Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 4 (of 16) (part 8 of 8)

Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 4 (of 16) (part 8 of 8)

Sir, I will now consider her provinces, about which so much has been said. I, too, will speak of that wonderful country, called Canada, which unites in itself all contrarieties! Which is so cold and sterile, as to be not worth possessing; and so fertile, that if, by any calamity it should become ours, it would seduce away our population; which is so unhappy under the British Government as not to lure our inhabitants; yet so happy, that it is criminal to disturb their felicity;--whose inhabitants, if united with ours, would destroy us, because they have none of the habits of freemen; and who, well knowing the privileges of their free Government, will defend them to the last. A country which is of no importance to Great Britain, and whose loss would not make her feel; a country which is so valuable to Great Britain that she will never give it up. A country so weak that it is inglorious to attack it; and a country so strong that we can never take it. But, sir, leaving these, and a thousand other contradictions, the work of fancy or of spleen, I will present to the House what I believe to be a true view of the subject, drawn from a near residence and much careful examination. Canada is of great importance both to Great Britain and the United States. It is important to Great Britain in the amount and kind of its exports. In the last year preceding war, its exports amounted to between seven and nine millions of dollars, an amount almost as great as the exports of the United States preceding the Revolutionary war. And had the most discerning statesman made out an order, he could not have selected articles better adapted to the essential wants of Great Britain. It has been said that Canada is of less value than one of the sugar islands of the West Indies. Sir, in the present state of the world, Canada is of more importance to Great Britain, in my opinion, than the whole West India Islands taken together. In danger, as she is, of being shut out from the Baltic, and fighting for her existence, she wants not the luxuries, the sugars, and the sweetmeats of the West Indies--she wants the provisions, the timber, the masts, and the spars of the North.

Canada is also of the greatest importance to the United States, in a commercial and political point of view. I have in a great measure explained its commercial importance, by stating its exports; a large portion of which were the products of the United States. Let an attentive observer cast his eye for one moment on the map of North America; let him bear in mind, that from the forty-fifth degree of latitude the waters of Canada bound for a vast extent one of the most fertile, and which will become, one of the most populous parts of the United States; and he will readily perceive that the river St. Lawrence must soon be the outlet for one-third of all the products of American labor. The same circumstances will enable it to lay an impost on one-third of our imported articles. Nor will the evil to our revenue end here. Great Britain will be enabled to smuggle her goods through this channel into all parts of the Union. It will be in vain that you attempt to counteract her by laws; from the great length and contiguity of her possessions, she will forever evade them, unless by your laws you can change the nature of man. But its greatest importance is in a political point of view: for, although not as happy in its government as the United States, it is sufficiently so to draw off multitudes of our new settlers, when the intermediate lands of the State of New York, which separate it from New England, shall be fully occupied. From this circumstance it will divide the American family, and, by the commercial relations which I have pointed out, it will exert a dangerous influence over a part of our country; for the transition from commercial dependence, to political allegiance, is too obvious to be insisted on. Having endeavored to show the importance of Canada to both of the contending nations, I I will only add that it is within our power.

The fourth objection is, that we cannot support the war--that we have not the ability to carry it on. Before I proceed to answer this objection, permit me, sir, to notice a single inconsistency of the gentlemen by whom it has been urged. It is this: in one part of their argument, they represent the people as too happy to enlist, and in another part as too poor to pay! Both of these propositions, I presume, cannot be true. Not to dwell longer, however, upon this contradiction, I do maintain, sir, that the nation is fully able to prosecute the war. On what does the ability of a nation depend? A person who will give himself the trouble of examining things rather than words, will find that it is proportioned to the number of laborers and the productiveness of their labor. Wherever, from soil, climate, or improvement, the labor of a country will produce more than a supply of the necessaries of life, it is evident that the surplus time may be devoted to idleness, to the production and consumption of luxuries, or to the carrying on of war. To illustrate this farther--suppose the labor of a person for five days will support him six, then it is clear, that the labor of five men will support the sixth man in idleness or in war. Now, sir, there is nowhere that the labor of seven millions of people will produce so much as in this country; consequently, nowhere have seven millions of people so great an ability to carry on a war. The quantity of circulating medium, whether made of paper or of silver dollars, has very little to do with the subject. If it is made of paper, and to a great extent, it only shows that the people are in their habits commercial; and that the faith of contracts is well supported. The real ability of a nation lies in what I have stated; and he must be a weak politician who cannot call it forth.

Mr. Speaker, I will now consider the last, and by far the most important objection of all; and one, without which, I certainly would not have spoken. It is, that in consideration of all the circumstances in which we are placed, it is the duty of this House to withhold the means of further prosecuting the war. It will not be denied, I trust, that this is a fair statement of the scope and object of most of the reasonings which have been employed; and that without this construction, they would be irreconcilable with common sense. This doctrine, in my opinion, goes not only to the overthrow of our constitution, but to the destruction of liberty itself. The principle of our Government is, not only that the majority shall rule, but that they shall rule in the manner prescribed by the constitution. So that if it could be proved that a majority of the people were in favor of certain measures, it would not be sufficient till they had pronounced that decision through the constitutional organs. In short, it must have been a principal object with the framers of our constitution to suspend, at least for a limited time, the effects of popular opinion. The constitution has committed the legislative power to three co-equal branches; and to the same hands has it entrusted the power of declaring war; while it has expressly confided the treaty-making power (and which alone can make peace) to two only of those branches. The claim now set up, goes to invest that branch which has no authority in the matter, not only with the treaty-making power, but also with a complete control over the other two branches. Thus one branch of the Government forcing the nation to desist from doing what three, including itself, had thought best to perform. Let us test the correctness of this principle by applying it to another co-equal branch of the Government. Let us suppose the President has made a treaty of peace, which is disapproved of by the Senate--and suppose upon this he should say, the war ought not to be further prosecuted, and refuse to employ the public force, would you not impeach him? Most unquestionably you would. I expressly admit that cases may be imagined, where such a course would be proper--where it would be not only the duty of this House to withhold supplies, but where it would be the duty of an individual to resist the laws; but such are extreme cases, not provided for by any organization of Government. What, sir, has been the practice of the British House of Commons? Have they ever refused supplies because a war was unpopular, since their revolution? Did not the same Parliament, which resolved that they would consider any man as an enemy to his country, who would advise his Majesty to the further prosecution of offensive war in America, still vote the means for carrying on the war? A similar case occurred when Mr. Fox came last into power--he disapproved of the commencement and conduct of the war, and yet he called for and received the necessary supplies.

Mr. CALHOUN observed, that he could offer nothing more acceptable, he presumed, to the House, than a promise not to discuss the Orders in Council, French decrees, blockades, or embargoes. He was induced to avoid these topics for several reasons. In the first place, they were too stale to furnish any interest to this House or country. Gentlemen who had attempted it, with whatever abilities, had failed to command attention; and it would argue very little sagacity on his part not to be admonished by their want of success. Indeed, whatever interest had been at one time attached to these subjects, they had now lost. They have passed away; and will not soon, he hoped, return into the circle of politics. Yes, sir, as reviled as has been our country's efforts to curb belligerent injustice, as weak and contemptible as she has been represented to be in the grade of nations, she has triumphed in breaking down the most dangerous monopoly ever attempted by one nation against the commerce of another. He would not stop to inquire whether it was the non-importation act, or the menace of war, or, what was the most probable, the last operating on the pressure produced by the former. The fact is certain, that the Orders in Council of 1807 and 1809, which our opponents have often said that England would not yield, as they made a part of her commercial system, are now no more. The same firmness, if persevered in, which has carried us thus far with success, will, as our cause is just and moderate, end in final victory. A further reason which he had, not to follow our opponents into the region of documents and records, was, that he was afraid of a decoy; as he was induced to believe from appearances that their object was to draw our attention from the merits of the question. Gentlemen had literally buried their arguments under a huge pile of quotations; and had wandered so far into this realm of paper, that neither the vision of this House has been, nor that of the country will be, able to follow them. There the best and worst reasons share an equal fate. The truth of the one and error of the other, are covered with like obscurity.

Mr. C. said he would not multiply proof on a course of conduct the bad effect of which was too sensibly felt to be easily forgot, and the continuation of which was but too apparent in the present discussion. For what was the object of the opposition in this debate? To defeat the passage of this bill? It has been scarcely mentioned; and contains nothing to raise that storm which has been excited against it. The bill proposes to raise twenty thousand men only, and that for one year; and surely there is nothing in that calculated to lay such strong hold of the jealousy or fear of the community. What then is the object of the opposition? Gentlemen certainly do not act without an intention; and wide as has been the range of debate, it cannot be so lawless as to be without an object. It was not, he repeated, to defeat the passage of this bill; no, but what was much more to be dreaded, to thwart that, which the bill proposes to contribute to, the final success of the war; and for this purpose he must do the opposition the credit to say, they have resorted to means the best calculated to produce the effect. In a free Government, in the government of laws, two things are necessary for the effectual prosecution of any great measure; the law by which the executive officer is charged with the execution and vested with suitable powers; and the co-operating zeal and union of the people, who are always indispensable agents. Opposition to be successful must direct its efforts against the passage of the law; or, what was more common and generally more effectual, to destroy the union and the zeal of the people. Either, if successful, is effectual. The former would in most cases be seen and reprobated; the latter, much the most dangerous, has, to the great misfortunes of Republics, presented at all times a ready means of defeating the most salutary measures. To this point the whole arguments of opposition have converged. This gives a meaning to every reason and assertion, which have been advanced, however wild and inconsistent. No topic has been left untouched, no passion unessayed. The war has been represented as unjust in its origin, disastrous in its progress, and desperate in its farther prosecution. As if to prevent the possibility of doubt, a determination has been boldly asserted not to support it. Such is the opposition to the war, which was admitted on all sides to be just; and which in a manner received the votes even of those who now appear to be willing to ruin the country in order to defeat its success.

But, say our opponents, as they were opposed to the war, they are not bound to support it; and so far has this opposition been carried, that we have been accused almost of violating the right of conscience, in denying the right set up by gentlemen. The right to oppose the efforts of our country, while in war, ought to be established beyond the possibility of doubt, before it can be justly adopted as the basis of conduct. How conscience can be claimed in this case cannot be very easily imagined. We oppose not by laws or penalties; we only assert that the opposition experienced cannot be dictated by love of country, and is inconsistent with the duty which every citizen is under to promote the prosperity of the Republic. Its necessary tendency is to prostrate the country at the feet of the enemy, and to elevate a party on the ruins of the public. Till our opponents can prove that they have a right which is paramount to the public interest, we must persist in denying the right to thwart the success of the war. War has been declared by a law of the land; and what would be thought of similar attempts to defeat any other law, however inconsiderable its object? Who would dare to avow an intention to defeat its operation? Can that, then, be true in relation to war which would be reprobated in every other case? Can that be true which, when the whole physical force of the country is needed, withdraws half of that force? Can that be true which gives the greatest violence to party animosity? What would have been thought of such conduct in the war of the Revolution? Many good citizens friendly to the liberty of our country were opposed to the declaration at the time; could they have been justified in such opposition as we now experience? To terminate the war through discord and weakness is a hazardous experiment. But, in the most unjust and inexpedient war, it can scarcely be possible, that disunion and defeats can have a salutary operation. In the numerous examples which history furnishes, let an instance be pointed out, in any war, where the public interest has been promoted by divisions, or injured by concord. Hundreds of instances may be cited of the reverse. Why, then, will gentlemen persist in that course where danger is almost unavoidable, and shun that where safety is almost certain?

But, sir, we are told that peace is in our power without a farther promotion of the war. Appeal not, say our opponents, to the fear, but to the generosity of our enemy. England yields nothing to her fears; stop, therefore, your preparation, and throw yourself on her mercy, and peace will be the result. We might, indeed, have pardon, but not peace on such terms. Those who think the war a sacrilege or a crime, might consistently adopt such a course; but we, who know it to be for the maintenance of the just rights of the community, never can. We are farther told that impressment of seamen was not considered a sufficient cause of war; and are asked why should it be continued on that account? Mr. C. observed that he individually did not feel the force of the argument; for it had been his opinion, that the nation was bound to resist so deep an injury even at the hazard of war; but, admitting its full force, the difference is striking between the commencement and the continuance of hostilities. War ought to be continued until its rational object, a permanent and secure peace, could be obtained. Even the friends of England ought not to desire the termination of the war, without a satisfactory adjustment of the subject of impressment. It would leave the root that must necessarily shoot up in future animosity and hostilities. America can never quietly submit to the deepest of injury. Necessity might compel her to yield for a moment; but it would be to watch the growth of national strength, and to seize the first favorable opportunity to seek redress. The worst enemy to the peace of the two countries could not desire a more effectual means to propagate eternal enmity.

But it is said that we ought to offer to England suitable regulations on this subject to secure to her the use of her own seamen; and because we have not, we are aggressors. He denied that we were bound to tender any regulations, or that we had not. England was the party injuring. She ought to confine her seamen to her own service; or, if that was impracticable, propose such arrangements that she might exercise her right without injury to us. This is the rule that governs all analogous cases in private life. But we have made our offer; it is, that the ship should protect the sailor. It is the most simple and only safe rule; but, to secure so desirable a point, the most liberal and effectual provisions ought and have been proposed to be made on our part to guard the British Government against the evil they apprehended, the loss of her seamen. The whole doctrine of protection heretofore relied on, and still recommended by the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. P.,) is false and derogatory to our honor; and under no possible modification can effect the desirable objects of affording safety to our sailors, and securing the future harmony of the two countries. Nor can it be doubted, if governed by justice, she will yield to the offer of our Government, particularly if what the gentleman from New York (Mr. BLEECKER) says be true, that there are ten thousand of her seamen in our service. She would be greatly the gainer by the arrangement. Experience, it is to be feared, however, will teach that gentleman that the evil lies much deeper. The use of her seamen is a mere pretence. The blow is aimed at our commercial greatness. It is this which has animated and directed all of her injurious councils towards this country. England is at the same time a trading and fighting nation; two occupations naturally at variance, and most difficult to be united. War limits the number and extent of the markets of a belligerent, makes a variety of regulations necessary; and produces heavy taxes, which are inimical to the prosperity of manufactories and consequently commerce. These causes combined give to trade new channels, which direct it naturally to neutral nations. To counteract this tendency, England, under various but flimsy pretences, has endeavored to support her commercial superiority by monopoly. It has been our fortune to resist with no inconsiderable success this spirit of monopoly. Her principal object in contending for the right of impressment is to have, in a great measure, the monopoly of the sailors of the world. A fixed resistance will compel her to yield this point as she has already done her Orders in Council. Success will amply reward our exertions. Our future commerce will feel its invigorating effects. But, say gentlemen, England will never yield this point, and every effort on our part to secure it is hopeless. To confirm this prediction and secure our reverence, the prophecies of the last session are relied on. Mr. C. felt no disposition to disparage our opponents' talents in that line; but he very much doubted whether the whole chapter of woes had been fulfilled. He would, for instance, ask whether so much as related to sacked towns, bombarded cities, ruined commerce, and revolting blacks, had been realized?

Such, then, is the cause of the war and its continuation; and such the nature of the opposition experienced, and its justification. It remains to be seen whether the intended effect will be produced. Whether animosity and discord will be fomented, and the zeal and union of the people to maintain the rights and indispensable duties of the community will abate; or, describing it under another aspect, whether it is the destiny of our country to sink under that of our enemy or not. Mr. C. said he was not without his fears and his hopes.

On the one hand our opponents had manifestly the advantage. The love of present ease and enjoyment, the love of gain, and party zeal, were on their side. These constitute part of the weakness of our nature. We naturally lead that way without the arts of persuasion. Far more difficult is the task of the majority. It is theirs to support the distant but lasting interest of our country; it is theirs to elevate the minds of the people, and to call up all of those qualities by which present sacrifices are made to secure a future good. On the other hand, our cause is not without its hope. The interest of the people and that of the leaders of a party are, as observed by a gentleman from New York, (Mr. STOW,) often at variance. The people are always ready, unless led astray by ignorance or delusion, to participate in the success of the country, or to sympathize in its adversity. Very different are the feelings of the leaders; on every great measure they stand pledged against its success, and almost invariably consider that their political consequence depends on its defeat. The heat of debate, the spirit of settled opposition, and the confident prediction of disaster, are among the causes of this opposition between the interest of a party and their country; and in no instance under our own Government have they existed in a greater degree than in relation to the present war. The evil is deeply rooted in the constitution of all free Governments, and is the principal cause of their weakness and destruction. It has but one remedy, the virtue and intelligence of the people--it behooves them, as they value the blessings of their freedom, not to permit themselves to be drawn into the vortex of party rage. For if by such opposition the firmest Government should prove incompetent to maintain the rights of the nation against foreign aggression, they will find realized the truth of the assertion that government is protection, and that it cannot exist where it fails of this great and primary object. The authors of the weakness are commonly the first to take the advantage of it, and to turn it to the destruction of liberty.

Mr. DESHA.--Mr. Speaker, it is not my intention to detain you long; my principal object in rising is to conjure gentlemen to bring this debate to a close. Sir, what can gentlemen flatter themselves by suffering this discussion to be protracted to so unwarrantable a length? It cannot be supposed that the substantial part of this House (I mean those who think much and speak little) will, by theoretical or sophisticated remarks, be driven from their course. Then, sir, those long-winded speeches must be either intended for the gallery, or for gentlemen's constituents. It would certainly be unjustifiable to sport away the public money; to exhaust the public patience in making long speeches, merely for the purpose of amusing the ear of the gallery. And, sir, your constituents would much rather you would act with decision, with promptitude, in adopting measures calculated for a vigorous prosecution of the war, that it might be brought to a speedy and honorable termination, than to take up weeks in detailing the causes of the war. The people are fully apprised of the causes of the war, from the documents that have been promulgated; they are satisfied that it is a just and necessary war: that it has been forced upon us by the injustice and oppression of our enemy, occasioned in a great measure by the violent opposition of a party to the Administration. Sir, act so as to give a vigorous prosecution to the war, and act promptly, and the people will support you with manly firmness, independent of the consideration of expense.

Mr. Speaker, this bill contemplates raising twenty thousand men for one year. Although I shall vote for the bill under consideration, I do not altogether approve of it. Sir, the time of service is too short to answer a valuable purpose. I am not so sanguine as to suppose that we will overrun the British provinces in one season. I should like it much better if the time of service, as has been proposed, was extended to eighteen months, and the bounty raised in proportion. You would then have the advantage of two campaigns; in the last of which, you might calculate on a certainty of being able to do something of a decisive character, as you would have the advantage of disciplined troops; and really, sir, if this bill is to answer any valuable purpose, it ought to have been passed some time since. Gentlemen certainly must see that the object of the opposition is procrastination; they have predicted that the bill under consideration, if adopted, will not only run the country to extraordinary expenses, swell the national debt to an enormous size, but that it will ultimately bring disgrace on the Government. And, sir, they are determined that their predictions shall be realized, by putting off the passage of the bill until late in the season thereby preventing you from obtaining the men in time to do any thing of a decisive character next summer. This, in my mind, is unquestionably their object; and I believe the ambition of some of them is such, that, rather than be found false prophets, they would endanger the only republic in the world. Sir, I do not wish to be understood to include the whole Federal party; far from it. I believe there are some, and I hope a considerable portion, who are American in principle, and would, perhaps, go as far as any American in defending their country's rights. Sir, it is not my intention to arraign motives; but, speaking of party, what has been the conduct of the Federalists for twelve years past, ever since the termination of the Reign of Terror? A uniform opposition to every thing of a prominent character proposed by the different republican Administrations. Now, sir, if Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison had been the weakest of men, as well as the wickedest, (which no man in his senses, who had any respect for his character, or standing in society, would assert,) they must have accidentally happened on something right in the course of twelve years.

Mr. Speaker, it is mortifying to see gentlemen who call themselves Americans, rise up in the face of the nation to palliate and vindicate the conduct of an enemy, and at the same time reprobate, in the strongest language of ridicule, every step proposed by the Administration calculated to counteract the iniquitous and destructive policy of our enemy. Can such conduct be called American? Sir, when it ought to be the duty and pride of every man having any pretensions to American principles, to rally under the governmental standard, in order to assist in expelling our tyrannical oppressors from the continent, by which extricating the Government from its present difficulties, you see the Federal party making every exertion in their power to make the war a dishonorable one.

I know, Mr. Speaker, that it is in the nature of tyrannical or despotical Governments to take arbitrary strides; yet, sir, I do believe that the impositions and oppressions heaped upon the American Government; the evils under which we at this time labor, are measurably, if not entirely, attributable to the party hostility arrayed against the Administration. Sir, they have, by their uniform opposition, led the British to believe that they had a powerful party in this country; that parties were nearly equally balanced; that it would be impossible for a Republican Administration to adhere to any decided stand taken against England, and that finally the English party would prevail. Thus, sir, have Government been beset by party. They have been baffled in every peaceable step calculated to vindicate our rights, or redress our grievances, until, by the injustice of our foreign enemy, bottomed on the aid they calculated on receiving from our domestic foes, the Government have been forced into war. And now you are told to put a stop to the war, and try once more if Briton will not do us justice. Degrading thought! Sir, we have already humbled ourselves in making proposals, and all efforts on the part of the Administration failed. The world has seen and understood that the failure was attributable to her own wickedness, and not to our pertinacity. Sir, the American Administration has exhibited an example of moderation unparalleled in the annals of the world; our forbearance has astonished the universe, and we have the consolation to see that neither the guilt of aggression, nor the folly of ambition, can be fairly attributed to it. Negotiation, as well as patience, has been exhausted. Instead of appealing again to the justice of a Government that makes principle bend to power, we have been necessarily compelled (though reluctantly) to appeal to arms, and I trust in God that they will never be laid down short of justice.

Mr. CHEVES rose.--It was for some time during this debate, said he, my intention to have mingled my unimportant opinions and sentiments with those of other gentlemen in this discussion; but I gave way from time to time before the eagerness of others who were desirous of presenting themselves to your attention, and I had entirely abandoned the idea of taking any part in the argument; but the sudden and unexpected indisposition at this moment of my worthy friend and honorable colleague, (Mr. WILLIAMS,) the chairman of the committee with whom this bill originated, who was expected to close the debate, has left a vacuum in the argument which I propose to fill. Could he have addressed you, as he was prepared and anxious, in the faithful discharge of his duty to do, it would have rendered the feeble attempt which I shall make as unnecessary as it would have been impertinent and obtrusive. I propose, then, to speak, as my honorable friend would probably have done, generally, but briefly, on the several heads of discussion which have been introduced into the debate, which has not been on the bill before you, but on the general merits of the war; the origin, progress, and continuance of it. I mean not to censure the wide range which this discussion has taken. It is fair and right in gentlemen of the opposition to select some occasion during each session on which to discuss the great questions of state which the public events of the passing times present; and the one furnished by the bill before you was perhaps as proper as any other.

Almost all the gentlemen who have addressed you, have very gravely told you, by way of exordium, of their unquestionable right to do so, and of the firmness with which they mean to assert and exercise it, as if there had been, at any time, really an opposition to this freedom of discussion. These introductions must be a little amusing to the members of this House and to the attendants in your galleries, who have been in the habit of listening to the gentlemen. But if there ever could have been a doubt on this subject, and surely there never was any, the debate, which I hope is about to be closed, affords an ample refutation of it. There are parts of this debate which will descend to distant posterity as a monument of the freedom of discussion in this Hall. I trust, sir, we shall furnish few such testimonials--I hope never to see another exhibition on this floor. They must be looked upon with apprehension by all those who consider the restraints of personal politeness and the urbanity of social esteem as affording a better security to those who love peace and good manners, for the preservation of these valuable objects, than can be lent by the strongest arm or the severest sanctions which positive institutions have established; restraints under which even "vice itself loses half its evil, by losing all its grossness." I shall imitate the example of gentlemen who followed in the debate--I shall pour oil upon the waves, and endeavor to still the raging of the storm.

Gentlemen, fruitful in epithets, yet rather fruitful in their abundance than in their variety, have called this an unjust, wanton, wicked, and unnecessary war. I, on the contrary, assert it to be a just and necessary war. One characteristic difficulty here presents itself, which has occurred in all the discussion in and out of this House on this subject. What is a just and necessary war? By the advocates of war it is asserted that the injuries and insults of the enemy demanded war, and rendered this war just and necessary. The opponents of war admit the magnitude of the insults and injuries, but deny the inference. They assert that the war is unnecessary and not justifiable, because the pecuniary expenditure and loss will exceed in value the commercial objects for which we are contending. The advocates of war deny both the premises and the conclusion. The objects of the war are not merely commercial, but, if they were, the inference is denied. They admit that the pecuniary expenditure and loss will exceed the pecuniary value of the commercial objects for which they contend, but they deny that a war for commercial objects is therefore unnecessary or indefensible. To an intelligible argument it seems, therefore, under these circumstances, necessary that we should begin by some definition of a just and necessary war; and yet it seems to be a melancholy labor in a great and free State, where public sentiment should be unequivocal on such subjects, to proceed by rules of logic to establish great first principles of public sentiment; but I fear that, as all good things are purchased by concomitant sacrifices, we have not obtained the innumerable blessings and advantages of the freedom of speech and of the press for nothing. I fear they have sometimes substituted an erring reason for a better guide--the great uncontaminated current of public feeling--the moral sense of the nation, of which the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. QUINCY) so often tells so much.

But we must inquire, what is a just and necessary war? A war is just and necessary when waged to protect and defend the violated pecuniary interests of the country; or to defend and secure the sovereign rights and independence of a country; or, lastly and principally, to support and maintain the national honor. The last, indeed, embraces all the others; and, if I have distinguished, it is rather in conformity with custom, or for the purpose of elucidation than from any practical separation which I admit between the last and the former. But I am likely to incur the derision of the honorable gentlemen in the opposition by speaking of national honor. They seem not to have admitted the term into their vocabulary; they treat it as a new language; they remind me of the character of Goldfinch in one of Holcroft's plays, who, when he hears the Romans mentioned, exclaims, "Romans! Romans! who are they?" So the gentlemen, "national honor! what's that? what's that?" Yet, sir, strange as it may seem to the honorable gentlemen over the way, the maintenance of the principle of national honor, by which I mean that principle which animates and sustains an elevated fitness of character and conduct, is the only justifiable cause of war; and, if necessary, the principle ought to be maintained by all the sacrifices of war in its worst shape. No war is justifiable or necessary which is waged merely for pecuniary objects, if we can suppose such a war, for all wars involve expense and loss greater than the amount of any pecuniary objects for which they can be waged. On the ground of interest merely they would not, therefore, be justifiable; and there is to be superadded, what cannot be valued in money, the value of human life. But the value of every thing is founded on the security with which it is enjoyed. One unpunished violation of right provokes another and another, until all security is destroyed; and, therefore, it is necessary to resist given infractions of pecuniary right by sacrifices beyond the value of the right itself, because resistance is necessary to the security of all other pecuniary rights--nay, to the security of all other rights. Security of rights is a political thing; it is the protection of Government; it derives its value, and a great portion of its power, too, from a faithful and unrelaxed application of it to all the rights and interests of a nation; and is diminished in its value, and in its power also, by any failure to afford the protection which is due by Government to the subjects and the interests under its control. To abandon any interest is to abandon all, and to protect one is to protect all; war, therefore, waged to protect one political right is waged to protect all political rights; no war is, in consequence, made for any given right merely as such, but for all the rights and interests which are bound together in a nation under the social and civil compacts. To compare the expenditure and losses of war with the value of commercial objects, which may be the immediate cause of war, is to talk idly, and to forget the true end of all war and the first great purpose of Government--security. A great man (Sir James Mackintosh) has said, "the paramount interest of every State, that which comprehends all others, is security." Will you, then, it may be inquired, go to war to avenge the infraction of the smallest right under the protection of Government, and for this object jeopardize every other, and spill the blood of your fellow-citizens? Certainly not. There is a fitness which cannot be defined in anticipation, but which is easily discoverable when the occasion occurs, which determines when a war is necessary. It may depend upon the nature of the injury; on the character which the nation has acquired; on its ability to avenge the injury; on the character of the nation which has inflicted the injury, and a thousand other circumstances. The question ought always to be, What becomes the nation? What is due to the national honor? What is necessary to sustain an elevated fitness of character and conduct in the nation? If the injury sustained be one which cannot or will not probably be repeated, it is less necessary to avenge it. If the nation be poor and feeble, it may be obliged to submit to the violation of a great right. If it be great and powerful, it must sometimes resent a smaller injury; it may sometimes disdain to notice a considerable aggression upon its rights; in short, in no instance is the expense of the war a rule which will prove it just and necessary, or otherwise; in every instance is national honor, that is, a fitness of character and conduct, the rule by which its necessity and justifiable character are determinable. Generally when a nation is able to resist with effect the infraction of important pecuniary rights, it seems indubitable that an elevated fitness of character and conduct requires resistance. But this obligation is increased, and is less doubtful when any of the sovereign rights of a nation are infringed, as in gross and reiterated insults to the national flag, habitual violations of the personal liberty of its subjects, invasion of its territories, and the like; these are assaults upon its independence, and there is no room left for an inquiry into the fitness of resistance; it may indeed be supposed to change from a question of expediency to an act of necessity; it is a struggle for self-preservation; the nation acts upon a principle which is inherent in the meanest insect, and of which inanimate matter is not divested; the worm, when trodden on, writhes in resistance as well as anguish, and the reaction of inanimate matter seems to be the repulsive act of self-preservation.

What, then, did an elevated fitness of character and conduct require of the American Government, in relation to Great Britain, at the moment war was declared? What does it still require? I repeat, the war is a just and necessary war. This will be proved by adverting to the causes of the war. What, then, were the causes of the war? They were principally new and before unheard-of blockades--the Orders in Council, which have been generally so called, by way of pre-eminence; the spoliations of our commerce under various unfounded and insulting pretexts, and the impressment of our seamen. I am not permitted by the circumstances under which I address you to go at length into any of these subjects. But I may ask, what on the ocean did we enjoy but by the sufferance of Great Britain? What insults, what injuries had we not suffered? When did they begin; when, though they may have been varied in character, were they relaxed in degree, and when were they probably to cease?

Great Britain has been properly selected as the first object of our hostility. When a proposition was made to include France as well as Great Britain in the declaration of war, gentlemen on neither side of the House did support it. The opposition prints throughout the Union laughed it to scorn. Few men thought of resisting both at once. The voice of both parties appeared to be against it. The Government, obliged to resist, was obliged to select its enemy. Should France have been selected? With the blood of our citizens insultingly slaughtered without the slightest provocation, on the shores of our own territory, unatoned for till the moment of the declaration of war, with the habitual impressment of our seamen in every sea, with the continual and reiterated violation of your right to seek where you choose a market for your native produce, all before your eyes, and with no hope of a discontinuance of these injuries, we are told that we ought to have diverted our enmity from Great Britain, and directed it against France. Where, sir, could we attack France? Where are her colonies into which we could carry our arms? Where could we subjugate her provinces? Where are her ships?--where her commerce? Where could we have carried on against her any of the operations of war? Would the chivalry of gentlemen on the other side of the House have suggested an invasion of France? An honorable gentleman from New York, (Mr. GOLD) said it would not have required another man nor another ship, to have resisted France. But, why, I pray you? Because such a resistance would have been confined to the idle and nugatory act of declaring it. Effectual resistance would have been impracticable. Gentlemen would resist France, would declare war against France, merely to show their indignation at her perfidy and injustice; and here I confess my feelings go with the gentlemen--I would do so too, had we no other enemy to contend with. But if we had abandoned or deferred our resistance to the injuries of England and as a pretext for it assailed France, would not the act have been idle and weak? Would it not have been wicked, to borrow one of the epithets which gentlemen have applied to the war with England, so to have sported with the public feelings and the national resentment as to have declared war against France, the minor aggressor, whom we could not touch, and to have suppressed our resentment against Great Britain, whose injuries were unlimited and unceasing, and whom alone we could reach? But why, sir, are the injuries these nations have done contrasted, and those of the one made an apology for those of the other? Why are we partisans of either? Have we no country of our own? Is there a land upon the globe so fair, so happy, and so free? And, beholding and enjoying these blessings,

"Breathes there a man with soul so dead Who never to himself hath said, This is my own, my native land!"

Sir, I feel neither as a Frenchman nor Briton, but as an American. As a citizen of the United States, I bear no affection to any other country. If I have any feeling of partiality for either of the great belligerents, it is for the country, and the people of Great Britain. From them I draw my blood in a very short descent. But that nation is the injurer of my country, and I can see her in no other light than that of an enemy, nor can I find any apology for her in the injuries France has done us. Sir, the Government did right in discriminating between Britain and France, and selecting the former. It was the only mode of real practical resistance. The world would have laughed at us had we declared war against France, who was no longer able to injure us, whom we could not assail with effect, and have left the unceasing injuries of Great Britain to go on unresisted and unresented. The world would have considered it as a mere cover for our pusillanimity. I say, then, that the Government was not tricked into a war with Great Britain. It was commenced in the prosecution of the best and most deliberate policy. It was the only honorable and practicable course. If there has been an error, and I think there has, it was in not having long since resisted England. War against England should have followed the first embargo; that was a wise measure, but it could not endure forever; it carried the policy of commercial restriction upon the enemy as far as such a policy should ever be carried, which from its nature can only be temporary. It at the same time prepared the nation for war; it brought home your wealth and seamen; it brought home your vessels, and placed you in the attitude in which the nation ought to have been previous to war, and its termination ought to have been followed by immediate and vigorous war. The pulse of the nation was high, and the confidence of the people in their rulers and resources great. Distrust has grown out of the hesitation and timidity then manifested. If the embargo had been followed up by war, some of the greatest injuries we have since suffered would not have occurred. France would not have ventured to have seized and sequestered our vessels and property as she subsequently did. She was tempted to do it because she saw we would suffer and submit to any injury.

Gentlemen say, that popular opinion was against the war. I deny it, sir. It was called for by popular opinion; and this will not be disproved, however soon popular opinion shall incline to peace, and gentlemen on the other side of the House regain the reins of power, as they are not unlikely to do, however just and necessary the war. Any man who thought with half the ability with which the gentlemen do, must have believed that in voting for war, he was probably surrendering himself politically a victim on the altar of his country; yet it is frequently declared, that the majority have declared this war to preserve their seats. They declared it against popular opinion, too, to preserve their seats, which they hold by the tenure of popular opinion! Are gentlemen serious? Look at the history of nations, and see if the war-makers have been generally the peacemakers.

But war was prematurely declared, it is said, because we had not a regular disciplined army at the time. Preparation for operations on land must have been relative to the defence of our own territory, or the invasion of the enemy's territory. The militia are the proper and the adequate defenders of the soil on which they live; for this purpose we did not want any other army. They might have been made more extensively useful. I join not with their revilers--I wish that their usefulness had not been circumscribed by a doctrine subversive of the true principles of the constitution which was maintained on this floor. I rejoice that I combated that doctrine; yet I do not mean to consider them as a fit army of invasion. I acknowledge that we were not prepared with a regularly-disciplined army, qualified for the invasion and conquest of the enemy's country. But should we have been prepared by winter, the time to which gentlemen wished to have deferred the declaration of war? It is a truth that a Government like ours never will, and never can, be prepared for war in peace. The great and effective preparation for war must grow out of the progress and events of the war. Notwithstanding our disasters on land, I believe our preparation is greater, and our situation better, than it would have been had the war been deferred. We were to expect, in the commencement of the war, to suffer such misfortunes. Except in the affair of Detroit, nothing has happened which should cause us to blush: that disgrace, like the disgrace of the Chesapeake, will be the harbinger of glory--I take it as an omen of victory. I pledge myself, if the war continue it will be so in the event. As the war stands at this moment, we have suffered little, and we have humbled the pride of the enemy where it was most insulting. We have insured the confidence of the nation, from the seashore to the mountains beyond them, as far as our population reaches, in our naval ability. I ask the gentlemen on the other side of the House, whether we have not gained something in this respect by the war? In one word, who would now commence the war and take the chance of better success in preference to the actual fortune of the war since it has been declared. It was not prematurely declared. I now contend the war ought to be continued. Some gentlemen have thought fit to say in debate, that the only alleged cause of war was formed by the Orders in Council. But from their own act, their celebrated protest, I will prove the contrary. Impressment is there enumerated as among the causes of war, as it was in all the public acts of the time relative to the causes of war. Without more words, I am authorized in asserting that impressment was one of the principal causes of the war; and although had the Orders in Council been revoked, and their revocation known to us before war was declared, we would no doubt have temporized longer; yet this cause itself must in the end have produced war.

It appears that very soon after the General Government went into operation, this practice was the subject of remonstrance; this was under the Administration of General WASHINGTON. It has been the subject of negotiation and remonstrance under every succeeding Administration. But it is alleged, because it was not settled in the Treaty of 1794, that it was not considered by General WASHINGTON as justifiable cause of war, and it is inferred that it ought not now to be considered as sufficient cause for the continuance of the war. What, sir, shall constitute cause of war? The spoliation of your property? Not so, say gentlemen, because the expenditure for redress will be greater than the injury sustained. The violation of the personal liberty of your citizens and the degradation of the ensign of your sovereignty? No, say gentlemen, General WASHINGTON did not consider these as sufficient cause of war. Will, then, any injury, or any combination of injuries, authorize or require national resentment? The reasoning of the gentlemen would lead us to a negative conclusion. But in their estimate of the actual causes of the present war, they appear to consider the business of impressment as trivial, and the Orders in Council as every thing. What, sir, will you go to war for property, the value of which is only relative, and which, compared with personal liberty, is worthless, and refuse to go to war for the personal liberty of the citizen? for that which is alike

"Given to the fool, the vain, the evil-- To Ward, to Waters, Chartres, and the Devil!"

You will wage war, and not to rescue your fellow-citizens from imprisonment and stripes? But however this subject was to be viewed before we were actually involved in war, it must now be put on a footing of certainty; if our claim be not secured it will be surrendered; to make peace without obtaining any security against the abuse of which we complain, would be to acquiesce in it, and to acquiesce in it would be to surrender the rights of the country. This was the reasoning of Mr. King, who in one of his communications to Government on this subject says, he has abandoned negotiation, because to acquiesce in the views of the British Government would be to surrender our rights. And shall I be obliged, sir, to come here with volumes of documents to prove the rights of the citizen; to demonstrate that the naval officers of Britain have not a right to incarcerate him; to drag him to the gangway and flog him? Shall I be obliged by a laborious process of reasoning to prove the obligation of Government to rescue him from such suffering? No, gentlemen generally have abandoned this ground, and say, that the impressment of our citizens is, under proper circumstances, justifiable cause of war; and the gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. PEARSON,) who opened the debate on this subject says, that if a fit proposition, accompanied by means calculated to give it a fair chance of success, were tendered and did not procure a cessation of the practice of impressment, he would support the war. What is the proposition which he submits? That we shall prohibit from serving in our ships the seamen of Great Britain and other foreign seamen, and confine our crews to our own citizens. This being done he will support the war. I challenge gentlemen on the other side of the House to say distinctly to the people, for whom an honorable gentleman (Mr. QUINCY) has said this debate was intended, that this war should not be continued for the protection of our seamen; they will not, they dare not. But if they are against the continuance of the war, it is on that ground and no other. The honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. RANDOLPH) says, Great Britain has a right to insist on the services of her own subjects, and that England would not be England if she could not command them. I say that America will cease to be America if she suffers her to command them at the price of the liberty of her citizens and the honor of her flag. The same gentleman says, England will nail the flag to the mast and go to the bottom with it, rather than surrender the right of taking her seamen from on board our merchant vessels. I hope, sir, we shall imitate the noble example she sets us, and make every sacrifice rather than give up our citizens to bondage and stripes.

But, say gentlemen, the public law of all nations on earth, ancient and modern, has denied the right of expatriation. Admit that they are correct, and for the purpose of the argument, I do admit that such is the general law. But what is this law as modified by the practice of nations? Every nation which has thus forbidden expatriation has at the same time granted naturalization, and the general practice of nations is undoubtedly the law of nations. Does not England naturalize foreigners? Does she not naturalize your citizens? If she does not do it as generally as you do, it is because it is not her policy to do so; it is enough that she naturalizes your seamen; it is enough that all nations have, at the same moment, forbidden expatriation and granted naturalization. The law must be the result of neither exclusively, but of both these practices. Mr. Burke, (the great Edmund,) who was certainly no innovator, denominates Charles XII. the murderer of Patkul. Patkul was born a Swedish subject and had repeatedly taken up arms against his Sovereign; he was adopted by Russia and had been her Minister at the Court of Poland. Charles XII., the Sovereign to whom his natural allegiance was due, obtained possession of his person and put him to death--this act Mr. Burke denominates murder!

Governments which have naturalized foreigners have protected their naturalized subjects, and the Government to whom the native allegiance of such subjects was due, though they have denied the right of expatriation, have not impugned the protecting interposition of the adopted sovereign. If they have, it has been considered as an act of unprincipled violence, and in the instance of Patkul has merited and received the denomination of murder. On this subject I will quote a single sentence from one of Mr. King's letters; he says, "it behooves the British Government to adhere to the principle of natural allegiance wholly, or renounce it wholly." Contending themselves for the right of naturalization, can the British Government deny it to others? On the part of this Government sufficient evidence of its pacific and accommodating disposition appears in its offer to surrender every thing it can, consistently with national faith. On the part of Britain a protraction of the war, by refusing to meet us on the terms proposed, can proceed from no other motive than a determination to continue that abuse of power which she has inflicted and we have suffered so long. The ground taken by this country is what we must insist upon keeping, and I doubt not we will succeed if we contend for it as we ought. The informality of the negotiation between our Chargé d'Affaires and the British Government has been mentioned as a cause of its failure. If there had been an amicable disposition on the part of the British Government, the authority would have been considered ample. If there be not an amicable disposition we will negotiate in vain. We must fight, or we shall never succeed in obtaining a recognition of our rights. I will advert to one argument of the gentleman from New York, (Mr. EMOTT,) who has examined this subject with ability. It is that one which appeared to me to make the greatest impression on the House. He said he had examined the voluminous document on the subject of impressment, which was printed during the last session by order of the House, and that it did not appear from that document that more than ninety-three American seamen had been impressed in the year 1809; from which I believe every one who heard him inferred that it was proved affirmatively by that document, that no more than ninety-three American seamen, who were named therein, were impressed in that year. Now, what is the fact? The document does not state in one case, perhaps of eight or ten, when the impressment took place, and there are one thousand five hundred and fifty-eight persons named in that document. Of course the gentleman could not be authorized to say that but ninety-three, or any other precise number, were impressed in 1809. All those, the date of whose detention is not stated, may have been impressed in 1809. It is probable much the greatest portion was. A more particular examination of this point of inquiry will prove the magnitude of the evil. From the 1st of April, 1809, to the 30th of September, 1810, a period of eighteen months only, a single agent of this Government, in London, received one thousand five hundred and fifty-eight applications from impressed seamen. How many were unable to apply? Men imprisoned on board ships of war, scattered over the ocean and on distant stations, how could they apply to Mr. Lyman in London and give in their names? The number impressed must have been great, indeed, when a single agent in the short space of eighteen months, registered the names of one thousand five hundred and fifty-eight applicants. Of this number a part was discharged, acknowledged to be Americans beyond the possibility of denial; a small number is detained as being born in England, and the remainder are detained under various pretexts--such as supposed to be born in England, being on distant stations, having consular certificates proving them Danes, Swedes, &c.; as if they had any better right to take from on board an American vessel a Swede or a Dane than an American citizen. Even their own doctrine goes to assert a right to seize none but their own subjects. I ask, now, whether the impression made by the gentleman from New York was a just one? Whether it does not appear probable that at least one thousand of those contained in this list were impressed without even a plausible pretext? But if in a single statement I make out a result so variant from the statement of the gentleman, I beg you and the public to test the other statements of the gentleman in the same way. Not, sir, that the gentleman made the statement with any unfair intention, for no man is more honorable or correct--he has my highest esteem--but, it will show how liable we are to err--nay, how prone we are to err when our feelings and habit of thinking run with our argument. So much for impressment. It is an abuse such as cannot be tolerated by an independent nation. It is one which ought to be resisted by war.

The question was then taken on the passage of the bill, and decided in the affirmative--For the bill 77, against it 42, as follows:

YEAS.--Willis Alston, jun., William Anderson, Stevenson Archer, Daniel Avery, Ezekiel Bacon, David Bard, Josiah Bartlett, Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Francis Carr, Langdon Cheves, James Cochran, John Clopton, Lewis Condict, William Crawford, Richard Cutts, Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, William Findlay, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, John M. Hyneman, Richard M. Johnson, Joseph Kent, William R. King, Abner Lacock, Peter Little, Aaron Lyle, Thomas Moore, William McCoy, Samuel McKee, Alexander McKim, Arunah Metcalf, Samuel L. Mitchill, Jeremiah Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Anthony New, Thomas Newton, Stephen Ormsby, Israel Pickens, James Pleasants, jun., Benjamin Pond, William M. Richardson, Samuel Ringgold, Thomas B. Robertson, John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, Lemuel Sawyer, Ebenezer Seaver, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, George Smith, John Smith, William Strong, John Taliaferro, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, jr., William Widgery, and Richard Wynn.

NAYS.--John Baker, Abijah Bigelow, Hermanus Bleecker, James Breckenridge, Elijah Brigham, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, Thomas B. Cooke, John Davenport, jr., William Ely, James Emott, Asa Fitch, Thomas R. Gold, Charles Goldsborough, Edwin Gray, Jacob Hufty, Richard Jackson, jun., Philip B. Key, Lyman Law, Joseph Lewis, jr., William Lowndes, Archibald McBryde, James Milnor, Jonathan O. Mosely, Joseph Pearson, Timothy Pitkin, jun., Elisha R. Potter, Josiah Quincy, John Randolph, William Reed, Henry M. Ridgely, William Rodman, Daniel Sheffey, Richard Stanford, Lewis B. Sturges, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Uri Tracy, Laban Wheaton, Leonard White, and Thomas Wilson.

Ordered, That the title be, "An act in addition to the act, entitled 'An act to raise an additional military force, and for other purposes.'"

FRIDAY, January 15.

_Land claims in Missouri Territory--Confirmation of private claims--Pre-emptions._

Mr. HEMPSTEAD observed, that he had certain resolutions to submit, on which, as they were somewhat in detail, he would ask the liberty to make a few remarks. Under the second section of the first act for adjusting land claims in the Territory of Louisiana, (now Missouri,) each actual settler was entitled to six hundred and forty acres of land, together with such other and further quantity as heretofore had been allowed for the wife and family of such actual settler, agreeably to the laws, usages, and customs of the Spanish Government. A majority of the Board of Land Commissioners in that Territory were, under that section, so liberal in their grants, that it excited the alarm of Government. This alarm, sir, was soon transferred to the people, and has continued ever since; because a majority of the Board passed from one extreme to the other, and granted, in many instances, only one hundred, one hundred and fifty or two hundred arpens, where they had before granted seven or eight hundred arpens. The grants for the smaller quantities are contained in the lists of grants, and being final against the United States, would never come before Congress, unless upon petitions from individual claimants. Other boards of Commissioners, acting under the same law, have granted to the actual settler in every instance, when the law had been complied with, six hundred and forty acres; and it would seem to me, sir, that the people of the Missouri Territory are entitled to the same justice.

The second resolution is to provide as well for rejected claims, in which no testimony has been adduced, as when testimony has been received; and to prevent individual claimants from loading our table with petitions. The mode pointed out will present all claims to Congress at one time. With these observations I shall submit the resolutions for the sanction of the House:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Public Lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing, in favor of the claimants, the re-examination of the grants of land made by the board of Commissioners for ascertaining and adjusting the titles and claims to land in the district of Louisiana, under the second section of the act, entitled "An act for ascertaining and adjusting the titles and claims to land within the Territory of Orleans and the district of Louisiana," passed the 2d of March, 1805; and also the grants made by the Recorder of Land Titles for the Territory of Missouri, under that part of the third section of the act, entitled "An act further providing for settling the claims to land in the Territory of Missouri," passed the 13th of June, 1812, which provides for settlement of donation rights in all cases where the quantity of land granted is less than six hundred and forty acres; and that said committee have leave to report by bill, or otherwise.

Resolved, That the Committee on the Public Lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing the Recorder of Land Titles for the Territory of Missouri to receive testimony in all the claims to land in which none has been adduced, and which are rejected in the report made by the late board of Commissioners for ascertaining and adjusting the titles and claims to land in the then district of Louisiana, now Territory of Missouri; and, afterwards, to arrange into classes, according to their respective merits, as well the claims embraced by this resolution, as the other rejected claims mentioned in said report, and made abstracts containing the substance of the evidence in support of such claims, and such other information and remarks as may be necessary to a proper decision thereon, and report on said claims to the General Commissioner of the Land Office; and that said committee have leave to report by bill, or otherwise.

Resolved, That said committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of granting the right of pre-emption to actual settlers on the public lands in the said Territory of Missouri; and that said committee have leave to report by bill, or otherwise.

The resolutions were then agreed to.

MONDAY, January 18.

Two other members, to wit: from Massachusetts, PELEG TALIMAN; and from Pennsylvania, WILLIAM PIPER, appeared, and took their seats.

Encouragement to Privateer Captures.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill "relating to captures."

[The bill provides that compensation shall be allowed to the officers and crews of our public vessels, for vessels of the enemy necessarily destroyed at sea after their capture.]

Mr. BASSETT stated to the House the considerations by which the Naval Committee had been induced to report this bill. It grew more immediately out of the case of the Guerriere destroyed by the Constitution--a case precisely in point. Such a principle as that which the bill proposed, he believed, had been engrafted in the British service. It was at least required by equity and sound policy, where the public service required the destruction of a vessel for fear of recapture by the enemy in its disabled state, that some compensation should be made to the captors in lieu of that which would have accrued from the sale of the vessel had it been brought into port.

Mr. H. CLAY (Speaker) spoke in opposition both to the principles and details of the bill. He was disposed to believe the principle unprecedented in any other country; but even if it were not, he thought it ought not to exist in this country. It would have the effect to make it the interest of the captor, unless the vessel should be immediately on the coast, or in the very mouth of our rivers, to destroy the captured vessel. On consulting the underwriters, gentlemen would find the premium required on bringing in a vessel of any description from any considerable distance, would be equal to one-half her value; and, as proof of it, Mr. C. instanced the high insurance even from Charleston and New Orleans, along our own coast, to a northern port. The strongest possible temptation would, therefore, be offered by giving half the value of the destroyed vessel to the captors in case of her destruction. Mr. C. moved to strike out the first section of the bill.

Mr. BASSETT replied to Mr. CLAY, and defended the bill, on the ground of expediency and of precedent. In the British nation, he said, rewards were always liberally bestowed on skill and valor, and they must always be by every country that wishes to encourage these qualities in its citizens. The principle did exist in the British service, not by statutory, but by admiralty regulations; and in all such cases rewards had been liberally dispensed.

Mr. BACON opposed the bill as inexpedient and unprecedented. To show that it went beyond the British legal provisions in that respect, he quoted a statute of that nation which allows to the captors of vessels so destroyed, as the bill contemplates, a bounty of five pounds for every man found alive on board said captured vessels, the aggregate to be equally distributed among the crew of the captors. Further, he believed, that Government had not gone.

Mr. CHEVES on this remarked, that every encouragement was afforded to British naval officers, by their Government, as well by promotions to higher office and to nobility, &c., which were not known in this country, as by pecuniary rewards and pensions, not in all cases by statutory, but by Executive sanctions. He was disposed to be liberal to our officers, to foster our rising navy. But, though friendly to the principle, he objected to the particular details of the bill, which he thought susceptible of modifications which would be better made in select committee than in the House. He, therefore, moved that the committee rise.

Mr. QUINCY objected to the principle of the bill, which he thought fundamentally questionable. He was for providing specially by statute for each case after its occurrence, where the circumstances of the case required an exercise of liberality by Congress, and to legislate generally for future occurrences.

The committee then rose, reported progress, and were refused leave to sit again; and,

On motion of Mr. CHEVES, the bill was recommitted to the Naval Committee.

TUESDAY, January 19.

Privateer Pensions.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill regulating pensions to persons on board private armed ships.

[This bill directs that the two per cent. reserved in the hands of consuls and collectors, in pursuance of an act of June last, respecting private armed vessels, &c., be paid into the Treasury, to constitute a fund for pensions to persons disabled on board private armed vessels, of the mode and degree of which disability the log book of each vessel is to be evidence.]

Mr. BURWELL moved to strike out the vital section of the bill, with a view to try the principle. In support of the motion, he remarked that he conceived it improper to adopt a principle so extremely liable to abuse as this, especially when pensions had been refused to at least equally meritorious sufferers during the Revolution. The evidence which the log book of a vessel would afford, would be so very liable to error, and so indefinite, as not to be entitled to that conclusive weight given to it by the bill. The proper course, he conceived, would be, to leave the subject open to the annual disposition of Congress; which was now the case with certain other pensions.

Mr. BASSETT stated, in reply, that, at the last session, two per cent. having been reserved from the wages of the seamen on board private armed vessels, for the avowed and declared purpose of constituting a fund for pensions to the wounded, this bill now merely indicated the mode of carrying this provision into effect. The money had been reserved by the collectors and consuls, and as it was never the intention of Congress to make them a present of it, it remained for Congress to direct the mode of its distribution. If the principle was incorrect, it ought to have been objected to when the pledge was given by the House last session on the subject.

The question on striking out the section was negatived by a very small majority; and the committee rose and reported the bill.

Mr. STOW made a motion going to confine the pensions allowed by the bill to such as should be disabled in actual service, and spoke in support of his motion.

Mr. MCKIM opposed the motion. The services rendered by the privateers were valuable to the country and ought to be encouraged. The duties on prize goods, he said, brought into the port of Baltimore alone, had amounted to three hundred and fifty-four thousand dollars. This showed the importance of this system in a pecuniary point of view.

Mr. STOW questioned the benefit rendered to the public interest by privateering, and said he was in favor of letting this fund accumulate, and first see whether there was sufficient to pension those having received known wounds in action, before they agreed to extend it to all casualties on board private armed vessels.

Mr. LITTLE asserted the utility of privateers and their efficiency as a means of annoying the enemy, He bore testimony to the bravery they had displayed in all conflicts with the enemy, and to the injuries they had inflicted on his commerce. The enterprising individuals concerned in it ought to be encouraged; for, by the impediments to the prosecution of their enterprise, many had been already discouraged and had dismantled their vessels. If properly encouraged, they would scour every sea, however distant, and ransack every port and harbor in search of the enemy. He was in favor of exhibiting the most liberal disposition towards them.

Considerable further debate took place on the amendment, which was at last agreed to by a very small majority.

Mr. RHEA subsequently moved to recommit the bill to the same committee which reported it, for the purpose of amendment; and the bill was recommitted.

WEDNESDAY, January 20.

Astronomical Observatory.

Mr. MITCHILL, from the committee to whom was referred the memorial of William Lambert, and the report made thereon by the Secretary of State at the last session, presented a bill authorizing the establishment of an Astronomical Observatory; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Friday next.

The report is as follows:

On the 27th December, 1809, Mr. Lambert addressed the House of Representatives upon the expediency of establishing a first meridian for the United States at their permanent seat of Government. This was ordered for consideration to a select number of gentlemen, who, on the 28th March, eighteen hundred and ten, laid upon the table an able and learned opinion, accompanied with scientific calculations illustrative of the object. They concluded their investigation by recommending that provision should be made, by law, for determining, with the greatest accuracy, the distance between the City of Washington and Greenwich in England, and that the proper instruments should be procured.

Afterwards, on the 23d January, 1811, the memorial was referred to a select committee; and, on the 23d of the ensuing February, that committee was discharged, and the memorial referred to the Secretary of State for his consideration.

Conformably to the desire of the House, that officer wrote to the Speaker a letter which, after having been read, on the third day of July, 1812, was ordered to lie on the table. That letter was, on the 8th December last, ordered to the present committee, who have diligently weighed the matters which it contains.

It is their opinion that astronomical observations are highly useful to a navigating and commercial people, already eminent for their progress in science and the arts, and who are laboring for the completion of their national dignity and splendor.

The most ready method of obtaining the information to be derived from noting the phenomena of the heavens, is by the establishment of an observatory. This may be erected at the city of Washington. By such an institution, means may be adopted not only to fix the first meridian, but to ascertain a great number of other astronomical facts and occurrences through the vigilance of a complete astronomer.

THURSDAY, January 21.

The House met with closed doors; and, after being opened, another member, to wit, from New York, PETER B. PORTER, appeared, and took his seat.

FRIDAY, January 22.

Encouragement to Privateers.

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the report of the Committee of Ways and Means on the petitions of Joshua Barney and Stephen Kingston.

The resolution, reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, "that it is inexpedient to legislate upon the subject of the petitions," was disagreed to; and the following was reported to the House as a substitute thereto:

"Resolved, That any right or claim of the United States to British property which may have been captured by American privateers, arising from forfeiture under any provision of the non-importation acts, ought to be relinquished for the benefit of the captors."

The question on the original resolution was also disagreed to by a vote of the House. For disagreeing 61, against it 47.

And the resolution proposed in Committee of the Whole as a substitute, was, as stated above, agreed to; and was referred to the Committee of Ways and Means to bring in a bill in pursuance thereof.

Impressed Seamen.

The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit, for the information of Congress, copies of a correspondence between John Mitchell, Agent for American Prisoners of War at Halifax, and the British Admiral commanding at that station.

I transmit for the like purposes copies of a letter from Commodore Rodgers to the Secretary of the Navy.

JANUARY 22, 1813.

JAMES MADISON.

_Extract of a letter from John Mitchell, Esq., Agent for American Prisoners of War at Halifax, to the Secretary of State, dated_

"DECEMBER 5, 1812.

"I cover you a copy of a correspondence, which took place in consequence of different applications I received, either by letter or personally, from persons detained on board His Britannic Majesty's ships of war in this place.

"I formerly mentioned to you that the Admiral had assured me that he would discharge all the citizens of the United States who were in the fleet, and actually did discharge several. This induced me to think I should be correct, and in the perfect line of my duty, in sending him a list of the applicants to me, and requesting an inquiry to be made, and discharges granted to all who were citizens of the United States; I, therefore, covered him a list of the names now enclosed to you, which produced his letter to me of the same date, (December 1, 1812.)

"I read it with surprise, because some of the men had informed me their captains had refused to report them to the Admiral. Now, if no one here was, or is, allowed to do it, their situation is hopeless.

"It is not my place, sir, to reason with you on this business. Proof of Nativity, in his first letter, is a strong expression; and how few are in possession of it, and how many who cannot obtain it.

"The second paragraph, in the second letter, prevents my interfering; and I have since been obliged to send a man away, requesting him to apply to his commanding officer."

_Copy of a letter from John Mitchell, Esq., Agent for American Prisoners of War at Halifax, to Sir John Borlase Warren, dated_

DECEMBER 1, 1812.

SIR: Since the sailing of the last cartels, in which you were pleased to send home several Americans, who had been in His Britannic Majesty's service, others who are now on board of the Centurion and Statira have requested of me to procure their discharge, and to be sent home.

Will you, sir, have the goodness to direct an inquiry, and order the release of such as are citizens of the United States?

Besides the enclosed list, I am told there are others whose names I have not.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN MITCHELL, Agent.

_Copy of a letter from Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, to John Mitchell, Esq., Agent for American Prisoners of War at Halifax, dated_

DECEMBER 1, 1812.

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date, respecting some men, therein mentioned, on board His Majesty's ships under my command, said to be citizens of the United States, and in reply, beg to acquaint you, that whenever I have received representations from the captains of His Majesty's ships of any part of their crews being citizens of America, with sufficient proof of their nativity, I have directed their discharge from the service.

I must observe to you that I cannot permit the interference of any applications from men belonging to His Majesty's ships, but through their commanding officers: and in your department, of prisoners of war only, I shall at all times be most happy to receive your communications.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN B. WARREN.

_Copy of a letter from John Mitchell, Esq., Agent for American Prisoners of War at Halifax, to Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, dated_

DECEMBER 3, 1812.

SIR: I had yesterday the honor to receive your letter, dated the 1st instant, in which you observe that you cannot permit the interference of any application from men on board of His Britannic Majesty's ships of war, but through their commanding officers.

Desirous of conforming as far as possible to established regulations, permit me the honor to inquire of your Excellency, if by your letter I am to understand that I am not to receive the applications of seamen declaring themselves citizens of the United States, who are on board of His Majesty's ships of war, and communicate the same to you? If this is the meaning, I shall most certainly conform, though I must lament the regulation.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

J. MITCHELL, Agent, &c.

_Copy of a letter from Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, to John Mitchell, Esq., Agent for American Prisoners of War at Halifax, dated_

DECEMBER 4, 1812.

SIR: In reply to your letter, dated yesterday, I have to acquaint you that whenever any address is made relative to men on board His Majesty's ships, it must be by the commanders of such vessels direct.

I cannot permit any application by other persons in time of war, but in the above mode.

It will always afford me pleasure to attend to your wishes in any respect relative to the situation or exchange of prisoners, or to afford any aid or relief in my power. I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN B. WARREN.

_From Commodore Rodgers to the Secretary of the Navy._

U. S. FRIGATE PRESIDENT, BOSTON, Jan. 14, 1813.

SIR: Herewith you will receive two muster books, of His Britannic Majesty's vessels Moselle and Sappho, found on board the British packet Swallow.

As the British have always denied that they detained on board their ships of war American citizens, knowing them to be such, I send you the enclosed, as a public document of their own, to prove how illy such an assertion accords with their practice.

It will appear by these two muster books that so late as August last, about an eighth part of the Moselle and Sappho's crews were Americans; consequently, if there is only a quarter part of that proportion on board their other vessels, that they have an infinitely greater number of Americans in their service than any American has yet had an idea of.

Any further comment of mine on this subject, I consider unnecessary; as the enclosed documents speak but too plainly for themselves. I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN RODGERS.

Hon. PAUL HAMILTON, Secretary of the Navy.

The Message and documents were read, and referred to the Committee of Foreign Relations.

TUESDAY, January 26.

Treasury Notes.

On motion of Mr. CHEVES, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means authorizing the issuing of Treasury notes for the service of the year 1812.

[The bill authorizes the President of the United States to cause to be issued Treasury notes to the amount of five millions of dollars, and also, if he shall deem it expedient, to issue a further amount, not exceeding five millions of dollars, provided the amount issued under the latter provision shall be deemed and held to be in part of the loan of sixteen millions of dollars authorized by the bill passed this day. The notes to bear interest at the rate of five and two-fifths per cent. per annum, to be redeemed one year after the day on which they are respectively issued.]

The bill having been read through by sections, and no objection having been made thereto, the committee rose and reported it.

The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading without division; and then the House adjourned.

FRIDAY, January 29.

A new member, to wit, from New York, THOMAS P. GROSVENOR, elected to supply the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Robert Le Roy Livingston, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.

Grant to Daniel Boone.

Mr. HEMPSTEAD, from the committee to whom were referred the petition of Daniel Boone, and the resolutions of the Legislature of Kentucky in his behalf, made a report; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next.

Territory of Missouri.

Mr. MCKEE, from the select committee which was directed to inquire into the propriety of amending the act for the government of the Missouri Territory, reported against any amendment. The report is as follows:

That they have had the subject to them referred under their consideration, and have examined the act above recited. The principal difficulty suggested to the committee, occurring in the execution of the law, appears to relate to the election of a delegate to represent the interest of the Territory in the Congress of the United States. By the first clause of the 6th section of the act it is provided "that the House of Representatives shall be composed of members elected every second year, by the people of the said Territory, to serve for two years." By the 13th section of the said act it is also provided "that the citizens of the said Territory entitled to vote for Representatives to the General Assembly thereof, shall, at the time of electing their Representatives to the said General Assembly, also elect one delegate from the said Territory to the Congress of the United States." It also appears that an election was held in pursuance of the act on the second Monday of November last, when a delegate was elected. It appears that doubts have been entertained whether the delegate thus elected can legally hold his seat after the 3d day of March next, and an alteration of the law has been suggested as necessary to obviate the difficulty. It seems to the committee that the first clause of the 6th section, and the 13th section of the act, taken together, leaves no room for doubt, but evidently fixes the period for which the delegate may hold his seat at two years from the second Monday of November last; and it follows, as a necessary consequence, that the delegate elected in pursuance of the law, and for the term of two years, cannot be deprived of his right to a seat by any subsequent law.

It also appears to the committee that the Territorial Legislature are furnished, by the 7th section of the act, with competent power to change the time of holding elections so as to obviate any difficulty that may occur in the subsequent elections of a delegate.

The committee, therefore, recommend the following resolution:

Resolved, That the act entitled "An act providing for the government of the Territory of Missouri," requires no amendment.

_By Benjamin Howard, Governor of the Territory of Louisiana, Commander-in-Chief of the Militia thereof, and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, in and over the same_:

A PROCLAMATION.

In discharge of those duties enjoined on the Governor of this Territory by an act of the Congress of the United States of America, approved the 4th of June, 1812, entitled "An act providing for the government of the Territory of Missouri," I have made the following arrangements, preparatory to the new organization of Government to be instituted by the said act, and which will commence its operation on the first Monday in December next; that is to say;

I have divided the future Territory of Missouri into five counties, excluding from the civil jurisdiction of each of said counties any tract or tracts of country which may fall within their respective general limits, as hereinafter set forth, the Indian title to which may not have been extinguished.

That portion of territory situated north of the Missouri River, and usually known by the name of the Forks, as lying between that river and the river Mississippi, shall compose one county, and be called the county of St. Charles.

That portion of territory bounded by the Missouri river on the north; by the Mississippi on the east; on the south by the Platin creek, from its mouth to its source; thence by a west line to the Missouri river, or to the western boundary of the Osage purchase; and on the west, by the said western boundary of the Osage purchase, shall compose one other county, and be called the county of St. Louis.

That portion of territory bounded by the county of St. Louis on the north; on the east by the Mississippi; on the south by Apple creek, from its mouth to its source; thence by a due west line to the western boundary of the Osage purchase; and on the west, by the said western boundary of the Osage purchase, shall compose one other county, and be called the county of St. Genevieve.

That portion of territory bounded on the north by the south limit of the county of St. Genevieve; east by the Mississippi; west by the western boundary of the Osage purchase; and south by that line which formerly separated the commanders of Cape Girardeau and New Madrid, and known more recently as the boundary between these two districts, shall compose one other county, and be called the county of Cape Girardeau.

That portion of territory bounded north by the south limit of the county of Cape Girardeau; east by the Mississippi; south by the 33d degree of north latitude, (the southern boundary of this Territory as settled by act of Congress;) west by the western boundary of the Osage purchase; and from the southern extremity thereof to the 33d degree of north latitude aforesaid, shall compose one other county, and be called the county of New Madrid.

And I do hereby make known and declare that elections of Representatives, to serve in the General Assembly of the future Territory of Missouri, shall be holden throughout the Territory, on the second Monday of November next, at the respective seats of justice of the present districts, which are hereby declared to be the seats of justice for the several future counties respectively except that the town of New Madrid shall be the seat of justice of the future county of New Madrid, which said future county will comprehend the present districts of New Madrid and Arkansas; to wit: at the town of St. Charles for the future county of St. Charles, at which time and place there will be chosen for the said county two Representatives. At the town of St. Louis for the future county of St. Louis, at which time and place there will be chosen four Representatives. At the town of St. Genevieve for the future county of St. Genevieve, at which time and place there will be chosen for the said county three Representatives. At the town of Cape Girardeau for the future county of Cape Girardeau, at which time and place there will be chosen for the said county two Representatives. And at the town of New Madrid for the future county of New Madrid, at which time and place there will be chosen for the said county two Representatives.

And I do, moreover, make known and declare that on the said second Monday of November next, an election will also be holden, at the several seats of justice aforesaid, for a Territorial delegate to the Congress of the United States. And I do enjoin and require that these elections be holden by the sheriffs of the present districts, or in their absence, or inability to act, by the coroners respectively; that the said sheriffs or coroners shall take the polls of those qualified to vote; that the clerks of the courts of the present districts, or their deputies, shall respectively write down the names of the voters in a fair and legible manner, and that the presiding judges of the courts of the present districts respectively, or in case of absence, or inability to act, the next in commission shall attend, and be judges of the qualification of the voters; that the said elections shall be opened at the respective seats of justice aforesaid, at or before 9 o'clock in the morning of the said second Monday of November, and close at sunset of that day.

And the sheriffs or coroners respectively, after having caused the proces-verbal of said polls to be signed by the clerks or their deputies, who may have respectively committed the same to writing, and countersigned by the judges respectively who may have attended the elections, will themselves certify the same, explicitly stating, at large, the names of the persons elected as Representatives, and the name of the person having the greatest number of votes as a delegate to Congress, and make immediate return thereof to the Governor of the Territory.

And I do, lastly, enjoin and require, that the Representatives of the several future counties, so as aforesaid to be elected, do convene in the town of St. Louis on the first Monday in December next, as provided by the act of Congress aforesaid.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the Territory of Louisiana to be hereunto affixed. Given under my hand, at the town of St. Louis, the first day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twelve, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-seventh.

BENJAMIN A. HOWARD.

For the information of the people who are called on to decide the right of suffrage by the Governor's proclamation, we have inserted below that part of the law which defines the qualification as well of the Representative as of the voter.

"No person shall be eligible or qualified to be a Representative, who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-one years, and who shall not have resided in the Territory one year next preceding the day of election, and who shall not be a freeholder within the county in which he may be elected; and no person holding an office under the United States, or an office of profit under the Territory, shall be a Representative. In case of vacancy, by death, resignation, or removal or otherwise of a Representative, the Governor shall issue a writ to the county wherever a vacancy may be as aforesaid, to elect another person to serve the residue of the term. That all free white male citizens of the United States above the age of twenty-one years, who have resided in said Territory twelve months next preceding an election, and who shall have paid a territorial or county tax, assessed at least six months previous thereto, shall be entitled to vote for Representatives to the General Assembly of said Territory."

The report was ordered to lie on the table.

Arming and Classing the Militia.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill supplementary to the act for arming the militia, and for classing the same.

Mr. FITCH moved to strike out all that part of the bill which provides for the classing the militia of the United States.

Mr. ELY said that he was totally opposed to the classification of the militia; that it had been pressed upon us from year to year, by gentlemen from the Southern section of the Union, he knew not why; that he thought the effects of the measure in rendering the militia efficient, for constitutional purposes, were very trifling and unimportant. From some cause or other, the militia in the Southern States are very little improved, and gentlemen seemed to imagine that classification was to supply the place of arms, of organization, of discipline, of every thing. This would not prove to be the case. He said that the laws heretofore made had proved in the Northern States, particularly in Massachusetts, abundantly sufficient to answer all the purposes of forming an efficient militia; but they have been followed up by State regulations which had been enjoined by penalties sufficiently severe. These, he had understood, had been in a great measure neglected in the South, and this was the reason that the militia were so imperfect; and if the States would not enforce those laws, he had no idea they would enforce this. The sums expended on the militia in Massachusetts, both from the public treasury and by private individuals, is very great--that State has furnished more than sixty artillery companies, with their pieces, ammunition carriages, and every thing appurtenant to them, complete; the artillery and cavalry are completely uniformed and equipped, and are required so to be by law; for the greater part, the infantry are in uniform complete, are well armed, and are equal in all respects to any militia in the world. That this classification would add to their burdens, and they had already burdens enough; that it would be an insidious thing, and so considered by the militia, and go to destroy the harmony of the militia corps. That if gentlemen in the South thought it would be useful, let their State governments, who were the best judges, adopt as much of it as they pleased. No one would object to that, if they did not interfere with existing regulations. All will acknowledge that the State Governments have it in their power, and it has been, in some form or other, exercised by some of the States, and particularly by Pennsylvania--this measure will interfere with their favorite mode. He said he was disposed to have the militia in the South improved, but he prayed gentlemen not to adopt a measure calculated to injure one part of the militia, more than it would benefit the other; he hoped the provisions for classing the militia would be stricken out of the bill.

Mr. WILLIAMS and Mr. STOW opposed the motion.

The question was decided by yeas and nays: For striking out 58, against it 65.

The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

SATURDAY, January 30.

A new member, to wit, from North Carolina, WILLIAM KENNEDY, elected to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Gen. Thomas Blount, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat.

Constitution and Guerriere.

The engrossed bill providing compensation to Captain Hull, and the officers and crew of the frigate Constitution, for the capture and destruction of the British frigate Guerriere, was read a third time.

[The bill authorizes a grant of $50,000.]

Mr. MCKEE opposed the passage of the bill, on the ground that the President has no authority to expend the public money in gratuitous grants to individuals.

Mr. SAWYER stated, that he wished to make some remarks in reply to Mr. MCKEE, but, from the lateness of the hour, and an indisposition with which he was oppressed, it was not now in his power. He therefore moved an adjournment, which was carried--ayes 54.

MONDAY, February 1.

Mr. SEAVER presented a petition of Benjamin Waterhouse, medical doctor, of Boston, stating that he is willing, and wishes to undertake the inoculation of the army of the United States with the "kine-pock inoculation," and praying the aid and patronage of Congress in that undertaking.--Referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Constitution and Guerriere.

The House resumed the order of the day on the bill making compensation to the officers and crew of the Constitution for the destruction of the frigate Guerriere. The bill being on its third reading--

Mr. SAWYER spoke in support of the bill, and in reply to Mr. MCKEE.

Mr. DAWSON.--Mr. Speaker: The bill which is now on your table, and which I hope will soon receive your signature, was drawn from a resolution, or rather the part of a resolution which I had the honor to offer you at the very commencement of the session.

When I offered you that resolution, I did hope, and I did believe, that it would have received the immediate attention and unanimous approbation of this House; that regardless of those punctilios which too often shackle the best intentions, and do injury to the best causes, and in compliance with the sentiments and feelings of the nation, we should have immediately expressed our own, thereby giving force to that expression, and have rendered that tribute which is justly due to undaunted valor, and to modest merit; that we should have declared our admiration, and the high sense we entertain of the gallant conduct of the defenders of their country's flag, and the defenders of her rights, and while we gave to some testimonials of our approbation, we should have yielded to all that which is justly due.

In this expectation I have been wofully disappointed; doubts, difficulties, and delays have taken place; commitment has succeeded commitment, and so many amendments, or rather alterations, have been made to the original resolution, that I can scarcely call it my own; it has received the fostering care of so many stepfathers that I am almost constrained to disown it as illegitimate; but as it is natural to protect that which we call "our own," although all the features do not please us, so I shall vote for that bill although all its provisions do not please me.

Some gentlemen, with a liberality which I neither envy, nor shall I imitate, are willing to load those brave tars with all the praise, with all the applause, which the pride of language can bestow, or which a resolution written on paper gilded with gold can confer; and, becoming their own judges, they think that ample compensation for all the hardships they have suffered, for all the dangers they have encountered, for all the wounds they have received. With all the respect which I feel for these honorable gentlemen, and the high value which I set on their good opinion, I do not think it ample compensation to the brave and indigent tars who have boldly fought your battles, and generously sacrificed their interest for your good; they merit some more substantial stuff than air; they have acquired for you, sir, they have given to your enemy, something more substantial.

Others there are, who are well pleased to bestow on the brave officers who have distinguished themselves, some testimonials of our approbation--some insignia of their merit. With these gentlemen I most perfectly agree, and most cordially voted in favor of the bill for that purpose. But, while I remember the gallant captain who proudly steps the quarterdeck, I will not forget the sailor boy, "who whistles o'er the lee," or the aged mariner who fathoms the deep, and on whom, when the battle rages, danger has no more effect than the foaming surge which surrounds him has on the hard rock, when it dashes and breaks against its side; they all, sir, are entitled to your applause and gratitude; they all demand your justice; and to render that justice is the object of the bill now on your table, as I will presently show, and which had it passed at an earlier period of the session, as I did expect it would, your "Constellation" would not have lain for weeks within your view for the want of men, and is still, I believe, in your waters, but would long since have been at sea, and would have added new trophies to those already won.

The Secretary of the Navy, I mean the late Secretary, in whose veracity and integrity I have the highest confidence, who carries to his retirement the best wishes of my heart, and under whose auspices this gallant exploit was achieved, and Commodore Hull, whose disinterestedness seems only equalled by his valor, have informed us that "the Guerriere" when she went into action was worth two hundred thousand dollars, and that she had articles on board to the value of one hundred thousand dollars. She was one of the finest frigates in the British navy, well manned, and commanded by one of their most experienced and gallant captains! This ship, our frigate, "the Constitution," of equal force, attacked, vanquished, and captured, after a short, though one of the most brilliant actions recorded in the naval history of any country; thereby giving certain presages of future glory, and a character to our rising navy, coeval almost with its existence, and setting an example which other officers and crews, equally emulous of fame, have since imitated, and have obtained the same laurels, which will never fade.

Agreeably to the act for the better government of the Navy of the United States, the ship, with all articles on board her, became their prize; they might have used it to their best advantage; they might have brought her into port, and divided the whole among themselves; but apprehensive that from the crippled state of the prize she might again fall into the hands of your enemy; nay, sir, that your own frigate might be endangered in protecting and convoying her, they with that liberality, with that magnanimity which marks the character of the sailor, determined to destroy her, thereby sacrificing their interest for your good.

And here, Mr. Speaker, let me ask what other class of men in our society can you find who would have acted thus nobly? I fear, sir, we shall search for them in vain. I am sure, sir, that we shall not find them among those who daily violate your laws, relieve your enemy of his surplus manufactures, or supply him with your provisions, and then come here and receive indemnification, remission for the crimes which they have committed.

And, sir, what is the mighty boon which these brave and indigent tars ask from you? or rather was it that I, in the name of justice, demanded for them?--it is one-sixth part in value of that property--of their property, which they have sacrificed for your good, rather than it should fall into the hands of your enemy. And will you refuse it? No, you will not, you cannot, you dare not. You will not, because every consideration of policy, and the best interest of our country, forbid it; you cannot, because every feeling which ennobles the human heart, and I think I know yours, forbids it; you dare not, because justice forbids it; and you dare not do an act so flagitious.

Mr. Speaker, during the very lengthy discussions which have taken place in this session, I have remained silent in my seat; this has not arisen from a supineness of disposition, or from an inattention to the public business, or the public welfare, but in the hope, that when gentlemen had exhausted all their eloquence, they would have permitted us to progress, and to place our country in the situation demanded by the crisis; and I should have indulged that disposition which I have to be silent, had not an attempt been made to deprive the brave and needy tars of that which is justly due to them; but under these circumstances I could not restrain my feelings, and have to regret that I cannot give to them that utterance which the occasion calls for.

[The argument against this bill was, that it would be setting a precedent which would be considered authoritative in future cases; that it was giving a donation for an act of duty only, though gallantly performed. It was rewarding a service, which, had it been rendered on land, would have received no remuneration, as experience had proved in the case of the Tippecanoe expedition; and that it was contrary to justice to confer pecuniary rewards on one class of our citizens in exclusion of others. In favor of the bill it was stated that the captured vessel, if she had been brought into port, would have produced six times the amount now proposed to be allowed to her; and that the captors ought not to incur a total loss from the destruction of the vessel, which the fear of her falling into the hands of the enemy had rendered necessary to the public service. It was urged, that if any city in the United States had to legislate on this subject, five times as much would have been awarded as is now proposed. All the gentlemen who spoke, offered the tribute of their respect to the gallantry and conduct of the officers and seamen of our public vessels.]

The question on the passage of the bill was decided in the negative--yeas 55, nays 59.

WEDNESDAY, February 3.

Virginia Military Bounty Lands.

The House then proceeded to consider the report of the Committee of the Whole on the report of the select committee touching the claims of the officers and soldiers of the Virginia line of the Revolutionary army to military bounty lands.

The question was then taken to concur with the Committee of the whole House in their disagreement to the resolution recommended by the select committee, which is as follows:

Resolved, That provision should be made for securing to the officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary army of Virginia, on State establishment, in the land or sea service of the said State, the bounty lands which were promised to them, either by a law or resolution of the said Commonwealth, out of the lands not otherwise appropriated, and lying on the northwest side of the river Ohio, within the Virginia cession, to be of good quality, according to the true intent and meaning of the promises made on the part of Virginia, and that, if a sufficiency of good land within the meaning of the aforesaid engagement cannot there be found, that their bounties shall be satisfied out of any other public land of the United States, not heretofore otherwise appropriated:

And was determined in the affirmative--yeas 66, nays 41.

FRIDAY, February 5.

_Encouragement to Public and to Private Armed Privateers._

On motion of Mr. MCKIM,

Resolved, That the Committee on Naval Affairs be instructed to inquire into the expediency of relinquishing, in favor of the officers and crews of the public armed ships of the United States, a greater portion of the value of prizes than they are now by law entitled to; and, also, to inquire into the expediency of providing further encouragement to equipping and employing private armed vessels of war against the ships and commerce of the enemy; and that the committee have leave to report by bill, or otherwise.

WEDNESDAY, February 10.

A message was received from the Senate informing the House that, owing to the indisposition of Mr. GAILLARD, the Senate have appointed Mr. FRANKLIN the teller, on their part, at the counting of the votes of the Electors for President and Vice President of the United States.

Counting of Electoral Votes.

The hour of 12 having arrived, the Senate entered the Hall of Representatives, preceded by their President, Secretary, Sergeant-at-Arms, and Doorkeeper, and proceeded to seats prepared for them--the members of the House having risen to receive them, and remaining standing until all had entered. The President of the Senate took a seat which had been prepared for him at the Speaker's right hand, and the Secretary of the Senate was placed beside the Clerk of the House. The Tellers--Mr. FRANKLIN of the Senate, and Messrs. MACON and TALLMADGE of the House--were seated at a table in front of the Speaker's chair.

The President of the Senate then proceeded to open and hand to the Tellers the sealed returns from each State, which were severally read aloud by one of the Tellers, and noted down and announced by the Secretaries of each House.

The votes having all been opened and read, the following result was announced from the Chair, by the President of the Senate, viz:

+----------------+-------------------------+-------------------------+ | | President. | Vice President. | | +------------+------------+------------+------------+ | STATES. | James | De Witt | Elbridge | Jared | | | Madison. | Clinton. | Gerry. | Ingersoll. | +----------------+------------+------------+------------+------------+ | New Hampshire | - | 8 | 1 | 7 | | Massachusetts | - | 22 | 2 | 20 | | Rhode Island | - | 4 | - | 4 | | Connecticut | - | 9 | - | 9 | | Vermont | 8 | - | 8 | - | | New York | - | 29 | - | 29 | | New Jersey | - | 8 | - | 8 | | Pennsylvania | 25 | - | 25 | - | | Delaware | - | 4 | - | 4 | | Maryland | 6 | 5 | 6 | 5 | | Virginia | 25 | - | 25 | - | | North Carolina | 15 | - | 15 | - | | South Carolina | 11 | - | 11 | - | | Georgia | 8 | - | 8 | - | | Kentucky | 12 | - | 12 | - | | Tennessee | 8 | - | 8 | - | | Ohio | 7 | - | 7 | - | | Louisiana | 3 | - | 3 | - | | +------------+------------+------------+------------+ | Total | 128 | 89 | 131 | 86 | +----------------+------------+------------+------------+------------+

RECAPITULATION OF ELECTORAL VOTES.

For President of the United States.

JAMES MADISON, of Virginia, 128 DE WITT CLINTON, of New York, 89 --- 217

For Vice President of the United States.

ELBRIDGE GERRY, of Massachusetts, 131 JARED INGERSOLL, of Pennsylvania, 86 --- 217

The President of the Senate, in pursuance of the joint resolutions of the two Houses, then announced the state of the votes to both Houses of Congress, and declared "That JAMES MADISON, of the State of Virginia, was duly elected President of the United States, for four years, to commence on the fourth day of March next; and that ELBRIDGE GERRY was duly elected Vice President of the United States, for the like term of four years, to commence on the said fourth day of March next."

The two Houses then separated, and the Senate returned to their Chamber.

THURSDAY, February 11.

A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have appointed a committee, on their part, to join such committee as this House may appoint on their part, to wait upon the President of the United States, and to inform him of his re-election, for four years, to commence on the fourth day of March next.

Regulation of Seamen.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill excluding foreign seamen from the service of the United States.

Mr. PITKIN'S motion to strike out the first section of the bill, for the purpose of inserting a proposed amendment, being still under consideration, considerable discussion took place on it, but it was eventually withdrawn to give way to the following motion.

Mr. RIDGELY moved to strike out of the first section all the words in brackets, as follows:

SEC. 1. Be it enacted, &c., That from and after the termination, by a treaty of peace, of the war in which the United States are now engaged with Great Britain, it shall not be lawful to employ as seamen, or otherwise, on board of any public vessel of the United States, or of any vessel owned by citizens of the United States, or sailing under their flag, any person or persons, except natural born citizens of the United States, or citizens of the United States at the time of such treaty being made and concluded, [or persons who, being resident within the United States at the time of such treaty, and having previously declared, agreeably to existing laws, their intention to become citizens of the United States, shall be admitted as such within five years thereafter in the manner prescribed by law.]

After some conversation, the motion was negatived by yeas and nays--for it 40, against it 80.

SATURDAY, February 13.

_Encouragement for Privateering--Bounty for Prisoners._

Mr. BASSETT, from the Committee on the Naval Establishment, made a report relative to the expediency of affording greater encouragement to privateering. The report is as follows:--

That, in relation to the first inquiry, they find that, by the British statutes of the 13th and 27th of George the Second, the whole prize of each and every public armed vessel is given to the officers and crews making the capture; and they find this principle published by British proclamation, in relation to the present war with the United States. The laws of the United States, vol. 3, page 360, direct that, if a capture be made by an American public armed vessel, of equal or superior force, the capturing vessel shall have the whole; in all other cases of capture, one-half is distributed to the officers, and the other half is paid to the Commissioners of the Navy Pension Fund, pledged, first, for the payment of pensions, and the surplus to be disbursed for the comfort and benefit of seamen. This fund for Navy pensions amounts to something more than two hundred thousand dollars, yielding an annual interest of fifteen thousand dollars; and the amount of pensions is from seven to eight thousand dollars; leaving a yearly balance of seventeen thousand dollars in favor of the fund, and this without the addition of the prizes made this war, which are known to exceed one hundred thousand dollars, and will probably amount to two hundred thousand dollars, so as to double the fund; while only four persons have been added to the list by the war, to receive twenty-one dollars. From the above it appears, that, from the old pension list, the amount of pensions is little more than three per centum on the amount of prizes. Were five per cent. from the future prizes, to be added to this fund, on past experience it would promise an adequate sum for the payment of pensions. Your committee, however, concluded that it would not do to rely conclusively on past experience, and, on the ground of certainty, deemed it best for the fund to remain as established for another year, when more experience would give more confidence to the decision. As this report is intended to bring the subject under the view of the House, with the hope that it will not be lost sight of at the next session, it will be proper here to add, that, with some of the committee, the idea was entertained that ten per cent. should be withheld from distribution, viz.: five per cent. for the pension, and five for the navy hospital fund; in which not only the imbecility of decrepitude, but the imbecility of infancy should always find an asylum. On the other branch of the inquiry, your committee give their fullest attestation to the utility and importance of privateers. If, at other times and in other countries, the effect of individual exertion has been distrusted, the unexampled gallantry of our citizens, in that way, since the declaration of war, assures us that, with Americans, even the individual arm can make an efficient impression on the foe. The mode, however, of giving encouragement, they found not free from difficulty. As least liable to objection, they recommend that a bounty be paid for every prisoner brought in; and, that this proposition may be regularly before the House, they report a bill.

Mr. BASSETT, from the Naval Committee, then reported a bill allowing a bounty to privateers. [Allowing a bounty of ---- dollars for each person they bring in.] Twice read and committed.

Additional General Officers.

On motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill authorizing the appointment of additional general officers in the Army of the United States.

[The bill provides for the appointment of ---- additional Major Generals, and ---- Brigadier Generals.]

The following letters from the Secretary of War were read:

ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, December 23, 1812.

SIR: Before I reply to your question, "how many major generals and brigadiers are necessary for an army of thirty-five thousand men?" it may not be amiss to state what is believed to have been the proportion of officers of these grades in the Revolutionary army, and what is understood to be the proportion, at this time, in European armies.

In the first army of the Revolution, raised in 1775, we had a commander-in-chief, four major generals, and eight brigadiers. In 1776, five brigadiers were promoted to the rank of major generals, and twenty-three brigadiers appointed. In 1777, six brigadiers were promoted to the rank of major generals, and three major generals and eighteen brigadiers appointed.

The loss of papers in the War Office, by fire, in 1800, renders it impossible to say, with precision, at what particular periods many of these general officers left the service; but it is within my recollection that, on the 28th of June, 1778, fourteen major generals, and sixteen brigadiers, were actually in service of the United States. Yet, by referring to the official letters of General Washington, in 1778 and 1779, it will be seen that a further increase of general officers was often and warmly recommended.

The main army, under the immediate command of General Washington, it is believed, never amounted to thirty-five thousand men, and it is by no means certain that this number was ever in service at one and the same time, in the whole of what was designated "the continental army." Yet, at no period, between the first of May, 1777, and the close of the war, had we less than thirty general officers in service.

It was deemed necessary, in the Revolution, and it is understood to be the general practice in Europe, at this time, to have at least one brigadier general for every two thousand men, and one major general for every four thousand.

In this country we have never had a grade between the commander-in-chief and that of major general; hence it was found necessary, in the "continental army," to give to the senior major general the command of the right wing, and to the next in rank, that of the left, which, from the limited number of general officers, often left a division to a brigadier, a brigade to a colonel, and a regiment to a subordinate field officer; but, in Europe, this difficulty is obviated by the appointment of general officers of higher grades.

From the best information I have been able to obtain on this subject, I have no hesitation in saying that eight major generals, and sixteen brigadiers, to command the divisions and brigades of an army of thirty-five thousand men, is the lowest estimate which the uniform practice of France, Russia, and England, will warrant, and that this is much below the proportion of officers of these grades actually employed in the army of the Revolution.

As you have not required my opinion whether it be necessary to have a higher grade than that of major general, I have not deemed it proper to touch this subject, and have confined myself to the number of major generals and brigadiers deemed necessary to command the divisions and brigades of an army of thirty-five thousand men. It may not, however, be improper to remark that, if it is intended to have no higher grade than that of major general, their number should be increased to eleven; so as to give one for the chief command, one for each wing, and one for each division of four thousand men.

I am, sir, very respectfully, yours, &c.

T. H. CUSHING, Adj't Gen.

The Hon. SECRETARY OF WAR.

WAR DEPARTMENT, Feb. 10, 1813.

SIR: In reply to the letter you did me the honor to write to me, on the 5th instant, by direction of the Committee on Military Affairs, I respectfully submit the following opinions:

1st. That an increased number of general officers is essential to the public service. The number of regiments provided for by law, is, two of light dragoons, three of heavy artillery, one of light artillery, one of riflemen, and forty-five of infantry, making, together, fifty-two regiments.

The simplest organization is ever the best. Hence it is, that, as a regiment consists of two battalions, so a brigade should consist of two regiments, and a division of two brigades.

This sphere of command will be found in practice, sufficiently large. The management of two thousand men in the field, will be ample duty for a brigadier, and the direction of double that number will give full occupation to a major general. To enlarge the sphere of command in either grade would not be a mean of best promoting the public good.

Taking these ideas as the basis of the rule, and taking for granted, also, that our ranks are filled, the present establishment would require twenty-five brigadiers and twelve major generals. But the latter admission requires qualification, and, under existing circumstances, it may be sufficient that the higher staff should consist of eight major generals, and sixteen brigadiers.

The general argument, on this head, might be fortified by our own practice during the war of the Revolution, and by that of European nations at all times. Believing, however, that this view of the subject has been already taken by the adjutant general, in a late communication to you, I forbear to do more than suggest it.

2. The recruiting service would be much promoted, were the bounty in land commutable into money, at the option of the soldier, and at the end of his service. This modification would be addressed to both descriptions of men--those who would prefer money, and such as would prefer land.

I need hardly remark that bounties, at the close of service, have many advantages over those given before service begins. The former tie men down to their duty; the latter furnish, if not the motive, at least the means of debauch and desertion.

Another, and a public reason, for the preference, may be found in the greater convenience with which money may be paid at the end, than at the commencement of a war.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ARMSTRONG.

Hon. D. R. WILLIAMS, Chairman Com. on Military Affairs.

The bill authorizing the appointment of additional general officers in the Army of the United States, was then read a third time, and passed by yeas and nays: for the bill 95, against it 30.

MONDAY, February 15.

Suspension of Non-Importation.

Mr. CHEVES, from the Committee of Ways and Means, made the following report:--

The Committee of Ways and Means report: That they have deemed it to be their duty, that the public service may not suffer and that the public credit may be duly supported, to look beyond the ways and means of the present year, and to take into consideration the revenue which may be wanted for the year 1814. That an estimate of the probable amount of the revenue which will accrue under existing laws, and be receivable within that year, has been submitted to Congress in the Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury made during the present session. That, comparing the amount thereof with the sums which will probably be required by a prudent regard to the public credit, it appears to the committee indispensably necessary to make a further provision; that this may be done by a partial suspension of the non-importation acts, which will not greatly lessen their injurious effects upon the enemy, by an additional duty on foreign tonnage, and by the imposition of internal taxes and duties: That, in their opinion, all these means will be necessary to supply the revenue which will be wanted: That it is impracticable, during the present session, consistently with a due attention to the other business of the nation, to enact the laws necessary to embrace the last-mentioned object; but that this may be done without difficulty and without a delay which will be injurious either to the public credit or the public service, by an earlier meeting of Congress than the constitutional period, which it will be the duty of Congress, or the Executive branch of the Government, to fix at such time as shall be deemed most proper and expedient: That it is, however, necessary that the suspension of the non-importation acts which is contemplated should be enacted at the present session of Congress: and for this purpose and the imposition of additional duties on foreign tonnage, they beg leave to report a bill. They also report herewith a correspondence between the Secretary of the Treasury and this committee on the subject of this report.

_Letter from the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means to the Secretary of the Treasury_:

COMMITTEE-ROOM, Feb. 3, 1813.

SIR: I am directed by the Committee of Ways and Means to request from you the favor of a reply to the following questions:

1. What, in your opinion, would be the probable amount of revenue applicable to the service of the year 1814, which would result from a modification or partial repeal of the non-importation acts, such as is suggested in your letter, of the 10th of June, 1812, addressed to the Committee of Ways and Means?

2. Is the modification suggested by that letter the best in your opinion that can be devised to obtain a given revenue, with the least possible diminution of the effects of the non-importation acts? If not, be pleased to suggest such alterations and improvements as occur to your mind.

3. Are there, in your opinion, any further legal provisions necessary, or will any be expedient, more effectually to enforce the non-importation acts, or to insure the more effectual collection of the revenue?

4. Would it, in your opinion, be advisable to increase the duty on foreign tonnage? If it would, to what amount? and what would be the probable addition to the revenue applicable to the year 1814 by such increase? I am, &c.,

LANGDON CHEVES.

Hon. ALBERT GALLATIN, &c.

Answer of the Secretary.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Feb. 9, 1813.

SIR: I have the honor to submit the following answer to the questions proposed in your letter of the 3d instant:

1. It is believed from the reasons stated in my letter of the 10th June last to the Committee of Ways and Means, that the amount of revenue applicable to the service of the year 1814, which would result from a modification of the non-importation acts suggested in the said letter, may be estimated at about five million of dollars, provided that modification takes place during the present session of Congress.

2. No better modification, for the purposes therein intended, has suggested itself than that proposed in the letter aforesaid. But it would seem requisite, for the same object, that no drawback should be allowed on the re-exportation of the merchandise which may be thus imported.

3. The most important legal provision which appears necessary to enforce the non-importation acts, is a positive prohibition of a restoration by order of court of merchandise, the importation of which is prohibited by law. It is also believed that it will be necessary to order all the cargoes of salt, particularly from Lisbon, to be discharged under the inspection of proper officers; and it appears reasonable that the expense should be defrayed by the importers.

4. It appears, in every point of view, highly desirable, that the duty on foreign tonnage should be increased. A duty of ten dollars per ton does not seem greater than what is required for the protection of American vessels. But I cannot form any correct estimate of the probable addition resulting to the revenue from such increase. Much would depend on the suppression of the trade carried on by American vessels with enemies' licenses.

With respect to the necessity of providing an additional revenue for the year 1814, I beg leave to refer to the statements made and opinions expressed, when I had the honor several weeks ago to wait on the Committee of Ways and Means. And I beg leave to add that this necessity has been considerably increased by the subsequent expenditures authorized by law; amongst which must be particularly mentioned the act for the increase of the navy, and that for raising twenty thousand men for one year. Indeed, considering the general rate of expenditure resulting from the war measures which have been adopted, I am of opinion it will be necessary to recur both to a modification or repeal of the non-importation acts and to the proposed internal taxes, in order to provide a revenue commensurate with those expenses. When an additional revenue of five millions was believed sufficient, that opinion was predicated on the supposition made by the committee, that annual loans of only ten or twelve millions of dollars would be wanted. With a revenue of twelve millions of dollars for this year, it is ascertained that a loan of at least sixteen millions is necessary.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

ALBERT GALLATIN.

Hon. LANGDON CHEVES, Chairman, &c.

The report and documents were read.

Mr. CHEVES then introduced the bill above mentioned, which was read the first time, and ordered to be read a second time by a vote of 44 to 36.

TUESDAY, February 16.

Mr. MILNOR presented a memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, complaining that American vessels, navigated by American citizens, are engaged in the African slave trade, under the flags of foreign nations, and praying that Congress will take this subject into consideration, and pass such laws as will remedy the evil of which they complain.--Referred to a select committee; and Mr. MILNOR, Mr. ROBERTSON, Mr. GROSVENOR, Mr. WHEATON, and Mr. EARLE, were appointed the committee.

Naturalization Laws.

On motion of Mr. LACOCK, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill to amend the naturalization laws of the United States; which, having been amended in committee, was reported to the House.

Mr. LACOCK moved to amend the bill by extending the naturalization of aliens to all those "who have heretofore or may within nine months hereafter, declare their intention agreeably to law to become citizens of the United States," and declaring that they may be admitted as such.

This motion was negatived.--For the amendment 45, against it 48.

On the question of concurrence with the committee in striking out the second section of the bill, which deprives of his right to the privileges of citizenship any citizen who shall depart from and remain without the limits of the United States for a term of two years--the yeas and nays were, for striking out the section 71, against it 43.

The bill having been thus amended, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

WEDNESDAY, February 17.

The engrossed bill supplementary to the several acts on the subject of a uniform rule of naturalization, was read a third time.

Mr. BACON opposed its passage on the ground of the impolicy of encouraging the emigration of alien enemies during the existence of war; and concluded a short speech against the bill by moving its commitment to a Committee of the Whole.

Mr. GRUNDY supported the motion on the ground of defects in the detail of the bill, which he wished to amend.

The motion for recommitment was carried by a large majority, and the bill made the order of the day for Monday.

War Taxes.

Mr. LITTLE introduced the following resolution, with some remarks in favor of the policy of the non-importation act, to which he avowed himself to be very friendly, and to the suspension of which he was opposed:

"Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means be, and hereby are, instructed to report to this House a bill or bills laying taxes for the support of the War."

The question of considering of this resolution was decided in the affirmative, by yeas and nays--for consideration 66, against it 38.

The resolution being thus presented to the House for its adoption--

A desultory debate of two hours took place on it, in the course of which a motion was made by Mr. GRUNDY to lay the resolution on the table, and negatived--60 to 45.

The following was the course of the debate, which was of too irregular a nature to be reported entire:

Mr. GRUNDY opposed the motion, because it had already been declared impracticable, by the Committee of Ways and Means, to act properly on the subject at the present session.

Mr. LITTLE supported it, on the ground of his opposition to a suspension of the non-importation act, a measure which he reprobated as injurious to the manufactures of our country, and weakening our measures against Great Britain, of which he considered the non-importation act to be as powerful as any.

Mr. STOW advocated the motion, because he wished the House to redeem the pledge given at the last session, that taxes would be laid at this, and to observe something like consistency in their proceedings.

Mr. WEIGHT was also warmly in favor of the measure, and rather imputed blame to the Committee of Ways and Means for not having before acted on this subject, without waiting for instructions from the House.

Mr. BIBB replied to the remarks which had been made in favor of the resolution. At the last session it was presumed that it would be necessary to lay taxes at this session; but the revenue accruing in the intermediate time had swelled so far beyond its anticipated amount as to render it unnecessary to levy taxes for the service of the ensuing year.

Mr. WRIGHT again spoke in favor of the motion.

Mr. RICHARDSON was decidedly in favor of a repeal or modification of the non-importation act, though he believed both that measure and the imposition of taxes would be necessary to supply the revenue.

Mr. MCKIM was in favor of the motion, because he was opposed to the suspension or weakening of the non-importation act.

Mr. CHEVES spoke at length in defence of the Committee of Ways and Means, and in demonstration of the impracticability of acting on the subject properly at the present session. Sitting day and night, and passing by all other business, a proper system of taxation could not be digested and put into the form of law before the end of the session. Two only out of fourteen of the bills it would be necessary to pass to carry the system proposed at the last session into effect, would require the whole of the present session to perfect them. The passage of a system of taxation, besides, would not obviate the necessity of the passage of the law suspending partially the non-importation act. It would require both. The taxes, he agreed, must be laid, but could not at the present session.

Mr. WRIGHT replied.

Mr. STOW again spoke. He would, if all the tax bills could not be passed, at least pass one, and break the charm which seemed to withhold the House from touching the subject.

Mr. ARCHER moved to strike out the whole of the resolution, for the purpose of inserting an instruction to the Committee of Ways and Means to report a bill or bills, pursuant to the report of the Committee of Ways and Means on this subject, which passed the House on the 4th day of March, 1812.

This modification of the motion was accepted by Mr. LITTLE.

Mr. CHEVES then withdrew his objection to the motion, as it contained a definite instruction, and he felt a delicacy as a member of the Committee of Ways and Means in opposing it, though he was convinced it would be impracticable to pass the bills at the present session.

Mr. ROBERTS opposed the motion, and expressed his regret that the discussion, which was fixed for to-morrow, should be forestalled by this resolution.

Mr. JOHNSON warmly opposed the motion, as going to cast censure on a committee which had labored day and night in its vocation, and requiring them to originate measures which they had already declared it impracticable to act on at the present session, &c.

Mr. WIDGERY also spoke against the motion, decidedly.

The question on the adoption of the resolution as modified by Mr. ARCHER, was decided in the negative--yeas 47, nays 69.

THURSDAY, February 18.

Encouragement to Privateering.

On motion of Mr. LITTLE, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill remitting the claim of the United States to certain goods, wares, &c., captured by the private armed vessels of the United States.

Mr. MCKIM, under the belief that the bill as it now stands does not place privateers on a better footing than before, and does not answer the object intended by the resolution which produced it, proposed the following substitute by way of amendment:

"That all right and claim of the United States to British property, which may have been captured by American privateers, arising from forfeiture under any provision of the act entitled 'An act to prohibit commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and for other purposes,' and an act entitled 'An act concerning the commercial intercourse between Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and for other purposes,' and an act supplementary to the last mentioned act, be, and the same is hereby relinquished for the benefit of the owners, officers, and crews of the privateers respectively that may have captured the same."

This amendment produced some discussion, in which Messrs. MCKIM and WRIGHT advocated the motion, and Messrs. ROBERTS and FISK opposed it; when the question was taken and lost, without a division.

Mr. ROBERTS moved to amend the bill, so as to include captures made of goods which were shipped anterior to as well as since the declaration of war was known in England. This amendment was adopted, 46 to 32.

The committee then rose, reported the bill to the House, as amended; the amendments were concurred in, and the bill ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow, 47 to 39.

FRIDAY, February 19.

Another member, to wit, from New Hampshire, GEORGE SULLIVAN, appeared, and took his seat.

Encouragement of Private Armed Privateering.

The engrossed bill to release the claims of the United States on certain goods, wares, and merchandise, captured by private armed vessels, was read a third time, and debated.

The bill was passed by the vote, by yeas and nays--for the bill 52, against it 38:

Capture of the Java.

The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I lay before Congress a letter, with accompanying documents, from Captain Bainbridge, now commanding the United States frigate "the Constitution," reporting his capture and destruction of the British frigate "the Java." The circumstances and the issue of this combat afford another example of the professional skill and heroic spirit which prevail in our naval service. The signal display of both by Captain Bainbridge, his officers, and crew, command the highest praise.

This being a second instance in which the condition of the captured ship, by rendering it impossible to get her into port, has barred a contemplated reward of successful valor, I recommend to the consideration of Congress the equity and propriety of a general provision, allowing, in such cases, both past and future, a fair proportion of the value which would accrue to the captors on the safe arrival and sale of the prize.

FEB. 22, 1813.

JAMES MADISON.

U. S. FRIGATE CONSTITUTION,

ST. SALVADOR, January 3d, 1813.

SIR: I have the honor to inform you that, on the 29th ultimo, at 2 P. M., in south latitude 13° 6', and west longitude 38°, about ten leagues distant from the coast of Brazil, I fell in with, and captured, His Britannic Majesty's frigate Java, of 49 guns, and upwards of four hundred men, commanded by Captain Lambert, a very distinguished officer. The action lasted one hour and fifty-five minutes, in which time the enemy was completely dismasted, not having a spar of any kind standing. The loss on board the Constitution was nine killed and twenty-five wounded, as per enclosed list. The enemy had sixty killed and one hundred and one wounded, certainly; (among the latter, Captain Lambert, mortally;) but by the enclosed letter, written on board this ship, by one of the officers of the Java, and accidentally found, it is evident that the enemy's wounded must have been much greater than as above stated, and who must have died of their wounds previously to their being removed. The letter states sixty killed and one hundred and seventy wounded.

For further details of the action, I beg leave to refer you to the enclosed extracts from my journal. The Java had, in addition to her own crew, upwards of one hundred supernumerary officers and seamen, to join the British ships of war in the East Indies; also, Lieutenant General Hislop, appointed to the command of Bombay, Major Walker, and Captain Wood, of his staff, and Captain Marshall, master and commander in the British navy, going to the East Indies to take command of a sloop of war there.

Should I attempt to do justice, by representation, to the great and good conduct of all my officers and crew, during the action, I should fail in the attempt; therefore, suffice it to say, that the whole of their conduct was such as to merit my highest encomiums. I beg leave to recommend the officers particularly to the notice of Government, and also the unfortunate seamen who were wounded, and the families of those brave men who fell in the action.

The great distance from our own coast, and the perfect wreck we made of the enemy's frigate, forbade every idea of attempting to take her to the United States. I had, therefore, no alternative but burning her, which I did on the 31st ultimo, after receiving all the prisoners and their baggage, which was very tedious work, only having one boat left out of eight, and not one boat left on board the Java.

On blowing up the frigate Java, I proceeded to this place, where I have landed all the prisoners, on their parole, to return to England, and there remain until regularly exchanged, and not to serve in their professional capacities, in any place, or in any manner whatever, against the United States of America, until said exchange is effected. I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE.

Hon. PAUL HAMILTON, Secretary Navy.

TUESDAY, February 23.

The Frigate Constitution.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill, reported by the Naval Committee this morning, to compensate the officers and crew of the United States frigate Constitution for the destruction of the British frigates Guerriere and Java. [This bill provides that ---- dollars shall be paid out of the Treasury to Captain Hull and the officers and crews of the Constitution frigate, and a like sum to Captain Bainbridge and his crew, for their two gallant achievements; and appropriates a sum of ---- dollars therefor.]

Mr. BASSETT moved to fill the first blank with fifty thousand dollars.

After some conversation between Messrs. BASSETT, ELY, STOW, and MILNOR, on the propriety of making a general instead of a special provision on this head, as recommended by the President, the question on filling the first blank with fifty thousand dollars was carried in the affirmative, ayes 60.

The second blank was then filled with one hundred thousand dollars.

The committee rose and reported the bill; and the amendments were concurred in.

The bill was then ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time.

WEDNESDAY, February 24.

The Frigate Constitution.

The bill making compensation to the officers and crew of the frigate Constitution for the destruction of the British frigates Guerriere and Java, was read a third time and passed, by yeas and nays. For the bill 61, against the bill 39.

Order in Council.

The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I lay before Congress copies of a proclamation of the British Lieutenant Governor of the island of Bermuda, which has appeared under circumstances leaving no doubt of its authenticity. It recites a British Order in Council of the 26th of October last, providing for the supply of the British West Indies and other colonial possessions, by a trade under special licenses; and is accompanied by a circular instruction to the Colonial Governors, which confines licensed importations from ports of the United States, to the ports of the Eastern States exclusively.

The Government of Great Britain had already introduced into commerce during war, a system, which, at once violating the rights of other nations, and resting on a mass of forgery and perjury unknown to other times, was making an unfortunate progress in undermining those principles of morality and religion which are the best foundation of national happiness.

The policy now proclaimed to the world, introduces into her modes of warfare a system equally distinguished by the deformity of its features, and the depravity of its character; having for its object to dissolve the ties of allegiance and the sentiments of loyalty in the adversary nation, and to seduce and separate its component parts, the one from the other.

The general tendency of these demoralizing and disorganizing contrivances will be reprobated by the civilized and Christian world; and the insulting attempt on the virtue, the honor, the patriotism, and the fidelity of our brethren of the Eastern States, will not fail to call forth all their indignation and resentment, and to attach more and more all the States to that happy Union and Constitution, against which such insidious and malignant artifices are directed.

The better to guard, nevertheless, against the effect of individual cupidity and treachery, and to turn the corrupt projects of the enemy against himself, I recommend to the consideration of Congress the expediency of an effectual prohibition of any trade whatever, by citizens or inhabitants of the United States, under special licenses, whether relating to persons or ports; and, in aid thereof, a prohibition of all exportation from the United States in foreign bottoms--few of which are actually employed--whilst multiplying counterfeits of their flags and papers are covering and encouraging the navigation of the enemy.

JAMES MADISON.

FEBRUARY 24, 1813.

The Message and accompanying documents were referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Extra Session.

The House went into Committee of the Whole on the bill to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress--a motion being under consideration to fix on the fourth Monday in October.

Mr. GRUNDY spoke in reply to some observations of Mr. JOHNSON (on yesterday) in favor of that day. Mr. G. was decidedly in favor of meeting in May; he believed it necessary to the support of public credit that the House should meet in May. Had not the Committee of Ways and Means first taught him that an early session was necessary with that view, if revenue should not, as it would not, be provided at this session, he should not have been found advocating an extra session. The House had been told by their financial committee, that it was indispensably necessary forthwith to provide a revenue; and that a paper system, without a foundation of permanent revenue, would involve the nation in disgrace or irretrievable ruin. Mr. G. quoted various reports of the Committee of Ways and Means to show that they had made such statements. With these facts staring him in the face, how could he do otherwise than urge an early session? If it was indispensably necessary a day or two ago to provide a revenue, what had since occurred obviating that necessity? Nothing. War had been declared, and it was the duty of those who declared it to provide the ways and means of carrying it on. Mr. G. protested against the idea which had been advanced of giving enormous interest for loans, and against accumulating a large debt, almost without the knowledge of the people on whom it would be saddled, and expressed his determination, as far as lay in his power, to go on and provide the ways and means.

SATURDAY, February 27.

Power of Retaliation.

The bill giving to the President of the United States the power of retaliation in certain cases therein mentioned, was read a third time.

A motion was made by Mr. QUINCY to adjourn--lost, 56 to 16.

The bill was then passed by the following vote:

YEAS.--Willis Alston, jr., William Anderson, Stevenson Archer, David Bard, William Barnett, Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Francis Carr, Langdon Cheves, James Cochran, John Clopton, Richard Cutts, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Peterson Goodwyn, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, John M. Hyneman, Richard M. Johnson, William Kennedy, William R. King, Peter Little, William Lowndes, Thomas Moor, William McCoy, Samuel L. Mitchill, James Morgan, Jeremiah Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newton, Stephen Ormsby, Israel Pickens, William Piper, James Pleasants, jr., John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Thomas B. Robertson, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, George Smith, John Taliaferro, Charles Turner, jr., Robert Whitehill, David R. Williams, and Robert Wright.

NAYS.--Abijah Bigelow, Elijah Brigham, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, James Emott, Asa Fitch, Thomas P. Grosvenor, Lyman Law, Jos. Lewis, jr., Jonathan O. Mosely, Elisha R. Potter, Josiah Quincy, William Reed, William Rodman, Daniel Sheffey, Richard Stanford, and Leonard White.[35]

MONDAY, March 1.

Foreign Licenses.

An engrossed bill to prohibit the use of licenses or passes, issued under the authority of any foreign Government, was read the third time.

And on the question, "Shall this bill pass?" it passed in the affirmative--yeas 59, nays 32.

Relations with France.

Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH, after observing on the propriety of the House having all the information on foreign affairs which was accessible; and remarking, also, that they were much in the dark in respect to our relations with France, moved the following resolution:

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before this House the French decree, purporting to be a repeal of the Berlin decrees, referred to in his Message of the 4th of November last; together with such information as he may possess concerning the time and manner of promulgating the same; and, also, any correspondence or information touching the relations of the United States with France, in the office of the Department of State, not heretofore communicated, which, in the opinion of the President, it is not incompatible with the public interest to communicate.

And on the question to agree to the same, it passed in the affirmative--yeas 102, nays 4.

Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH and Mr. KENNEDY were appointed a committee to present the said resolution to the President.

On motion, the House adjourned.

TUESDAY, March 2.

Non-Exportations in Foreign Bottoms.

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill prohibiting the exportation of certain articles therein specified, in foreign vessels.

Mr. CLAY spoke at considerable length in favor of this bill, as forming a complete system, connected with one which passed the House the other day, prohibiting the use of foreign licenses on board vessels of the United States, suited to the present relations of the United States, and to the proper action on the enemy.

Mr. ROBERTSON spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman, I do not often trespass on the patience of the House, but I request their attention whilst I state a few of the reasons which compel me to oppose the bill now under consideration.

I am the more disposed to do this, because my opposition arises from considerations in a great measure peculiar to myself, and because I differ with gentlemen in the correctness of whose opinions I usually concur. Without, then, considering the principles it involves, I reject this bill, because it is not in fact what it professes to be; it is not a restrictive measure; its provisions may operate prejudicially on ourselves, but cannot affect the enemy. In one of two general systems, I might go along with gentlemen. Let us have non-importation, non-intercourse, and embargo--thus the restrictive system may have its full bearing; let us refuse to purchase manufactures of the British; let us refuse to furnish them with provisions, then we may be consoled for the privations which we ourselves must experience, by reflecting on the great evils which we inflict on the enemy.

I can but smile at the patriotism of honorable gentlemen, who affect to starve the English by refusing to buy their manufactures, whilst they inundate the army, the navy, the colonies of that nation, with a profusion of all the necessaries and luxuries of life--they will starve a few miserable manufacturers, whilst they industriously feed their armed men. With the most glaring and barefaced inconsistency, they object to admitting into our markets any the minutest article of British manufacture, that the inhabitants may perish for the want of means to purchase bread; whilst bread is exported with a hope that it should, indeed a perfect certainty that it will be consumed by this same people. I cannot concur in these half-way measures. I voted for a repeal of the non-importation act. I hoped that commerce, sufficiently hazardous and fettered by the present state of the world, would cease to be shackled by ourselves. I hoped, that now the sword was drawn, we should carry on war in the usual and accustomed manner--that the Government would be aided by the receipt of revenue arising from duties and imposts--that the people would be thus partially relieved from taxes--that the nation would be strengthened and inspired by an accession of wealth, now more than ever necessary.

But whatever, sir, might be my opinion of this bill, viewed as a restrictive measure; for other considerations it meets with my decided disapprobation. We prohibit neutrals from clearing out from our ports with the productions of our country, whilst our own vessels are left free to do so. We deny to them that commerce, which as a neutral we formerly enjoyed. Heretofore we complained of the injustice of belligerents, and now that we are engaged in war, and that too for neutral rights and free trade, we are about to practise similar abuses. Aware that some apology would be deemed necessary, we call it a municipal regulation; it may be so--and perhaps we are borne out by strict law; but we attempt a justification on the ground of cutting off our enemy from supplies, of which he stands in need, and which, notwithstanding his perilous situation, he dares to hope to receive through a train of insolent artifices, derogatory to the integrity of the Union, and disgraceful to those with whom they shall prevail.

Now, sir, if the measure proposed could in any way counteract his views--if it went the full length of preventing him from procuring the various articles which his necessities require, I confess it would be inflicting a punishment, which not only the laws of war would authorize, but which the unprecedented baseness of his late attempt most loudly calls for; but no such effect will be produced. For what is there to prevent our vessels from transporting the products of the United States to Amelia, Pensacola, St. Bartholomews, there to be deposited, and thence carried in neutral or British bottoms to Jamaica, the Bahamas, or wheresoever else they may be wanted? And again, if, notwithstanding the hostile attitude in which we stand in relation to each other England is compelled to encourage a trade by license, will not her necessities equally induce her to connive at exportation? Can it be doubted, that her armed vessels would not be instructed to allow our provisions to pass unmolested, when, by pursuing a contrary conduct, she would be starving her own colonies? And is it not clear that a traffic, which the war prevents from being direct, would continue to be carried on, as it is at present, through intermediate ports?

Mr. Chairman, the present scheme seems to me to be merely calculated to produce vexation and embarrassment at home; to operate with peculiar hardship on neutral rights, without inflicting on the enemy any injury commensurate with these evils. Sir, if gentlemen wish to reap the full effect of a restrictive system, that system must be rigid and complete. Let our ports be sealed; let there be neither egress nor ingress; let us neither buy nor sell, and let us prepare to bear the positive burdens of active war. No section of our widely-extended Union could then complain of peculiar oppression. The plan would present itself to us, recommended, at least, by the generality of its operation; by the impartiality of its character. But, if this cannot be done, if the shipping interests of some of the States, and the manufacturing establishments of others, must be encouraged, and if others still must sell their wheat and flour, let us pursue the opposite course; let us sweep restrictive measures by the board; thus should we enjoy all the advantages which would result to the Government from imposts, all the benefits that would accrue to individuals from exports. In either of these modes of proceeding I might concur; but I cannot consent to the plan now submitted, nor acquiesce in the wisdom or policy of our existing regulations. They are not promotive of the general welfare, but, on the contrary, are ruinous to the interests of that portion of the Union whose interest it is peculiarly my duty to protect. Yet, I cannot help observing that, however under their oppressive operation commerce languishes, and Southern agriculture is completely annihilated, they are tolerated by the Eastern States, because they promote their domestic manufactures, and impoverish and embarrass the Government; and they are advocated and supported by the Middle States, because they consider, or affect to consider them, as very patriotic; because they inflict privations, which, by-the-by, they do not feel; and, finally, because, nevertheless, they are enabled to sell off, at excellent prices, the productions of their farms. Thus, sir, a feast is spread before us; but it is served up, however splendidly and abundantly, in shallow dishes; and, while the foxes of the Eastern and Middle States lap up the soup with great dexterity, the storks of the Mississippi, Mobile, and Altamaha, look on, perhaps with admiration, but certainly with no satisfaction whatever. While, sir, the spleen of hostility towards the Government is gratified, while the manufacturing establishments of the East are promoted, while the middle section of the Union disposes of, at high prices, the abundant harvest of their fields, what becomes of the commerce of our country? What fate befalls the agriculture of the South? Our cotton rots on the stalk. From this proscription of foreign manufactures, the grower of the raw material is irretrievably ruined. Possibly he may sell an inconsiderable portion of his crop, for contemptible prices, to domestic manufacturers, while he is compelled to buy, at enormous rates, the articles which his wants require. If he wishes to sell, he finds no competition among purchasers. Does he find it necessary to purchase, he suffers equally from the want of competition among those who sell.

A debate of considerable length took place, in which Mr. CALHOUN supported the bill, though opposed to the amendment made on motion of Mr. QUINCY in Committee of the Whole.

Mr. GROSVENOR spoke as follows:

Mr. Speaker: When I had the honor to address you, on a measure which has finally passed this House, I stated, at some length, my reasons for believing that the Government had no serious intention to pass the bill now before you. But, sir, from a furious zeal, this day manifested in a certain quarter, to drive the measure through this House, I fear I was mistaken. I therefore deem it an indispensable duty, in the name of the commercial and agricultural districts which I represent, to enter my solemn protest against this new project of the Government.

I shall not enter into any argument, to show the impolicy, the injustice, and the danger of such a measure, considered as a measure of non-exportation. The task has been most ably and successfully performed by an honorable gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. LOWNDES;) he has shown, that connected with the maritime power of the enemy, and with other bills already passed this House, this measure has all the blasting qualities, without even the few equivocal benefits of a broad restrictive system; and he has demonstrated the irreparable mischiefs which must result from such weak and mongrel measures. His reasoning has not been met--it cannot be refuted--I will not weaken its effect on the House, by attempting to enforce it.

My principal object in rising, was to examine the grounds upon which the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. CALHOUN,) who last addressed you, has rested his justification of the measure. He has assured us, that it is not at all intended as a part of any new system; that its object is in no respect a prohibition of free and fair exportation. Sir, whatever gentlemen may intend, it is too palpable for denial, that this measure is, in truth, a restrictive and an anti-commercial measure, and in conjunction with the license bill already passed, must operate (as far as such weak and unnatural measures can operate) as a broad and iron system of non-exportation.

But, sir, what are the intention and the objects of the bill according to the view of that honorable gentleman: "To avenge insult"--"to retaliate on the enemy his attempts to destroy us"--"to carry to his own lips his own poisoned chalice." And where are these insults, these injuries, these vital attempts of the enemy to be found? Henry's celebrated mission, after rioting for a time on the spoils of the Treasury, has found the tomb of the Capulets. And although its ghost seems to haunt the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, yet sure I am, that a thing of air would not have inspired him with all those bitter feelings which he has poured forth upon the enemy.

No, sir, it is the last Message of the President which contains all this dreadful matter. In that Message came before us an Order in Council by the Prince Regent, and a letter from a British Secretary, to a West India Governor. Sir, by that order, certain West India ports are opened to the importation of articles which they wish to purchase, and to the exportation of produce which they wish to sell. This is no new practice; in every European war, the belligerent mother country has never failed to open some of her colonies to neutral commerce. By this order nothing more is done, and so far from any insult or injury to us in the body of the order, our nation is not even named.

The honorable gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. LOWNDES) has pertinently asked, to what extent you would carry your new principles of honor and retaliation. The enemy spares the commerce of the East, and destroys that of the South; you must equalize them by destroying the former. You cannot stop here. If the enemy blockades the South, you must embargo New England. If he burns Charleston and Norfolk, you must burn New York and Boston. In fine, any thing spared in one section of the Union by the enemy, which he has the power to destroy, and not spared in another, must be destroyed by our Government, by way of equalizing the burdens of the war.

The gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. CALHOUN,) to whom I have so often alluded, was disposed highly to compliment the people of the Northern States. He declared his full confidence in their fidelity, patriotism, and honor, and he believes that they will not only spurn with contempt the attempt to seduce them, but will hail the present measure as just, honorable, and wise. Sir, the patriotism of that people is undoubtedly as warm and as disinterested as that of any people on this globe; and if, indeed, this were an attack on their honor, they would need no such law as this to teach them their duty, or to compel them to perform it. But, sir, I do not believe that their patriotism will feel insulted. They will hardly be satisfied by flattery and compliment for this attack upon their commerce. I would not be surprised if they should answer the honorable gentleman somewhat in this manner: "Hands off, Mr. CALHOUN, if it please you; we do not dislike your compliments; indeed, we are pleased with the notes of this new tune from the South. We will do any thing in reason to oblige you; but really, sir, to be complimented out of our commerce; to be flattered into poverty; to be cowed into service, is a little more than the rules of civility demand."

It has been avowed on this floor, [by Mr. Speaker CLAY,] that this bill is only one part of a contemplated system of rigid non-exportation. Have gentlemen reflected on the disastrous consequences of such a system at the present time? The district which I have the honor to represent, is a portion of an extensive tract of mercantile and agricultural country, extending up the Hudson River far into the interior of New York. The merchants and farmers of that country did believe, that when you appealed to arms, your restrictive system was at rest forever. They had a right so to believe, from the declarations of gentlemen on this floor, and from the unequivocal conduct of Government. Under this belief, during the present winter the merchants have constantly purchased produce at high and advanced prices. In the numerous villages scattered on either side of the Hudson River, and over immense tracts far to the west of it, the stores are groaning with the productions of their soil. Sir, when the Spring opens, they will find all their prospects blasted, and bankruptcy staring in their faces. Through the whole frozen interior of the North and East, the condition of the merchants and farmers is similar, and similar disastrous consequences will be realized.

We are involved in war with a nation powerful in her resources, clothed in complete armor, and to whom, from long habit, a state of warfare has become almost a national condition. We need all our resources and all our energies to save this war from a disgraceful conclusion. What then but madness can dictate a policy tending to dry up our resources and paralyze our energies. Wounded by the spear of war, what but downright political quackery could prescribe those "restrictive" nostrums, to restore the nation to health and vigor? Are the old chimerical notions of starving the enemy, yet floating in the brains of gentlemen? In despite of experience, do they yet believe that our blessed country alone can produce food for the world? Are the countries of the Baltic and Caspian Seas no longer cultivated? Has the Nile ceased to fructify the fields of Egypt? Have Sicily and the Barbary coasts returned to a barren state of nature? Has France herself agreed to bury her surplus breadstuffs in the earth? Or has England lost that ascendency on the ocean, and forgot all those commercial arts, by which she was wont to procure supplies from all those countries? Seven years of restrictions have in vain been tried. Your enemy has laughed you to scorn, and your own people have cursed the policy that crushed their prosperity. There is no doubt that, as at the time you laid the embargo, the closing of your ports now, might produce a temporary inconvenience to the enemy; but the measure would finally and permanently recoil on our merchants, and even farmers. These men have, therefore, a deep and vital interest in this question. Twice already they have been sacrificed to test the efficacy of our "restrictive energies."

Do you intend again to stretch them on the rack, again to cover the country with sackcloth and ashes? Is another brood of "restrictive" harpies, more unseemly and more hungry than their predecessors, to be let loose among them? And is this bill a pioneer to the new swarms of "continental" locusts?

Mr. Speaker, I shudder when I behold that anti-commercial demon, which for seven years has been glutted with the mangled limbs of commerce, still hovering about this bill. The deluded people did believe that, when "you let slip the dogs of war," the monster had fallen, never again to trample down their rights, or devour the remnant of their prosperity. They were mistaken. He has risen invigorated from the blow; like the horse leech, he continues to cry, "give, give!" He never will be satisfied while the farmers of the North and the East are prosperous and powerful, or while the ships of an independent merchant float safely and successfully on the ocean. