevate the lower classes;[XXI-4] and the country was endowed with many of the improvements of the age, like the railroad and the telegraph. Acts of despotism and brutality without number have been rightly imputed to Barrios,[XXI-5] some well founded, but most of them inventions of his enemies, among whom were of course the would-be oligarchs and the priests, together with their fanatical followers. Still, it must be said that his government was one in which fear of the sword was constantly holding its opponents in check.[XXI-6]

[Sidenote: COSTLY INSULT.]

The efforts of the reactionists to regain the upper-hand were finally defeated in the latter end of the year, when an amnesty was granted to the remnants of rebels in Santa Rosa and elsewhere.[XXI-7] In the following year an outrageous act was perpetrated by a military officer, bringing upon his government a serious complication with a foreign power. Colonel Gonzalez, a native of Spain, who had been intrusted with the responsible command at the port of San José, for some disagreement with the British vice-consul, had him seized and beaten as a common criminal in the most barbarous manner. Realizing, on the next morning, the responsibility he had incurred, he tried to escape on the American mail steamship, but his infamous conduct had preceded him, and he was driven away. Both he and his accomplice, Bulnes, were promptly arrested, tried, and sentenced to undergo heavy penalties.[XXI-8] The British government demanded prompt reparation of the insult, which Barrios unhesitatingly acceded to. Guatemala saluted the British flag at San José with every mark of respect,[XXI-9] and was mulcted in the sum of $50,000, which she paid.[XXI-10]

The government had another foreign difficulty on its hands in 1875, resulting from a hasty recognition of the independence of Cuba on the 6th of April. In August, Commodore E. Butler, of the Spanish royal navy, arrived at Guatemala, bearing a note from Conde de Valmaseda, captain-general of the island, to President Barrios, demanding satisfaction. It was finally agreed[XXI-11] that Guatemala would at once accredit a minister at Madrid to discuss the subject and arrange it satisfactorily. This was done, and the difficulty was amicably settled.[XXI-12]

[Sidenote: FURTHER HOSTILITIES.]

The political outlook at the beginning of 1876 was not such a one as promised a continuance of peace. Serious troubles were impending over three of the important sections of Central America. Barrios had brought about the assembling of a diet, which was installed in Guatemala January 15th, with the object of reorganizing the country under one government.[XXI-13] Civil war raged in Honduras, and while the diet was sitting, Barrios was moving his troops; 600 men were stationed in Esquipulas, and 1,200 more marched to Jutiapa.[XXI-14] Salvador was not slow in preparing for hostilities. On the 23d of January, however, Guatemala and Salvador agreed to disarm.[XXI-15]

It was believed in Guatemala that Enrique Palacios, and about 3,000 of her refugees sojourning in Salvador, had been wheedled and promised aid by President Gonzalez for the overthrow of Barrios, and that they were exasperated, and would insist on those promises being carried out. On the other hand, Barrios was chagrined at the failure of the diet to arrive at a conclusion in favor of consolidation.[XXI-16] He now resolved, whether with the purpose of pursuing the reorganization scheme or with that of further securing himself, or both, to change the rulers of Salvador and Honduras, replacing them with his supporters. The task in Honduras was an easier one, that country being in the throes of revolution. Salvador, as he thought, with a hostile government in Honduras, and war threatening from the side of Guatemala, must succumb. The results of his policy were as he had planned them. The fortune of war favored him,[XXI-17] and from 1876 to 1884 he could count on the resources of Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras[XXI-18] to effect what he undertook to accomplish single-handed at another time. But this will be treated of at the proper time.

After his successful campaign, Barrios was received in triumph at his capital,[XXI-19] and erelong other honors poured upon him. Costa Rica made him a general of division of her army.[XXI-20] The constituent assembly declared him a benemérito de la patria; and the legislature of conquered Salvador voted him a sword of honor.[XXI-21] The political atmosphere, however, became cloudy immediately after the return of the forces. Barrios would have dismissed his ministers then had they not been preparing their reports to present to the constituent assembly which was to assemble in a short time.[XXI-22]

The assembly was installed on the 11th of September, 1876,[XXI-23] and passed a few acts; namely, October 19th, approved all the acts of Barrios during the time he had held the executive office, and his budget for the fiscal year from July 1, 1876, to June 30, 1877; October 23d, declared that the proper time for framing a national constitution had not yet arrived; the work was therefore postponed to a more suitable period. The presidential term for Barrios was fixed at four years from the date of the decree.[XXI-24] The change of ministers Barrios desired to make finally took place.[XXI-25]

[Sidenote: MURDEROUS PLOT.]

With the exception of an insignificant affair in Quiché, the year 1877 had nearly run itself out without any alarms or disturbances, when on the 1st of November a plot was detected in the capital, having for its objects, as appeared, to murder the president and other leading men, sack the city, and effect a general change in affairs. The persons implicated were tried by court-martial and convicted; seventeen of the chief leaders being executed in the plaza de armas, and accomplices of a lower degree sentenced to other penalties. Most of the latter were subsequently pardoned.[XXI-26]

On the 9th of November, 1878, the president issued a convocation for a constituent assembly of 71 members to meet on the 15th of March following, for the purposes of framing a national constitution, and resolving upon such matters as the government would submit to its deliberations.[XXI-27] The assembly was installed on the appointed day, and the president, whose term of appointment in 1876 had not expired, surrendered his dictatorial powers. In a lengthy message he gave a detailed account of public affairs, with the assurance that the republic was enjoying peace and prosperity.[XXI-28] For further particulars he referred to the reports of his ministers. This much-valued peace continued uninterrupted, notwithstanding the efforts of refugees in Chiapas to invade Guatemala with views hostile to the government. But they were balked by the action of Mexico at Barrios' request, in keeping the parties away from the frontier.[XXI-29] The constituent assembly adopted on the 11th of December, 1879, a new constitution for the republic, which was promulgated a few days after. It recognized the great principles of democracy and social reform, and was in harmony with the social condition and political needs of Guatemala.[XXI-30]

[Sidenote: BARRIOS DICTATOR.]

Pursuant to the requirements of the constitution, the government issued on the 13th of December, 1879, and 12th of January, 1880, decrees for the elections of president of the republic and deputies to the assembly, which took place without any disturbance. Justo Rufino Barrios was chosen, by popular suffrage, president of the republic for the term from March 1, 1880, to March 1, 1886.[XXI-31] Peace continued without interruption,[XXI-32] and the government was enabled to devote its attention to the advancement of the country's educational and material interests. Judicial and administrative reforms were introduced, and the army was reorganized, receiving marked improvements in every branch. Agriculture and commerce progressed, and the national finances had never been in so promising a condition.[XXI-33]

Barrios took advantage of this quiet to pay a visit to the United States. He landed at New Orleans, and thence repaired to Washington, where he was received with the high consideration due to the chief magistrate of a friendly nation. In other cities of the union he was also welcomed and hospitably entertained.[XXI-34] His visit was one of business rather than of pleasure, having the double object of inviting the American government, Mexico having likewise done so, to act as mediator for the final settlement of their long-pending boundary question; and also of bespeaking the influence and good offices of the same power to bring about the union of the five Central American states, in order that they might form a single republic. The first request was acceded to, and the boundary difficulty was terminated.[XXI-35] As regarded the other matter, the United States, while recognizing the wisdom of the five Central American republics becoming consolidated, declined to interfere.

[Sidenote: BARRIOS RESTLESS.]

