VIII. GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS
1824-1840.
STATE GOVERNMENT OF GUATEMALA—BARRUNDIA'S RADICALISM—HIS OVERTHROW—VICE-JEFE FLORES ASSASSINATED IN QUEZALTENANGO—DOWNFALL OF THE LIBERALS IN GUATEMALA—ARISTOCRATIC LEADERS EXILED—JEFE MOLINA—HIS DIFFERENCES, IMPEACHMENT, AND ACQUITTALS—RIVERA CABEZAS' REFORMS—EARTHQUAKES—GALVEZ' RULE AND ITS BENEFITS—PARTY OPPOSITION TO HIM—INDIAN OUTBREAKS—CARRERA CAPTURES GUATEMALA—GALVEZ RESIGNS—SUBSEQUENT RULE OF THE ARISTOCRATS—GUATEMALA AGAIN INDEPENDENT—HONDURAS' STATE GOVERNMENT—JEFE DIONISIO HERRERA—EARLY DISSENSIONS—COMAYAGUA ASSAULTED BY REBELS—MORAZAN IN THE FIELD—HONDURAS SECEDES FROM THE CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION—FEDERALISM ROOTED OUT OF HER TERRITORY.
Having sketched the life of Central America, first as an appendage of the Spanish crown, next as a portion of the short-lived Mexican empire, and lastly as a confederation of states, embracing the period from 1801 to 1840, it is well now to glance over the internal affairs of each state separately, for the period after its accession to the federal union down to 1840, beginning with Guatemala as the most important.
I have said elsewhere that the states were organized on the same principle as the confederation, namely, under a popular, democratic, representative government. The first constituent congress or assembly of the Estado de Guatemala was installed at La Antigua on the 16th of September, 1824,[VIII-1] under the presidency of the clergyman José María Chacon, and its first act was to call Alejandro Diaz Cabeza de Vaca to be the provisional chief of the state.[VIII-2] On the 30th, the votes for jefe and vice-jefe having been counted, and neither of the candidates having the requisite majority, the congress named Juan Barrundia to be jefe and Cirilo Flores to be vice-jefe, the former assuming the reins of government on the 12th of October, and at once inaugurating a radical policy, which tended to widen the breach between liberals and serviles.[VIII-3] No person opposed to him in politics was allowed to have a voice in public affairs. However, no open rupture occurred, even during a tumult in February 1825, when the Franciscan friars of the college de propaganda fide refused to take the oath recognizing the constitution of the republic. The rabble supported the friars,[VIII-4] but owing to the energetic attitude of the state government, the priests had to submit.
The assembly continued its labors. A coat of arms was decreed January 20, 1825, and on the 2d of May took place the installation of the executive council, whose prerogatives and duties were similar in state matters to those of the federal senate in national affairs. On the same date was also installed the superior court of justice. The framing of a state constitution was not completed till the 11th of October, on which date it was decreed.[VIII-5] After passing a law for the political division of the state into departments,[VIII-6] the assembly adjourned sine die one month later. Clouds had already appeared in the political horizon, the state authorities having transferred the seat of government from La Antigua to Guatemala, against the opposition of the national executive.
[Sidenote: BARRUNDIA AS JEFE.]
The liberal party has been accused of having, with the connivance of the jefe Barrundia, committed frauds at the elections held in January 1826 for a partial renewal of the representative council. In the first ordinary legislature, which met on the 1st of February, a law was passed for new elections to fill the council. But these and other arbitrary measures of the liberal party gave rise to such warm discussions in the assembly, that Barrundia at last ignored the authority of the council as then existing.[VIII-7] The latter then denounced him, and called the vice-jefe to assume the government. But through the mediation of commissioners of the federal government, harmony was restored. This harmony was not to last long, new complications arising from another quarter. I have, in detailing federal affairs at this period, spoken of the plans attributed to president Arce to overthrow the liberal party, and the events which culminated with the deposal of Barrundia from his position as jefe of the state. The first resolution taken by the legislature and representative council was to remove the capital to Quezaltenango. The new jefe, Flores, was at the same time empowered to organize a military force, raise funds, and adopt other proper measures to uphold the state's sovereignty.[VIII-8] Flores had advocated the removal of the state capital, but strenuously opposed the selection of Quezaltenango as an unfit place for the seat of government of a liberal state.[VIII-9] The assembly paid some heed to his remonstrances, and tarried a while at San Martin Jilotepec, where it was resolved that Barrundia should resume the reins of government; but he declined, pleading ill health.[VIII-10] The assembly remained at that place till the 29th of September, and then concluded to repair to Quezaltenango, considering Jilotepec not quite safe.
[Sidenote: PIERZON'S CAMPAIGN.]
Flores, accompanied by a few deputies, arrived at Quezaltenango on the 8th of October, and was received with a shower of flowers. He at once set himself to complete the defence of the district, which had been already begun by Colonel José Pierzon,[VIII-11] who had mustered into the service of the state several hundred men.[VIII-12] Having reason to apprehend an attack from the federal authority, Pierzon was ordered to Patsun to watch the enemy. It was during his absence that the events occurred leading to the murder of Jefe Flores by an ungovernable fanatical mob, of which a description is given elsewhere. Upon hearing of those occurrences, and of the friars at Quezaltenango having called the Indians of the neighborhood to take up arms for the common defence, Pierzon retreated to Totonicapan,[VIII-13] encountering the Quezaltec rebels on the 18th of October near Salcajá, and easily defeated them. He gave no quarter. He demanded the immediate surrender of all arms in Quezaltenango, guaranteeing the lives of the inhabitants, otherwise he would destroy the place.[VIII-14] The rebel authorities had to submit, and on the following day Pierzon recovered possession of the place. Several draconic ordinances were issued to keep in check the spirit of rebellion.[VIII-15] The leaders of the riots had, however, fled, thus escaping the punishment they so richly deserved.
Juan Barrundia now made another effort, from Sololá, to resume his former authority, but his prestige was lost, and most of his friends had forsaken his cause.[VIII-16] Pierzon abandoned Quezaltenango on the 25th of October, and was pursued, overtaken, and defeated by the federals, under Brigadier Cáscaras, at Malacatan.[VIII-17] Pierzon, together with his friends Saget and Fauconnier, escaped, and were proscribed, but they managed to cross into Chiapas.[VIII-18] But it seemed that it had been preordained that he should perish at the hands of his foes. On his way to San Salvador to take part in the war against the federal government, he was taken prisoner, brought to Guatemala, and shot, on the 11th of May, 1827, without a trial.[VIII-19]
Another body of liberal troops, under Cayetano de la Cerda, not being aware of Pierzon's defeat at Malacatan, prepared to march from Los Altos to Guatemala, but the soldiers were induced to rebel, and thus the last armed force of the state disappeared. The members of the assembly and council who were not in prison either secreted themselves or emigrated, and the state was left without authorities. The federal president assumed power, and replaced the jefes políticos and military commanders with his own creatures. He published, on the 31st of October, a decree for new elections of state authorities. The new assembly met on the last day of the year, and on the 1st of March, 1827, Mariano Aycinena was chosen by popular vote chief of the state.[VIII-20] It is hardly necessary to state that the elections were wholly controlled by the servile party, whose views were reflected in the new jefe's policy. Lest the existing courts should not deal to the liberals subjected to criminal prosecution such punishments as their enemies desired, a military court, with three voting members, was created, to adjudicate verbally upon all causes for treason.[VIII-21] During the seven months of its existence—to the 29th of October, 1827—it sentenced to the death-penalty upwards of ten persons, but the sentence was carried out in one case only.[VIII-22]
[Sidenote: RULE OF AYCINENA.]
The history of Guatemala during Aycinena's rule was identical with that of the federal government, this jefe being a supporter of President Arce, and affording him all possible aid in his warfare against Salvador, all of which has been narrated. Toward the end of 1828, however, the successes of the arms of Salvador, together with certain alleged false steps of Aycinena,[VIII-23] aroused such a spirit of discontent against him and his administration, that on the 20th of October the assembly passed an act for the renewal of all the chief authorities of the state.[VIII-24] Soon afterward the project was entertained of detaching Guatemala from the federation. Neither of the plans led to the proposed results. The latter was disapproved by the representative council, and the former was useless, as the incumbents were continued in office.[VIII-25] This caused the breaking-out of a revolution at La Antigua in January 1829,[VIII-26] which, though easily quelled, hastened the march of the liberal forces under Morazan from San Salvador upon Guatemala.[VIII-27] After this leader took the city, on the 13th of April, 1829, Aycinena and the other chief men of his administration being thrown into prison, Juan Barrundia was placed at the head of the government,[VIII-28] and the authorities of La Antigua were transferred to Guatemala.[VIII-29] The deposed congress[VIII-30] of 1826 also reassembled on the 21st of April.[VIII-31] It must be remarked, in connection with the state's affairs at this time, that, though nominally in the hands of Barrundia and the assembly, they were virtually under Morazan's control. To meet his constant demands for money to support his forces, a number of financial schemes were devised, the property of the serviles being almost exclusively affected by them. Their property, as well as that under control of the church, was taxed severely.[VIII-32] Not satisfied with depleting the resources of the enemy, under the decrees of June 4th and August 22d, the late officials were made amenable to prosecution in a summary manner, though finally a sort of ironical amnesty was granted them, involving expatriation, which was enforced on the 28th of August.[VIII-33]
[Sidenote: RULE OF MOLINA AND RIVERA CABEZAS.]
New elections for state authorities resulted in the choice of Pedro Molina as jefe,[VIII-34] and he was inducted in August 1829. His subsequent disagreement with the temporary president, José Francisco Barrundia, the novel ideas he suggested for remodelling the federation, and the intrigues of his opponents, among whom has been named the vice-jefe Rivera Cabezas, brought on his overthrow, when he was superseded on the 9th of March, 1830, by said vice-jefe.[VIII-35]
During the administration of Rivera Cabezas the state of Guatemala enjoyed the blessings of peace. There was only an encounter between the people of Ilotenango, now Quiché, in Sololá, and those of Chiquimula in Totonicapan, upon land questions. There were a few wounded. Rivera Cabezas arranged the matter to the satisfaction of both towns. He also accomplished many reforms, ascertained the amount of the state debt, and introduced a proper economy in the expenditures.[VIII-36]
While internal dissensions were exciting the people of Guatemala, they were forced to undergo, on the 23d of April, 1830, the tribulations resulting from one of the severest shocks of earthquake experienced in the country.[VIII-37] Nearly all the inhabitants passed the night in the streets, public squares, or in the open fields. The assembly adjourned the following day, and the state authorities removed to Jocotenango. Fortunately, no more shocks occurred, and the public alarm gradually subsided, the damage done being less than had been supposed.[VIII-38] The clergy made use of the earthquakes to arouse the rabble against the liberals.[VIII-39]
* * * * *
After the removal of the national seat of government to San Salvador, Guatemala found itself in a great measure freed from the constant bickerings between the federal and state authorities. The servile party gained by it; but for all that, the liberal spirit of the federal administration was still felt. Pursuant to a decree of the assembly at Jocotenango, elections for state authorities were made, and José F. Barrundia was the popular choice for jefe, and Gregorio Marquez for vice-jefe. Barrundia declined the office, pleading a previous election as senator. The assembly refused his resignation, and Barrundia reiterated it, till his wishes were granted.[VIII-40] The vice-jefe Marquez then assumed pro tempore the executive office, and retained as his secretary-general the clergyman of talent, Antonio Colom. New elections were called for, to be made by the same electoral bodies which had effected the last, and Mariano Galvez was chosen jefe, assuming office in August 1831.[VIII-41] This chief of the state endeavored to steer a middle course in the management of public affairs, but he was only partially successful.[VIII-42] Several important measures were adopted to relieve the burdens of the people, and to advance their intellectual development.[VIII-43]
[Sidenote: RULE OF GALVEZ.]
Galvez was not content with encouraging science and literature; he also directed his efforts to the advancement of arts and industries, and the improvement of towns, public health, etc. Friars who had become secularized were granted the rights enjoyed by other citizens, and could, therefore, bequeath and accept inheritances.[VIII-44] At Galvez' suggestion, the assembly passed the act of February 27, 1834, to enable nuns to abandon their convents, if they so desired, taking the dowries they brought with them. Later, marriage was declared to be a civil contract that could be dissolved.[VIII-45] The measures affecting the clergy in their privileges and revenues, the introduction of the Livingston code with trial by jury, and the colonization by an English company at Vera Paz, gave rise to displeasure among the ignorant, which the clergy and the serviles did not fail to fan into a flame that erelong became a conflagration.[VIII-46] Added to this was the jealousy engendered by San Salvador having been made the national capital.[VIII-47]
The first outbreak occurred in March 1837, when the Indians of San Juan Ostuncalco rebelled. It was at once quelled, but the ravages of cholera caused in June the uprising at Mita. It has been shown in another place that here, at this juncture, Rafael Carrera made his first appearance in the political field, inaugurating the war that eventually dissolved the republic, and through its consequences brought Guatemala to the verge of ruin. On the 16th of June, 1837, the assembly met in extra session, but was unable to effect any favorable change in the situation. There were two bitterly opposing parties striving for control. To make matters worse, insurrections broke out in several parts,[VIII-48] ending with the capture of the capital by Carrera on the 31st of January, 1838, and the replacing of Galvez by Valenzuela on the 2d of February. That same day the departments of Los Altos, namely, Sololá, Totonicapan, and Quezaltenango, declared themselves detached from Guatemala to constitute the sixth state of the federation, under the name of Los Altos.[VIII-49] A constituent assembly was installed at Quezaltenango on the 25th of December, and Marcelo Molina elected first jefe of the state. He was inducted in office on the 28th.[VIII-50]
[Sidenote: STATE OF LOS ALTOS.]
The constituent assembly adopted, May 26, 1839, a constitution which was democratic and representative, with the Roman catholic as the religion of the state.[VIII-51] Later, it passed instructions to guide the executive in his relations with the other states. They were based on equity and justice, and prompted by a spirit of fraternity.[VIII-52] The state concluded with Salvador, on the 10th of August, a treaty defensive and offensive, but it came to naught, for reasons that will be explained.
The jefe, Molina, was an honest man and an able jurist. He loved Los Altos, and considered it a necessary organization for the greater lustre of the Central American republic; but he had little knowledge of human nature, and was easily deceived. The government of Guatemala pursued toward him, since April 13, 1839, a machiavelian policy, and led him into the fatal belief that it really desired the prosperity and happiness of the new state, which had become the residence of the liberals who had left Guatemala, fleeing from Carrera,[VIII-53] and constantly published severe strictures against Carrera and the aristocratic clique which surrounded him. Molina had been persuaded that the Guatemalan authorities were friendly toward the state of Los Altos, though requiring that it should discourage the attacks of the exiled liberals. However, Molina, abiding by the constitutional clauses declaring freedom of the press to be inviolable, answered that the government of Guatemala had the right of prosecuting the writers before the courts of Los Altos for libel. This ill feeling was all that Pavon, the Guatemalan machiavelian minister, desired for future hostile proceedings. The opportunity was not wanting, and the state of Los Altos was destroyed by Carrera on the 29th of January, 1840, and reincorporated with Guatemala.[VIII-54] Molina, though credulous and vacillating, at the last moment showed himself to be possessed of a brave heart. He well knew that his administration had been a just one, that all charges against his government, on the part of Guatemala, by Pavon and his fellow-aristocrats, were false. He did not forsake his post. Carrera grossly insulted him, and sent him as a prisoner to Guatemala. General Guzman was reviled, forced to wear rags, beaten, and his hair and beard pulled out. Other citizens were shamefully treated, and their homes plundered.[VIII-55]
[Sidenote: RIVERA PAZ AS JEFE.]
Affairs in Guatemala had undergone a great change since the removal of Galvez from the position of jefe. His successor, Valenzuela, was deposed July 22, 1838, by a popular movement, and Mariano Rivera Paz placed at the head of affairs.[VIII-56] His first official act was one deserving of special commendation, as it exhibited a conciliatory spirit which, unfortunately, had been a stranger in the country during many years past. Three days after being installed, at his special suggestion the state assembly nullified all acts of proscription, and decreed a general amnesty for all persons implicated in political offences since September 1821.[VIII-57]
From the moment Rivera Paz was made the provisional head of the state government, reaction set in and went on with flying colors. Measures in consonance with the wishes of the retrogressionists were adopted one after another as fast as they could be drawn up.[VIII-58] These decrees should have satisfied Carrera and his supporters; but it seems that they did not; his faction became more and more recalcitrant. He found himself closely pressed; but, unfortunately, General Guzman was persuaded to enter into arrangements with him at El Rinconcito. This, however, did not bring peace to the state for any length of time.
In the latter part of January 1839 Rivera Paz was deposed by Cárlos Salazar, military commander of Guatemala,[VIII-59] but reinstalled by Carrera on the 13th of April.[VIII-60] This disturbed condition lasted some time longer. The state declared itself independent on the 17th of April of the same year, and the only form of union maintained with the other states was by special treaties of allowance,[VIII-61] in which the states mutually acknowledged their independence and sovereignty, and pledged themselves to reconstruct Central America. All efforts, however, to reëstablish order were in vain, owing to the political complications caused by Carrera's rebellion in March 1839. His capture of Guatemala on the 19th of March, 1840, and the end of the struggle between him and Morazan, which has been narrated, did not materially change the state of affairs; at all events, resolutions subsequently adopted by the assembly had little weight.[VIII-62] The only important ones were the restoration of the fuero eclesiástico,[VIII-63] and the creation of a medical faculty in the university. Thus, after sixteen years of continual strife, Guatemala found herself again an independent and impoverished state. Neither of the parties which had striven for supremacy had gained anything. The commonwealth was practically under the dictatorship of an Indian chieftain, whose will even those who had helped him to attain his position dared not dispute.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: CARRERA'S TRIUMPH.]
From the moment that the plan of a Central American confederation was contemplated, Honduras manifested her willingness to be one of its members; and upon the federal constituent assembly fixing, on the 5th of May, 1824, the basis of organization for each separate state, a local assembly of eleven deputies was assigned to Honduras. The state constituent assembly met at the Mineral de Cedros,[VIII-64] and on the 16th of September Dionisio Herrera was chosen jefe del estado, and José Justo Milla vice-jefe. In July 1825, the territory was divided into seven departments,[VIII-65] and on the 11th of December the state constitution was promulgated. This ended the labors of the constituent body, which four months later was replaced by the ordinary legislature, the installation of which at Tegucigalpa was followed by that of the representative council at Comayagua.
Honduras was not allowed to enjoy a long term of peace. The assembly ordered new elections for chief of state, on the ground that Herrera's tenure of office had been intended to be merely provisional; but he held to a different opinion, and refused to surrender his authority. Matters were made worse by the enmity existing between Herrera and Irias, the governor of the diocese.[VIII-66] Anarchy now prevailed, some of the departments, especially Gracias, refusing Herrera recognition. This state of things was mainly instigated by the president of the republic, Arce, who strove to overthrow the liberal party in Honduras. Under the pretence that Santa Rosa, in the department of Gracias, out of which the federal government drew a revenue from tobacco, needed protection, Arce despatched there 200 men under Milla, the vice-jefe,[VIII-67] who, after a short encounter with Herrera's force, marched upon Comayagua,[VIII-68] arriving there early in April 1827. The town had been hastily fortified, and energetically resisted thirty-six days; but not receiving timely reënforcements, succumbed on the 9th of May, 1827.[VIII-69] Herrera was sent as a prisoner to Guatemala, and new elections were ordered in Honduras.[VIII-70] A new legislature on the 13th of September chose Gerónimo Zelaya jefe, but he was recognized as such only in Santa Bárbara. All liberals were dismissed from office. Francisco Morazan, who had been imprisoned, notwithstanding the safe-conduct given him after the fall of Comayagua, managed to escape, and subsequently rendered efficient aid to defeat the federals at Trinidad.[VIII-71] The government installed by Milla disappeared, Morazan temporarily assuming the reins in November. The further interference of the federal government in the internal affairs of Honduras has been fully narrated elsewhere. The country was not exempt from internal troubles from the close of 1829[VIII-72] to the beginning of 1833, requiring nearly always the final intervention of the federal government to bring them to an end.[VIII-73]
[Sidenote: LIBERAL IDEAS IN HONDURAS.]
Morazan's ascendency awakened in Honduras more liberal ideas than had ever prevailed in the country, as was evidenced in the laws then enacted.[VIII-74] During the following years Honduras was comparatively tranquil, the political agitations of the republic scarcely affecting her. There was a local sedition in December 1836, and the early part of 1837, contributing to render much worse the financial condition of the state, which had been bad enough before.[VIII-75] The friends of the federation decreased from day to day. Honduras accepted the act of the federal congress authorizing the states to constitute themselves as they liked; and in June 1838 the legislature and executive called for a constituent assembly to do so, which met at Comayagua on the 7th of October.[VIII-76]
The declaration of independence was solemnly promulgated in a single sentence on the 26th of October, 1838.[VIII-77] All further efforts on the part of Morazan and his fellow-federalists to restore the disrupted republic proved unavailing, as we have seen.[VIII-78] At the end of January 1840, the secessionists were victorious, and federalism was rooted out.
I append a list of Honduras rulers after Morazan's short provisional administration in 1827-28.[VIII-79]
IX. SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA
1824-1840.
SALVADOR STATE GOVERNMENT—LIBERALS OVERTHROWN—SECESSION FROM THE UNION—SAN SALVADOR AS THE FEDERAL SEAT OF GOVERNMENT—GUATEMALA IMPOSES HER WILL—JEFE CAÑAS AND COMANDANTE MALESPIN—NICARAGUA'S EARLY TROUBLES—SIEGE AND BOMBARDMENT OF LEON—ORGANIZATION OF STATE GOVERNMENT—DISSENSIONS AND WARFARE—ERUPTION OF COSIGÜINA—SECESSION FROM THE CONFEDERATION—COSTA RICA AS A CONFEDERATED STATE—JUAN MORA'S ADMINISTRATION—TOWNS' BICKERINGS SETTLED—BRAULIO CARRILLO'S RULE—FINAL SECESSION FROM THE CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLIC—PROSPERITY OF THE STATE.
Salvador, from the earliest days that utterance was given to the idea of liberty and independence from Spain, was ready to echo and champion it, and was the first to effect an organization for self-government.[IX-1] The state was divided into four departments, San Salvador, San Vicente, San Miguel, and Sonsonate.[IX-2] Under the direction of the constituent assembly a state government was organized, with Juan Vicente Villacorta as jefe,[IX-3] and Mariano Prado as vice-jefe. After installing a superior court, the constituent assembly adjourned sine die on the 23d of November, 1824.
For a long time past there had been differences between Guatemala and Salvador upon ecclesiastical matters. The latter not only claimed an authoritative voice in the political affairs of Central America, but also to be placed upon an independent footing as regarded the ecclesiastical. Hence the anxiety to have a bishopric erected at San Salvador. This matter assumed a threatening aspect, and engaged the attention of ecclesiastics and statesmen, as well as the public at large in both sections of the country. The details will be given in a separate chapter treating of the church in Central America. It is in order to state here, however, that the disputes about the diocese of San Salvador had a deep influence in the country's politics. The contending parties had taken up the question. The liberals in both states sided with José Matías Delgado, who had been appointed by the Salvador legislature the first bishop. The servile element, on the other hand, supported the archbishop of Guatemala. But after a time Delgado, who was not unmindful of his purposes, supported President Arce, thus forsaking his former friends, and joining the servile party. A marked change occurred soon after, however, the relations between Arce and Delgado becoming cold because the latter suspected that Arce really sympathized with the archbishop. The liberals failed not to strengthen that suspicion, nor to fan the flame.[IX-4]
Jefe Villacorta, owing to impaired health, surrendered the government to the vice-jefe, Mariano Prado,[IX-5] whose first act was one of opposition to the national government, by repealing Arce's convocation of October 10th for a new congress, and issuing one of his own, on December 6, 1826, appointing Ahuachapan, in Salvador, as the place of assemblage. Prado now began the military preparations which were followed by a war between Salvador and the federal government, and which terminated with the overthrow of the servile party by Morazan.
[Sidenote: RULE OF CORNEJO AND PRADO.]
A liberal policy was for a short time pursued in Salvador under the rule of José M. Cornejo, who had become the jefe in January 1829,[IX-6] and peace reigned during the next three years. But in 1832 it was again disturbed. The government of the state, becoming dissatisfied with its former hero, Morazan, attempted to secede from the union, but was brought under subjection.[IX-7] Cornejo was deposed, and, together with those who aided him in the rebellion, was sent to Guatemala as a prisoner, to be dealt with according to law.[IX-8] Elections for authorities were then held, and Mariano Prado was chosen jefe,[IX-9] and Joaquin San Martin y Ulloa vice-jefe. A period of liberalism now commenced, like that of Guatemala in 1829. Several liberal measures were adopted, one of which was the establishment—decreed August 21, 1832—of a single, very moderate, direct tax.[IX-10] This enactment, intended to relieve the exhausted treasury, met with violent opposition in San Salvador, and sedition broke out on the 24th in several wards; but the rioters were dispersed. Prado issued a proclamation expressing his resolution to uphold the law and maintain order; but as the excitement continued, he ordered that the supreme authorities should transfer themselves to the villa de Cojetepeque on the 31st.[IX-11] On the 14th of November there was also a seditious movement in San Miguel, which was quelled by Colonel Benitez.
The vice-jefe, San Martin, was in accord with the revolutionists, and kept up a correspondence with Galvez in Guatemala, who wanted Prado overthrown. This was known in San Salvador, and gave encouragement to the remnants of Cornejo's party. The removal of the capital was not sufficient. Another revolt broke out at San Salvador early in 1833, and Prado, together with the members of the co-legislative bodies and of the superior court, had to abandon their places. On the 13th of February the state followed the example of Nicaragua and seceded from the union. The vice-jefe, San Martin, who had gone into hiding on the 9th of February to save himself from harm, was called by the revolutionists to assume the executive authority.[IX-12] In July a revolt broke out among the Indians of Santiago Nonualco. Headed by Anastasio Aquino, they formed the plan of exterminating the white and colored population, and installing a government of natives.[IX-13] The utmost cruelties characterized this war of races, which was fortunately soon suppressed. Most of the ringleaders, among them Aquino, were captured. The chief was executed on the 24th of July, 1833, at San Vicente.[IX-14] But peace did not follow the suppression of this rebellion. Salvador, always jealous of Guatemala, insisted on having the federal government removed from her rival's territory. At last, in February 1834, the federal authorities came to reside in Sonsonate, and later, in June, at San Salvador. It was a great mistake to expect harmony. Before the month was out there was a street fight of several hours between troops of the two powers. The federals were victorious, and the state's jefe, San Martin, was deposed.[IX-15] The executive authority was assumed first by Cárlos Salazar, commander of the federal forces, and afterward by Gregorio Salazar, the vice-president of the republic. Neither of them had a legal title.[IX-16] From this time the state remained wholly under the control of the federal government and the liberal party, which became still more cemented when in 1835 the capital was made the federal district. In the great struggle between Morazan and Carrera, of which a detailed account has been given in a former chapter, Salvador had to rely entirely on her own resources when her territory was invaded in 1838 and 1839.
[Sidenote: MORE TROUBLE AT SAN SALVADOR.]
After Morazan's signal defeat at Guatemala, Salvador no longer was disposed to make sacrifices; indeed, she was too exhausted to raise a new army. However, she was by no means willing to uphold the victorious Carrera; but being unable to resist, had for a while to submit to the force of circumstances, and to recognize the government placed over her.[IX-17] But as soon as Carrera went back to Guatemala, that government was overthrown by the people, and the jefe, José Antonio Cañas, had to resign,[IX-18] Norberto Ramirez becoming the jefe provisional.[IX-19] More than any other of the Central American states, Salvador needed a period of peace to recover from the wounds inflicted in nearly twenty years of warfare. She had upheld the principles of liberty and union long after the others had given them up, and now required a prudent and wise government to restore her almost extinct life and strength.
* * * * *
While the other provinces experienced but few difficulties in organizing themselves after the separation from Spain and Mexico, Nicaragua suffered for years from intestine strife. This was not exactly a contest between two political parties, but rather between towns, and between the partisans of one leader and another; in other words, the results partly of sectional hatred, and partly of personal ambition. Persecutions for political causes were of daily occurrence.[IX-20] A junta gubernativa, recognized by the general government, had been installed at Leon,[IX-21] where Basilio Carrillo was the commander of the forces, and claimed the right to rule the province; but there was another junta at Granada, where the notorious Cleto Ordoñez held sway in accord with the jefe político, Juan Argüello, which, of course, ignored the pretensions of the Leonese authorities. Managua, though siding with Leon, had become the headquarters of the anti-republicans, with Bishop García at their head, who strove to rid the place from Leonese influence. Most of the other towns were in a similar condition; so that it may be asserted that the whole province was in a state of anarchy. The junta gubernativa of Leon accepted, on the 2d of July, 1823, the decree of the national government of March 29th, calling for a national congress, and declared Nicaragua united with the other provinces that had formerly been the reino de Guatemala.
[Sidenote: NICARAGUAN COMPLICATIONS.]
On the 13th of January, 1824, a popular uprising in Leon caused the junta gubernativa to remove Basilio Carrillo from his command, replacing him with the jefe político, Cármen Salazar.[IX-22] Early in the same year Justo Milla came with the appointment of intendente from the general government, and with instructions to pacify the country; but his mission failed.[IX-23] On the 22d of July Ordoñez had himself proclaimed comandante general by the garrison and populace. Some of the wards of Leon attempted, on the 6th of August, to overthrow Ordoñez and restore Melendez, the successor of Milla; but they were overpowered, and the city was sacked.[IX-24] On the 14th the forces of Managua, under Colonel Crisanto Sacasa, captured portions of the city of Granada. After twenty days of incessant fighting the besiegers retired in good order. On the other hand, a division of Leonese and Granadans attacked Managua on the 24th of August, with the same result.
A junta gubernativa had been installed on the 9th of the month at El Viejo, in opposition to that of the capital,[IX-25] and organized a force of 2,000 men, intended to lay siege to Leon. The united forces of El Viejo and Managua, commanded by Sacasa and the Colombian Juan José Salas, assaulted Leon, captured the suburbs, and penetrated to the plazuela de San Juan. The garrison, composed of Leonese and some Granadans, now found itself confined to the chief plaza and contiguous blocks. During the siege, which lasted 114 days, there was incessant fighting, both besiegers and besieged exhibiting bitter animosity. Sacasa was mortally wounded, and died twelve days after. The fighting often took place inside of the houses, and even of the churches. Upwards of 900 houses were either demolished or burned, and the number of dead and wounded on both sides was large, probably over 900 killed. The contest ceased only on the 4th of January, 1825, when the besieging forces retired.[IX-26]
The villa de Managua laid down its arms on the 22d of January, 1825, peaceably receiving Manuel José Arce, who had entered Nicaragua with an auxiliary force from Salvador, and with instructions to pacify the state. In consequence of his arrival, the dissensions were quieted for a time.[IX-27] Arce, without bloodshed, also disarmed the troops of Ordoñez at Granada, and despatched him, together with Bishop García, to Guatemala. After having made arrangements for elections, the peace-maker returned to Salvador, leaving, however, a portion of the force at Leon.
[Sidenote: RULE OF ARGÜELLO.]
On the 10th of April, 1825, preliminary arrangements being completed, the first constituent assembly of Nicaragua met under the presidency of Juan Manuel Zamora, and ten days later Manuel Antonio de la Cerda was installed as jefe of the state,[IX-28] and Juan Argüello as vice-jefe. Unfortunately there were disagreements on the part of Cerda with both the constituent assembly and Argüello, which delayed the labors on the state constitution, so that it was not decreed till the 8th of April, 1826.[IX-29]
The convention then adjourned sine die, and the regular or ordinary assembly met on the 13th of August, at Leon, but in the middle of the following month removed to Granada.[IX-30] Meantime the dissatisfaction with Jefe Cerda had assumed such proportions that the legislative body resolved to impeach him. He was, accordingly, suspended, and Argüello placed temporarily in charge of the executive authority. New elections were also decreed.[IX-31] But Argüello had not fostered all these troubles merely to surrender the government to a new man, and by intrigues contrived to bring about, in February 1827, the dissolution of the assembly.[IX-32]
The indefatigable Colonel Cleto Ordoñez made, with the aid of troops of Leon and Senator Hernandez, an unsuccessful attempt[IX-33] to seize the government, declaring Argüello suspended. An effort was also made by the president on behalf of Cerda, but it was defeated by Herrera, the jefe of Honduras. The state of war continued; Arce reluctantly had removed, at Argüello's request, the few men of Salvador that had been stationed in Nicaragua since 1825,[IX-34] and thus the only adversary of importance Argüello had was Cerda. The contest remained for a long time undecided. Argüello took Granada, while Cerda's headquarters were first at Managua, and, when that place seceded, at Rivas, the ancient town of Nicaragua.
In September 1828, Cerda's party had made so much headway that Argüello and his followers had vessels in readiness to effect their escape should the jefe gain another victory. But the priests, who worked against the latter, inspired the disheartened Argüellistas with renewed courage, and in another encounter they were victorious. Cerda's star now waned. A revolt planned by two of his officers was quelled, and the leaders were shot.[IX-35] This severity, and the heavy taxes he levied, increased his foes.[IX-36] At last, on the 8th of November, 1828, when Rivas was almost without troops, one of his officers, who was a relative, named Francisco Argüello, made him a prisoner, and before his troops could come from Jinotepe to his rescue, a force of the vice-jefe entered Rivas. A military court was at once organized, and Cerda, being subjected to its action,[IX-37] was sentenced to death, and executed.[IX-38]
[Sidenote: HERRERA'S RULE.]
Argüello was now free from his strongest adversary; but the struggle went on as new pretenders sprang up, and its effects in the course of time were most disastrous. It brought the state to a condition of desolation unequalled in Central America. Dionisio Herrera, chief of Honduras, undertook, under instructions of the federal government, in 1829, the task of pacifying Nicaragua. He visited Leon, and succeeded in conciliating parties and restoring order; and when new elections took place in May 1830 he was himself chosen its jefe.[IX-39] Managua, the last place to hold out, was finally, without the use of force, prevailed upon to recognize the newly constituted authorities, and in June was already enjoying the benefits of peace. In order to consolidate the peace throughout the state, Herrera made the leaders of parties leave its territory. His rule was a quiet one for the next two years, and until Nicaragua was called upon by the national government to furnish her contingent of troops to suppress revolutionary movements beyond her boundary.[IX-40]
The revolutionary spirit showed itself again in 1832. On December 3, 1832, the state assembly attached the federal revenue, and refused further recognition of the general government. A few months later a revolt broke out against Herrera. The movement originated in Managua, and was seconded in Masaya and Matagalpa. Granada and Leon opposed it. Jefe Herrera at first was loath to resist it, and laid his resignation before the legislature, and it was accepted on the 1st of March, 1833. But that body, under popular pressure, four days after revoked the resolution, and recalled Herrera to hold the executive authority, with the extraordinary powers that had been decreed him on the 8th of February previous.[IX-41]
The insurrection had spread also in Metapa, Chocoyos, Nandaime, San Jorge, and throughout the department of Nicaragua. At the head of the movement was an ecclesiastic. Herrera exhausted all peaceful means, and had to employ force, and Managua was taken on the 29th of June, 1833.[IX-42] Nicaragua and other places accepted the amnesty tendered them.[IX-43] But it seemed almost impossible to maintain peace for any length of time. In May 1834 Granada and Metapa rebelled, under one Cándido Flores. The rebels were successful for several months, and took possession of Managua. But on the 13th of August they were defeated; a few days later Granada was recovered, and four of the ringleaders were shot.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: A GREAT EARTHQUAKE.]
In the morning of the 20th of January, 1835, there was an eruption of the volcano Cosigüina,[IX-44] attended by one of the most terrific earthquakes ever experienced in Central America.[IX-45] The event was a memorable one for the Nicaraguans, and its abatement was attributed to the efficacious intercession of their saints; and in commemoration of it they still have a feast of thanksgiving every year on the 23d of January.[IX-46]
* * * * *
A short period of peace followed. Puny are the efforts of man at killing each other when heaven fires its artillery! The exhausted state seemed unable to continue its suicidal course. The tranquillity was broken, however, though only for a short time, in 1837.[IX-47] The assembly had, on the 21st of February, 1835, recognized José Zepeda and José Nuñez as the duly elected jefe and vice-jefe respectively. Colonel Zepeda was a distinguished patriot, who had rendered important services to the cause of liberty. His election was hailed with approval in Nicaragua, and in the other states of the union. He took possession of office April 23, 1835.[IX-48] The government experienced no serious difficulty during 1836 in the administration of public affairs. It was engaged in improving the public roads, and in other matters of general utility. But 1837 was inaugurated with infamous crimes, with the murders of the jefe Zepeda, and of the citizens Roman Valladares, Evaristo Berríos, and Pascual Rivas, which resulted from a revolt of the garrison at Leon.[IX-49] The movement was promptly suppressed, and the ringleader, Braulio Mendiola, executed. The vice-jefe, Nuñez, assumed rulership, and during his administration a second constituent assembly was convened, and commenced its labors on the 31st of March, 1838.[IX-50] One month later, on the 30th of April, the state seceded from the federation, an act which may be called a mere formality, inasmuch as Nicaragua had not taken part, to any notable degree, in the affairs of the general government. Nominally, however, the idea of a union of the Central American states was upheld, and still expressed in the new state constitution framed by the assembly and confirmed on the 12th of November, 1838.[IX-51] All this was pure affectation, however, for Nicaragua lent her hearty aid to eradicate the last remnants of the federation. The coveted sovereignty was attained at last. Later events will show whether or not it brought Nicaragua prosperity. The present generation had grown up midst the noise of war, hearing the battle-cry of one or another contending party, and it could hardly be expected that it could appreciate the blessings of peace.[IX-52]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.]
Costa Rica, owing to her geographical position, was almost isolated, politically, from the rest of Central America. It would be wrong, however, to infer that her participation in the general affairs of the republic had been one of mere formality or policy for her own convenience or safety. Nowhere had the idea of a union been more warmly embraced. Four months only had elapsed after the bases for the organization of the state had been adopted by the national constituent convention, when Costa Rica's first assembly met,[IX-53] and on the 21st of January, 1825, decreed a state constitution.[IX-54] In the middle of April the first ordinary legislature began its labors, and on the 24th of September Juan Mora was installed as chief of the state.[IX-55] This was a happy choice; for during his rule Costa Rica escaped the evils which protracted warfare wrought in the other states of the union. Following the example of Salvador, a decree was passed in September creating a bishopric independent from Nicaragua, and appointing Fray Luis García the first bishop; but the decree became a dead letter.
The first effect of Mora's quiet rule was the enlargement of Costa Rican territory. Dissatisfied with the jefe, Cerda of Nicaragua, the district of Guanacaste, or Nicoya, which formerly belonged to that state, declared its separation, and asked to be incorporated with Costa Rica.[IX-56] The arrangement was approved by the federal congress on December 9th, and since then Nicoya formed one of the five departments of that state.[IX-57] Nicaragua protested; Costa Rica refused to restore the territory, and the matter remained an open subject of discussion, but never leading to hostilities.[IX-58]
Early in 1826 an attempt was made[IX-59] by a Spaniard named José Zamora, at Alajuela, to overthrow the government. He attacked the quarters of the garrison, but after several hours' fighting was repulsed, with most of his followers slain, wounded, or made prisoners. A few days afterward he was captured and shot.[IX-60] During several years this was the only public disturbance. The struggle between serviles and liberals in the other states did not affect Costa Rica, which prudently maintained neutrality. She endeavored, however, to bring on peace between the belligerents, by accrediting, in 1828, Manuel Aguilar as special envoy to Guatemala and Salvador; but his mission proved fruitless, chiefly owing to the success of the Salvador arms, and the irreconcilable feeling thereby engendered.[IX-61] It was the unsatisfactory result of this effort, which in a great measure prompted Costa Rica, after Mora's reëlection in 1829, to secede from the union till the federal authority should be reorganized. When this took place, the secession act was revoked in January 1831.
In March 1833 the second term of office of Mora expired; and in acknowledgment of his beneficent and wise policy, the assembly decreed that his portrait should be placed in the hall of sessions, with a highly complimentary inscription.[IX-62] Costa Rica had made great progress from both the material and intellectual points of view. A number of clergymen endeavored to introduce a decree of the ecclesiastical authorities of Guatemala to burn certain so-called forbidden books. They failed, the result being the importation of a large number of the denounced works. Jefe Mora treated the pious proposal with the contempt it deserved.[IX-63]
[Sidenote: RULE OF GALLEGOS AND CARRILLO.]
Mora's successor duly elected was José Rafael Gallegos, who assumed his duties in April 1833.[IX-64] The state at this time was enjoying liberty, and perfect freedom of the press.[IX-65] It was the asylum of the exiles from other Central and South American states. It was not, however, altogether exempt from the spirit of localism. Cartago had been the capital, and wanted to recover that position. San José felt as a loss the absence of the supreme authorities. Heredia and Alajuela would not be less than the other two places. Guanacaste was the only one out of the question. Hence the resolution adopted[IX-66] that the state capital should alternately be at San José, Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela. A later law, of June 9th, prescribed that the residence of the supreme authorities at each of said places should be for the period of four years. Gallegos' rule was of short duration. He resigned in March 1834.[IX-67]
Braulio Carrillo was elected jefe, and went into office in April 1835.[IX-68] In his time several liberal innovations were made, in addition to those introduced some time previously; namely, suppression of tithes and decrease of holidays;[IX-69] those enactments aroused the clergy, and prompted them to fan, in retaliation, the flame of discord existing between San José and Cartago, which culminated in an open revolt on the 24th of September, 1835.
An alliance was entered into by Cartago with Alajuela and Heredia, to refuse recognition to the government, and to convoke a new assembly with equal representative rights for the different towns.[IX-70] The allied forces marched upon San José, then the seat of government; but were defeated in several encounters, and they again submitted.[IX-71] The result of this revolt was the further strengthening of San José, to which place was conveyed all the armament of the state. The government was equally successful in the following year, when an armed force from Nicaragua, led by the Costa Rican Manuel Quijano, formerly in his country's military service, Pedro Abellan, and Manuel Dengo, entered the department of Guanacaste, and marched upon its chief town, where they expected to find support; but they only met with disappointment. They were first repulsed by the inhabitants, and afterward routed by the troops.[IX-72]
[Sidenote: REVOLT IN COSTA RICA.]
The peace thus restored was not of long duration. Braulio Carrillo was succeeded as jefe of the state[IX-73] by Manuel Aguilar, in April 1837. A plot intended to overthrow the government was soon after detected, and the authors were sent into exile.[IX-74] But Carrillo had also been disappointed at Aguilar's election, and being influential with the soldiery, he had but little difficulty in getting together a party with which, on the 27th of May, 1838, he deposed this official, sending him, together with the vice-jefe, Juan Mora, into banishment.[IX-75] This was the first instance in Costa Rica when the legitimate government of the state was overthrown by force of arms. It cannot be said that the change was altogether for the worse. Under Carrillo's active and energetic rule the country made rapid progress in a material point of view.[IX-76] He saw at once the hopelessness of reëstablishing the Central American confederation,[IX-77] or of reorganizing it so as to render it beneficent to the several states; and therefore, instead of making fruitless efforts in that direction, strove rather to isolate Costa Rica. This policy he impressed on the second constituent convention, which met on the 1st of November, 1838,[IX-78] and on the 15th the formal separation was declared, the convention still manifesting a willingness to maintain a sort of union by means of special treaties.[IX-79]
He also took effective steps to pay off Costa Rica's share of the foreign debt, contracted by the Central American republic. The state was for a long time exempted from the afflictions and consequent injurious results which visited the other states during the bitter last struggle in 1840 between Morazan and Carrera for the existence of the republic. The other states were impoverished and brought to the verge of ruin, whereas Costa Rica, with comparative tranquillity, was constantly marching forward.
[Sidenote: COAT OF ARMS AND FLAG.]
The president, on the 21st of April, 1840, decreed a coat of arms and flag for the state of Costa Rica.[IX-80] This was abrogated by the provisional government two years later.[IX-81]
X. DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION
1839-1852.
INTERSTATE DISSENSIONS—PACTO DE CHINANDEGA—CONFEDERACION CENTRO AMERICANA—SUPREMO DELEGADO CHAMORRO—HOSTILITY OF GUATEMALA AND BRITISH OFFICIALS—ARCE INVADES SALVADOR—WAR OF THE CONFEDERACY AGAINST GUATEMALA—HELPLESSNESS OF CHAMORRO—END OF THE PACTO DE CHINANDEGA—CONDITION OF THE STATES—FERRERA'S BAD FAITH—SALVADOR AND HONDURAS AGAINST NICARAGUA—HORRORS OF LEON—VICE-PRESIDENT JOAQUIN E. GUZMAN—HONDURAS AND SALVADOR AT WAR—GUARDIOLA'S VANDALISM—MALESPIN OVERTHROWN—RENEWED EFFORTS TO CONFEDERATE—GUATEMALA AN INDEPENDENT REPUBLIC—COSTA RICA FOLLOWS—SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND HONDURAS A CONFEDERACY—ITS SHORT LIFE—FURTHER UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPTS.
[Sidenote: ENGLISH INTERVENTION.]
The government of Nicaragua, on the 13th of September, 1839, following the advice of Minister Pavon of Guatemala, asked for the mediation of Frederick Chatfield, the British consul, in an endeavor to bring to an end the existing dissensions with Salvador. Chatfield declined to interfere, on the plea that Salvador, in a treaty with the state of Los Altos, on the 10th of August, had insulted the British crown.[X-1] However, on the 27th of May, 1840, he sent to the government of Nicaragua an extract of a despatch of March 2d from the British foreign office, saying that his sovereign would cordially mediate between the two states, provided such mediation was asked for by both, or by all the governments interested, in which event he, Chatfield, was authorized to use his good offices. But he was at the same time directed to add that Great Britain was not disposed to enter into any engagement binding her to employ armed forces in Central America. This course was not pleasing to Pavon, but fully satisfied the executive of Nicaragua. Chatfield's mediation was never called for.
* * * * *
Buitrago, director of the state of Nicaragua, was drawn by the force of public opinion to give his assent to the state taking part in a convention intended to reorganize the republic of Central America.[X-2] The Nicaraguan delegates used their best endeavors for the accomplishment of their mission; but from the beginning they found their efforts hindered by the machiavelism of the aristocrats of Guatemala, and in disgust left the convention after filing a protest.[X-3] They returned to it afterward, however, and on the 11th of April, 1842, the convention made a declaration in seven articles establishing a 'gobierno nacional provisorio,' having at its head a 'supremo delegado,' with a council composed of one representative chosen by each of the respective state assemblies.[X-4] Antonio José Cañas was appointed supremo delegado. But this great effort on the part of the men imbued with a truly patriotic spirit came to naught, because the assembly of Guatemala indignantly rejected the compact of Chinandega, and Ferrera of Honduras acted in bad faith. Costa Rica accepted it with certain restrictions.[X-5]
A second effort was made on the 27th of July at Chinandega by the delegates of Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, who passed an act to form a league under the name of Confederacion Centro Americana.[X-6] Sixteen of the articles in the constitution conformed with the instructions given by the aristocrats of Guatemala through the state assembly to the commissioners despatched to the villa de Santa Rosa on the 28th of September, 1839; and yet, after their adoption by the convention of Chinandega, these same persons made opposition to them. The fact was, that they had been all along using deception, appointing commissioners to several diets, but never intending that a reorganization of Central American nationality should be arrived at.[X-7]
[Sidenote: PACTO DE CHINANDEGA.]
Guatemala accredited a legation at Leon, Gerónimo Carcache being the envoy. He tried to exculpate his government for its opposition to the compact of Chinandega, asserting at the same time its firm resolve to uphold the treaty concluded in October 1842, by Pavon, Arriaga, and Duran, and accepted by Costa Rica in May 1843.[X-8] This opposition, notwithstanding the organization of the executive and council, under the compact of Chinandega, was effected at San Vicente, in Salvador, on the 29th of March, 1844; Fruto Chamorro, delegate from Nicaragua, being chosen supremo delegado, Juan Lindo, delegate from Honduras, president of the council, and Justo Herrera, ex-jefe of the same state, secretary of that body. The installation of the confederate government was at once communicated to the several states.
Honduras, on the 27th of April, recognized and accepted what had been done at San Vicente. Salvador and Nicaragua expressed much satisfaction. The reactionary government of Guatemala kept silent, and on being pressed for an answer, returned a cold and laconic one, to the effect that the matter would be laid before the legislative body; that is to say, the assembly which, on the 17th of April, 1839, had declared the Central American confederation dissolved.[X-9] It could not be expected that such an assembly would give its assent. The committee to which the subject was referred made an unfavorable report, which the assembly accepted. Costa Rica suggested amendments to the 'pacto de Chinandega.'[X-10] This document never had any practical value, for the governments which were parties thereto took no account of the duties it imposed on them. It will be seen that the executive of Honduras was its covert enemy, and that the government of Salvador openly infringed a number of its clauses.
[Sidenote: MALESPIN AND ARCE.]
Malespin, president of Salvador, was arranging affairs for a change in favor of a theocratic régime to please Viteri, bishop of San Salvador, when news came that the state had been invaded at Atiquizaya by Manuel José Arce. The ex-president had with him troops of Guatemala, and a supply of arms and ammunition to put in the hands of Malespin's enemies. The question will be asked, Why did the aristocrats of Guatemala cause the invasion of Salvador, her executive being their agent Malespin, who was, moreover, under the control of Bishop Viteri? This is easily explained. Malespin was, in the eyes of the aristocrats, another Carrera, disposed at times to slip out of their hands. It was, therefore, important to have him superseded by Arce, when affairs in the state would go on smoothly and to their satisfaction. In Arce ruling over Salvador, they would have, besides, a support against Carrera.[X-11] But the people of Salvador, albeit much dissatisfied with Malespin and Viteri, were decidedly opposed to Arce with aristocratic surroundings. His invasion of the state only served to strengthen Malespin's power for a time. The president set the whole state in motion to meet the emergency. He did even more: he asked for the assistance of the supremo delegado of the confederacy, which was promised him. Each state was to furnish 1,000 men; but meanwhile Salvador was to place 2,000 men at the disposal of the confederate executive.[X-12] The general government agreed to use its utmost endeavors to avert the subjugation of Salvador by Guatemala. Malespin was enjoined, on his part, to confine his military operations within the territory of his own state. He easily got together in a few days at San Salvador 4,000 men, with which force he marched to the front. One portion of the vanguard, under Lieutenant-colonel Pedro Escalon, on the 5th of May, reached the Chingo Valley in pursuit of Arce, Aquilino San Martin, and Guillermo Quintanilla, who fled to their headquarters at Coatepeque. They were attacked there, and took to flight a second time, leaving a large quantity of arms and ammunition. Another portion of the vanguard occupied Chalchuapa, placing a force and the artillery at Santa Ana.[X-13]
Malespin, in disregard of the command he had received from the supremo delegado, marched triumphantly to Jutiapa, in Guatemala; in consequence of which, the government of Rivera Paz assumed that Guatemala was in a state of war, her territory having been invaded; and Carrera was called upon to use her forces against the invaders. A forced loan was decreed, and a change took place in the cabinet, Manuel F. Pavon assuming the portfolios of relations, government, and war.[X-14] Pavon was certainly the man for the occasion.[X-15] He returned an answer to a note from the minister of the supremo delegado, which Milla, his biographer, has pronounced an able and conclusive one. But it was in reality a mass of abuse against Salvador and Malespin. He did not attempt to show that Arce's invasion was not the act of the Guatemalan government, as he should have done; but claimed that the war against Malespin was not a consequence of Arce's act, but of the malice of the Salvadoreños.[X-16]
[Sidenote: TREATY BETWEEN HONDURAS AND SALVADOR.]
The bad climate of Jutiapa soon began to decimate the Salvador army, reducing it to about 3,000 men. Moreover, the government of Salvador, then in charge of Vice-president Guzman, could not easily procure means for the support of such a force. It was quite evident that the time for upsetting Carrera had not yet come; and Malespin's defeat would only bring greater outrages upon the people. Patience was necessary under the circumstances. It was consequently decided to abandon Jutiapa and recross the rio de la Paz, which was effected on the 17th of June.[X-17] The assembly empowered the government to negotiate for peace, and a convention was entered into at the hacienda de Quezada on the 5th of August, 1844,[X-18] under which friendly relations were restored, and Guatemala promised to accredit a commissioner near the confederate government.[X-19] This convention was, however, annulled by the Guatemalan commissioners, because the supremo delegado had refused to ratify it.[X-20] But the government of Guatemala determined that it should be held valid by Malespin's accepting it as law for the Salvadoreños. Bishop Viteri undertook to accomplish this, and succeeded.[X-21] Malespin gave his assent to the convention being ratified by the supremo delegado, and made a declaration of peaceful intentions toward Guatemala.[X-22] He refers to the liberals residing at Leon, who had been driven from Honduras by Ferrera, and from Salvador by himself; and he accuses them of being the cause of much trouble, for which they should be discountenanced by honorable men. The pacto de Chinandega, as we have seen, had become a dead letter. Honduras and Salvador entered, on the 10th of July, 1844, at San Salvador, into a treaty, which was ratified by both governments.[X-23]
Chamorro's government was notified by Ferrera that auxiliary forces from Nicaragua would no longer be allowed to traverse Honduran territory.[X-24] Chamorro's minister, M. Aguilar, remonstrated against a measure which would prevent the arrival of friendly troops to defend the confederacy, whereof Honduras was a component part.[X-25] Chamorro, using his lawful authority, ordered J. Trinidad Muñoz, who commanded the Honduras force of operations, not to obstruct the passage of the Nicaraguan troops. Muñoz disobeyed the order; and upon the Nicaraguans arriving at Choluteca, on the 17th of August, he required them to leave the territory of Honduras forthwith; which not being done, he assailed and conquered them on the 19th, after a three hours' fight.[X-26] This action had a great influence on the fate of Central America; for it satisfied the aristocrats of Guatemala that the supremo delegado had no means for enforcing his authority or for carrying out his plans. It was virtually a declaration of war between Honduras and Nicaragua. Malespin was likewise emboldened by it to assail Nicaragua. The latter must then move with the utmost activity against Ferrera, before Malespin, now at peace with Guatemala, could come to his aid. But difficulties that could not be overcome were in the way; and it was only on the 23d of October that upwards of 1,000 Nicaraguans appeared before Nacaome, which they assaulted the next day, and after two hours of hard fighting, were repulsed.[X-27]
[Sidenote: WAR ON NICARAGUA.]
Trinidad Cabañas and Gerardo Barrios, two of Morazan's officers, made, on the 5th of September, 1844, an attempt at San Miguel to overthrow Malespin without bloodshed; but having failed, they went off to Nicaragua by way of La Union. Malespin's minister, José Antonio Jimenez, then demanded of the Nicaraguan government that Cabañas and Barrios should be either expelled or surrendered to Salvador for punishment. The demand was rejected. The two officers were by no means discouraged. They persevered in their efforts, which, more than anything else, finally brought about the tyrant's overthrow. By virtue of a special decree, Malespin took, on the 25th of October, personal command of the state forces, placing the executive office in charge of the vice-president, Joaquin Eufracio Guzman, who on the same day entered upon the discharge of his duties, giving Malespin unlimited powers for the defence of the state. Such authorization did not justify Malespin's carrying the war into Nicaragua.[X-28] This state, after the defeat of its troops at Nacaome, had removed them from Honduran territory, and sued for peace. And yet Malespin, in violation of the laws of Salvador, made preparations for an offensive war against Nicaragua.
It will be well, before relating the events of this campaign, to cast an eye upon the present lamentable condition of the four states thus bent upon each other's destruction. Guatemala was ruled by the aristocrats with a rod of iron. Her financial affairs were completely disorganized. In Salvador Malespin had no other rule of conduct than his own will and Bishop Viteri's evil counsels. He believed himself surrounded by enemies, and indeed he was.[X-29] Honduras was in a disturbed state, and the victim of Ferrera's despotism. Nicaragua was in anything but a satisfactory situation. The men who with their superior talents, statesmanship, and influence might have carried the ship of state safely through the coming storm, Francisco Castellon and Máximo Jerez, were in Europe working to undo the evils wrought against Central America by Pavon and Chatfield. The director of the state, Manuel Perez,[X-30] lacked the prestige that the occasion required. Casto Fonseca, the commander of the forces, had been given the rank of 'gran mariscal.'[X-31]
The pacto de Chinandega had ceased to exist. Owing to hostile acts of Malespin, Chamorro had to seek safety in flight. Ferrera treated Chamorro with contumely, and shamefully abused him in a report to the chambers of Honduras, in January 1846.[X-32] Malespin and his army against Nicaragua entered Honduras, and at Nacaome made an address to the president and army of Honduras.[X-33] The two allied presidents had a conference at Sauce on the 7th of November, and agreed that Malespin should be recognized as the general-in-chief of their forces. At Choluteca proposals for peace came from Leon; and on the 21st of the same month the treaty of Zatoca[X-34] was concluded, which was disgraceful to the Nicaraguan negotiators.[X-35] A secret clause was also agreed to, binding Nicaragua, among other things, to retire her troops from Chinandega to Chichigalpa. But the authorities and people of Leon preferred death with honor to submission to such degrading demands. The treaty and secret clause were indignantly rejected. Perez, the director, surrendered the executive office to Senator Emiliano Madrid.
[Sidenote: ATTACK ON LEON.]
In the night of November 21st the allied forces encamped in the barranca de San Antonio.[X-36] On the 26th, at 8 in the evening, they were in front of Leon, and threw bombs into the city. The next morning at 3 o'clock Malespin, being drunk, ordered an assault, which resulted disastrously for the invaders; for at sunrise he found his camp strewn with corpses.[X-37] The attack was, however, continued that day till 4 o'clock in the afternoon, when the allies found themselves short of ammunition, and with many of their chief officers killed or wounded. Discord now broke out among them, and the Hondurans wanted to abandon the campaign; but J. Trinidad Muñoz, acting for Malespin, quieted them, and the struggle went on. That night Muñoz erected intrenchments, and at break of day on the 28th the allies were in condition to act vigorously.[X-38]
Commissioners came out to the allied headquarters, and on the 1st of December a treaty was negotiated,[X-39] to which no ratification was given in the city, and the war continued. Meanwhile there was much agitation in Salvador, with occasional revolutionary attempts, which becoming known at Leon, emboldened the authorities and citizens to keep up the fight, notwithstanding the other departments had turned against them.[X-40]
José Francisco Montenegro and Juan Ruiz were the commissioners of Rivas and Granada, near Malespin. Their mission brought about the creation of a new government, which had no recognition in Leon. Senator Silvestre Selva lent himself to be made by Malespin and his allies director supremo of Nicaragua, under the stipulation of ratifying the convention of December 1st, adding the name of Pio Castellon to the list of the proscribed.[X-41]
[Sidenote: SIEGE OF LEON.]
Several partial actions took place in other parts of the department of Leon, which turned out favorably for the invaders.[X-42] But Malespin was furious at his failure thus far to capture Leon. The firing of his guns was incessant. He made a final effort, throwing himself at the head of a force upon the works of Sutiaba, which were in charge of Gerardo Barrios; and after some hours' hard fighting was repulsed, leaving the field covered with his killed and wounded. But there was no unity of action in the city at this time. Some officers believed that Casto Fonseca, though brave, was not competent to make a proper defence; and one of them, named José M. Valle, alias El Chelon, suggested that he should turn over the command to Cabañas. Fonseca looked upon the suggestion as an insult, and in consequence Valle retired, and Cabañas became an object of suspicion to Fonseca. The siege with its horrors continued. The fatal spirit of localism that maintained discord between the several towns, specially between Granada and Leon, was now as ever, and till the transfer of the capital from Leon to Managua, a great misfortune for the whole country. The besiegers made the most of it.[X-43]
A vessel arrived at this time at Realejo with arms for the besieged, of which Malespin got information from the Englishman Manning, and through Selva's agent he obtained possession of 1,000 muskets, 200 rifles, 200 barrels of powder, 200 quintals of lead, and 12,000 flints. With this supply the operations against Leon were pushed with still greater vigor, and the city succumbed to an assault by Guardiola on the 24th of January, 1845. Malespin now gave full sway to his bloody instincts, by shooting a number of prominent citizens and surrendering the town to the soldiery for plunder.[X-44] The outrages committed defy description.[X-45]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: INDEPENDENCE OF SALVADOR.]
While Malespin was engaged in the Nicaragua campaign, the state of Salvador was preparing to throw off the yoke, and his brother Calixto was issuing arbitrary orders without the knowledge or assent of Vice-president Guzman. At last, at midnight between the 30th and 31st of December, 1844, the garrison at San Salvador was surprised by a party of armed men from the Calvario, and captured, together with the arms in the barracks.[X-46] After that the revolt went on gaining large proportions; but the rebels were defeated in the plain of Jucuapa, Cojutepeque, on the 4th of January, 1845.
The liberal chiefs Cabañas and Barrios, who escaped from Nicaragua, reached La Union. Barrios,[X-47] with the view of rousing the Salvadorans, spread the report that Malespin had succumbed at Leon. Cabañas, a truthful man, disliked the scheme, but finally allowed his companion to pursue his plan without contradiction. They both entered San Miguel on the 28th of January, 1845, and loudly congratulated his friends and acquaintances on Malespin's defeat. The whole department was soon in commotion, and letters poured upon Guzman to sound the cry for liberty. Calixto Malespin continued his arbitrary acts, and Guzman concluded to oust him from his command, without bloodshed if possible. In this he was successful on the 2d of February;[X-48] the barracks were soon surrendered to him, the troops following his lead. The capital seconded the movement, and was soon followed by the other departments.[X-49] The government sent a circular to the other states announcing the change effected, and it was recognized by all but Honduras.[X-50]
The chambers of Salvador assembled on the 15th, before which Guzman made an energetic speech, and Malespin was not only dethroned, but his election to the presidency was declared null.[X-51] However, there was much to do yet to uproot him from Central American politics, as he had the support of Honduras. In an encounter at Quelepa Cabañas was defeated, which gave the reactionists courage to approach San Vicente; but public opinion was now so clearly pronounced against Malespin that Bishop Viteri turned against him, and began his efforts to win over to the clerico-oligarchic party the new president, Joaquin Eufracio Guzman.[X-52] He at once issued a decree of excommunication against Ex-president Malespin.[X-53] But the government of Honduras being bent on supporting Malespin at all hazards, Guardiola landed at La Union with an armed force, and occupied San Miguel; notwithstanding which act Guzman did not declare war against Honduras. Attributing it to ignorance of the true state of affairs in Salvador, he sent a second note, which, like the first, remained unanswered. Malespin continued—with the assent of Honduras, and without that of Nicaragua, which had assumed neutrality in the contest—calling himself general-in-chief of the armies of Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, and declared Guzman, the Salvadoran chambers, and the inhabitants of upwards of 100 towns which had set him aside, guilty of treason.
Guzman was now menaced from several quarters; namely, from Malespin's partisans in San Salvador, the military at Comayagua, J. Trinidad Muñoz, who wanted to destroy the liberals that had escaped from Leon, and lastly, Rafael Carrera, who, though at times inclined to wheedle the liberals, generally had his claws ready to tear them to pieces. Guzman found the panther more untractable than the other wild beasts. It was therefore necessary to place in Guatemala experienced tamers; but he was unsuccessful in this. His commissioners, though they managed by fawning to approach Carrera, met with poor success in their mission.[X-54]
[Sidenote: TREATY OF PEACE.]
Guzman marched against Belloso at San Vicente and defeated him. He next went to San Miguel, which he entered amidst the plaudits of the people.[X-55] Malespin entered with him into a convention at Jocoro, binding himself to surrender all national property of Salvador and to leave the country. But the authorities of Honduras disapproved the arrangement, and it fell to the ground;[X-56] the war continued, till on the 18th of April a treaty of peace and friendship was concluded at Chinameca, to which the minister of Salvador, Dueñas, added another clause, requiring that both Salvador and Honduras should disband their troops immediately after the ratification of the treaty.[X-57] Honduras failed to ratify it, and proposed that new conferences should be held at Gualcinse, and at the same time despatched 900 men upon that place under Malespin. Armed parties from Honduras invaded Salvador; and, indeed, Ferrera was using all possible means to exasperate the latter state into committing acts of hostility against the former, so that Carrera might have an opportunity to take a hand in the game.
The chambers of Salvador assembled at this time, and Minister Dueñas reported a treaty of peace, amity, and alliance with Guatemala.[X-58] He seemed to expect aid from that side of the river Paz.[X-59] Nicaragua had extended a friendly reception to two Salvador commissioners.[X-60] The chambers gave Guzman ample powers for the defence of the state. This did not include authority to invade any other state, unless as a retaliatory measure. A resort to this was finally resolved upon, and a Salvadoran army under Cabañas marched the 24th of May upon Comayagua, meeting with defeat there on the 2d of June, and again at Sensenti on the 10th of the same month.[X-61] The Hondureños inhumanly put to death all the wounded Salvadoreños left at Comayagua and Santa Rosa. Ferrera, now flushed with victory, thought that he could dictate terms to Salvador.[X-62] It was a mistake on his part, for the people of Salvador rose en masse to repair the disasters of Comayagua and Sensenti.
[Sidenote: GUARDIOLA'S VANDALISM.]
Guardiola committed many acts of vandalism in La Union, in consequence of which Minister Dueñas, on the 25th of July, addressed a circular to the agents of foreign nations protesting against the seizure of foreign goods in the government's warehouse at that port. Cabañas, after the disasters before related, arrived at San Miguel with scarcely fifty men, and endeavored to collect his scattered forces; but his efforts were unavailing, and Guardiola marched into the city—which had been abandoned by nearly all the inhabitants—and gave it up to be plundered by his soldiers.[X-63]
All that part of Salvador on the Lempa and the district of Chalatenango were in the hands of the enemy, who acted as the master of a conquered country. One of the commanders was the notorious Manuel Quijano. The Salvadoreños attacked him and were defeated. The Hondurans now felt certain that they could capture San Salvador. But on the 15th of August Guardiola with 900 men attacked the Salvadoreños at the hacienda del Obrajuelo and was routed, losing two thirds of his force and most of his war material.[X-64] He evacuated San Miguel at midnight. The authorities of Honduras soon after published a suspension of hostilities in order to negotiate a peace.[X-65] An armistice was afterward signed at Sumpul.[X-66] Muñoz of Nicaragua, for motives of his own, exerted himself to bring about peace between Honduras and Salvador, to which end he despatched Sebastian Escobar as commissioner to the two belligerents. Sensenti was finally fixed upon as the place for holding the conferences, and a treaty of peace, amity, and alliance was concluded on the 27th of November, 1845, under which Malespin and Espinosa were forbidden to set foot in Salvador without leave of her government.[X-67]
[Sidenote: GUATEMALAN INDEPENDENCE.]
The government of Guatemala, with a view of not too openly going counter to public opinion in the states desiring to see a national government established, inserted in the treaty concluded with Salvador on the 4th of April, 1845, a clause apparently intended to promote that end.[X-68] And yet it was at the same time considering the expediency of declaring the entire independence of Guatemala, and gathering material which was made public in a manifesto in March 1847. Indeed, she had no desire to carry out the stipulations, though she named Joaquin Duran and Doctor Mariano Padilla her commissioners.[X-69] Pretexts were not wanting, and new commissioners appointed, namely, Marure and Rodriguez, both of whom favored Guatemala's absolute independence. The result was the abandonment of the plan of reorganization as entirely impracticable.[X-70] The declaration of independence was made in the decree of March 21, 1847.[X-71] Carrera, the president, in a manifesto, set forth the causes that had prompted such a measure, which he called one of regeneration, and asked the people to greet it with the same enthusiasm that was shown in 1821, when the cry for separation from Spain was raised.[X-72]
The secessionists pronounced it an able effort; but it caused a disagreeable impression in the states, and in none more so than in Salvador. It wounded public sentiment. Carrera had no legal right to take such a step. The constituent assembly had placed him in charge of the executive, but had not made him a legislator. For all that, the separation from the rest of Central America became an accomplished fact, and Carrera was declared a hero, the founder of the republic, and coin was struck with his bust on it.[X-73] This act was ratified on the 14th of September, 1848, by the constituent assembly of Guatemala, when Carrera was no longer in power.
Lindo was ruling in Honduras and Guerrero in Nicaragua, but these two states were in accord with Salvador, from fear of British pretensions, on the necessity of a Central American union. They constituted, early in 1848, the diet of Nacaome, which urgently invited Guatemala and Costa Rica to join it; but the former peremptorily declined, alleging that the decree of March 21st precluded her taking any step backward. Costa Rica sent deputies to Nacaome.[X-74] The celebrated Ecuatorian general, Juan José Flores, arrived in Costa Rica in July 1848, and was received with much consideration, which flattered his vanity. He wanted the aid of Costa Rica for his own plans, and got himself into the good graces of President Castro. The dissolution of the Colombian republic had enabled him to become the ruler of Ecuador; and being of the same way of thinking as Pavon and his fellow-secessionists of Guatemala, he counselled a complete separation of the states of Central America. Several influential men of Costa Rica favored the policy of a wholly independent government for their state.[X-75]
[Sidenote: REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.]
Congress, on the 30th of August, 1848, consummated the work of final separation, with a decree declaring that the title 'Estado de Costa Rica' was not in consonance with the 22d article of the constitution, which established the principle of Costa Rica's sovereignty, freedom, and independence; that with this understanding, and as a free, sovereign, and independent nation, other powers had treated with her on a footing of equality. It was therefore resolved, carrying out the wishes of the municipal districts, that the term 'república' be substituted for that of 'estado.'[X-76] President Castro sanctioned its promulgation on the 31st.
Notwithstanding so many difficulties, the friends of union never resigned the hope of accomplishing their purpose. In November 1849 commissioners of Honduras, Salvador, and Nicaragua assembled at Leon, and on the 8th agreed upon a basis of union of the three states, the terms of which were subsequently promulgated;[X-77] and it was left optional with Guatemala and Costa Rica to join it or not. The remnants of the aristocratic element, with the support of British officials,[X-78] opposed the union, and in order to defeat it, promoted revolutions in Nicaragua and Honduras. The compact went into effect, however, on the 9th of January, 1851, when the national representatives assembled in Chinandega, José F. Barrundia, representative from Salvador, being chosen their president.[X-79]
The national constituent congress was installed at Tegucigalpa on the 9th of October, 1852, and began its labors on the following day.[X-80]
[Sidenote: A SHORT-LIVED FEDERATION.]
Trinidad Cabañas was on the 13th elected jefe supremo of the federation, but he declined the honor, being desirous of disarming opposition to the new organization on the part of his political opponents. His resignation was accepted on the 26th, and Francisco Castellon chosen on the 28th.[X-81] An organic law was enacted on the 13th of October, and communicated to the government of the federation.[X-82] The supreme executive authority, on the 20th of November, 1852, was held by Pedro Molina, vice-jefe, four senators, and two acting ministers of state. The federation thus organized was not destined to be long lived. Upon the allegation that the congress had created a dictatorship, and referred the organic statute to the people instead of the legislatures of the states, the assemblies of Salvador and Nicaragua set aside the federation, and declared themselves independent states.[X-83] Nicaragua may have receded from that act; but whether it was so or not, the union between Honduras and Nicaragua was dissolved by the war which broke out in February 1863 between Salvador and Guatemala, Honduras joining one of those states, and Nicaragua the other. Further efforts have been made from time to time—1871-76, and even as late as 1885—to accomplish the union of the states under one government; but obstacles have been in the way, the chief doubtlessly being the personal ambition or jealousy of rulers, and the project still remains as a possible event to come about in a few years, as it is believed to be much desired by the majority of Central Americans.[X-84]
XI. REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA
1841-1856.
RULE OF CARRILLO CONTINUED—PLOTS FOR ITS OVERTHROW—INVASION OF MORAZAN—CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT—MORAZAN'S POLICY—OPPOSITION—REVOLTS—MORAZAN'S DEFEAT AND DEATH—SATISFACTION OF THE OLIGARCHS—MEASURES OF THE VICTORS—NEW CONSTITUTION—SUBSEQUENT AMENDMENTS—SEDITION—CASTRO'S ADMINISTRATION—COSTA RICA DECLARED A REPUBLIC—RECOGNITION BY SPAIN—RELATIONS WITH OTHER POWERS—BOUNDARY QUESTIONS WITH NICARAGUA AND COLOMBIA—PRESIDENT JUAN RAFAEL MORA—HIS REPRESSIVE MEASURES.
Carrillo, believing himself clothed with unlimited authority, on the 8th of March, 1841, issued what he called a 'ley de garantias,' giving himself a life tenure of office and inviolability.[XI-1] The supreme government was made to consist of the executive, and two chambers, named respectively 'consultiva' and 'judicial,' whose members were to be chosen by electoral colleges.[XI-2] Intending to celebrate with éclat the inauguration of the cámara consultiva, Carrillo recalled from exile Juan Mora and four others.[XI-3] The consultiva, following Carrillo's wishes, elected Manual Antonio Bonilla segundo jefe.[XI-4] The enemies of the present ruler were numerous, and increasing. They called Morazan to their aid, through General Bermudez of Peru.
[Sidenote: MORAZAN AND SARAVIA.]
Morazan sailed from Chiriquí in Panamá, and after visiting several places in Central America landed with about 500 men at Caldera[XI-5] on the 7th of April, 1842. With him were generals Saget, Cabañas, Saravia, and Rascon.[XI-6] Carrillo heard of the invasion in the evening of the 8th, and at once assumed personal command of the troops to operate against the enemy, turning over the executive office to Bonilla, the vice-jefe,[XI-7] and providing other measures for an active campaign. Nearly 1,000 men under Colonel Vicente Villaseñor composed the expedition, among whose captains and lieutenants were some of the wealthiest persons in the country.[XI-8] Morazan had issued a manifesto assuring the Costa Ricans that his policy would be one of order, union, and progress, to accomplish which Braulio Carrillo must be ousted from power. As the government forces approached the invaders, Villaseñor made known its contents to his command, and asked whether they were for fighting or for a peaceable arrangement. Both officers and men almost unanimously[XI-9] favored the latter, and a convention was concluded at Jocote on the 11th of April, by virtue of which the two forces fraternized, becoming one army. It was further agreed that a constituent assembly should be called to reorganize the state, the government meanwhile remaining in charge of Morazan, or in his absence in that of Vicente Villaseñor.[XI-10] This convention was accepted on the next day at San José by Carrillo, with a few additions which did in no wise vitiate it, and Morazan afterward ratified the whole at Heredia.[XI-11] He was enthusiastically welcomed at Alajuela and Heredia, and with an augmented force marched on San José, which he entered without hindrance. As jefe supremo provisorio he made José Miguel Saravia his sole minister of state, and issued a proclamation embodying complete forgetfulness of all past political offences, and tendering an asylum in Costa Rica to all persons, of whatever party, suffering persecution in the other states.[XI-12] He next appointed a committee to revise the laws enacted by Carrillo, with the view of repealing such as were deemed unwise or arbitrary, and a number of them were accordingly annulled, the preposterous one of March 8, 1841, not being, of course, excepted. The state constitution of January 21, 1825, was revived, and the people were called upon to elect a constituent assembly, which was to meet at San José on the 10th of July.[XI-13] This body, composed of thirteen members, one of whom was the distinguished ex-jefe Juan Mora, was installed on the appointed day under the presidency of José F. Peralta, deputy for Cartago, and on the 15th of July unanimously elected Morazan provisional jefe of the state.[XI-14]
The great political change thus effected in Costa Rica greatly alarmed the reactionists; and specially those of Guatemala, who lost no time in adopting measures to destroy Morazan. This chief, on the other hand, took steps toward the reorganization of Central America, equipping troops therefor. Some of his measures were deemed too severe, giving rise to rebellion in some localities. There were intimate relations between Carrera of Guatemala and General Antonio Pinto of Costa Rica, as well as between the serviles of both states, who, together with the clergy, worked to promote a revolt. An attempt in Guanacaste by Colonel Manuel A. Molina failed, and caused his arrest, trial, and execution at Puntarenas.[XI-15] Colonel Molina was a son of Pedro Molina, the noted champion of free principles, and however legal his execution may have been, it was certainly impolitic. His sentence might have been commuted, thus averting the disruption which at once broke out in the liberal ranks.[XI-16]
[Sidenote: WAR AND REBELLION.]
Saget was at Puntarenas attending to the embarkation of 45 officers, 200 men, 2,000 or 3,000 muskets, and about 1,300 pounds of powder and lead. At Alajuela were 300 recruits of that department and 100 of Cartago, all commanded by Florentin Alfaro. This officer was won over by Morazan's enemies, and revolting on the 11th of September marched upon San José, where the people followed his example. The revolutionists then called General Pinto to the command.[XI-17] Morazan's body-guard of forty Salvadorans thrice repulsed the assailants, but finally had to retreat to the chief barracks.[XI-18] The jefe, together with Cordero, Cabañas, and Saravia, and 80 men sustained another terrible onslaught on the 12th. The besiegers were constantly on the increase till they numbered 5,000, and the besieged on the decrease by death and desertion.[XI-19] Chaplain José Antonio Castro came to propose a capitulation based on Morazan's abandonment of the country, and a pledge of security to his supporters. Believing that his loyalty and military honor were at stake, Morazan declined the propositions.[XI-20] Pinto's secretary, Vicente Herrera, was very virulent, demanding Morazan's blood; and the chaplain reported that the jefe wanted war, refusing to recognize any authority on the part of his adversaries to give pledges, which enraged their commander and his secretary all the more.[XI-21] The fight continued, and blood flowed freely.[XI-22] Mayorga, comandante at Cartago, rebelled, and Morazan's situation had become a desperate one on the 13th. No reënforcements could reach him, and provisions were exhausted. Juan Mora and Chaplain Castro endeavored to bring about an arrangement, but the terms offered, being oppressive, were rejected. The firing was resumed between one and two o'clock in the morning of the 14th. Morazan and his handful of supporters, worn out by fatigue, hunger, and wounds, made their way through the besiegers and reached Cartago,[XI-23] Cabañas covering the retreat with 30 men. Mayorga's wife, who disapproved her husband's disloyalty, sent them word of their danger. But it came too late. Morazan and the rest were surrounded and captured. Young Francisco Morazan and Saravia, arriving a little later, were also secured. Deception toward Cabañas was used,[XI-24] and treachery toward Morazan, who was promised his life.
[Sidenote: BLOODY WORK.]
Early the next morning, an officer named Darío Orozco came to inform Morazan and his companions that they were to be put in irons, by demand of the troops. Saravia rose and seized a pistol to blow his brains out; but Morazan prevented the suicide, though only for a few moments. He then walked a while smoking, and finally submitted to have the shackles put on his feet, and just as it was being done he had a horrible convulsion which ended in death. It is said that he had swallowed poison. The shackles were riveted on a corpse![XI-25] Villaseñor stabbed himself with a dagger, and fell to the ground covered with blood, unfortunately for him, not dead. Morazan was shackled. The prisoners were at once taken to San José. Morazan, though wounded, rode on horseback, and Villaseñor was carried in a hammock; but on arriving at the Cuesta de las Moras, Captain Benavides, a Peruvian who commanded their guard, made them walk to the court-house. Morazan on the way conversed with Pardo and Vijil, and remembering that it was the 15th of September, remarked to Vijil, "How solemnly we are keeping the anniversary of independence!" The other prisoners were confined in the building called Los Almacenes, and Morazan was left with Villaseñor as his sole companion.
Moderate men strongly urged a strict observance of law, aside from prejudice or passion;[XI-26] but their voice was drowned in the uproar of the enemies of Morazan,[XI-27] clamoring for his death without form of trial, regardless of the requirements of the constitution of 1825, and of the fact that he was the legitimate chief of the state.[XI-28] But nothing availed to save his life. Pinto, like his prototype Pontius Pilate, after a slight hesitation, signed the order of execution of both Morazan and Villaseñor, to be carried out within three hours. Morazan then summoned his son Francisco, and dictated to him his last will and testament; some of its clauses are epitomized below.[XI-29] After placing in charge of Montealegre a handkerchief and a few other objects for his wife, so soon to become a widow, he walked with dignity and a firm step to the place of execution. Villaseñor, who was nearly dead from his wound, was carried in a chair. On arriving at the fatal spot Morazan embraced Villaseñor, saying, "My dear friend, posterity will do us justice." Barrundia thus describes the last moments of the ex-president: He gave the order to prepare arms, saw that a good aim was taken, then gave the command to fire, and fell to the ground. Still raising his bleeding head, he cried out: "I am yet alive;" when a second volley despatched him. Thus on the 15th of September, the anniversary of Central American independence, just as the sun was sinking in the west, the soul of the noble patriot returned to the region whence it came.[XI-30]
[Sidenote: MORAZAN'S GREATNESS RECOGNIZED.]
Morazan's death caused much satisfaction to the ruling powers of Guatemala and Honduras.[XI-31] In Guatemala it was an occasion for rejoicing, with high mass and other religious ceremonies.[XI-32] The time came, however, when Morazan's greatness was recognized in Guatemala and Honduras, when the servile element no longer had a voice in public affairs.[XI-33] Relations had been suspended by the Guatemalan government with that of Costa Rica, while the latter recognized Morazan as its chief.[XI-34] Treaties of union and mutual defence had been made by the states of Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras against Costa Rica on the 7th and 16th of October.[XI-35] After Morazan's downfall an attempt was made to prevail on the new government to subscribe to these treaties, but it failed.[XI-36]
[Sidenote: CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.]
On the 23d of September the civil and other authorities at San José passed acts setting aside the supreme powers that had ruled the state since its occupation by Morazan, and proclaiming J. M. Alfaro as jefe provisorio, with Antonio Pinto as comandante general.[XI-37] These acts were subsequently confirmed by the people of the state.[XI-38] Among Alfaro's first measures were to forbid the return of political exiles, including Carrillo; to check attempts at rebellion; to invite Morazan's soldiers to return to their homes;[XI-39] to restore confiscated property; to establish an official journal; and to raise a forced loan.[XI-40] Disregarding the remonstrances of Guatemala, the government, of which José María Castro was now minister-general, by its decree of the 5th of April, 1843, called upon the people to send deputies to a constituent assembly. This body was installed on the 1st of June, and soon after adopted the groundwork upon which was to be erected the fundamental law of the state.[XI-41] The assembly likewise enacted a law declaratory of the rights of man; and another on freedom of the press under certain limitations. Among the other acts worthy of mention passed by this body were the following: The jefe, Alfaro, was to hold his office till the promulgation of the constitution and the election of his successor under it. All his acts were approved, and a vote of thanks was awarded him. A similar vote was given to General Pinto. Francisco M. Oreamuno was chosen segundo jefe, and a short time afterward he was called to fill the executive chair, upon leave of absence being given to Alfaro.[XI-42] The assembly adjourned on the 22d of September, to meet again on the 13th of November. The constitutional bases, nicknamed by the conservatives "de los tribunos," did not meet the approval of the government. The assembly then adopted a constitution, which made provision for two chambers, the executive authority being exercised by a jefe, as formerly, and all the functionaries constituting the supreme powers being chosen by the whole people. The promulgation of the new fundamental law was made on the 11th of April, 1844,[XI-43] and all officers were required to take an oath to support it. Pinto, the comandante general, refused to do so without first consulting Alfaro and others. He tried to make an armed opposition, but did not succeed, and was dismissed, Colonel José María Quiroz superseding him.[XI-44]
The publication of the new fundamental law was celebrated with feasts for three days. But the fact of Pinto's dismissal from the command of the forces caused serious divisions in families,[XI-45] which has been felt ever since in the political events of the country. The two chambers decreed by the constituent assembly complicated the political machinery, and the enemies of the new constitution exaggerated its defects. The necessity of a senate in Costa Rica was not clear, for the composition of the house of deputies was such that it required impulsion rather than checks. Therefore, what would be the mission of the senate?[XI-46]
[Sidenote: MOYA, GALLEGOS, AND ALFARO.]
Alfaro reassumed the duties of the executive office on the 28th of June, on which date Castro resigned his position of secretary-general,[XI-47] to take a seat in the chamber of deputies, which was installed on the 3d of July. The first duty of this body was to count the votes for senators; but the returns were coming in very slowly, so that the senate did not assemble till the 12th of November.[XI-48] Both houses then on the 15th declared Francisco María Oreamuno duly elected jefe of the state. He took possession of the office with reluctance.[XI-49] The spirit of localism which caused so much trouble in 1835 was still rampant, and Oreamuno found himself confronted by it. Whatever measure was proposed in favor of any one locality was certain to displease the others. Rather than contend with such difficulties, he tendered, on the 26th of November, his resignation, which was not accepted; but he was resolved to retire, and one day, being more than usually disgusted, he abandoned his post and went off to his home in Cartago.[XI-50] His successor was Rafael Moya, then president of the senate,[XI-51] who exerted himself to do away with localism, and to promote harmony between the several sections; but his senatorial term expiring on the 30th of April, 1845, he could no longer continue holding the executive authority, and the chamber of deputies called to assume its duties Senator José Rafael Gallegos,[XI-52] who was made chief of the state at the expiration of Juan Moran's second term. He took the chair on the 1st of May. An ominous cloud could already be descried away in the horizon. The new constitution had thus early become an object of abuse, even by the men who had enthusiastically proclaimed it, and acrimoniously censured Pinto for refusing it recognition.[XI-53]
During the elections a bloodless revolt of four regiments simultaneously occurred, on the 7th of June, 1846, at San José, Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, to overthrow the organic law. The movement was seconded at once by the people,[XI-54] and José María Alfaro was summoned to assume the reins of government, Gallegos returning to the presidency of the senate. Every one recognized Gallegos as an upright man, against whom no complaint was made.[XI-55] Alfaro accepted the rôle, went into office on the 9th, and immediately proceeded to carry out the purposes of the revolution. Elections took place under the existing constitution, Alfaro being chosen jefe, and José M. Castro vice-jefe and secretary-general. The latter being the intellectual superior of Alfaro, every branch of the administration finally fell under his control.
The constituent assembly met on the 15th of September, and completed, on the 21st of January, 1847, the new constitution, which was promulgated at once, to have effect from and after the 7th of March.[XI-56] Experience having shown that several clauses of this instrument were practically inexpedient, and that others were not clearly worded, under article 187 of the same congress subsequently adopted a number of amendments, which had been asked for by a majority of the municipalities.[XI-57] The elections for supreme authorities, decreed on the 17th of February, took place; the constitutional congress assembled on the 1st of May, and after counting the votes for president and vice-president on the 5th, declared Castro duly elected for the first position and Alfaro for the second. They were inducted into office on the 8th.[XI-58]
Castro's administration had to overcome serious obstacles which might bring on political convulsions in the near future.[XI-59] Indeed, several disturbances broke out at Alajuela, headed by Alfaro and his friends, which were, however, easily quelled by President Castro, and once by Vice-president Mora, when the president was absent.[XI-60] The last of these troubles caused some bloodshed.[XI-61] Albeit the revolts were put down, the state continued much agitated. Inflammatory writings against the president were secretly circulated, which the government gave importance to, and the official press tried to counteract their influence. Castro concluded to resign his office, but congress by a unanimous vote refused to accept the resignation.[XI-62] Costa Rica having by the act of her congress, on the 30th of August, 1848, declared herself a sovereign and independent nation, under the title of República de Costa Rica, that body, on the 29th of the following September, adopted a flag, coat of arms, and seal.[XI-63]
[Sidenote: INDEPENDENCE DECLARED.]
Costa Rica was the first state of Central America to be recognized as an independent nation by Spain, which was done in the treaty of May 10, 1850, which was ratified by Costa Rica March 6, 1851. The republic made a concordat with the Roman pontiff, for the understanding of ecclesiastical affairs, on the 7th of October, 1852. She has endeavored to maintain cordial relations with the powers of Europe and America. To that end she concluded treaties with the United States of America, the Hanseatic Towns, France,[XI-64] Great Britain, Belgium, Holland, Italy, Germany, and several of the Spanish-American republics. With Guatemala a treaty was entered into in February 1850, and the government awaited the result of the efforts of the other three states to constitute themselves under one nationality; and when they failed, and the states assumed the rôle of independent republics, it made similar diplomatic arrangements with them as foreign nations.[XI-65]
[Sidenote: THE BOUNDARY QUESTION.]
The boundaries of Costa Rica with Nicaragua on one side, and with Panamá, one of the states of Colombia, on the other, have been a source of constant anxiety, repeatedly occupying the minds of the diplomates of the three countries. Fortunately, the points in dispute have been peaceably discussed by the governments, though the press and politicians have not always touched upon them with the same spirit. The district of Nicoya or Guanacaste, at one time under the government of Nicaragua, became annexed to Costa Rica in 1824. This annexation was accepted by the Costa Rican assembly, and the federal congress allowed it, in a decree of December 9, 1825, as a provisional arrangement, to be in force till an opportunity was had to run the boundary between the two states. This congress took no further action in the premises; and since the dissolution of the Central American union, the district remained attached to Costa Rica. Nicaragua never assented to the segregation, though she made no attempt to recover the territory by force of arms. She has, however, endeavored to sustain her right to it in repeated diplomatic negotiations.[XI-66] The time came when Nicaragua, being invaded by William Walker's filibusters, and the independence of all Central America threatened, the citizens of the five republics at once saw the necessity of having the question amicably settled.[XI-67] The other republics, more particularly Salvador, brought their influence to bear, and a treaty was concluded, duly ratified, exchanged, and published as the law, to govern the boundary between Nicaragua and Costa Rica.[XI-68] Under its second article, both contracting parties ceded a portion of their claims, Costa Rican territory not reaching the lake, nor the Flor River, but merely the centre of Salinas Bay. On the other hand, Nicaragua no longer claimed territory to the Salto or Alvarado River, but limited it to the aforesaid bay, and to the line prescribed in the treaty.[XI-69] The acts of several congresses of Nicaragua in after years indicated that the treaty was recognized beyond cavil or dispute. Not a word was officially uttered by Nicaragua in seven years against its validity. After such a period had elapsed, Tomás Ayon, her minister of foreign affairs, in a report to the national congress, disputed its validity, and the boundary question was reopened,[XI-70] giving rise to grave diplomatic discussions, and no little ill feeling between the citizens of both countries from 1868 to 1883.[XI-71] At last, early in 1883, a treaty was signed in Granada by plenipotentiaries of both countries to bring the dispute to an end.[XI-72] President Cárdenas, in laying the treaty before the Nicaraguan congress early in 1885, urged its favorable consideration; but no action was taken.
[Sidenote: DIVERS TREATIES.]
[Sidenote: DISPUTED TERRITORY.]
Under the Gual-Molina treaty, concluded at Bogotá, March 15, 1825, the Provincias Unidas del Centro de América and the Republic of Colombia agreed to respect the boundaries then existing between them, and to enter at an early convenient opportunity into a special convention directed to fix the dividing line.[XI-73] The antecedents of the subject will be found in a note at foot.[XI-74] All subsequent royal provisions, down to 1803, tend to confirm the limits of Costa Rica that were fixed for Cherino on the Atlantic side. But on the 20th of November, 1803, a royal order placed the island of San Andrés, and the coast of Mosquito from Cape Gracias á Dios to the River Chagres, under the supervision of the viceroy at Bogotá. Nueva Granada, now República de Colombia, has maintained that this royal order made a new territorial division between the capitanía general of Guatemala and the vireinato of Nueva Granada; and to the latter belongs all the territory alluded to in the royal order, and that said territory was recognized as hers by the Gual-Molina treaty. On behalf of Costa Rica, it has been alleged that the Spanish crown never made a territorial division with a mere royal order. The division of provinces, vice-royalties, and captain-generalcies was effected under a pragmatic sanction, a royal decree, or a royal cédula. The royal order aforesaid made no division of territory, but merely placed San Andrés and the Mosquito Coast under the care of the viceroy at Bogotá because Spain at that time had military and naval resources at Cartagena. Nevertheless the order had no effect; it became a dead letter, the viceroy never having protected that coast. Such was the impression of the Central American negotiator of the treaty of 1825.[XI-75] With this same understanding the federal government of Central America made a contract in 1836 to settle an Irish colony in the region of Boca del Toro,[XI-76] which was not carried out because the New Granadan authorities drove away the settlers, and have ever since held control of the region, disregarding Costa Rica's claims.[XI-77]
Several diplomatic efforts were fruitlessly made to fix the boundary.[XI-78] The last one was made at San José on the 25th of December, 1880, in the form of a convention to refer the settlement of the question at issue to the arbitration of a friendly power, namely, the king of the Belgians or the king of Spain, and in the event that neither of them could or would undertake it, then the president of the Argentine confederation.[XI-79] It is understood that the matter was finally submitted to the king of Spain, and that the resolution was long pending.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: PRESIDENT MORA.]
Political disturbances continuing in 1849, Castro resigned the presidency on the 16th of November,[XI-80] before congress, which had met in extra session October 2d; his resignation was accepted,[XI-81] and the same day Juan Rafael Mora was chosen vice-president, and on the 24th president of the republic, being inducted into office on the 26th of November.[XI-82] One of his first acts was to grant an amnesty for political offences. The bonds of discipline and subordination having become relaxed, Mora had before him a difficult task to restore peace and order.[XI-83] He dealt severely with the authors of revolutionary movements. Castro became a fugitive, and the others were exiled. For his efforts to restore order, congress, on the 25th of June, 1850, granted him the title of benemérito de la patria.
The president's policy was one of repression by all means; but finding himself opposed in the chamber, he resigned the executive office, and his resignation not being accepted, took upon himself to dismiss the congress, calling on the people to choose new representatives.[XI-84]
The continued revolutionary attempts placed the government in a difficult position, and prompted the president to adopt severe measures; hence the orders of exile issued against prominent citizens.[XI-85]
Mora and Oreamuno were on the 3d of May, 1853, elected president and vice-president respectively.[XI-86] Peace was now restored, and the government devoted its attention to the promotion of education, and of the material interests of the country.[XI-87]
XII. REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA
1838-1855.
STATE GOVERNMENT—DIRECTOR BUITRAGO'S CONSERVATISM—BRITISH AGGRESSION—DIRECTOR SANDOVAL'S RULE—INTERNAL TROUBLES—GUERRERO'S ADMINISTRATION—THE MOSQUITO KINGDOM—ITS ORIGIN AND HISTORY—BUBBLES—BRITISH PRETENSIONS—SEIZURE OF SAN JUAN DEL NORTE—DIPLOMATIC COMPLICATIONS—CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY—NICARAGUA RECOVERS HER OWN—RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN POWERS—AN AMERICAN WAR SHIP BOMBARDS SAN JUAN DEL NORTE—PINEDA'S GOVERNMENT—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC—PARTY DISSENSION—LEGITIMISTS VERSUS DEMOCRATS—CHAMORRO AND CASTELLON—CIVIL WAR—DEATH OF CHAMORRO—ESTRADA SUCCEEDS HIM.
Little, if anything, has been said in this history of the internal affairs of Nicaragua since 1838. Under her first constitution, that of 1826, the chief executive officer of the state was called jefe del estado, and his term of office was for four years. The second organic law, promulgated in 1838, gave that functionary the title of director supremo, limiting his tenure of office to two years. Pablo Buitrago seems to have been the first director called upon to enforce the constitution of 1838.[XII-1] He was declared by the chambers, on the 4th of March, 1841, to have been constitutionally chosen. His first step was to remove from the office of ministro general Francisco Castellon, who held it ad interim under appointment by Patricio Rivas,[XII-2] calling to succeed him Simon Orozco, whom he could more easily control.
[Sidenote: BUITRAGO, OROZCO, PEREZ.]
Buitrago treated a communication from Morazan, sent him from San Miguel, with contumely; and afterward, when the ex-president, as jefe of Costa Rica, accredited near him two commissioners, he declined to receive them.[XII-3] His course won him commendation from the rulers of Guatemala.[XII-4] His term of office came to an end on the 1st of April, 1843, and he was temporarily succeeded by Juan de Dios Orozco. The official press asserted that the election for director had been made with perfect freedom. But no candidate having received the requisite number of votes, the assembly chose Manuel Perez to fill the position.[XII-5] The state was at peace,[XII-6] but was not to enjoy that benefit long. In a previous chapter I have spoken of the desolating war waged within her borders by the tyrants of Salvador and Honduras. She was, moreover, harassed by the intemperate demands for British claimants made by Chatfield, the ally of the aristocrats of Guatemala, who went so far as to dictate to Nicaragua how to recognize and pay these claims.[XII-7] The assembly then authorized the executive to arrange the matter in the best way possible, and Castellon, the ministro general, proposed to Chatfield to submit the disputed claims to arbitration, naming Bishop Viteri as the Nicaraguan arbitrator. Finally, a legation was despatched to London, Castellon being the minister and Máximo Jerez the secretary.[XII-8] The British authorities resolved, however, to use coercion in order to force a settlement of the claims, the corvette Daphne blockading the port of Realejo in August 1846; and the government, being without funds to meet such demands at once, had to pledge the revenue from the tobacco monopoly during the next four years.
Leon, after its terrible conflict with the forces of Salvador and Honduras, aided by Nicaraguan allies, was in a shattered condition, and most of the families dwelling therein were in mourning, and reduced to indigence. Muñoz, who so efficiently coöperated to that result, had secured the coveted reward, the command in chief of the western department. The seat of government was at San Fernando, and Blas Antonio Saenz assumed the executive duties on the 20th of January, 1845.[XII-9] Under the sword of Muñoz the elections for director supremo were effected, and José Leon Sandoval obtained a plurality vote.[XII-10] He was declared duly elected on the 4th of April. The assembly passed several important measures.[XII-11]
[Sidenote: REVOLUTION UPON REVOLUTION.]
Peace had not been restored. Disturbances were breaking out in several parts. There were revolutionary movements in Managua, and the government sent thither Ponciano Corral to make an investigation, and quell the sedition. His report brought about the imprisonment of several citizens.[XII-12] Manifestations in favor of Cabañas at Rivas were put down with an iron hand. On the 24th of June there was a revolt at Leon, which Muñoz quelled, and the government had its authors confined in San Juan del Norte.[XII-13] The executive had proclaimed neutrality in the contest between the government of Salvador and Malespin, who was sustained by Honduras; and though he concluded with Salvador at San Fernando a treaty of peace, friendship, and alliance, he also entered into a similar one with Honduras.[XII-14] The latter treaty was intended to be a reality, and it is undeniable that Nicaragua was a faithful ally and coöperator of Honduras down to the treaty of Sensenti. The treaty with Salvador was not made in good faith on the part of Nicaragua.
The town of Chinandega was, in the latter part of July, captured by 200 revolutionists under José M. Valle, alias El Chelon,[XII-15] who had come with sixty or eighty men on a schooner from La Union, and landed at Cosigüina.[XII-16] On the 26th Muñoz was attacked in Leon, but defeated his assailants.[XII-17] The government abandoned San Fernando and went to Managua.[XII-18] Muñoz, victorious again at Chichigalpa, marched on Chinandega, which he occupied without opposition; but having to return to Leon, the insurgents retook it. He came back with a large force on the 16th of August, and reoccupied the place.[XII-19] Sandoval had, on the 9th, forbidden the men who accompanied Morazan to Costa Rica from entering Nicaraguan soil. A ministerial crisis occurred at this time, Rocha and César resigning their portfolios, which were given to Máximo Jerez and Buitrago.[XII-20] Their tenure was necessarily short, and they were superseded in the latter part of the year by Fruto Chamorro and José Guerrero, the latter being almost immediately succeeded by Lino César. This new arrangement gave the director an homogeneous cabinet. The government was now a decidedly conservative one.
The revolution came to an end in the latter part of September 1845, an amnesty being issued excepting only the chief leaders, and persons guilty of common crimes.[XII-21]
[Sidenote: SANDOVAL AND MORALES.]
This short truce enabled Sandoval to pay an official visit to the several districts. In Chinandega the inhabitants having abandoned their homes, he issued orders to bring them back.[XII-22] The government was levying heavy taxes. The citizens of Leon, Chinandega, El Viejo, and other places, who were the victims of the self-styled "ejército protector de la paz," were compelled to support the régime which had its being out of the destruction of the first-named town. It is, therefore, not a matter of surprise that the people of many towns went off to the woods. The insurrection broke out again, Valle appearing in Segovia, and reëntering Chinandega on the 26th of November. The amnesty decree was thereupon revoked.[XII-23] The state of Honduras took part in the war, sending an army under Guardiola to the aid of Sandoval. The insurgents were defeated first by Muñoz, and soon after by Guardiola, who occupied Chinandega.[XII-24] At the end of the campaign Muñoz signified a desire to leave the state, and asked for a passport; but the government replied with words of fulsome praise that his services could not be spared.[XII-25] This was precisely what Muñoz had fished for.[XII-26]
Efforts were made by Buitrago and others to prevail on Sandoval to call the chambers of 1846 to sit in Leon, but he objected to the proposition. The assembly met first in San Fernando June 7, 1846, and on the 14th of August sanctioned every past act of the government.[XII-27] At a later date it removed to Managua, and adjourned leaving much unfinished business, for which it was summoned to an extra session,[XII-28] and after doing what was required of it, retired on the 18th of December.
The end of Sandoval's term was approaching, and elections for supremo director took place. The assembly met again on the 12th of March, 1847, and Senator Miguel R. Morales assumed the executive. Minister Salinas in his annual report made a number of suggestions to the chambers; namely, an amendment of the constitution in the direction styled by the conservatives, "moderado y de órden;" good relations with the pope, and cordial friendship with the priests; public instruction based upon the requirements of the council of Trent. The office of supremo director passed, on the 6th of April, into the hands of José Guerrero, who had been chosen for the constitutional term.[XII-29] Acceding to the repeated petitions of the people of the western department, Guerrero decreed[XII-30] to make Leon the residence of the government, and the transfer was effected July 20th, the people of that city greeting the director and his officials with joy. The assembly, however, preferred to sit at Managua, and did so on the 3d of September.[XII-31]
The country stood in need of a new constitution, but this could not be framed at the present time, because the whole attention of the government and people was absorbed by the questions with Great Britain, which were a menace to Nicaraguan territory, and even to the independence of all Central America. These difficulties were connected with the possession of the territory known as the Mosquito Coast, or Mosquitia. The Spanish authorities to the last moment of their rule over Central America acted in a manner indicative of Spain's claim of full sovereignty over that territory, disallowing the pretended right of the Zambo chief who under British protection had been dubbed King of Mosquitia.[XII-32]
[Sidenote: THE MOSQUITO COAST.]
A British agent claimed some years afterward that the relations of the Spanish and Mosquitian authorities had been in 1807, and even before, such as are held between independent powers.[XII-33] The so-called king of Mosquitia claimed sovereignty over an extent of country 340 miles long from north to south, and about 235 miles in breadth. He also claimed the district of Talamanca in Costa Rica, and that of Chiriquí in Panamá.[XII-34] The British authorities maintained a sort of protectorate over these Indians, occasionally sending presents to their chiefs.[XII-35]
[Sidenote: KING GEORGE FREDERICK.]
George Frederick and his half-brother Robert, like their father George, who was killed in 1800, were of mixed negro and Indian blood. They were first taken to Belize to receive some education,[XII-36] and next to Jamaica, where they were the objects of some attention on the part of Lord Albemarle, the governor-general. George Frederick's education was an indifferent one. In 1815 he was back in Belize to be crowned there at his own request, Chaplain Armstrong performing the ceremony, and his chiefs taking the oath of allegiance in regular form.[XII-37] He was then proclaimed king of the Mosquito shore and nation, and a British war vessel conveyed him and his chiefs to Gracias á Dios.[XII-38] It seems that kingly life afforded him little or no satisfaction. Aware of his lack of qualifications, and fully sensible that he could not retrieve himself from vicious habits, especially from the bottle, which soon controlled him, his heart failed him, and his life became embittered.[XII-39] The British government at first manifested a friendly interest, sending him presents, and Chaplain Armstrong his advice; but the latter was disregarded by the king and his chief minister, who often remarked that a present of rum would be more welcome. The instruction on government was beyond his understanding, and looked on as falsehood. Such was the effect of his West India education in civilization. It has been asserted that he was murdered in 1824.[XII-40] Robert, his brother, succeeded, and was deposed, his successor being James, descended from an older branch of the family,[XII-41] who took the name of George Frederick. Mosquito annals do not record what became of him. The next king was Robert Charles Frederick, who believing himself a real monarch, for and in consideration of abundant contributions of rum, to which he was much addicted, began to make large grants of land, some of which carried with them the rights of absolute sovereignty. Most of these grants were afterward cancelled, and the king was taken by the British authorities to Belize, and kept under control. He died there, leaving, in a so-called last will, dated in February 1840, to Superintendent Macdonald the regency of his dominions during the minority of his heir, the princess Inez Ann Frederick.[XII-42] Macdonald, whether as such regent or as an officer of the British crown, appointed his private secretary, Patrick Walker, to reside at Blewfields, and have charge of the affairs of Mosquitia; since which time the shore began to assume much importance, at least in a political sense. Walker established a council of state, and soon opened a dispute about boundaries with the Central American states, giving rise to grave questions which occupied the attention of other governments, and of which I will treat later.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: COLONIZATION FAILURES.]
Several attempts were made since the early days of the present century to colonize the Mosquito shore, for which large tracts of land were granted. Among the most important was one made to the Scotchman Sir Gregor MacGregor,[XII-43] who soon after started a wild project, which later was known as the Poyais bubble, and ended, about 1823, disastrously for the dupes who had been drawn into it.[XII-44] In 1839 the British Central America Land Company of London made another experiment on the same place where MacGregor had tried his, and it ended in failure.[XII-45] A German colony named Carlsruhe, near Blewfields, which was started about 1844, had to be abandoned in 1849 after losing about two thirds of the emigrants.
The climate of the coast is moist, hotter than in the interior, and not as healthy. The greater part of the soil is fertile, and it may be said that the country possesses many natural elements of wealth.[XII-46] Blewfields, the capital of Mosquitia, is on the river and lagoon of the same name. In the latter part of 1847 Blewfields and its dependencies had 599 inhabitants, of which 111 were white and 488 black,[XII-47] in two villages, the larger, Blewfields, having 78 houses, and the lesser, Carlsruhe, 16. Few of the houses were built of boards. One of this kind was then occupied by Walker, the British agent and consul-general, with whom the sovereign resided.[XII-48]
* * * * *
On the 12th of August, 1841, Macdonald, superintendent of Belize, came to San Juan del Norte on the frigate Tweed, bringing with him the so-called king of the Mosquitos or Moscos. At the same time an armed sloop, under the Mosquito flag and commanded by Peter Shepherd, entered the port. The comandante and revenue officer, Lieutenant-colonel Quijano, went to see the commanding officers at Shepherd's house, but was not received, on the plea that both the king and superintendent were unwell. An official letter from him was left unanswered. At last, the superintendent's secretary, together with the captain of the frigate and the king's secretary, called on Quijano and told him that on the following day his letter would be answered, requiring his recognition of the Mosquito king as the ally of her Britannic Majesty. Quijano refused, and his visitors retired. He reiterated his refusal in a letter to the superintendent, and in the name of his government solemnly protested against his pretension, as well as against the insults inflicted on his country.[XII-49] He was finally notified that if he interfered with any British or Mosquito subject, both he and his government would be held responsible.[XII-50]
[Sidenote: BRITISH INTERFERENCE.]
The demands and insults of the British officers continued until the 15th, when they seized Quijano and carried him on board the frigate, intending to take him to Belize.[XII-51] The Nicaraguan government, in a note to British Vice-consul Foster, denounced the acts of the British officials at San Juan as high-handed, accusing Macdonald of usurping the name of her Britannic Majesty in supposing her to be an ally of the so-called Mosquito king.[XII-52] The whole American continent became indignant at the British proceedings in San Juan. There was one exception, however, which must be classified as vile. Ferrera, jefe of Honduras, under the influence of the servile element of Guatemala, allied with Chatfield, recognized the Mosquito nation.[XII-53]
Chatfield informed Nicaragua that the whole Central American territory lying between Cape Gracias á Dios and the mouth of the San Juan River belonged to the Mosquito king, without prejudice to other rights the king might have south of the San Juan.[XII-54] In January 1848 two British war vessels occupied the port of San Juan without resistance, replacing the Nicaraguan officials by Englishmen as servants of the Mosquito king, after doing which they sailed away; but no sooner had the intelligence reached the interior than a force was despatched to San Juan, which reoccupied the place and sent to the capital as prisoners the intruders.[XII-55] Whereupon the British returned in force in March 1848, and defeated the Nicaraguan detachment. Hostilities being further prosecuted, the Nicaraguans had to succumb before the superior power of their foe, and consented to an armistice, providing that they would not disturb San Juan, or attempt to reoccupy the port, pending the negotiations which must follow on these events.[XII-56]
[Sidenote: TREATIES.]
Nicaragua, by her ablest diplomates, defended her rights to the disputed territory both in Europe and America, without obtaining a satisfactory result, until the fears of Central Americans for the independence of their country were brought to an end by the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, otherwise called the Ship Canal convention, concluded at Washington between the United States and Great Britain on the 19th of April, 1850, by the first article of which neither power could occupy, fortify, colonize, nor exercise dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any other portion of Central American territory, nor make use of a protectorate in any form.[XII-57] Thus was this vexed question terminated, England resigning all her claims to the Mosquito Coast, and by a subsequent treaty concluded at Managua on the 28th of January, 1860, known as the Zeledon-Wyke treaty, ceded to Nicaragua the protectorate absolutely.[XII-58] Since then Nicaragua has subjected the Mosquito Coast to a prefecto.[XII-59] Nevertheless, it is understood that the Indian reserve is still ruled by a chief chosen by the natives, assisted by a council, which assembles at Blewfields; but subject to the supreme authority of the Nicaraguan government.
* * * * *
Nicaragua, as soon as she assumed the position of an independent nation, hastened to open friendly relations with other powers.[XII-60] Spain made with the republic July 25, 1850, a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, the first and second articles of which fully recognize Nicaragua's independence.[XII-61] Early efforts were made to arrange ecclesiastical affairs with the papal see, a concordat being finally concluded at Rome November 2, 1861.[XII-62]
With the other Central American states Nicaragua made treaties, which underwent from time to time alterations, as circumstances seemed to demand for her own or the general defence. Several of these will be made apparent in the course of my narrative. Nicaragua has endeavored to maintain cordial relations with her neighbors.[XII-63] The republic entered into friendly diplomatic relations with the powers of Europe and America, most of them having treaties of amity, commerce, and extradition of criminals. Its relations with the United States have generally been intimate, made so by considerations of neighborhood, business interests, and similarity of institutions, as well as by a mutual desire to forward the construction of a ship canal across Nicaraguan territory. They have been disturbed at times, however, while Nicaragua was a transit route between the eastern states of the American union, and during the execution of schemes of American filibusters, such as those of Kinney and Walker.
[Sidenote: ARBITRARY ACTS.]
While the Mosquito question was pending between Nicaragua and Great Britain, circumstances were hastening a practical solution of it. An American company, acting under a Nicaraguan charter, opened a transit route for passengers through the state, beginning at San Juan del Norte, which place rapidly filled up with emigrants from the United States, who becoming numerically predominant, met in a primary capacity and organized an independent government.[XII-64] After an indiscreet attempt on the part of a British commander to levy duties on an American steamer, which was disavowed by his government, the British protectorate over San Juan at last virtually ceased. The town and port remained under the direct control of the inhabitants, most of whom were Americans, as a free city.[XII-65] The prosperity of the place was retarded by a dispute with the persons into whose hands the transit had fallen, which produced bitter feeling, and resulted in alleged insults to Solon Borland, United States minister to Nicaragua, whose belligerent instincts carried him away to interfere in matters which were foreign to his office. The sloop of war Cyane, Commander Hollins, was despatched by the American government to look into the case. Hollins assumed a hostile attitude,[XII-66] made arrogant demands, and the latter not being complied with, he bombarded the town on the 13th of July, 1854, and landing a party of marines, burned it to the ground.[XII-67] This act has been generally condemned. The American government hardly contemplated it; but not having punished Commander Hollins, it must bear the odium. Notwithstanding these difficulties, peaceable relations were not disturbed.[XII-68] Nicaragua also has treaties with Belgium, Italy, France, England, Peru, and other nations.[XII-69]
A squabble occurred in 1876 at Leon, in which the German consul and a Nicaraguan citizen were concerned, giving rise to a conflict between the German and Nicaraguan governments, the former making of it a casus belli, and demanding, backed by a naval force, a considerable sum of money.[XII-70]
* * * * *
The political situation in the interior of Nicaragua, during the winter, of 1848-9, was anything but satisfactory to the lovers of peace. Parties were again venting their animosities. The leader Bernabé Somoza captured Rivas, and afterward became notorious for deeds of cruelty and robbery. Director Norberto Ramirez[XII-71] despatched there a strong force under J. T. Muñoz. Somoza was defeated and captured at San Jorge on the 14th of June.[XII-72] Ramirez was succeeded by José Laureano Pineda in 1851,[XII-73] against whom a revolt broke out August 4, 1851, having J. Trinidad Muñoz for its leader. Pineda and his ministers Francisco Castellon and F. Diaz Zapata were arrested. The plan failed, however. Leon, Muñoz' headquarters, was taken by government forces assisted by troops from Honduras, and Muñoz surrendered.[XII-74] On the expiration of Pineda's term in 1853, Chamorro became chief of the state, having been elected by the suffrages of the moderados. The new director was a well-meaning man, and hoped by pursuing a moderate course to allay party bickerings. But his political opponents, together with a portion of the military element, did not permit him to develop his policy in peace.
The legislative assembly rejected, April 30, 1853, a provisional constitution which had been framed and published by the national constituent assembly on the 13th of October, 1852,[XII-75] and at the same time declared the state to be independent and sovereign. This was followed on the 28th of February, 1854, by another decree of the state constituent assembly assuming for the state the title of República de Nicaragua, and giving its executive the name of president.[XII-76] The coat of arms and flag of the new republic were decreed April 21, 1854.[XII-77]
[Sidenote: CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.]
A constituent assembly, called on the 11th of December, 1853, to meet on the 8th of January, 1854, for the purpose of framing a constitution for the republic, was installed on the 22d of that month.[XII-78] It continued its session without interruption, and on the 7th of April assumed, for urgent cases, the powers of an ordinary legislature, enacting that, in the event of a temporary vacancy in the office of president, his duties should devolve on the member of the constituent assembly called by him to assume them. Chamorro was then chosen provisional president, to hold the office till the 1st of March, 1855. The new charter of the republic was sanctioned on the 30th of April,[XII-79] which was in force only in Granada and other towns acknowledging Chamorro's government.
[Sidenote: LONG AND BLOODY WAR.]
The opposition of the liberals culminated in an attempt at revolution in Leon, promoted by Castellon, Jerez, and Mariano Salazar. The government then residing at Managua defeated their plan for the time, and banished the leaders and a few of their influential followers.[XII-80] The exiles sought refuge in Salvador and Honduras, and with the favor of Cabañas, who was then on bad terms with Chamorro,[XII-81] obtained resources for a second attempt against the government of the latter. With a few men and a quantity of arms and ammunition, they went from Tigre Island to Realejo. The invaders were enthusiastically received, Leon, Chinandega, and immediate towns proclaiming Castellon provisional director, which office he assumed June 11, 1854.[XII-82] This was the beginning of a long and bloody war, which Salvador and Guatemala vainly tried to avert.[XII-83] Chamorro approached Leon, but finding it had declared for Castellon, retired to Granada and fortified the place, sustaining afterward an irregular siege of several months from thrice the number of his force, under Jerez, till the early part of 1855. Castellon, meantime, gained possession of the republic, Granada excepted; but the long siege of this town wrought a change in the feelings of the unstable people, and in a short time Chamorro or his party recovered Managua, Masaya, and Rivas, after a series of bloody encounters. The siege of Granada was consequently raised.[XII-84] Even Chamorro's death, which occurred at this time,[XII-85] did not favor the democrats. He was succeeded by José María Estrada. Corral was the general-in-chief of the legitimist forces, and was organizing at Masaya an army to capture Leon. The government had called the constituent assembly, which met on the 8th of April with only fourteen members, and on the 10th resolved that Estrada should retain the executive until a president should be chosen under the constitution. This greatly displeased Corral, who had expected to be called to that position. He had his headquarters in Managua, and threatened to be revenged of the men who had slighted him.[XII-86]
Meanwhile Muñoz had gone to Honduras and returned with a small division of troops, the chief command of both the democratic and Honduran forces being vested in him. By his advice Castellon appointed Rosalío Cortés and P. Aleman commissioners to ascertain the views of the legitimist chiefs with reference to peace negotiations. Estrada consented to receive Cortés, but not Aleman, and the former had interviews with him and his supporters, prevailing on them to enter into negotiations either in their official or private capacity. Muñoz had authorized Cortés to tell Corral he wished to have a direct understanding with him.[XII-87] Cortés first saw Corral, and by his advice next had interviews with Estrada, Vega, and others, all of whom showed a willingness to treat for peace, and asked him to return to Leon, which he did, touching at Managua, where Corral assured him of his disposition to come to an understanding with Muñoz.
[Sidenote: DEMOCRATS AND LEGITIMISTS.]
The situation of the democrats was improved since the return of Muñoz. That of the legitimists was not so good, but the rulers felt confident. By its moderate course the legitimist government was gaining favor in democratic towns. Estrada's confidence was increased with the arrival of two foreign ministers accredited to his government.[XII-88] By this time Corral had an efficient division at Managua. His subordinate, Colonel Tomás Martinez, who in late years became president of the republic, not only cleared Nueva Segovia of Hondurans, but also occupied the town of San Márcos in Honduras. Lieutenant-colonel Andrés Murillo obtained a victory over the democrats at Tecuaname on the 17th of May. A few days after—May 31st—Estrada's government decreed an amnesty to all soldiers, from private to sergeant inclusive, presenting themselves within twenty days.[XII-89] On the 13th of June came two men who afterward were fatal to the legitimists, Santos Guardiola, and the clergyman Manuel Alcaine. The latter was a commissioner from Salvador to both belligerents, and his efforts on behalf of peace had been favorably entertained by Castellon. Estrada listened to him, but did not accept his proposals.[XII-90] Alcaine went back to Leon, and reported that the legitimists were bent upon exterminating the democrats, and his statements were fully believed. All hope of bringing the war to an end by peaceful negotiations was now abandoned.[XII-91]
XIII. REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA
1840-1865.
PRESIDENT RIVERA PAZ—CARRERA'S COURSE—PRETENDED SEDITION—DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY—A CONSEJO CONSTITUYENTE CREATED—CARRERA BECOMES PRESIDENT—ATTEMPT AGAINST HIS LIFE—REVOLT OF MONTERROSA—CARRERA'S DESPOTISM—THE REPUBLIC ESTABLISHED—RELATIONS WITH OTHER POWERS—REVOLUTION OF THE MOUNTAIN—CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY CONVENED—CARRERA'S FORCED RESIGNATION AND EXILE—LIBERALS TRIUMPHANT—THEIR SQUABBLES AND DISINTEGRATION—THE MODERADO PARTY—REVOLUTION OF LOS ALTOS—INTRIGUES OF THE SERVILES—PRESIDENCIES OF MARTINEZ AND ESCOBAR—CAUSES OF THEIR RESIGNATIONS—PAREDES—RECALL OF CARRERA—DEEDS OF VENGEANCE—CARRERA AGAIN PRESIDENT—PARTIAL RESTORATION OF PEACE.
[Sidenote: REIGN OF DESPOTISM.]
Carrera had become so inflated by flattery that he actually believed himself able to govern upon instinct Guatemala, and even all Central America.[XIII-1] He tried to shake off aristocratic control, and showed pugnaciousness toward the assembly and the administrator of the diocese. Obedience not being in every instance given to his whims, he threatened, in August 1840, to resign the command of the troops, which he held with the rank of lieutenant-general.[XIII-2] The aristocrats were much alarmed, and the assembly, in flattering terms, declined accepting the resignation. He now appeared in the rôles of financier, political economist, and enemy of the nobles, presuming to dictate a policy for the protection of manufactures, agriculture, and other interests. His displeasure with the nobles was because he believed them hostile to the masses.[XIII-3] They managed to mollify him, and he then contented himself with issuing a long address, on the 9th of October, reiterating his anxiety for the general welfare, and remonstrating against the intrigues of his personal enemies.[XIII-4]
A reign of despotism was now established, which continued upwards of thirty years. Liberal laws were abrogated one after another, and retrogressive ones substituted, including a complete restoration to the clergy of the fueros they had been deprived of by the liberal córtes of Spain in 1820. Carrera's enmity to the assembly became more apparent from day to day. He showed it by word, and by the press.[XIII-5] He could not write a line, but others wrote for him, and printed articles appeared over his name.[XIII-6] José Francisco Barrundia had returned from his exile, and had been chosen a deputy, but he resigned on the 11th of March, 1842, giving powerful reasons for his course.[XIII-7] Indeed, Barrundia would have been out of place in a body mostly made up of ultramontane priests, self-styled nobles, and reactionists.
The treasury was so exhausted that the assembly had no means to pay its clerks. But the ecclesiastical coffers had an abundance of money from the tithes tax, and Carrera's troops had to be paid, or he would resent the neglect. This was made evident in September 1844. Rivera Paz, the president, with the utmost difficulties, managed to procure money for the pay of the soldiers from day to day; but for some reason unexplained, it did not reach them. Carrera found a way to secure his ends. He had a conference with some of his officers, and the result was that the battalion of regular troops revolted on the 20th, and sacked a number of shops, and the stalls in the market-place, getting an abundant supply and ruining several traders.[XIII-8] Carrera then gathered his soldiers in the barracks, and in order to keep up appearances, the next day without much ado or any form of trial, had six men shot.[XIII-9]
Rivera Paz, finding his position unbearable, resigned it. The assembly accepted his resignation, to take effect after his successor should be appointed, and qualify. Carrera was chosen, but declined the office. Venancio Lopez and Bernardino Lemus, appointed in the order named, followed his example. Rivera Paz had to remain as nominal head of the government, Carrera being the actual ruler, whose demands clashed with the fiery-tempered Viteri, minister of state. They had a serious quarrel, which culminated in the arrest by Carrera, on the 7th of December, 1841, of Rivera Paz, together with Viteri and his subordinates.[XIII-10] But after explanations he retired his force, and calm was restored. On the refusal of Carrera to accept the presidency resigned by Rivera Paz, December 14, 1841, the councillor Venancio Lopez was called upon to assume the office.[XIII-11] The lieutenant-general asked for a passport to leave Guatemala, his object being only to obtain more honors and money. His plan seems to have succeeded.[XIII-12] Lopez gave up the presidency, and Rivera Paz for the third time, on the 14th of May, 1842, was appointed to fill it.
[Sidenote: SANGUINARY POLITICS.]
The assembly adjourned on the 4th of November, 1843, to meet again on the 1st of April, 1844. But Carrera had resolved to suppress it, and pretending an intended seditious movement at Pinula, he had the supposed rebels fired upon, and the criminal farce ended with a simulated capitulation at Guadalupe on the 11th of March, 1844, by which the assembly was set aside, and a council of government was to take its place.[XIII-13] The assembly was convoked, ratified its own dishonor, gave the government full power to regulate administrative affairs, and decreed its own dissolution.[XIII-14] The decree convoking members for the new council[XIII-15] was issued on the 26th of April, and it was formally installed on the 8th of December, having among its members a number of liberals. Rivera Paz resigned the presidency,[XIII-16] and Carrera was chosen his successor, assuming on the 11th of December an office that he had virtually controlled since the 13th of April, 1839. At the election of justices of the supreme court, the nobles were defeated.[XIII-17] The consejo, or congreso, as it had begun to call itself, became an object of bitter enmity on the part of the aristocrats and serviles; and Carrera's overthrow was also contemplated by them, pretending coöperation with the liberals for its accomplishment. The plan fell through before maturity, owing to distrust between the leaders of the two parties. Carrera was informed of his danger by the confession of a dying man, but never penetrated to the sources of the plot.[XIII-18] During Carrera's absence from the capital on furlough in February 1845, Joaquin Duran occupying the executive chair, a revolt took place, headed by Monterrosa and an officer named Mendez, but not being seconded by the people, they entered into a capitulation with Duran to leave the city, on his solemnly pledging them that they would not be molested. They accordingly went out on the 5th as promised, and on the next day Sotero Carrera, A. Solares, and Vicente Cruz entered at the head of their respective forces. Carrera arrived afterward, and was received in triumph.[XIII-19]
[Sidenote: CONSTITUTION AND CONGRESS.]
At the expiration of his furlough Carrera reassumed the reins of government. Joaquin Duran resigned the portfolio of treasury and war, being succeeded by Brigadier Gerónimo Paiz. The state was now virtually under the control of a triumvirate composed of Rafael and Sotero Carrera, and Paiz.[XIII-20] The subsequent resignation of Minister Nájera and appointment of José Antonio Azmitia inspired a little confidence.[XIII-21] The constituent congress passed liberal laws, and issued a new constitution on the 16th of September, 1845, that did not suit the aristocrats, and they made it an object of ridicule and contempt.[XIII-22] The congress closed its session on the 21st of the same month. Carrera had obtained another leave of absence, and Brigadier Vicente Cruz, the vice-president chosen by congress, assumed the executive office.[XIII-23] The aristocrats kept a strict watch on Cruz, and breathed more freely when Carrera with his ministers Paiz and Azmitia were again at the head of the government. The succeeding congress on the 1st of February, 1846, rejected the constitution framed the previous year, and authorized the government to call another constituent congress. This was the result, not only of aristocratic intrigue, but of violent threats on the part of Carrera and his minions against all attempting to sanction the act of the 'desorganizadores' to undermine his power.[XIII-24]
Carrera and Paiz, aided by Sotero Carrera, corregidor of La Antigua, now ruled supreme. Citizens had no protection unless they approved of every act. During the funeral services of Archbishop Casaus a plot was made to assassinate Carrera, which failed, and the conspirators were seized and tried. Those who had powerful friends were sent into exile; the rest had to perish in the damp dungeons of the fort.[XIII-25]
* * * * *
Guatemala, in view of the political change resulting from the dissolution of the federal compact, decreed by her assembly, on the 14th of November, 1843, a new coat of arms for the state.[XIII-26] On the 6th of April, 1857, the government was empowered to make in the coat of arms such changes as it might deem judicious, but preserving the inscription, Guatimalæ Respublica sub Dei Optimi Maximi protectione. The change was decreed on the 31st of May, 1858.[XIII-27] A law of March 14, 1851, confirmed in that of May 31, 1858, establishes the national flag.[XIII-28]
The national independence of Guatemala was erelong recognized by foreign powers, with which she opened diplomatic relations and made treaties.[XIII-29] The formal recognition by Spain took place in the treaty of May 29, 1863, subsequently ratified by both governments. Guatemala has endeavored to maintain friendly relations with all. With the United States they have been quite cordial. During Carrera's rule his government gave recognition to the imperial régime of Maximilian in Mexico.[XIII-30] During the South American struggle between Chile on one side, and Peru and Bolivia on the other, Guatemala maintained herself neutral. She accepted in 1881 the invitation of the United States government to be represented at a proposed American congress to be held in Washington, but which did not take place. In that same year, owing to the maltreatment of a French citizen, a difficulty arose with France, but it was amicably settled, the French flag being saluted, and a pecuniary compensation allowed by Guatemala.[XIII-31]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: REVOLUTION AND ROBBERY.]
On the 8th of April the official journal gave to the public a decree appointing Pedro Molina, Alejandro Marure, and J. M. Urruela a committee to frame a constitution for the new republic,[XIII-32] a project of which they presented in due time; but, though conservative, the government would not adopt it.[XIII-33] The self-styled nobles were delighted with their republic, and made it appear in the official paper that the people in the departments were equally so. But a scarcity of breadstuffs, attributed by many to the contrivances of monopolists, created disturbances in some districts, alarming the government. Certain taxes were temporarily removed, and other measures were adopted to alleviate the distress.[XIII-34]
In May there was a revolutionary movement in Sacatepequez.[XIII-35] Robbery and murder became of frequent occurrence in several departments. The government saw a serious revolution at hand, and made efforts to meet it. It tried, however, to show that the public peace was not disturbed.[XIII-36] All measures to check the revolution were unavailing, and the policy of the rulers of Salvador made the condition of affairs more alarming to Carrera and his supporters. Their political opponents now thought the overthrow of the tyrant was not far distant. His counsellors advised him to call a constituent congress, and provisionally place the executive office in the hands of Vice-president Cruz, to which he acceded. The decree for summoning the congress was issued, and Cruz assumed the presidency on the 25th of January.[XIII-37] Nájera and Azmitia retired, which indicated a change of policy. This greatly exercised the reactionists, and the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the 4th of February, urgently begged Carrera to resume his office, whereupon Cruz threw it up, and the former took the chair at once. He organized a new cabinet,[XIII-38] the personnel of which was a challenge to the whole liberal party, which thereby was roused to action. The first act of the government was to revoke the decree calling the constituent assembly. All hope of reform was now given up.
The revolution went on, and notwithstanding occasional reverses made much headway, Serapio Cruz, a brother of the vice-president, and an estimable man and experienced soldier, taking sides with the mountaineers. The government was sinking under the weight of its depravity; and yet in those moments of despair, it struck a blow at its opponents. Molina was arrested on the 10th of May. A similar order was issued against Barrundia, but he escaped the clutches of the sbirri, first giving the government his mind in the Album, which publication was of course suppressed.[XIII-39] Together with Molina were conveyed to the fort José Marino Vidaurre and the printer Luciano Luna. An order of the court of first instance, issued at the petition of Molina's wife, was treated with contempt by Palomo Valdez, acting comandante of the department, who merely said that Molina had been imprisoned upon a verbal order of the president. The prisoners, were released after some time of suffering in the dungeons of the fort. The Gaceta repeatedly contained abusive remarks against the republicans of France, The French consul demanded a retraction, and not being heeded, struck his flag and discontinued relations with the government.[XIII-40]
[Sidenote: POLITICAL UNREST.]
The position of the government was daily becoming more untenable, when it concluded to call a constituent assembly, to begin its labors on the 15th of August.[XIII-41] A scandalous occurrence took place a few days before the installation of the assembly, when the comandante, Palomo Valdez, violently arrested the deputy M. Pineda de Mont, who was released at the demand of that body, but the perpetrator of the act went unpunished.
Carrera made known his intention to resign[XIII-42] on the installation of the assembly, and the insurgent chief Francisco Carrillo tendered his submission to that body. The liberals could not expect to elect any candidate of their own, and the reactionists, though having a working majority in the assembly, from motives of policy abstained from presenting one of their party; but they finally fixed upon a political nonentity, who was known to be in accord with Nufio and the revolutionists of Chiquimula, named Juan Antonio Martinez,[XIII-43] believing that though a liberal he would not be antagonistic to their interests. The assembly was installed on the 15th of August with Pedro Molina presiding, when Carrera sent in three documents, one of which was his resignation,[XIII-44] which was accepted, no attempt being made to detain him, as it was the general desire that he should leave the country.[XIII-45] Martinez was appointed his successor.[XIII-46] The new president kept Carrera's officers in their commands.[XIII-47] His appointment did not satisfy the chiefs of the revolution,[XIII-48] and through commissioners they made known their demands, dated August 27th, in 18 articles.[XIII-49] The government rejected them, but in a decree requiring their submission offered certain terms, which in their turn were not accepted, and the war went on.
[Sidenote: POLITICAL PARTIES.]
Colonel Nufio had made an arrangement with commissioners Dueñas and Angulo of Salvador for the organization of Los Altos as a separate state. This roused the aristocrats, and their spokesman, Andreu, made such broad statements in the chamber that the president accused him of falsehood, and closed the discussion. The affair widened the breach among the liberals. Luis Molina now organized a third party, that took the name of moderado, most of whose members were from the liberal party and the latter was left an almost insignificant minority. The aristocratic party, albeit divided in appearance, was really united.[XIII-50] They were disquieted, however, by the attitude of Salvador in upholding the independence of Los Altos, which had been organized as a state;[XIII-51] but did not despair of breaking up the friendship between the liberals and the government of Salvador.[XIII-52] The aristocrats set themselves to work to have a motion made by a liberal in the assembly for the confirmation of Carrera's decree of March 21, 1847, to create the republic of Guatemala. Such an act on the part of the liberals would alienate from them the support of the Salvadorans, and reduce them to a nullity. And yet Barrundia made the motion,[XIII-53] and it was received with a shout of applause, and passed on the 14th of September, with only two negative votes.[XIII-54] This ratification was hailed with ringing of bells and salvos of artillery.
[Sidenote: DEATH OF VICENTE CRUZ.]
The revolutionists of Los Altos being defeated at San Andrés,[XIII-55] were obliged to submit, but the situation of the government was made precarious by the defeat of Nufio by the brothers Cruz, who approached the capital.[XIII-56] Unable to negotiate peace, Martinez resigned the executive office, and José Bernardo Escobar succeeded him on the 28th of November.[XIII-57] The new president found all his plans antagonized by the aristocrats and moderados, and the clergy especially mistrusted him and his ministers.[XIII-58] He might easily have dissolved the assembly, but the act would have been repugnant to his principles. He concluded to retire, but his resignation was not accepted.[XIII-59] Vicente Cruz demanded the surrender of the capital, offering security for life and property, a few persons only excepted.[XIII-60] The negotiations for peace having failed, Escobar a second time sent in his resignation, and it was accepted, with marked disrespect on the part of the serviles and moderados.[XIII-61] Manuel Tejada was chosen president on the 30th of December, and declined the honor. Mariano Paredes was then appointed, on the 1st of January, 1849, and took the oath which had been prepared by Paredes, but he soon perjured himself, following explicitly the advice of Luis Batres, and thus becoming a tool of the aristocrats to bring back Carrera to power.[XIII-62] Arrangements were made with the mountaineers, under which Brigadier Vicente Cruz, having recognized the government, entered Guatemala on the 9th of February.[XIII-63] It was noticed, however, that Serapio Cruz and other chiefs remained outside. The men of Agustin Perez afterward committed several murders, and Vicente Cruz went against and defeated them on the 20th of March, but while engaged in the pursuit was struck by a bullet in the chest and fell dead.[XIII-64]
Carrera was known to be on the frontier, and Batres undertook to obtain the assent of the chiefs of the mountain for his return. Not all of them assented, however, Serapio Cruz issuing a very significant manifesto. General Agustin Guzman, the loyal liberal leader, well understood Batres' aims, and having a force at Huehuetenango made a move on Quezaltenango, defeating a large party of Indians, on the way, at San Bartolome. This move further complicated affairs, and Batres resolved to get rid of him by subterfuge.[XIII-65] There were constant skirmishes on the frontier, Carrera having under him a considerable number of Indians.[XIII-66] He finally reached Quezaltenango, and the assembly empowered the government to institute measures for an active campaign.[XIII-67] On the 13th of April, just ten years after the occupation of Guatemala by Carrera, his second entry had been announced. Paredes swore to defend the city against Carrera,[XIII-68] which oath he never intended to keep. Major Victor Zavala, corregidor and comandante of Suchitepequez, made common cause with Carrera.[XIII-69] Paredes, by the advice of Luis Batres and against the wishes of the liberal and moderado leaders, opened negotiations with Carrera, which resulted in the submission of the latter and his forces at Quezaltenango, whereupon it was decreed that all hostilities against him were to cease; the order forbidding his return was revoked, his rank of lieutenant-general was restored, and finally he was given the command-in-chief of the army. The compact between the oligarchy and barbarism was consummated.[XIII-70] He assumed the command on the 8th of August, and on that date and the 18th he issued proclamations conveying his purpose of restoring peace and order, and assuring the people that he was free from hatred.[XIII-71] But the work of vengeance soon began. Efforts were made to convene the assembly with the object in view of arresting the liberal deputies who voted for Carrera's proscription in 1848,[XIII-72] but many of them had fled, and only those remaining were confined in the fort by Carrera's order without remonstrance on the part of the president. It is also said that some persons were shot. Such of the prisoners as did not crave Carrera's pardon were forced to leave the country.[XIII-73]
[Sidenote: THE WAR OF 1850.]
The difference in the principles underlying the policy of the rulers of Guatemala and Salvador, and the bitter animosity existing between them, brought about a war in 1850, in which Salvador, Honduras, and the democrats of Nicaragua were allied against Guatemala.[XIII-74] President Vasconcelos invaded Guatemala,[XIII-75] at the head of an allied force of Salvadorans, Hondurans, and Nicaraguans, but seems to have met with a signal defeat at the hands of an inferior force under Carrera, near Arada, in Chiquimula, on the 2d of February, which compelled a precipitate retreat into Salvadoran territory.[XIII-76] Carrera then marched across the line and established his headquarters in Santa Ana. This move demanded vigorous measures on the part of Salvador for self-defence.[XIII-77]
Carrera wrote the government of Salvador February 22d, that, understanding it wished to make peace, but hesitated to propose it because of the presence of Guatemalan troops in Salvador, he would recross the line, starting on the next day.[XIII-78] Yet the war continued, until a definitive treaty of peace between Guatemala and Salvador was concluded at Guatemala on the 17th of August, 1853, and ratified by Guatemala on the 14th of September.[XIII-79]
The civil strife raging in Guatemala led to differences with Honduras, whose government was accused of favoring the rebels of the mountain. Recriminations and border raids ensued, which culminated in a three years' war between the two countries, Guatemala aiding Guardiola and other enemies of Cabañas, the president of Honduras, in their attempts to overthrow the latter.[XIII-80] At last a treaty was concluded at Guatemala on the 13th of February, 1856, which the government of Guatemala ratified on the 5th of April.[XIII-81]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT.]
The victorious aristocrats now saw their opportunity to reorganize the government under a system more in accordance with their ideas; that is to say, investing the executive with power to crush revolution. Paredes summoned the constituent assembly which had been called by Carrera's decree of May 24, 1848, and it was installed on the 16th of August, 1851. This body on the 19th of October adopted a new constitution under the title of Acta Constitutiva de la República de Guatemala, containing 18 articles.[XIII-82] Another decree regulated the election of representatives of the church and other corporations in the national congress.[XIII-83]
[Sidenote: CARRERA REX.]
The constituent assembly having by the 18th article of the acta reserved to itself the right of choosing the president for the constitutional term from January 1, 1852, to January 1, 1856, chose the only possible candidate, Rafael Carrera,[XIII-84] who on the appointed day assumed the executive office. His reputation for courage, respect for the church, and other circumstances secured a firm support to his administration. On the 21st of October, 1854, Carrera was proclaimed by a general junta of superior authorities president for life,[XIII-85] and the house of representatives on the 29th of January, 1855, passed an act exempting the president from all responsibility for the acts of his government, and devolving it on his ministers.[XIII-86] This change was a near approach to the monarchical system, for which Carrera was supposed to have a decided penchant.[XIII-87] Notwithstanding the strong power thus placed in his hands, a revolt at Quezaltenango the next year almost overthrew him, requiring the use of all his forces to defeat it, at the expense of much disaster and a large number of executions. It was only by great efforts that he succeeded, after so many years of warfare, in quieting the revolted mountaineers. This was accomplished only after peace had been signed with Honduras. His strong supporters, Manuel Francisco Pavon and Luis Batres, died, the former in 1855, and the latter in 1862.[XIII-88]
From this time, peace being finally restored, with only occasional and partial disturbances, the régime established with Carrera at its head was generally acquiesced in. The republic took an active part in the campaign against William Walker and his filibusters in Nicaragua. The services rendered by its forces will appear in the description of the operations of that campaign in a separate chapter.
The year 1863 was inaugurated with another bloody war with Salvador, the details and consequences of which will be treated elsewhere. It is sufficient to say here that Guatemalan arms were successful, and Carrera's power became still more consolidated, and its supremacy was felt over the rest of Central America. He ruled the country uninterruptedly till his death early in April 1865. The highest honors, civic, military, and ecclesiastic, were paid to his remains.[XIII-89] Carrera died in the full conviction that he had been the instrument of providence in saving society and good order in Guatemala. He had been so assured by his supporters, and had come to believe it, in the face of the fact that he had been guilty of heinous crimes and was notoriously immoral.[XIII-90] So die those who pass hence from the murderer's gallows under the banner of the cross, and with priestly consolation.
XIV. REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR
1839-1865.
MALESPIN'S ACTS—LINDO'S COUP D'ETAT AND DEPOSAL—JEFE GUZMAN—REVOLT AT SANTA ANA—PRESIDENT AGUILAR—THE BISHOP EXPELLED—VITERI'S ALLIANCE WITH MALESPIN AND HONDURAN OLIGARCHS—PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS—BRITISH HOSTILITIES—SALVADOR'S RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN POWERS—SAN MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION—DESTRUCTION OF SAN SALVADOR—PRESIDENT CAMPO—CAMPAIGN AGAINST WALKER IN NICARAGUA—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC—SANTIN'S OVERTHROW—PRESIDENCY OF GERARDO BARRIOS—WAR OF SALVADOR AND HONDURAS AGAINST GUATEMALA AND NICARAGUA—THE LATTER VICTORIOUS—BARRIOS' FLIGHT—RESTORATION OF PEACE—DUEÑAS AS PRESIDENT—BARRIOS' SUBSEQUENT RETURN—HIS CAPTURE AND SURRENDER BY NICARAGUA—HIS EXECUTION IN SAN SALVADOR.
The constituent assembly of Salvador, installed at Zacatecoluca on the 1st of August, 1839, after a recess reopened its session on the 2d of January, 1841, and on the 4th there was laid before it an address, signed by Colonel Francisco Malespin, as comandante general, and his officers who took part in the revolt of September 20th, spoken of elsewhere. In the document they disclaimed hostility to Jefe Cañas or his minister, or any intent to override the laws, asserting that they were, on the contrary, actuated by a strong desire to give security to the state, and save themselves from impending destruction.[XIV-1] This address was regarded by the liberals as a threat, inasmuch as Malespin with the garrison had wrongfully assumed a right to deliberate upon public affairs.
Norberto Ramirez, now jefe of Salvador by the grace of Malespin, could no longer brook that officer's interference, and resigned,[XIV-2] Juan Lindo being called to succeed him on the 7th of January. The assembly and chief magistrate of the state were both now under the sword of Malespin, which in its turn was controlled by Carrera of Guatemala. That body, on the 30th of January, 1841, passed an act to call the state in future República del Salvador.[XIV-3] The second constitution of Salvador was adopted on the 18th of February.[XIV-4] Under it the legislature had two chambers. Lindo, the jefe, had a most unpleasant position, believing himself surrounded by conspirators. Counting on Malespin's support, on the 6th of November, 1841, with a coup d'etat he dissolved the chambers, because among its members were some friends of Morazan.[XIV-5] His act caused much indignation in several towns, and on the 13th of January, 1842, three senators, namely, J. V. Nuila, Lupario Vides, and Antonio José Cañas, at San Vicente, resolved to restore constitutional order. The legislative body in consequence assembled there, and made a stirring address to the people, embodying the policy they intended to pursue.[XIV-6] Lindo tried to justify his act of November 6th, but failed, and Senator Escolástico Marin was called to temporarily occupy the executive chair,[XIV-7] with authority to establish the state capital where most expedient.[XIV-8] The government continued for the time being in San Vicente, and the people were called upon to choose a president of the state.
[Sidenote: ARCE, MARIN, GUZMAN.]
Marin held the executive authority a few days only. He had been preceded by Pedro Arce, and was succeeded by Juan José Guzman. The difficulties of the state had not come to an end. Guzman favored the conservative element, as shown in his decree of June 3, 1842, issued after hearing that Morazan was in Costa Rica, to cut off all relations with that state.[XIV-9] He left the executive office in July, and resumed its duties again in September, declaring in a proclamation that he would deal mercilessly with disturbers of the public peace.
The two legislative chambers were installed at San Vicente on the 17th of September, and on the 20th counted the votes for president of the state. No candidate having the requisite majority, Guzman was asked to continue provisionally in charge of the government. His inaugural address was a repetition of his manifesto of the 7th, greatly pleasing the conservatives.[XIV-10] But harmony was not long to prevail between Salvador and Guatemala. The trouble arose from the independent action of Salvador in granting an asylum to the remnants of Morazan's forces against the protests of Guatemala and Honduras, even though the final decree of admission contained some very severe clauses.[XIV-11] Another cause of dissatisfaction against Salvador was that Guzman would not muzzle the press. The independence of Guzman, and the disposition shown by Malespin not to be at all times a facile instrument of the aristocrats, prompted the latter to promote an insurrection of the volcaneños of Santa Ana for their overthrow.[XIV-12] Salvador, though under the pressure of aristocratic control, still had a leaven of progression that made itself felt. The publication of El Amigo del Pueblo was an evidence of this fact. The Aycinenas, Pavon, Luis Batres, and Chatfield, unable to compete with it in the field of discussion, demanded its suppression.[XIV-13]
Guzman in his correspondence with Pavon upheld that journal, and Malespin would read it with satisfaction.[XIV-14] Guatemala resolved at least to use coercion. Carrera established his headquarters at Jutiapa to favor the volcaneños in their rebellion.[XIV-15]
[Sidenote: REVOLUTION.]
The cordial reception given in October to Colonel M. Quijans, commissioner accredited by Nicaragua to Salvador to negotiate a treaty of friendship and alliance, was displeasing to Bishop Viteri, who took advantage of Guzman's absence at San Vicente, in the latter part of that month, to bring about a quarrel between him and Malespin. The latter at this time was said to be in poor health, and the bishop often visited him, and in other ways manifested interest for him. Viteri had directed his clergy to abstain from interference in political affairs, and yet he preached against Morazan and those who had banished Archbishop Casans. The Dominican Vazquez[XIV-16] was virulent, declaring that the ecclesiastical authority would never be under the civil, and threatening the people that the priests would abandon them to suffer from plagues, epidemics, war, and famine, if they continued their iniquitous hostility to the church.[XIV-17]
The revolution was now a fact. Viteri and Malespin supported Fray Vazquez, or Fray Veneno, as he was nicknamed. Once Vazquez fulminated from the pulpit a number of diatribes against President Guzman, at the same time bestowing much praise on Carrera. The result was an order from Guzman, then at San Miguel, to bring the friar there as a prisoner. The bishop remonstrated to Malespin against the order, demanding an escort, as he wished to end the insults to the church by himself leaving the state. Malespin tried to dissuade him from his purpose, and he grew more energetic.[XIV-18] A great tumult ensued one night in the city, when Viteri, Malespin, and Vazquez received an ovation from the rabble of La Vega and San Jacinto, amid repeated cries of "Mueran los judios! mueran los herejes! mueran los impíos!"
Malespin went off to San Miguel, and had some violent correspondence with the president; the latter threatened to expose his intrigues if he did not forthwith depart from San Miguel, and then retired to his hacienda, leaving the state in the hands of Malespin.[XIV-19] Guzman's downfall was hailed with joy in Guatemala and Honduras. In Comayagua it was celebrated with salvos of artillery. After Malespin's return to San Salvador, to please the bishop several persons were banished, and the Amigo del Pueblo was suppressed. The executive office, by Guzman's abandonment of it, went into the hands of Pedro Arce, the vice-president. The two chambers of the assembly opened their session on the 30th of January, 1844. No presidential candidate having a constitutional majority, the assembly chose Malespin president, and he assumed his new duties on the 5th of February, after reading before the two bodies in assembly convened a discourse on his great love for law, justice, and peace. It would have sounded well from the lips of a liberal, and it is barely possible that Malespin expressed his sentiments at that moment. But his education, his habits, and the fatal influence of the men that swayed him, constantly took him out of the right path. As he was under the control of Bishop Viteri, the country must go back to the days of obscurantism. The effects of it were soon made patent.[XIV-20]
The bishop succeeded in driving out of the state the opponents of his theocratic ideas, and in bringing about a change in the government; in fact, everything had been conceded him, and his influence was paramount. And yet he was not satisfied. He would have the Salvadorans believe him a deity, but they arrived at the conclusion that by a great fatality their first bishop had turned out to be a pernicious revolutionist.
In connection with the general history of Central America, I have given the principal events of Salvador down to 1845, when, under the treaty of Sensenti, after a long and exhaustive war with Honduras, the state was rid of the ominous rule of the brutal Malespin. With the discontinuance of the war there was no need of raising further loans; the military establishment was reduced to a minimum, and the authorities and people hastened to restore the constitutional régime; to which end elections of senators and deputies were at once had, in order that the assembly should meet on the 15th of January, 1846, for the term of Vice-president Joaquin Eustacio Guzman, who had charge of the executive authority, would expire on the 1st of February.[XIV-21] On this date he surrendered the office to Senator Fermin Palacios. The assembly did not meet till four days after. The presidential election did not yield a sufficient majority in favor of any one, and the assembly then appointed Eugenio Aguilar.[XIV-22] The president was a good Christian, and attended with regularity to his religious duties as a catholic; and yet Viteri called him a heretic; the reason of it being that Aguilar was a stickler for a constitutional government of the people, and the bishop was an oligarch. The latter now invented the fiction that the president had the intention of exiling him; he had the people in the wards of Candelaria, San Estévan, and Calvario told that their bishop was to be sent out of the country in the night of the 11th of July. He was believed by the simple-minded people when he assured them that Aguilar and others[XIV-23] were at the bottom of it. His report made a commotion though not quite so great a one as he had expected. Nevertheless, he made the most of it, writing to the president, on the 11th of July, that he knew of the plot to repeat with him what had been done with Archbishop Casans, in 1829.[XIV-24] Aguilar was greatly surprised, and believing that with a few words he could convince the bishop of his error, that same afternoon paid the prelate a visit. He found a large concourse of people, before whom the charge was reiterated, and no assurance to the contrary was accepted. A tumult following, the president had the chief guard-house reënforced. Fortunately, a heavy rain scattered to their homes the crowds in the streets; but a considerable number of men ran into the episcopal residence. That night, several persons representing Viteri went to the barracks and demanded Aguilar's resignation. The president meekly assured them of his willingness to retire to private life rather than be the author of any disturbance. Viteri now thought Aguilar was vanquished, but he had not counted on the determination of other Salvadorans to uphold the laws and the government. Quiet was restored for the time, and Aguilar went to his home at midnight unmolested. The next day there was much rioting, and an attempt failed to release the prisoners in the jail.[XIV-25] The rioters were finally defeated, and the bishop had nothing to show for his conduct but the blood shed at his instigation.[XIV-26] Aguilar again, after the people had upheld his authority, showed the weakness of his character in placing the executive office in the hands of Senator Palacios; which emboldened Viteri to continue his intrigues and cause further trouble. He issued a pastoral on the 16th of July, printed in his own house, which reiterated the accusation against the president, and other matters; that pastoral[XIV-27] was fatal to his views, for the people of Salvador made Aguilar resume the presidency. The president, in a long manifesto, explained his conduct, and issued a decree to enforce the articles of the penal code against ecclesiastics who made use of their ministerial office to promote political disturbances.[XIV-28] The bishop, condemned by public opinion, fled to Guatemala, and the president then on the 29th revoked a decree of Palacios of July 12th, and ordered Viteri not to return to Salvadoran territory.
[Sidenote: A WEAK EXECUTIVE.]
Peace and order prevailed after Viteri's departure, and the people again devoted themselves to their usual vocations. But the bishop managed with Malespin and the Honduran oligarchs, notwithstanding the treaty of Sensenti, to bring about a revolution in Salvador.[XIV-29] Malespin attacked Chalatenango, in Salvador, whereupon orders were given to send troops after him.[XIV-30] Viteri who had once excommunicated Malespin, and aided in his overthrow, now said that he was destined by divine providence to defend the religion and rights of the people of Salvador, which had been infamously abused and usurped by their government. Malespin preached religion, and acted like the famous king of the Huns. But his prestige was gone, and at Dulce Nombre de la Palma he met with his first reverse, when he retreated to Dulce Nombre de María, a town twelve miles from the Honduran frontier, and invited Viteri to join him; but that worthy sent him his blessing, and would not expose his person to the hazards of war. Malespin was defeated again by eight hundred men under General Nicolás Angulo, and fled into Honduras, leaving arms and ammunition. Efforts were made to induce the people of Santa Ana to join Ignacio Malespin; but the bishop's letters to rouse them availed but little. He found no favor among the volcaneños, and on his way along the coast to reach Santiago Nonualco was captured, prosecuted, and executed, with some of his accomplices.[XIV-31] Francisco Malespin was killed at San Fernando, near Honduras, the inhabitants cutting off his head, and carrying it as a trophy to San Salvador.[XIV-32] Bishop Viteri in 1847 went to reside in Nicaragua, becoming a citizen of the state, to which diocese he was subsequently translated by the pope. Nothing worthy of mention occurred within the state in 1847. The Salvador government now represented the liberal party in Central America, and devoted its attention to education, arts, and industries.
[Sidenote: PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS.]
The presidential term under the constitution being only of two years, elections were orderly effected, and the assembly opened its session on the 25th of January, 1848. Doroteo Vasconcelos was the popular choice for the presidential term of 1848, and entered upon his duties on the 7th of February, 1848.[XIV-33] In a conciliatory address he eschewed all spirit of partisanship, tendering to all his fellow-citizens peace, justice, and union.[XIV-34] For all that, the oligarchs abhorred him. Indeed, his government and Carrera's could not exist so near each other. The aristocrats well knew he was not to be won over to their side, as well as the difficulties they must work against to undermine his popularity. But they looked for early success from internal dissension and other sources.[XIV-35] Aguilar's administration had refused to recognize the republic of Guatemala, and Vasconcelos' could do no less.[XIV-36]
The territory was twice invaded by troops of Guatemala in pursuit of insurgents, against which Vasconcelos remonstrated, and satisfaction was given and accepted with good grace. He was observing a policy of expectancy, albeit on his guard. Guatemala was then in the throes of revolution from which he expected to see the Central American nation spring into a second life; but he was mistaken in the means he employed. A few proclamations, written in Guatemala by well-known persons, and appearing in the name of Francisco Carrillo, spoke of the independence of Los Altos as the aim of a revolution such as Vasconcelos wanted.[XIV-37] Not that he expected to see an absolute equality of the state, but that there should not be such differences as existed under the constitution of 1824. He believed himself supported, and steadily marched on upon a path that led to his ruin, carrying down with him the whole liberal party of Central America.
Vasconcelos labored for a federation of three states—Guatemala, Salvador, and Los Altos—which once consolidated, Nicaragua and Honduras would doubtlessly join, and later on attract Costa Rica to do the same. This idea had no opposition before the revolution of August 1848, in Guatemala. Vasconcelos received many offers of support to prosecute his plan. He accordingly instructed Dueñas and General Angulo to enter into arrangements with General Nufio of Chiquimula, and made every possible effort to force Carrera's resignation on the 15th of August, 1848; but some of the liberals of Guatemala, after ridding themselves of Carrera, neglected Vasconcelos. Dueñas was sent there with ample powers for the organization of a republic of Central America, but he was slighted, and accomplished nothing. During his stay in Guatemala, a decree was enacted on the 14th of September, 1848, according to which that state was declared a sovereign nation and independent republic.[XIV-38] Vasconcelos, with all his liberalism, and placed as he was at the head of a liberty-loving democratic people, was still under the influence of the old colonial traditions. He as well as his people looked with admiration at the greatness of the United States of America, but lacked the courage to emulate their example. The United States had no official church, but Salvador recognized one. Licenciado Ignacio Gomez was despatched to Rome to negotiate the recall of Bishop Viteri, the appointment of another prelate, and the conclusion of a concordat.[XIV-39] His mission was so far successful that on the 3d of July, 1848, Tomás Miguel Pineda y Zaldaña was preconizated as bishop of Antigona in partibus infidelium, and given the administration of the diocese of Salvador, with the right of succession. The news of this appointment was received with joy, and Vasconcelos erroneously expected to have a support in the new prelate,[XIV-40] when there was more likelihood of his coinciding with Pavon and his confrères. Indeed, Zaldaña, from his greater wariness, was a more dangerous man than Viteri.
The legislative chambers met on the 5th of February, 1849. The president's term would end with the beginning of 1850, and there could be no reëlection under the constitution.[XIV-41] But Vasconcelos' friends insisted on his being reëlected, necessitating an amendment of the fundamental law, and in spite of opposition obtained an act of the assembly permitting the reëlection.[XIV-42] This was an unfortunate move, as it divided the liberal party, and encouraged Dueñas, who wanted the presidency, and was not scrupulous as to the means of attaining it, to redouble his manœuvres, even though he must call to his aid Carrera and Luis Batres.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: BRITISH INTERMEDDLING.]
In 1849, Salvador became involved in a quarrel with the British chargé d'affaires, Chatfield, resulting from alleged claims preferred by him with his usual haughtiness, on behalf of fellow-subjects of his. Vasconcelos' government looked on these claims as unjust, and refused them recognition. Chatfield then caused the blockading by a naval force of La Union, the port from which Salvador derived the greater portion of her revenue.[XIV-43] Unable to resist, her government agreed on the 12th of November, 1849, to acknowledge the indebtedness, and make provision for its payment. The blockade was then raised.[XIV-44] But this did not end the disagreements between Chatfield and the Salvador government. On the 6th of August he made peremptory demands,[XIV-45] coupled with a menace that if not complied with at once the coasts of the state would be blockaded by British war ships then coming to act under his instructions. The government of Salvador did not comply with the demands,[XIV-46] and on the 16th of October port La Union was blockaded by the British ship Champion, whose commander notified the authorities that if within ten days full satisfaction were not given for the insults to the British flag, the blockade would be extended to the whole coast, another vessel being despatched to Acajutla to enforce it. No satisfaction having been given as demanded, that menace was carried out. The difficulties remained unsettled in the latter part of February 1851, though the British war vessels had retired.[XIV-47] But they were subsequently arranged in an amicable manner. With the exception of these troubles, and the repeated differences with the other states of Central America, Salvador has maintained friendly relations with foreign powers, most of which have treaties with her on terms satisfactory to all concerned.[XIV-48]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: MULTIPLIED HOSTILITIES.]
Vasconcelos was not more successful in preserving peace within the state than in forcing Guatemala to abandon the policy she had adopted of maintaining an absolute autonomy. In his invasion of that neighbor's territory early in 1851, as we have seen in the previous chapter, he was worsted, which roused popular indignation against him, followed by a revolt, and his deposal by congress.[XIV-49] On the 1st of March, the substitute, J. F. Quiroz, was called to occupy the executive chair, and did so.[XIV-50] The president for the constitutional term 1852-3 was Francisco Dueñas, who succeeded in settling the differences existing between Salvador and Guatemala.
A serious disagreement having occurred between Salvador and Honduras, leading to hostilities, the government of Guatemala, then at war with Honduras, despatched a force to Ahuachapan in aid of Dueñas, who apprehended an invasion.[XIV-51] Toward the end of this term José María de San Martin was chosen for the next. The state now returned in peace to its interior affairs, adopting important improvements.[XIV-52] There were not wanting, however, some attempts to disturb the public peace, which were fortunately defeated. But the country became at that time the victim of other calamities, such as cholera, scarcity of food resulting from a visitation of locusts, and an earthquake which destroyed San Salvador on the 16th of April, 1854,[XIV-53] in consequence of which the capital was removed to Cojutepeque, where it remained for some time.
Rafael Campo and Francisco Dueñas were elected president and vice-president, respectively, for the ensuing term of 1856-7; and the latter being in charge of the executive office in January 1856, in Campo's absence, fitted out a contingent of troops to aid Nicaragua in her struggle with Walker's filibusters. Campo despatched reënforcements in 1857, the Salvador forces being under command of General Gerardo Barrios, who, according to Perez, never went beyond Leon,[XIV-54] but undertook to arrange the internal affairs of Nicaragua, convoking a junta de notables, which proclaimed Juan Sacasa president. This had no effect, however.
The state had, in 1856, constituted itself as a free and independent nation, under the name of República del Salvador.[XIV-55] This act was confirmed March 19, 1864, by the national constituent congress.
[Sidenote: CAMPO AND BARRIOS.]
General Belloso, Colonel Choto, and other officers of the expedition deserted in June from Leon. Barrios sent troops after them, and they were arrested in Salvador and taken as prisoners to Cojutepeque, where they told President Campo that Barrios had invited them to make a revolution against his government. They were set at liberty on the 8th. Barrios landed at La Libertad with his forces on the 6th, and marched to San Salvador, whence he wrote Campo he had occupied that place to defeat the revolutionary schemes of Belloso and Choto. Orders were sent him to dissolve the forces and go to Cojutepeque with 200 men. On the 11th Barrios, together with his officers, made a pronunciamiento to depose Campo and call Dueñas to the presidency.[XIV-56] The president on the 12th called troops to the support of his government, placed San Salvador and Cojutepeque under martial law, and declared all acts emanating from the vice-president void. But it seems that the latter refused to lend himself to Barrios' plan, but on the contrary, supported Campo.[XIV-57] Barrios himself submitted.[XIV-58]
Campo's successor was Miguel Santin del Castillo. This president's tenure of office was of short duration. In 1858 a coup d'etat of Barrios, then a senator, in which he was aided by the vice-president Guzman, his father-in-law, forced Santin to resign. Barrios subsequently obtained from the legislative assembly, sitting from January 17 to February 12, 1859, the sanction of his coup d'etat, as well as the constitutional amendments that he had not been able to carry through legally during Santin's rule, namely, to extend the presidential term from two to six years, and that of the deputies from two to four years.[XIV-59] The year 1859 was one of restlessness, engendered partly by the ungrounded fear of invasion by Santin's friends, who had taken refuge in neighboring states, and partly by Barrios' efforts to secure his own election to the presidency, in which he was successful. In August 1859 the existing disagreements between Salvador and Honduras, resulting from intrigues of refugees from the former, were brought to an end through the mediation of Guatemala.[XIV-60]
[Sidenote: INVASION OF SANTA ANA.]
The republic seemed to have attained a comparatively stable condition at the incoming of 1860. Barrios had been elected president, and recognized as such by the assembly.[XIV-61] He concluded in 1862 to hold diplomatic relations with the vice-president, who under the constitution of Honduras was entitled to occupy the executive chair of that state at the death of President Guardiola, and was favored by public opinion, although Carrera of Guatemala was upholding Medina, a usurper of the presidency. A treaty of alliance, both defensive and offensive, was entered into between Salvador and this vice-president,[XIV-62] which displeased Carrera; he demanded explanations, and they were given him.[XIV-63] The latter found an excuse to pick a quarrel with Barrios in the question with the Salvador clergy, who had been required to take an oath of allegiance to the government,[XIV-64] which they refused to do, Bishop Pineda y Zaldaña and a number of his subordinates repairing to Guatemala, where they were honorably received. Barrios was accused in the official journal of setting aside the conservative policy promised at his inauguration.[XIV-65] An expedition, under Colonel Saenz, believed to have been aided by Carrera, invaded Santa Ana at the cry of Viva la religion! Viva el obispo! and took the city, but were soon driven away by the citizens. Carrera disclaimed any connection with this affair. Some time after came Máximo Jerez, as minister of Nicaragua, proposing a plan of national union for Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, with the intention of inviting Guatemala and Costa Rica to join them; but the project failed because of the refusal of Honduras to enter into the arrangement. Carrera had meantime dissuaded President Martinez of Nicaragua from the scheme.
The Guatemalan government was preparing for war against Salvador, and succeeded in winning the coöperation of Martinez.[XIV-66] Honduras, being an ally of Salvador, Florencio Xatruch was assisted by Carrera to make a revolt in several departments against the government of Honduras. Salvador tried to avert hostilities. Friends of peace, among them the American and British representatives, mediated, but all was of no avail.[XIV-67]
[Sidenote: OFFICE-SEEKERS WAR.]
The war contemplated by Carrera was unpopular in Guatemala, where the people of late years had been enjoying peace and prosperity, and feared a recurrence of the former desolations. But their ruler was prompted by a deadly animosity to Barrios, and by the fear that the alliance of the latter with Jerez would endanger conservatism, and consequently his own power. Whereupon he resolved to crush at one blow the disturber of the public peace, as Barrios was called by the oligarchs.[XIV-68] He invaded Salvador with a large force, a proclamation preceding him to inform the people that the war would be against Barrios and not themselves. He felt certain of a speedy victory, and blindly assailed Coatepeque, where Barrios was entrenched. He was repulsed with such heavy losses[XIV-69] that he had to retreat to his own capital, which he entered March 6th at the head of only 3,000 men. But this reverse did not discourage him. He fitted out another army, and started upon a second campaign that should be decisive[XIV-70] against Salvador and Honduras, the latter having espoused Barrios' cause. Meantime Martinez of Nicaragua had gained a battle at the town of San Felipe on the 29th of April, against a united force of Jerez' partisans and Salvadorans.[XIV-71] Moreover, Honduras was invaded by 800 Guatemalans under General Cerna. The Salvadoran and Honduran troops were defeated[XIV-72] by the allied Guatemalans and Nicaraguans, on the plains of Santa Rosa, which prompted revolts in the greater part of the departments of Salvador, proclaiming Dueñas provisional president, who organized a government at Sonsonate.[XIV-73] Intrigues were successfully brought into play upon several Salvadoran commanders to induce them to revolt against Barrios, and to aid his enemies.[XIV-74] One of those officers was General Santiago Gonzalez, commanding the troops at Santa Ana during Barrios' temporary absence at San Salvador. He made a pronunciamiento on the 30th of June, telling the soldiers that a similar movement had taken place the previous day at the capital, and Barrios was a prisoner, and his government dissolved. On discovering the deception some battalions escaped and joined the president at San Salvador, Gonzalez being left with a small number of troops. Carrera was now near Santa Ana, and demanded Gonzalez' surrender and recognition of Dueñas as provisional president, which, being declined, Carrera attacked and easily defeated him on the 3d of July,[XIV-75] the Salvadoran artillery and a large quantity of ammunition falling into the victor's hands. Carrera was now master of the situation,[XIV-76] and his opponent virtually without means of defence, superadded to which the influence of the clergy had turned the Indians to Carrera's side. Barrios continued his efforts, however, and held out four months at San Salvador, though closely besieged and suffering from want of food and ammunition.[XIV-77] He had refused to listen to proposals offering him the honors of war, believing that once in Carrera's hands his fate would be sealed.[XIV-78] At last further defence was impossible, and Barrios escaped out of the city early on the 26th of October, and subsequently out of the country.[XIV-79] The surrender of the city took place the same day, and on the 30th Dueñas, now placed at the head of affairs, decreed thanks and honors to Carrera and Martinez, and their respective armies.[XIV-80]
[Sidenote: DEATH OF BARRIOS.]
Barrios, having with him arms and ammunition, embarked at Panamá in 1865, on the schooner Manuela Planas for La Union, to place himself at the head of a movement initiated by Cabañas in that port and San Miguel in his favor. It was only on arrival that he heard of the failure of that movement,[XIV-81] and on his return the schooner was struck by lightning in waters off Nicaragua at the Aserradores. He sent to Corinto for water and provisions, and the consequence was that a Nicaraguan force came on board and captured him. He was taken to Leon on the 30th of June.[XIV-82] The government of Salvador demanded his extradition that he might be tried, the national congress having impeached him. The result of this was a convention entered into at Leon July 14, 1865, between Gregorio Arbizú, minister of Salvador, and Pedro Zeledon, plenipotentiary for Nicaragua, by which the latter government assented to the surrender of Barrios, under the express stipulation that his life should be spared whatever might be the result of his trial.[XIV-83] But the government of Salvador, in disregard of this obligation, had Barrios sentenced to death by a court-martial, and he was executed at 4:30 in the morning of August 29th, against the remonstrances of the representative of Nicaragua. The latter could do nothing but protest, and throw the infamy of the deed upon Dueñas and his administration.
* * * * *
Bishop Zaldaña returned to his diocese at the termination of the war in the latter part of 1863, and issued a pastoral letter recommending concord and union among his flock. The provisional government called on the people to choose a constituent assembly to reorganize the government and frame a new constitution. This assembly met on the 18th of February, 1864, and on the same date sanctioned the last revolutionary movement, which deposed Barrios from the presidency, and called Dueñas to fill it. His acts to that date were approved, and he was recognized as provisional executive till a constitutional one should be elected. That body at a later date promulgated a new constitution in 104 articles, which like the fundamental charters of the other Central American states at that time was exceedingly conservative. The only religion recognized was the Roman catholic.
At the elections which took place ten months after the promulgation of the new charter, Dueñas was apparently elected president for the first constitutional term, and the constitutional congress recognized him as such. He took formal possession of the office February 1, 1865. Congress closed its session on the 21st of the same month.
XV. REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS
1840-1865.
PRESIDENT FERRERA—REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS—POLITICAL EXECUTIONS—PRESIDENCY OF JUAN LINDO—NEW CONSTITUTION—LINDO OVERTHROWN—BELIZE—HONDURAS' TROUBLES WITH GREAT BRITAIN—BRITISH OCCUPATION OF TIGER ISLAND—BOMBARDMENT OF OMOA—BAY ISLANDS—PRESIDENT CABAÑAS—WAR WITH GUATEMALA—GUARDIOLA'S ASSASSINATION—PROVISIONAL RULES OF CASTELLANOS AND MONTES—ALLIANCE WITH BARRIOS—UNSUCCESSFUL WAR WITH GUATEMALA AND NICARAGUA—MONTES DEPOSED—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC—JOSÉ M. MEDINA CHOSEN PRESIDENT—AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION.
The house of representatives of the Estado Libre y Soberano de Honduras, on the 30th of December, 1840, chose Francisco Ferrera president,[XV-1] and he took possession of the office on the 1st of January, 1841. The chamber closed its session on the 6th of March.
It is unnecessary to repeat here the history of Honduras down to 1844, as it has been given in connection with other sections of Central America. The state assembly was installed on the 11th of January, with ceremonies more religious than political, as befitted a country where the influence of the church was so overwhelming.[XV-2] The chamber bepraised Ferrera with as much gusto as the church had smoked him with incense at the cathedral, and on the 26th he was formally declared a benemérito de la patria, and confirmed as a general of division, which rank had been conferred on him by the government in March 1839.[XV-3]
Much was said at the opening of the legislative session about peace, but the fact was, that a number of towns were greatly agitated, owing to the heavy burdens weighing on them, and to the displeasure caused by many citizens having been driven into exile. Among these towns were Texiguat, La Plazuela, and Comayagüela. Santos Guardiola was sent against them, and was not successful, though he asserted in a proclamation that he had defeated the rebels. The war spread,[XV-4] and Ferrera deemed it expedient to leave the executive office in charge of the ministers for a time, and to personally take command of the forces to operate against the insurgents. Guardiola defeated them at Corpus on the 1st of July, and captured their correspondence, with Rivera, Orellana, and the other leaders.[XV-5]
[Sidenote: REVOLUTION AND ELECTION.]
An insurrection of the troops at Olancho took place in December, which was soon quelled, and stringent measures were adopted by Ferrera against its promoters.[XV-6] Amid this state of affairs Ferrera's term was approaching its end, and he could not be reëlected a second time under the constitution of 1839. Elections were held, and arrangements made so that he could continue in power as minister of war with the chief command of the forces.[XV-7] Guardiola had been also dubbed a benemérito, and his friends wished to raise him to the presidential chair, but did not succeed.[XV-8] No candidate obtained the requisite majority, and the legislature chose Coronado Chavez president.[XV-9]
Ex-jefe Rivera, taking advantage of the absence of Ferrera with most of his forces in Nicaragua, invaded Honduras for the purpose of overthrowing the existing government. The people failed to coöperate with him, and he was defeated and made prisoner. On the 4th of January, 1845, he, with Martinez, Landa, and Julian Diaz arrived at Comayagua in irons. The official journal announced that Rivera was to be tried and punished. He was in fact doomed to the scaffold before he was tried.[XV-10]
Guardiola's atrocities in La Union and San Miguel, spoken of in a former chapter, won him additional honors from the subservient assembly of Honduras. He was a second time declared a benemérito, and awarded a gold medal. Chavez, the tool of Ferrera, was not neglected. He was given the title of Padre conscripto de la patria, with an accompanying medal.[XV-11] The assembly closed on the 23d of March, well satisfied of the wisdom of its measures. Another presidential election came up, and no one having the requisite number of votes, the assembly, January 14, 1847, chose Ferrera, who declined the position, and Juan Lindo was then appointed, Ferrera continuing as war minister, with the command of the troops annexed, which was what he desired. Guardiola was retained in the office of minister of foreign relations, though unfit for it.
When the army of the United States was in Mexico, Lindo seemed greatly exasperated thereby; the president, without first obtaining the sanction of the representatives, issued manifestos, on the 1st and 2d of June, 1847, which were an open declaration of war against the United States.[XV-12]
Lindo desired to control affairs for an unlimited time, and the constitution allowing him only a two-years tenure, and containing, besides, several clauses repugnant to him, it was doomed.[XV-13] A constituent assembly was accordingly called to frame a new charter, which was adopted at Comayagua February 4, 1848.[XV-14]
Lindo continued as president under the new régime.[XV-15] The legislature had assembled at Cedros on the 10th of June, 1849, when the president reported the state at peace, and its relations with the other states on a satisfactory footing. But he acknowledged that his government was harassed by party contentions. Order had been maintained thus far by a strict impartiality toward the factions, with the coöperation of some good and influential citizens.[XV-16] This was not to last long; for on the 12th of February, 1850, Guardiola, deceived by representations of Felipe Jáuregui and the aristocrats of Guatemala, in which the British chargé, Chatfield, had no little part, made a pronunciamiento at Tegucigalpa, where the government then was, and Lindo had to flee. The latter finally entrenched himself at Nacaome, near the bay of Fonseca, and asked for assistance from the governments of Salvador and Nicaragua, which under the terms of their confederacy they were bound to afford him. Salvador at once sent a considerable force under General Cabañas, and Nicaragua prepared to do the same if necessity required it. Guardiola's movement was not seconded elsewhere. But he marched against Nacaome, and at Pespire commissioners of Salvador and Lindo made him understand his false position, and an understanding was then had, on the 25th of March, by which he submitted to Lindo's authority.[XV-17]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: WAR AND TREATIES.]
The treaties of 1783 and 1786 between Great Britain and Spain reserved to the latter the sovereignty over Belize, otherwise called British Honduras, granting to the settlers merely the privilege of cutting dye and other woods,[XV-18] using the spontaneous products of the soil, fishing along the coast, repairing their vessels, and building houses and stores. The colonists were not to set up any government, either civil or military, construct forts or defences, maintain troops of any kind, or possess any artillery.[XV-19]
[Sidenote: BELIZE.]
Governor O'Neill of Yucatan made an expedition in 1798 against the English settlers during war between the two nations, and destroyed a number of settlements on the Rio Nuevo, but was afterward repulsed by the colonists and slaves of Belize. This circumstance was claimed to have given the victors the right of conquest over the territory occupied by them. But neither Spain, nor Mexico after her independence, recognized that pretension, nor was it admitted by the British parliament.[XV-20] Furthermore, the treaty signed in London, December 26, 1826, between Great Britain and Mexico was negotiated on the express condition that the treaty of July 14, 1786, between the Spanish and British crowns should be held valid and observed in all its provisions.[XV-21] Therefore the conclusion we must arrive at is, that the sovereignty over Belize belongs to Mexico and not to Great Britain. Mexico's claim has been recognized by the settlers, when it suited their interests, but they were never equally disposed to abide by the obligations of the treaty of 1826.[XV-22] Their encroachments on Yucatan have continued to the extent that they now hold much more than was conditionally allowed them for wood-cutting by the treaty of 1783.[XV-23]
Affecting to forget that they were entitled merely to the usufruct of the country, the settlers set up as early as 1798 a government,[XV-24] raised troops, built forts, tilled the soil, and exercised every right implying full sovereignty. Alexander M'Donald, while holding the office of superintendent,[XV-25] on the 2d of November, 1840, set aside the laws and usages of the country, declaring that from said date the law of England should be the law of the settlement or colony of British Honduras, and that all local customs and laws repugnant to the spirit of the law of England, and opposed to the principles of equity and justice, should be null.[XV-26] In later years the government has been in the hands of a lieutenant-governor, with an executive and legislative council, and the colony has the usual judicial establishment.[XV-27]
The assumption of sovereignty is not Mexico's only cause of complaint. Since the war of races broke out in Yucatan in 1847, the people of Belize have sold arms and ammunition to the revolted Indians. Early in 1848 the authorities promised that the Indians should not be aided, directly or indirectly; but the promise was not fulfilled.[XV-28] The population is mainly negro, originally introduced as slaves; the rest, excepting a few white men, is a hybrid race resulting from intercourse with Europeans and Indians. The total population in 1871 was nearly 25,000, of which there were probably 1,000 more males than females.[XV-29] Slavery was abolished by an act of the inhabitants on the 1st of August, 1840.[XV-30]
The chief product of the country is mahogany, of which some 20,000 tons were exported annually, but the demand for it lately has decreased. Its logwood is much valued, and about 15,000 tons are yearly exported. Besides these staples, the country produces other woods of value, and the cahoon or coyal palm in abundance, from the nuts of which is extracted a valuable oil. Sarsaparilla and vanilla are found in the interior. Of domestic animals there are enough for the needs of the people. The colony during the last fifteen or twenty years has been on the downward course.
In former times the port of Belize was an entrepôt for the neighboring states of Yucatan, Guatemala, and Honduras,[XV-31] but after the opening of direct trade between those states and the United States and Europe, and the diversion of trade on the Pacific to Panamá, that source of prosperity ceased. Total tonnage entered and cleared in 1877, exclusive of coasting trade, 73,974, of which 46,168 were British. Value of imports, in ten years ending in 1877, £1,781,175; for that year, £165,756, of which £84,540 were from Great Britain. Value of exports for 1877, £124,503, of which £94,548 went to Great Britain.[XV-32] The average rate of duties on imports is ten per cent ad valorem; machinery, coal, and books entering free. The gross amount of revenue for 1863, £27,398; for 1877, £41,488. Public expenditure for the latter year, £39,939.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ENGLISH COERCION.]
The relations of Honduras with Great Britain were during many years in an unsatisfactory state, due in a great measure to the schemes of certain officials of the latter government, who pushed ungrounded claims against the former in the furtherance of their plans to gain control of a large extent of the Central American coast. On the 3d of October, 1849, a British war ship at Trujillo demanded the sum of $111,061, alleged to be due to subjects of her nation. The demand not being complied with, an armed force was landed from her the next day, which occupied the fort and town. The British commander finally accepted on account $1,200—all that the Honduran comandante could procure—and on reëmbarking fired a volley.[XV-33]
On the southern coast the British steamship Gorgon, on the 16th of November, seized the island of Tiger, hoisting the British flag at Amapala.[XV-34] The authorities of Honduras, after protesting against the act, called the attention of the United States representative to the British proceeding, for this island had been ceded to his government in September previous.[XV-35] It is presumed that Chatfield's purpose, among other things, was to prevent the construction of a canal across Nicaragua by Americans. But Admiral Hornby, commanding the British naval forces in the Pacific, disapproved of the proceeding, removing his men and restoring the Honduran flag under a salute of twenty-one guns.[XV-36]
A preliminary convention was entered into at San José, Costa Rica, December 29, 1849, between Felipe Jáuregui, calling himself commissioner of Honduras, and Chatfield, the British chargé d'affaires, in nine articles, some of which involved undue responsibility on the part of Honduras.[XV-37] This treaty was disavowed by her government, March 22, 1850, in a note to Admiral Hornby, declaring that Jáuregui had no authority to make it, and its stipulations being offensive to the dignity of the state, the legislature would never sanction them.[XV-38] Meanwhile Honduras had agreed with Chatfield to accredit a commissioner to arrange with him for the settlement of British claims. This was done; and the long and tedious question was finally arranged on the 27th of March, 1852, Honduras assuming an indebtedness of $80,000.[XV-39]
[Sidenote: FUTILE PROTESTS.]
The debt question was not the only source of disquietude for Honduras in her relations with Great Britain. British officials, on trumped-up pretexts, usurped and held, during several years, portions of her territory. M'Donald, superintendent of Belize, occupied Roatan and other islands belonging to Honduras situated in the bay of this name. The Honduran government protested against such usurpation, but no attention was paid to its remonstrances. It does not appear, however, that Great Britain was claiming territorial rights over the Bay Islands, as they were called.[XV-40] Soon afterward, a number of Cayman islanders settled in Roatan, and in the course of a few years there were about 1,000, when the superintendent of Belize found a pretext to assume the control. In 1849, the islanders applied to Colonel Fancourt, then superintendent of Belize, for a regular government. He promised to comply with their wishes, but was unable, and they continued choosing their authorities. At last, in August 1850, the war schooner Bermuda, Lieutenant Jolly commanding, took formal possession of Roatan, Guanaja or Bonaca, Utila, Barbarreta, Morat, Elena, etc., in behalf of the British crown, declaring them a British appendage under the name of Colony of the Bay Islands; against which the acting chief magistrate, William Fitzgibbon, protested on the 15th of September, 1850, in the name of the sovereignty of Honduras.[XV-41] The islands were, in August 1852, under the rule of a lieutenant-governor.[XV-42] A treaty was finally concluded between the queen of Great Britain and Honduras, on the 28th of November, 1859, respecting the Bay Islands, the Mosquito Indians, and the claims of British subjects, which settled the question in favor of the latter power.[XV-43] Still one more trouble has occurred between the two nations, in which the weaker one had to submit to the demand of the other at the mouth of her cannon. On the 19th of August, 1873, the war ship Niobe, Sir Lambton Loraine commanding, bombarded Fort San Fernando of Omoa.[XV-44] The bombardment ceased on the Honduran authorities agreeing to redress the alleged grievances, and paying damages.[XV-45] With other nations of Europe and America—excepting the sister states, with which repeated bickerings have occurred, leading sometimes to war—Honduras has succeeded in maintaining friendly relations.[XV-46] The boundary between Honduras and Nicaragua was finally agreed upon in a convention dated September 1, 1870.[XV-47] In 1866 the Honduran government entered into a concordat with the pope for an understanding on affairs ecclesiastical.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: PRESIDENT CABAÑAS.]
President Lindo, having been a third time elected to the presidency for the term to begin February 1, 1852, published on the 25th of November, 1851, a manifesto to the people, suggesting the expediency of calling some other citizen to the executive chair, pleading at the same time need of rest.[XV-48] The people took him at his word, and chose Trinidad Cabañas president, who was inducted into office at Comayagua on the 1st of March, 1852,[XV-49] and on the next day in his address to the assembly pledged his word to pursue a liberal policy in observance of the principles that had guided him throughout his career. His election was hailed as an auspicious event, and a safeguard against Guatemala's encroachments.[XV-50] The state was at peace in the interior, and with the other states of Central America, except Guatemala, with which the relations were not harmonious, owing to the usurpation by the latter of a portion of Honduran territory on the Copan side. This, with divergence in political principles between the two rulers, soon brought on a bloody war,[XV-51] which has been detailed in a previous chapter.[XV-52] The fruitlessness of this contest prompted Salvador and Nicaragua to use their endeavors for peace; but they proved unavailing. What Guatemala's superior resources failed to accomplish on the field of battle was, however, brought about by means of intrigue, with the coöperation of the party opposed to Cabañas in Honduras, headed by General Santos Guardiola, which received efficacious aid from Carrera. General Juan Lopez supported the revolutionary movement with 700 men,[XV-53] and Cabañas was overthrown on the 6th of July, 1855.[XV-54]
At last, being unable to cope with the daily increasing forces of the enemy, he abandoned the field, and retreated to Salvador. The serviles again took possession of the government under Lopez.[XV-55] The presidential election took place amid this turmoil. The state was divided into two factions, one supporting Lindo and the other Guardiola. The friends of Lindo, not feeling certain of success, proposed Lopez as a compromise candidate, he being credited with the expulsion of Cabañas, but finally abandoned the plan and cast their votes for Guardiola, who assumed the executive office, February 17, 1856, on his return from Nicaragua, where he had been defeated by William Walker. Lindo had meantime been in charge of the government.[XV-56] A system of despotism was now established, Guardiola being but a satellite of Carrera.[XV-57]
[Sidenote: POLITICAL DESPOTISM.]
The country at this time was in a distressed condition. Agriculture was neglected, most of the field hands having emigrated. Business of all kinds was at a stand-still. There was no available revenue, for every one of its branches was burdened with debt. The state had a contingent of troops serving in Nicaragua against Walker, supported from a special forced loan. To the credit of Guardiola's administration must be recorded, however, that it secured peace with Guatemala, and a settlement of questions pending with Great Britain. At the end of his term he was reëlected. Early in 1861 the government had a difference with the vicario capitular. The see being then vacant, this ecclesiastic assumed the right of excommunicating the president, whom he accused of persecuting the church; but the government forbade the publication of his decree, and expelled its author from the state.[XV-58] This difficulty was subsequently arranged through the metropolitan of Guatemala. Disturbances occurred at various places,[XV-59] which were brought to an end in a short time. On the 11th of January, 1862, the president was assassinated.[XV-60] At first it was feared that discord would reign again, and the other Central American governments prepared to mediate in the interests of peace.[XV-61] Fortunately, good counsels prevailed, and anarchical tendencies were for a time checked.
[Sidenote: BRIEF REIGNS.]
Guardiola's constitutional successor, Victoriano Castellanos, was in Salvador, and much against his will was pushed by Barrios to accept the position. He repaired to the frontier, and had the oath of office administered to him by the alcalde of the little town of Guarita; which was considered a strange proceeding on his part by Senator José María Medina, who had received the executive office from J. F. Montes,[XV-62] and invited him to the capital to enter upon his duties.[XV-63] Castellanos concluded soon after an alliance offensive and defensive with Barrios, and at a time when their states were at peace with the other governments of Central America. This step, and the diatribes of the press in Salvador and Honduras against the governments of Guatemala and Nicaragua, paved the way for fresh troubles in Central America. Castellanos held the government about ten months, nearly all the time in a turmoil; and at his death was temporarily succeeded by José Francisco Montes, who followed in the footsteps of his predecessor, continuing the alliance with Barrios, and hostilities against Guatemala and Nicaragua. The serviles, assisted by the troops of these two states, being victorious, overthrew him, and on the 21st of June, 1863, placed at the head of affairs, as provisional president of the republic of Honduras, the senior senator, José María Medina,[XV-64] who issued a decree of outlawry against Montes.[XV-65] In December the capital was for a time transferred to Gracias, and on the last day of the same month Medina surrendered the executive office to Francisco Inestroza.[XV-66] On the 15th of February of the following year, the presidential election took place, and Medina and Florencio Xatruch appeared to have obtained the popular suffrages, the former for president and the latter for vice-president.[XV-67]
Disturbances at Olancho were with little difficulty brought to an end, the rebels being defeated at Tapescos. A constituent assembly was convoked and met to reform the constitution, which was done on the 19th of September.[XV-68] On the 29th of October, the constituent assembly just prior to adjournment appointed Medina provisional president,[XV-69] the date for the election of the constitutional one being fixed on the 1st of December. Another decree of the same date granted a full amnesty for all political offences committed since February 4, 1848.