Barrios made a flying visit to Europe, and returned by way of the United States, embarking at San Francisco, California, for his country, where he arrived early in November 1882.[XXI-36] On the 29th of December he laid before the legislative assembly, then sitting in extra session, his resignation of the executive office, pleading the precarious state of his health, which demanded rest and special care. He said that the constitutional régime being restored and consolidated, his further services might be dispensed with. He considered the occasion a propitious one for a change in the chief magistrate.[XXI-37]

Barrios' act caused much anxiety to his friends,[XXI-38] but the assembly, while appreciating his motives, declined to accept the resignation, alluding to the alarm the news of it had created among the people. It did not seem to concur with him on the point of internal peace being secure, apprehension existing against reactionary projects which might arrest the progress of the past few years. The chamber promised, however, to devise some means of conciliating the demands of his health with the need of his services.[XXI-39] It was understood that if the project of the union of the states, then engaging the attention of their governments, should be carried out, the measure to be suggested by the assembly would be granting him a leave of absence. The decision of the legislature was received with great satisfaction by the people. Barrios accepted it, and on the 6th of January, 1883, in an address to the people, announced his resumption of the presidency, though only for a short time.[XXI-40]

Meanwhile the scheme of Central American reconstruction had not been neglected. Barrios at an early day renewed negotiations with that object in view. Salvador and Honduras seemed to be in full accord with his plan; but Nicaragua and Costa Rica had failed to see the practicability of its realization. Delfino Sanchez, a Guatemalan commissioner, and Salvador Gallegos, minister of foreign affairs of Salvador, together visited Honduras, whose president, ministers, and influential citizens renewed assurances of concerted action. They next repaired to Nicaragua, and then to Costa Rica, at both of which places they met with cordial receptions, and their propositions were attentively considered, leading them to expect a successful result to their joint mission.[XXI-41] Those governments consented to accredit five delegates each to a congress, which was to sit in March 1884, either at Ahuachapan, or Santa Tecla, in Salvador, with powers limited to discuss and subscribe to the plan for a general constitution, and organic laws intended for the reorganization of Central America. Costa Rica's promise was subject to sanction by her legislature. She subsequently receded, and officially made it known to the government of Nicaragua.[XXI-42]

The project was early in 1884 as far from realization as ever. Barrios in his message of that year to the national assembly alludes to the result as a sore disappointment to him; adding that no one had dared to declare himself against the lofty idea, and yet there had been so many elements, both of personal ambition and localism, hostile to its success,[XXI-43] that the use of force would have had to be resorted to, which had formed no part of his peaceful plan, to conquer the covert and persistent opposition. But his government would not let slip any opportunity favorable to its realization, continuing meantime with its liberal institutions, laws, and general policy, to exhibit unequivocal proofs of a fraternal spirit. He soon had a falling out, however, with President Soto of Honduras, who, believing himself in peril of overthrow, or other form of revenge, at the hands of his more powerful neighbor, was charged with abandoning his slippery position, and seeking safety in a foreign land, well provided with pecuniary means to lead a luxurious life. But on this subject more particulars are given in connection with Honduras history in another chapter.

With Nicaragua a general treaty of friendship, defensive alliance, commerce, navigation, and extradition of criminals was concluded at Guatemala, December 27, 1883.[XXI-44]

[Sidenote: ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION.]

An attempt was made, with a metallic bomb, against the life of President Barrios, as he was walking in the Plaza del Teatro with the minister of war, J. Martin Barrundia, on the evening of April 13, 1884. The bomb burst, happily, failing of its object. No one was injured; but the incident served to excite alarm and indignation against the perpetrators of the crime throughout Central America. Expressions of sympathy and congratulation at the narrow escape of Barrios and his companion, came in from the diplomatic corps, and from all classes of society.[XXI-45]

The investigations made by the authorities led to the discovery of the perpetrators, and they were tried, convicted, and sentenced.[XXI-46] But the president, exercising his prerogative, granted them a full pardon on the 4th of July, and they were at once set at liberty.

Barrios, who had been visiting the western departments, returned to the capital on September 13th, having with him as national guests the presidents of Salvador and Honduras with their suites, and Tomás Ayon, representing the chief magistrate of Nicaragua, who had been unable to respond in person to the invitation of the government of Guatemala, and be present with the others at the inauguration of the southern railroad.[XXI-47] The visit of these personages lasted till the termination of the festivities, when they took their departure the 21st; Barrios and his ministers accompanying them as far as Port San José.

The scheme of Central American unification was never lost sight of. Barrios had been watching for a propitious opportunity, and early in 1885 resolved to initiate it. He accordingly issued, on the 28th of February, a decree wherein, after explaining in a long preamble the advantages which would accrue to all concerned from his action, he proclaimed, in accord with the legislative assembly of Guatemala, the consolidation of the five states into one republic, and the manner of effecting it.[XXI-48] He likewise made a manifesto to the people of Central America at large, assuring them that he was not prompted by personal ambition, or the desire of holding power, for he had had abundant experience of its bitterness.[XXI-49]

The president of Honduras on the 7th of March telegraphed to Guatemala the resolutions adopted that same day by the state assembly in favor of Central American consolidation.[XXI-50]

[Sidenote: DIVERSIFIED OPINIONS.]

The people of Guatemala and Honduras seemed to be generally disposed to support their governments. But it proved to be otherwise in Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, though many citizens of the three states favored the initiative of Guatemala. The administration of Salvador having failed to second the movement, Barrios' passionate temper was roused. He wrote President Zaldívar that, relying upon the assurances of Salvador and Honduras,[XXI-51] he had launched his decree of February 28th, and as he had not shown the proper disposition to fulfil his pledges, the government of Guatemala would employ its abundant resources to force compliance;[XXI-52] for he was resolved to carry out his enterprise at all hazards. He announced at the same time the appointment of Francisco Menendez, a Salvadoran general of division, to command the western departments of the latter republic,[XXI-53] with instructions to raise over them the standard of Central America, and expressed the hope that Zaldívar would not permit obstacles to be thrown in that officer's way. Zaldívar telegraphed him on the 9th to await the visit of their mutual friends, Menendez and Avilez, and not act hastily, nor look upon him as a foe, for he had no wish to be one. Barrios then concluded to wait for the coming of those commissioners.[XXI-54]

[Sidenote: COERCION CONDEMNED.]

The decree of February 28th, which was now raising such a political storm, had been officially communicated to the foreign diplomatic and consular corps on the 6th of March. The German minister was the first to answer it; he seemed to commend the effort about to be made. The other representatives acknowledged its receipt in more or less expressive terms. The Spanish minister endeavored, however, though unofficially, to dissuade Barrios from carrying out his plan without the concurrence of the other states. His effort, he said, was to avert bloodshed. Barrios was indisposed to brook this interference, returning on the 10th a haughty reply to the effect that the question of Central American unification was not an international one, and solely concerned the people of Central America. He therefore requested him to discontinue his officious intervention, and finally added, that if Zaldívar fulfilled his engagements, paying attention only to the wishes of patriotic citizens, there would be no bloodshed. The minister then went to Guatemala, and wrote an explanatory letter, closing his interference, to which Barrios replied that, being engaged with other important affairs, he could not give his letter all the attention it demanded; but he was glad the discussion had been brought to an end. The government of Mexico, to which the Guatemalan minister, Francisco Anguiano, had made known Barrios' action, replied through its minister of foreign affairs, Ignacio Mariscal, disapproving of the movement, and signifying its intention to provide for the defence of Mexico's frontiers and interests.[XXI-55]

The government of the United States also looked with disfavor on the plan of forcible organization, promptly ordering naval forces to the Central American coasts for the protection of American interests. The Nicaraguan congress had, on the 8th of March, resolved to reject the union decreed by Guatemala, and to energetically oppose what they called Barrios' attempt to impose his will, and to constitute himself a dictator over Central America. The executive was accordingly empowered to make provision, singly or conjointly with other states, for national defence at whatever sacrifice. The government of Costa Rica adopted a similar course, the executive being clothed with extraordinary powers.[XXI-56]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF BARRIOS.]

Finally, the three republics of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica appealed to the governments of the United States and Mexico to interfere on their behalf against Barrios' projects. Mexico responded at once. President Diaz notified Barrios on the 10th by telegraph, that the governments and people of those three republics had rejected his scheme, which had, moreover, produced an impression on the Mexican people, demanding on the part of their government the assumption of an attitude suitable to an emergency by which the independence and autonomy of nations of this continent had been menaced. Barrios telegraphed back that his answer would go by mail. He afterward issued an address to the Mexican nation, of a friendly nature.[XXI-57] But the die was cast. War was now unavoidable. The three opposing governments, for their mutual protection, entered on the 22d of March into an alliance offensive and defensive,[XXI-58] and took active measures to give effect to the union. Guatemala on her part, and her ally Honduras, had not been slow in their preparations for the impending strife. Regardless of all opposition, Barrios was still bent upon his difficult task, and for its accomplishment marched an army into Salvadoran territory. The events of this campaign are given in another chapter, in connection with the history of Salvador, where the fighting took place. Let it suffice to say here that the invaders met with disaster, and Barrios lost his life, fighting heroically, on the 2d of April.[XXI-59] His remains were rescued, it is said at the cost of twenty lives, and conveyed to Guatemala, where they were interred with civic and military honors. His widow, Francisca Aparicio de Barrios, and their seven children, being escorted to the port of San José by a military guard, embarked for San Francisco, accompanied by friends. They afterward transferred themselves and their belongings to New York, where Señora Barrios established her residence, it being understood that the family has been left amply provided with pecuniary means.[XXI-60]

Upon the news reaching Guatemala of the disasters which had befallen the army operating in Salvador, and of the death of the president, the legislative assembly, and the provisional president, Alejandro Sinibaldi,[XXI-61] in accord with it, revoked on the 3d of April the decree of February 28th. Subsequently, through the mediation of the diplomatic corps, preliminaries of peace were agreed to, but not before the president of Salvador had signified an unwillingness to treat with Sinibaldi and Barrios' ministers. The former then surrendered the executive office to the second designado, Manuel Lisandro Barillas, and the ministers retired with him.

The new government on the 15th of April restored peace with Salvador and her allies Nicaragua and Costa Rica.[XXI-62] All treaty stipulations existing between Guatemala and Salvador on the 28th of February last were also restored, to remain in force until a new treaty should be concluded.[XXI-63] An amnesty was granted to all Guatemalans who took part in the late president's movement, and to all Guatemalans who were absent for political offences committed six months prior to the aforesaid date; the government signifying its intention of making the amnesty general as soon as circumstances would permit.[XXI-64] With the change of ruler diplomatic relations were reëstablished with the government of Mexico.[XXI-65]

[Sidenote: PEACE AT LAST.]

The cabinet of Salvador now proposed to the other four republics the meeting of a congress of plenipotentiaries on the 15th of May at Santa Tecla, with the object of reconstructing Central America as one republic, or at least of adopting measures conducive to that end. President Zaldívar then signified his intention of resigning his office on the assembling of congress, and as soon as it should have arrived at some resolution on the scheme. Guatemala deemed it premature. Nicaragua declined. Honduras accepted the proposition. The government of Costa Rica, though her magistrate was clothed with ample powers, did not feel justified in entering into such an arrangement without first obtaining the assent of congress, which was not then in session, and would not be for some time.[XXI-66]

Peace and quiet being generally reëstablished, martial law was removed, the country placed under the rule of the constitution, a general amnesty decreed, and a constituent congress convoked.[XXI-67] Congress assembled on the 24th of August, the acting president manifesting much confidence in its wisdom to accomplish much good to the country. But it does not appear that after a long session, it accomplished any thing worth recording.[XXI-68]

The election took place on the 22d of November, Barillas being chosen president by a unanimous vote of the electoral college. Colonel Vicente Castañeda, a deputy, was elected vice-president.[XXI-69] Barillas was quite the opposite of Barrios in some respects. He was a man of the kindest and most benevolent instincts, who would rather suffer wrong than do wrong. The discontented were not long in taking advantage of his clemency to create disturbance. A number of generals and others were detected in a diabolical plot, intended to murder Barillas and destroy the foreigners. The parties implicated were arrested, and surrendered to the courts, the president refusing to interfere.

The ministers were requested to resign their portfolios, which were intrusted to the following persons, all young men of recognized abilities and progressive ideas, namely: A. Lazo Arriaga, of foreign relations; Abel Cruz, of government and justice; Escobar, of the treasury and public credit; Cárlos Herrera, a son of the late Manuel M. Herrera, one of Barrios' best assistants, minister of fomento; and Manuel Valle, journalist, poet, and orator, minister of public instruction.

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XXII. HONDURAS AFFAIRS

1865-1886.

NATIONAL FLAG AND ESCUTCHEON—ORDER OF SANTA ROSA—MEDINA'S LONG RULE—HIS DIFFERENCES WITH DUEÑAS, AND TRIUMPH—WAR WITH SALVADOR AND GUATEMALA—MEDINA DEFEATED AND OVERTHROWN—CÉLEO ARIAS SUCCEEDS HIM—HIS LIBERAL POLICY—HE IS BESET BY THE CONSERVATIVES—HIS FORMER SUPPORTERS DEPOSE HIM—PONCIANO LEIVA BECOMES PRESIDENT—HIS COURSE DISPLEASES BARRIOS, WHO SETS MEDINA AGAINST HIM—HE IS FORCED TO RESIGN—MARCO AURELIO SOTO MADE PRESIDENT BY BARRIOS—ATTEMPTED REVOLT OF EX-PRESIDENT MEDINA—HIS TRIAL AND EXECUTION—SOTO'S ADMINISTRATION—HE GOES ABROAD—HIS QUARREL WITH BARRIOS, AND RESIGNATION—PRESIDENT BOGRAN—FILIBUSTERING SCHEMES.

There is very little to record for Honduras in the five years from 1865 to 1870; the country enjoyed comparative peace under the same conservative system existing in Guatemala and Salvador. President Medina being reëlected was again inducted into office on the 1st of February, 1866, and a few days later the military rank of lieutenant-general was conferred on him.[XXII-1] On the 16th of the same month congress decreed a change in the national coat of arms and flag, in the manner described at foot.[XXII-2]

Early in 1868 Medina and congress, with the approbation of the council of state,[XXII-3] resolved upon the creation of an order of merit to reward important civil, military, and religious services rendered to the nation, and other praiseworthy acts of its citizens. Congress then on the 21st of February established the Órden de Santa Rosa y de la Civilizacion de Honduras.[XXII-4] The executive promulgated the decree on the 24th with the signature appended of Trinidad Ferrari, minister of the interior. The idea met with the approval of some, and excited the ridicule of others. The order soon fell into discredit, many unworthy persons having obtained it, and its suppression was decreed.[XXII-5]

Medina was chosen president for another term of four years. In order to do this, the clause in article 33 of the national constitution forbidding reëlection for the next immediate period was repealed, which Medina's partisans effected through a constituent assembly convoked ad hoc.[XXII-6] He was accordingly reinaugurated February 1, 1870.

Honduras was now to experience another series of troubles, which lasted several years. In the last days of December 1869, disturbances were apprehended in Olancho and Paraiso, in connivance with Nicaraguan exiles, for which reason those refugees were concentrated in Comayagua. Some seditious attempts were made in the following year, but were easily put down.

[Sidenote: TROUBLES WITH SALVADOR.]

Early in 1871, serious differences existed between the governments of Honduras and Salvador, or, to be more exact, between presidents Medina and Dueñas, on several points. The causes, as well as the fruitless efforts made by Honduran commissioners in San Salvador to effect a peaceable settlement of long-existing differences, are fully explained elsewhere.[XXII-7] Medina, on the 7th of February, declared all treaties between the two republics suspended, and war soon broke out. A Salvadoran army, under General Xatruch, invaded Honduras and took Comayagua, that commander styling himself provisional president. The Honduran government had entered into a correspondence with the United States ministers resident at Tegucigalpa and San Salvador, calling their attention to the 14th article of the treaty of July 4, 1864, between their nation and Honduras, under which the former recognized the rights of ownership and sovereignty of the latter in the line of the Honduras interoceanic railway, the works on which, it said, were in danger of interruption by the Salvadoran invaders. From the tenor of its notes, it would seem as if it expected the United States to hoist their flag over Comayagua, which might have hindered the operations of Xatruch. Medina's pretension was untenable, the understanding being that the obligation of the United States did not attach till after the completion of the work.[XXII-8] Moreover, the Honduran government could not reasonably expect that those ministers had an armed force at their command. The United States had no need, even if willing to accept the duty of protecting those works, to adopt any measures, being assured by the Salvadoran government that the neutrality of the Honduras railway would not be interfered with in any manner.

Medina was not idle in devising means to injure the enemy. He occupied Sensuntepeque on March 17th, and next Ilobasco. Dueñas' forces under General Tomás Martinez attacked the latter place on the 19th, and being repulsed retreated to Cojutepeque. General Santiago Gonzalez with Hondurans and disaffected Salvadorans occupied San Vicente on the 19th, the reserve remaining in Sensuntepeque, which revolted against Dueñas.[XXII-9] The campaign in Salvador ended at Santa Ana, where the fate of Dueñas' government was decided.[XXII-10] Peace was then concluded between the new government of Salvador and that of Honduras. Medina started after Xatruch, who then had about 700 men in Gracias; but the news of the result at Santa Ana reaching there his troops deserted him. The war was soon over, Xatruch himself in a proclamation of May 11th signifying his intention to leave the country. After this the political situation was for a while satisfactory. Still Medina deemed it expedient to invite a plebiscite, and ascertain if the people wished him to continue at the head of affairs the rest of his term.[XXII-11] The result was as he desired it.

A great commotion was caused in August by 300 or 400 Indians and revolutionists, against whom the government forces never obtained but partial successes. The disturbance lasted until an understanding was arrived at with the rebel leaders on the 13th of December.[XXII-12]

[Sidenote: PERPETUAL WAR.]

Further trouble was impending, this time between Medina and the liberal governments lately established in Salvador and Guatemala. He claimed of Salvador an indemnity for his services in overthrowing Dueñas, which that government deemed preposterous and disallowed. The two governments, which had entered into an alliance offensive and defensive, on the other hand accused Medina of having formed a coalition with the oligarchs to restore the latter to power.[XXII-13]

Medina closed official relations with Salvador March 25th; and this act, being looked upon by Salvador and Guatemala as a declaration of war, they invaded Honduras, and soon after a victory over Medina's general, Velez, occupied the principal towns, all of which revolted against Medina, and a provisional government was set up[XXII-14] with Céleo Arias at the head of affairs. Medina had temporarily placed the executive office in charge of Crescencio Gomez, and taken command of his troops in the field. Upon Comayagua being occupied by the Salvadorans, Gomez and his officials fled to Gracias. Medina attempted, May 27th, to recapture Comayagua, but was repulsed.[XXII-15]

Omoa had been given up July 20th to Juan Antonio Medina, a Salvadoran general, for Arias' government. Medina, the president, suffered a defeat on the same day at Potrerillos, and a crushing one on the 26th, in Santa Bárbara, at the hands of the allied forces of Arias, Guatemala, and Salvador, escaping with only six officers to Omoa,[XXII-16] where he joined the other man of the same surname, who had a few days previously accepted the executive office, transferred to him by Crescencio Gomez, proclaiming himself provisional president, and appointing a cabinet. But a revolt of the troops put an end to this arrangement, José M. Medina, his substitute Gomez, and others being made prisoners, and sent at once to Comayagua, where they arrived on or about August 9th.[XXII-17] Arias' government now had but little difficulty to secure its tenure of power. Ex-president Medina was held in confinement to answer such charges as would be preferred against him before the next national congress.[XXII-18] A full amnesty was decreed for all political offences committed from March 5, 1871, to November 1, 1872, the only persons excluded from its benefits being José María Medina, and his ministers, Manuel Colindres and Rafael Padilla, who were also to abide the action of congress.[XXII-19]

The constitution of 1865 having become a dead letter, the provisional government, in a decree of November 15th, recognized as existing in their full force all the rights of citizens under republican institutions,[XXII-20] though reserving the privilege of suspending some of them in the event of public disturbance. This decree was countersigned by the three ministers of state.[XXII-21] The people were on the 17th of March, 1873, convoked to choose deputies to a convention which was to frame a new constitution. The last Sunday of the following April was named for the elections.[XXII-22]

[Sidenote: COMING OF CONSERVATIVES.]

Guatemala was experiencing troubles in her eastern departments. An expedition of conservatives landed at Trujillo from the ship General Sherman, menacing the government of Arias, and at the same time aiding the faction which was trying to overthrow that of Guatemala.[XXII-23] The latter and Salvador attributing the scheme to President Guardia of Costa Rica, jointly accredited a minister in Nicaragua, the result of whose mission was a tripartite defensive alliance. Arias decreed martial law, and reassumed the dictatorship which the people conferred on him the previous year.[XXII-24]

The revolutionary forces under Miranda were signally defeated by the Guatemalan commander, Solares, on the north side of the Chamelecon River on the 9th of August, with great loss, General Casto Alvarado and Colonel A. Muñoz being killed, and a large quantity of war material falling into the victor's hands.[XXII-25] The presidents of Guatemala and Salvador, after the insurrection in the former republic had been quelled, held conferences at Chingo on the situation in Honduras, and came to the conclusion that Arias' government, being unpopular, could not sustain itself without their material as well as moral support, which would be a heavy burden. He was then asked in a joint note to give up the executive office to some one more in the confidence of the people. He refused to accede to the demand, and the allied troops approached Comayagua to carry out their suggestion. The first notice of their intent was the proclamation in the town of Aguanqueterique, of Ponciano Leiva as provisional president, who organized his administration at Choluteca on the 23d of November, and on the 8th of December declared all the acts of Arias null.[XXII-26]

The allied forces of Leiva under his minister of war, General Juan Lopez, of Guatemala under Solares, and of Salvador under Espinosa, laid siege to Comayagua on the 6th of January, 1874, and after seven days' resistance, Arias, together with his ministers and chief supporters, had to capitulate on the 13th. Ex-president Medina was released from confinement, and eventually, having recognized the new ruler, was set free, when he went to live in La Paz.[XXII-27]

[Sidenote: LEIVA SUCCEEDS ARIAS]

Leiva's government was soon recognized by the other states. It was of course expected to pursue a policy in accord with the governments that gave it existence. But it seems that Leiva preferred to follow an independent course,[XXII-28] and in a short time the two powers that so elevated him were in antagonism, Guatemala using her influence against and Salvador for him, as will be seen hereafter. A constituent congress convoked by Leiva adjourned in May, after adopting three important measures; namely, confirming Leiva as provisional president, restoring the constitution of 1865, and ordering Arias into exile for five years.[XXII-29] The political state of affairs was not satisfactory to Guatemala. The elections had yielded a majority of conservatives and reactionists in congress, and many if not most of the public offices had gone into the hands of men of that party, one of the most prominent being Manuel Colindres. The regular congress was installed on the 20th of January, 1875, and the next day the executive sent in his message, giving in detail the condition of public affairs. February 1st he took the oath of office as constitutional president, having been elected by the people.[XXII-30] A full amnesty for political offences was granted by congress February 9th, and promulgated the same day by the president and his minister of relations and justice, Adolfo Zúñiga.

The people of Honduras were not allowed, however, to enjoy the benefits of peace but for a short time; for Ex-president Medina instigated, as it was generally believed, by President Barrios of Guatemala, raised at Gracias, on the 21st of December, the standard of revolution, proclaiming himself provisional president.[XXII-31] He afterward suffered for his lack of wisdom. The government at once prepared to meet the emergency. Salvador organized a force to support it, and Guatemala resolved to sustain Medina, whose real plan was to hurl Gonzalez from the executive chair of Salvador, as well as Leiva from that of Honduras.

The revolution assumed proportions, and Medina had come to believe himself master of the situation. The presidents of Salvador and Guatemala arranged at Chingo, on the 15th of February, 1876, to intervene in Honduras and stop the revolution. At this time it was thought that Leiva could not hold his own, his forces having been routed at Intibucá, and his authority being felt only in the eastern departments. The rebels had captured the capital, Comayagua, and delivered it to the horrors of an exterminating war. But the battle of Naranjo changed the aspect of affairs, Leiva's troops gaining there a decisive victory, which restored his authority over almost the whole extent of the republic.[XXII-32] There was no further need of Guatemala and Salvador pacifying Honduras; peace had been virtually restored, and only a few scattered parties of rebels in the departments of Copan and Gracias had to be eliminated.[XXII-33] But soon after another contestant for the presidential office appeared on the field, namely, Marco Aurelio Soto, ex-minister of foreign relations of Guatemala,[XXII-34] whom a Guatemalan force supported. A treaty of peace was concluded, however, with the mediation of Salvador, at Los Cedros June 8, 1876,[XXII-35] and the executive office went into the hands of Crescencio Gomez by transfer from Marcelino Mejía, to whom the treaty had given it. Gomez decreed August 12th to turn over the office to Medina, who declined accepting it; but as the republic was thereby left without a chief magistrate, he concluded on the 18th to call Marco Aurelio Soto to fill the position,[XXII-36] denying in a manifesto that Guatemala purposed controlling the affairs of Honduras.[XXII-37]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT SOTO.]

Soto announced August 27th from Amapala[XXII-38] his assumption of the executive duties, declaring that his policy would be fair and friendly at home and toward the other Central American states, and that he was free from internal or foreign entanglements. He was soon after recognized by other governments as the legitimate chief magistrate of Honduras.[XXII-39] Under his administration the people were once more enabled to devote themselves to peaceful pursuits. On the 27th of May, 1877, in an extensive message to congress, he set forth the condition of public affairs, and what his government had done in every branch of the public service during the last nine months. He assured the representatives that no branch had been neglected; and expressed the hope that if peace and order were preserved, the country would erelong begin to reap the benefits of his measures.[XXII-40] He had been chosen by the people, on April 22d, constitutional president, and the extraordinary congress acknowledged him as such on the 29th of May. He was formally inaugurated on the following day.

Ex-president Medina, and the Salvadoran general Ezequiel Marin, together with two colonels and several other officers of less rank, and a number of civilians, for an attempted rebellion in the latter end of 1877, were subjected to the action of a court-martial at Santa Rosa, on the charge of high treason and other offences,[XXII-41] and sentenced to death. The cause being taken, for revision, to the supreme council of war, the sentence against Medina and Marin was confirmed, the court having found no extenuating circumstances; one lieutenant and one sergeant obtained a commutation to ten years' confinement in the fortress at Omoa. The other prisoners were set at liberty, but with a warning never again to engage in similar conspiracies, or the sentence of the court-martial against them would be enforced. Medina and Marin were shot at Santa Rosa at 8 o'clock in the morning of February 8, 1878.[XXII-42] The other two men were at once despatched to their prison at Omoa.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: AN INFAMOUS RULER.]

José María Medina has been styled a genuine liberal, and his friends gave him credit as a commander of resources, and an able administrator. His military record showed that he surrendered the fortress of Omoa to General Carrera, and followed him to Guatemala, where he was rewarded for that service with a lieutenant-colonelcy. He never won any action of importance. During the insurrection of Olancho in 1864, he never went beyond Yoro until informed that the affair was over. He issued the order of December 25, 1864, countersigned by his minister, Francisco Cruz, empowering all his officers to put prisoners to death,[XXII-43] and that in the face of several constitutional clauses abolishing the death penalty, and forbidding the trial of citizens by military courts. He was also guilty of incendiarism in burning many towns and haciendas, and of confiscation. He made himself and his satellites wealthy at the expense of his country and his victims. He reached the presidency by the favor of the oligarchs of Guatemala. As a ruler he was an unmitigated tyrant; as an administrator he left nothing to entitle him to a place among the benefactors of his nation—no schools, no material improvements of any kind. In lieu thereof he left the national name dishonored abroad, the national character degraded, financial ruin, corruption, immorality, poverty, bitter animosities, and almost every misfortune that could have befallen hapless Honduras.

* * * * *

Nothing worthy of particular mention occurred from this time on till November 2, 1880, when the national capital was removed to Tegucigalpa. In December of the same year Marco Aurelio Soto was reëlected president,[XXII-44] and the people continued enjoying the benefits of peace. The national assembly met at Tegucigalpa on the 19th of February, 1883. Doctor Soto was again installed as president by virtue of a reëlection, and in an able and lucid address congratulated the representatives of the people that since their last meeting in 1881 quiet had reigned, and the liberal constitution framed in 1877 had worked successfully. Relations with Costa Rica, interrupted in 1878, were renewed on the 15th of last October; and those with the rest of the Central American states, as well as with other powers, were on the most friendly footing. The long-pending boundary question with Salvador had been referred to the arbitration of President Zavala of Nicaragua. The government had, on the 15th of September, 1882, sanctioned the plan of Central American unification. Finances were in a satisfactory state, large payments having relieved the treasury of heavy burdens. The administration of justice had become improved, and public education advanced. Agriculture was progressing, trade on the increase with the facilities afforded it; and mining had engaged the attention of capitalists both at home and abroad.[XXII-45]

President Soto sent in his resignation to congress on March 10th, pleading ill health. It was not accepted, and instead a leave of absence was granted him with a liberal pecuniary allowance for expenses.[XXII-46] Congress thought proper, however, to utilize his intended visit to Europe to place on a better footing the financial affairs of the republic.[XXII-47] Before taking his departure, Soto placed, on the 9th of May, the executive office in charge of the council of ministers, namely, Enrique Gutierrez, Luis Bogran, and Rafael Alvarado. This was in accordance with the constitution. In bidding good by to his fellow-citizens, Soto congratulated them upon the reign of peace at home,[XXII-48] and the cordiality existing with other nations. He promised to come back as soon as possible to complete his term, and to surrender the trust to his successor.[XXII-49]

[Sidenote: SOTO AND BARRIOS.]

A serious quarrel occurred soon after, while Soto was in San Francisco, California, between him and Barrios. He received, as he considered it, from a reliable source, information that Barrios, being displeased with his government, had resolved to promote a revolution in Honduras as an excuse for war and for overthrowing that government. He wrote Barrios on July 6, 1883, that his government having been ever loyal and friendly to and fulfilled its treaty obligations with Guatemala, he must attribute to personal motives Barrios' intended course. He was not, he said, disposed to give the latter an opportunity to sow distraction in his own country, and to let loose again the dogs of war in all Central America. To avert those calamities he was ready to bring about a legal transfer of his office, and would lay his final resignation before congress. But he wished Barrios to know that he did so actuated by patriotic motives, and not by fear, for he had sufficient power in Honduras to sustain himself, and to defend her against unjust aggression. Barrios returned a scathful answer on August 3d. After denying Soto's accusations, he attributes his resignation to a preconceived resolve to desert by actual flight his post, and lead abroad a life of ease and luxury upon his ill-gotten wealth; and now was using his, Barrios', name as a pretext to justify his conduct. He asserts that Soto left Honduras with the intention of not returning, and indeed, with a full knowledge that the Hondurans would never permit his return.[XXII-50] The writer in the plainest language accuses him of having enriched himself at the expense of a country which he had ruined, and of private parties alike. As to Soto's brave words, they are taken, he says, at their true worth in Guatemala, where he is well known. It would be easier and less costly to hurl him from power, than it was to raise him to and keep him at the head of the government.

Barrios concluded that he would take no further notice of Soto's remarks, as there was a broad sea between them. His charges about Soto's incompetency, disloyalty, and general dishonesty are certainly exaggerated. Soto sent his resignation from San Francisco, and congress unanimously accepted it on the 3d of September.[XXII-51]

General Luis Bogran was spontaneously and almost by unanimity chosen by the people president of the republic,[XXII-52] and assumed the duties on the 30th of November, soon after organizing his cabinet with the ministers named below.[XXII-53]

The country continued at peace, and there was no reason to apprehend any immediate disturbance. In the attempt made by Guatemala to reorganize Central America by force of arms, in the early part of 1885, Honduras pledged her coöperation, but had little opportunity to take an active part. Upon hearing of the Guatemalan defeat, and of the death of President Barrios on the 2d of April, she wavered, but finally made peace with Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica.

[Sidenote: PEACE RESTORED.]

About the middle of 1885 there were near Trujillo some slight disturbances, but quiet was restored. A filibustering expedition was expected at Trujillo on the ship Dorian, said to have been fitted out by Ex-president Soto, with the view of recovering power. The government of Belize, at the request of the Honduran authorities, despatched the gun-boat Lily to Trujillo, where she arrived September 29th, and made known the object of her visit.[XXII-54] No such expedition came to create disturbance. Still later, in 1886, a similar attempt was made but failed, the ship supposed to have been engaged for the purpose being captured at sea by an American cruiser.

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XXIII. POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA

1867-1885.

PRESIDENT FERNANDO GUZMAN—INSURRECTION—MISCONDUCT OF PRIESTS—DEFEATS OF THE INSURGENTS—FOREIGN MEDIATION—GENEROSITY OF THE GOVERNMENT—PRESIDENT VICENTE QUADRA—INCEPTION OF THE JESUITS—AIMS OF PARTIES—INTERNAL AND FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS—COSTA RICA'S HOSTILITY AND TINOCO'S INVASION—PRESIDENTS CHAMORRO AND ZAVALA—MORE POLITICAL TROUBLES—JESUITS THE PROMOTERS—THEIR EXPULSION—PEACE RESTORED—PROGRESS OF THE COUNTRY—PRESIDENT ADAN CÁRDENAS—RESISTANCE TO PRESIDENT BARRIOS' PLAN OF FORCED RECONSTRUCTION.

The administration of President Fernando Guzman entered upon its duties on the 1st of March, 1867, under good auspices. Peace reigned, the country was prosperous, and the public treasury equally so.[XXIII-1] This was the first time that the government could lay so flattering a picture before the nation. Guzman pledged himself to use his best endeavors to consolidate republican institutions.[XXIII-2] He promised further to pursue a conciliatory policy, and this was received with joy throughout the land, a policy which was initiated on the same day of his inauguration with an amnesty to all citizens undergoing prosecution or punishment for political offences. Those in exile were invited to return to their homes; among them was Máximo Jerez, who had been sojourning in Costa Rica, and accepted the pardon. The bishop of the diocese was apprised of the president's desire for continued harmony between the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions, which was responded to in the same spirit by the prelate. There was then every prospect of a long peace. At the opening of the congressional session, January 25, 1869, the president made a cheering report, and it was believed that the course of the government was generally well received; but when it was proposed in congress to vote an approval of it, some remarks were made in the senate which the president was displeased at, and he tendered his resignation of the executive office on the 19th of March.[XXIII-3] Congress unanimously refused to accept it. The session lasted fifty-seven days, coming to an end March 22d, and in the course of it several laws were enacted to benefit agriculture and commerce; but on the other hand, congress was accused of having too lavishly voted pensions to military men.

[Sidenote: REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT.]

The public peace was disturbed by a revolutionary movement June 26th, when a party of men calling themselves liberals assaulted and captured the barracks at Leon. The chief leaders of this revolution were Máximo Jerez, Ex-president Martinez,[XXIII-4] Hilario Oliva, and Pascasio Bermudez.[XXIII-5] On the following day they organized a provisional government, Jerez being its chief, with unlimited powers to overthrow the existing authorities, and implant the liberal principles set forth in the plan accompanying his proclamation of the same date.[XXIII-6] The next step was to levy a contribution of $62,000 in Leon, and then to occupy the port of Realejo. Jerez installed the government on the 29th with Buenaventura Selva as minister-general, but on the same day transferred the supreme authority to Francisco Baca, retaining himself the chief command of the forces.[XXIII-7]

The government at Managua adopted stringent measures to quell the revolt.[XXIII-8] A number of the clergy having taken a prominent part in it, promoting discord and animosity against the government, some parish priests abandoning their flocks and taking up arms, and even upholding principles not acceptable to their church,[XXIII-9] superadded to which were their consorting with gamblers and drunkards, and shedding blood, the bishop's attention was called to all that on the 12th of August, with a request that he should check such violations of the constitution of the country, of canonical law, and of the concordat with the pope.[XXIII-10] But he returned no answer. Both he and his vicar-general were in Leon and could not be ignorant of such doings, and yet, whether from apathy, negligence, or complicity, tolerated them.[XXIII-11]

[Sidenote: CHURCH AND STATE.]

Commissioners from Honduras, Salvador, and Costa Rica exerted themselves to bring about a friendly settlement of the differences, but their efforts proved unavailing,[XXIII-12] and the forces of the opposing governments soon came to blows. The insurgents obtained some advantage in the unsuccessful attacks made in Correvientos and Chocoya or Metapa, on the 28th of July, by General Urtecho.[XXIII-13] They claimed to have again repulsed the enemy's attack under Medina against Nagarote on the 30th of August, inflicting heavy loss of men, arms, and ammunition.[XXIII-14] The official organ of the government at Managua makes no mention of this affair.

President Guzman took command of the forces in the field,[XXIII-15] leaving the executive office temporarily in charge of Senator Pedro Joaquin Chamorro. The insurgents took Jinotepe, and about the middle of September were concentrated in Masatepe, surrounded from north to south by the well-fortified and garrisoned towns of Managua, Granada, Rivas, and Nandaimé. An attempt made by them October 13th against Matagalpa proved disastrous, and they had to retreat to Leon. On the 14th they were utterly undone by Guzman at Niquinohomo. Their force, 1,500 strong, attacked Guzman at a little past one o'clock, and was repulsed with heavy losses. The next morning Guzman went in pursuit, and on approaching Jinotepe the enemy dispersed in all directions, abandoning the western department.[XXIII-16] Guzman reached Pueblo Nuevo on the 21st, and sent a proclamation on the 22d to the Leonese, assuring them that he had no desire of doing them any injury, but he must punish the men who had so unreasonably caused the desolation and misery of the past four months.[XXIII-17] However, upon a mediation being offered by General Charles N. Riotte, United States minister resident, at the request of the insurgent leaders, for a settlement of the difficulties without further bloodshed, Guzman accepted it, and the war terminated with the surrender of the rebels.[XXIII-18]

[Sidenote: PEACE AGAIN.]

The acting president, on the 29th of October, gave Guzman a vote of thanks for his services, and conferred on him the rank of general of division. After a short visit by the government and Guzman to Granada, and peace being fully restored, Guzman resumed at that place the presidential office on November 25th.[XXIII-19] On the 17th of December he decreed the reëstablishment of the constitution from the 1st of January, 1870. The national congress was installed on the 20th following, and on the 22d gave vote of thanks to Guzman.[XXIII-20] Nothing worthy of particular notice occurred this year, except the election of president for the next term, Vicente Quadra having been the candidate favored with the requisite majority of votes. He took possession of the office on the 1st of March, 1871.[XXIII-21] Congress being about to close its session, the executive in a special message, March 30th, called its attention to important affairs demanding prompt measures. The treasury was exhausted, and the government needed resources to meet its obligations. It also should be clothed with powers and means to face the complications that might arise from the disturbed relations of Salvador with Honduras. But congress suspended the session for twenty days, though not without having first authorized the president to raise loans for covering the more pressing needs of the treasury, and empowered him to act as he might think best on behalf of the honor and interests of the country during the recess.[XXIII-22] In the war between the above-named states, Nicaragua maintained the strictest neutrality, and had the good fortune to escape being mixed up in that trouble.

The country being at peace, both at home and abroad, the government was enabled to devote its whole attention to the finances, which were in an unsatisfactory state, owing to a marked decrease of the revenues in the two last fiscal years.[XXIII-23] The general situation, if not good, was nevertheless far from discouraging. But a new element was now ushered in, which was destined to become erelong an agent of disturbance. I refer to the coming of seventy members of the society of Jesus, who on their expulsion from Guatemala landed unopposed at Realejo, and journeyed to Leon, where a portion of the inhabitants gave them a warm reception. Discussions ensued; some were in favor of giving the new-comers convents, turning over to them public education, and allowing them every privilege as they had had at their late field; others demanded that they should be sent away. The government took no action, other than permitting them to remain, and they soon ingratiated themselves with the masses.[XXIII-24]

[Sidenote: PARTIES AND PRINCIPLES.]

Toward the end of the year rumors of an impending revolution were rife. There was no cause for it. Quadra's administration certainly was deserving of public support.[XXIII-25] But it seemed the fashion of Nicaragua either to be on the eve of or in the throes of revolution, or at least to talk of one.[XXIII-26] At the present time there were three political parties, and a club aspiring to that rank. The party in power was called by some of its members liberal conservador, and by others republicano. This party had a large following of well-to-do and sedate citizens. It had no monarchical, aristocratic, or theocratic tendencies; on the contrary, its principles were liberal and progressive, but it moved slowly, from fear of disturbing peace and order. Another party was formed, of men who at one time used to call themselves democrats, but had lately taken a conservative for a leader, become associated with the clergy, and adopted the name of moderado. The third party, hardly entitled to the rank, was made up of young men anxious for the greatest development of liberty and progress. Its members were scattered, or affiliated with other parties. Then there was the club, composed of a few hot-heads who insisted on being the mountain, and parodying the French Jacobins of 1793. The fears of revolution were on the increase in the first part of 1872. The self-styled moderados of the five states were working together in Leon, the native clergy and the jesuits being the common centre of the revolutionary propaganda, and the government of President Medina of Honduras encouraging them.

The congressional elections took place in October with much agitation and disturbance in several localities.[XXIII-27] There was considerable independence exhibited by the voters. The liberal conservatives obtained a working majority, and high hopes were entertained from the congress which was to sit on the 1st of January, 1873.

The year 1872 was a happy one for Nicaragua. Not only was peace consolidated, but party animosity greatly decreased. Trade and agriculture yielded good results; the public administration was much improved; the treasury also felt easy, and public credit was restored. Congress assembled on the appointed day, and the president's message contained an encouraging report. He said that the rights of citizens had been respected, and an asylum allowed to the refugees of other states, including the jesuits.[XXIII-28] He labored to impress upon the representatives the necessity of providing means to increase the revenue; but nothing had been done at the end of February, and the president saw, besides, that notwithstanding his moderate, impartial, and conciliatory policy, a considerable portion of the citizens refused to lend him their coöperation. In view of all this, and of his advanced age and ill health, he tendered his resignation on the 1st of March, setting forth the reasons for his doing so; but the chambers refused to accept it.[XXIII-29] Congress adjourned on the 20th of March to continue its labors in 1874. Several important laws had been passed, for which the legislature deserved credit. On the other hand, it was blamed for a lavish bestowal of pensions, and for an excessive number of pardons and other favors to criminals. The jesuit question was resolved February 12th in favor of permitting the priests to remain.[XXIII-30]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT QUADRA.]

The relations with Costa Rica were most unsatisfactory, and the government took action to meet any possible emergency. Pursuant to its decree of August 28th, congress assembled September 16th, when President Quadra's message made known that events had taken place calling for an abandonment of the policy he had hitherto pursued of absolute abstention from interference in the affairs of the other Central American states.[XXIII-31] His administration reported the intrigues of President Guardia of Costa Rica with discontented Nicaraguans for its overthrow. It was generally believed that a disturbance of the public peace was impending, and that Costa Rican money had circulated among the men concerned in the plot.[XXIII-32] These men, some of whom were officers in the service of Nicaragua, concealed themselves, and a number of them went to Costa Rica to tender their services to the enemy of their country. Meantime a body of armed men raised by the reactionary party of Central America made its appearance in Honduras, which alarmed the governments of Guatemala and Salvador. These powers represented to Nicaragua the movements to be unquestionably the work of Costa Rica, proposing an alliance against the latter.[XXIII-33] A defensive alliance was concluded on the 26th of August, the plenipotentiaries being Anselmo H. Rivas and B. Carazo. This treaty was approved by the three governments.[XXIII-34] It contained, besides, two other clauses; namely, the allied powers were to endeavor to bring about a settlement of the boundary question between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, and coöperate toward the reorganization of Central America under a single government.[XXIII-35]

Congress closed the session on the 15th of October, and shortly after the government was apprised of the departure from Puntarenas, Costa Rica, on the vessel named Tigre, of an expedition of Nicaraguans under Tinoco bound to Nicaragua.[XXIII-36] The expedition landed on the 3d of November, not in Nicaraguan territory, but in San Bernardo, a small port of Honduras. Nicaragua at once sent a force to the frontier, and Minister Delgadillo started for Honduras to obtain permission from the government to pursue the invaders within her limits, which being granted, the Nicaraguans marched from Somotillo into Honduras, and acting in accord with another force from Salvador, the invaders abandoned Corpus, and repaired to Tegucigalpa, where Tinoco capitulated.[XXIII-37] The Nicaraguan government's force then returned home.[XXIII-38]

The elections for president and members of congress took place within the last three months of 1874 under no hindrance, and without any serious disturbance of the peace.[XXIII-39] Quadra's message of January 13, 1875, announced that public confidence in a continued peace was not yet fully restored; but a disposition to work and maintain order was taking deep root among the masses.[XXIII-40]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT CHAMORRO.]

Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, the elect of the people for the next presidential term, was inducted into office on the 1st of March, 1875.[XXIII-41] Quadra returned with alacrity to private life. The new administration soon had to deal with seditious attempts which had been prepared during Quadra's rule. One of Chamorro's first acts was to issue an unconditional pardon to the parties implicated, hoping that it would bring the government's opponents to a better feeling. But the result was quite different; for they began a series of plots, and it then became necessary to issue, on the 17th of November, 1875, a decree of expulsion and of partial banishments. This quieted the country, and peace would have become consolidated but for the opportunities afforded the agitators in the neighboring states to start another conflagration. Costa Rica became the asylum of the discontented of Nicaragua, who took advantage of the interrupted relations between the two governments to promote a war that might give them the control of affairs in their country.

Costa Rica suspended diplomatic and commercial relations with Nicaragua; but the latter concluded not to decree a suspension of trade, with the view of not injuring innocent persons. No actual war existed, but it might break out at any moment, in view of Costa Rica's menacing attitude.[XXIII-42] At last the government found itself threatened from various quarters. It then called on all patriotic citizens for new sacrifices, to which they responded with enthusiasm.[XXIII-43] Martial law was proclaimed, and the president assumed personal command of the forces, the executive office being temporarily placed in charge of Senator Pedro Balladares. When the danger of war had passed, the decree of martial law was repealed.[XXIII-44] Elections for supreme and local authorities took place without hindrance and in good order. But the country suffered severely from natural causes.[XXIII-45]

Peace reigned during the last two years of Chamorro's rule, which enabled him to devote his attention to the advancement of the country's interests. Notwithstanding the past difficulties, the national finances had attained a better organization, and the national credit was on a higher plane. The people showed a growing disposition to employ themselves in the arts of peace, their civil and political rights being fully respected by the authorities. Friendly relations existed with foreign powers, and no complications were apprehended with the neighbors.[XXIII-46] The elections for president, deputies, and senators were effected at the usual time, the government abstaining from all interference. General Joaquin Zavala, having been the popular choice for chief magistrate, took possession of his office with the customary formalities on the 1st of March, 1879, promising to follow the conciliatory policy of his predecessor. He congratulated the representatives on the stability which the republic was evidently arriving at.[XXIII-47]

[Sidenote: PEACE AND PROGRESS.]

Congress closed the session on the 1st of April. The results of its three months' labors were quite important.[XXIII-48] Though acting with independence, the utmost harmony prevailed in its relations with the executive. At the opening of the next legislative session in January 1881, the president made known that peace had been undisturbed both at home and abroad, and there was no cause to apprehend any immediate change. As far as the government's scanty means permitted, works of public utility had been fostered.[XXIII-49] Public education made considerable progress. The finances were duly attended to, and a few reforms introduced.[XXIII-50] The president congratulated the nation on the fact that all had been accomplished with the ordinary revenues. The public credit stood higher than ever. The foreign debt had been cancelled, and the internal, which amounted to $1,600,000, reduced to one half this sum.[XXIII-51] Congress adjourned March 6th. Several important measures were introduced and discussed, but left for completion in the following year.[XXIII-52]

[Sidenote: JESUIT DISTURBANCES.]

The apprehensions felt by a large number of citizens of serious troubles from the presence of the jesuits were realized in May 1881. On the 6th there was an Indian insurrection in Matagalpa, accompanied with considerable bloodshed, and the jesuits were said to be the instigators.[XXIII-53] Twenty members of the order residing in that place were arrested and taken under guard to Granada. A still more alarming revolt took place in Leon. At the opening of the Instituto de Occidente, an educational establishment under the special protection of the national authorities, Professor J. Leonard, from Spain, made certain remarks, at which the jesuit fathers took umbrage.[XXIII-54] They, together with a certain Apolonio Orozco, accused Leonard and Calderon of being free-thinkers and assailants of religion. The forty or fifty fathers living in Leon took the matter in hand energetically, and in two days there was hardly a person in the place who had not been told that the religion of their fathers was imperilled by the propaganda of the free-thinkers of the instituto. Relying on the support of a fanatical rabble, they assumed a bold attitude, and demanded prompt action on the part of Bishop Ulloa y Larios. But the latter would not uphold them. This greatly exasperated them. Meantime the rabble became seditious. Parties of armed men intrenched themselves in the old Recoleccion convent, and laboring under the excitement produced by the speeches of their leaders and the free use of rum, they resisted the troops engaged in an effort to preserve order, eight or ten being killed, and many more wounded. The mob retreated to the Recoleccion, resolved to continue the fight, defying the local authorities, who, in fact, did not show much disposition to put them down, the prefect being a friend of the jesuits. The commander of the forces was an aged soldier, who could not do much active service. However, he captured the two chief leaders, Bermudez and Duvon, and sent them to Managua, where they were imprisoned. The supreme government adopted prompt measures, despatched troops to Leon, who brought the rebels under subjection, and then expelled the jesuits from the country.[XXIII-55] It was believed that the real object of those movements was to overthrow Zavala and place Pedro Balladares in the executive chair. The question for a time seemed to be who should rule—the government or the jesuits. Zavala's energy settled it.

In July 1882 there was a slight rebellion in Gracias á Dios, and later disturbances in Matagalpa, Telica, and Subtiaba; but though causing some expense, because the government had to station a strong force there during a considerable time, public works were not thereby interrupted. The president, in his message to congress at the inception of 1883, expressed himself as gratified with the report he had to make, and retained the most perfect confidence in the future progress and prosperity of the republic. His successor, Adan Cárdenas,[XXIII-56] elected by popular suffrage, was placed in possession of the office on the 1st of March, 1883.[XXIII-57] Congress adjourned on the 12th of March. The new government issued a decree pardoning all who were concerned in the revolutionary disturbances at Matagalpa and Leon in 1881 and 1882.

The question of reconstructing the republic of Central America was now being considered by the five governments.[XXIII-58] Nicaragua was at peace and progressing both morally and materially. It must be confessed, however, that priestcraft and bigotry still reigned almost supreme. The country had suffered, however, during the last two years from epidemics and other causes.[XXIII-59]

[Sidenote: DISCOMFITED REVOLUTIONISTS.]

On the receipt at Managua in March 1885 of information respecting the resolution of the assembly of Guatemala to effect the reconstruction of Central America by force, and the order of President J. Rufino Barrios, styling himself general-in-chief of the Central American forces, the people became greatly excited, manifesting a resolution to oppose Barrios' schemes with all their might. The government entered into an alliance offensive and defensive with Salvador and Costa Rica to provide for their mutual defence against Barrios, and troops were organized, President Cárdenas taking command of the Nicaraguan forces in the field, first calling Pedro Joaquin Chamorro to temporarily occupy the executive office.[XXIII-60] Nicaragua at once despatched 500 men to the aid of Salvador, and prepared 500 or 600 more.[XXIII-61] After the defeat and death of Barrios, the scheme of forcible reconstruction was abandoned by Guatemala, and peace being restored, Nicaragua returned to her normal condition. In the latter part of 1885, however, a movement was made with the view of overthrowing Cárdenas. A party of revolutionists, calling themselves liberals, landed at Nancital; but being unable to effect their purpose, took refuge in Honduras, where they were disarmed.[XXIII-62]

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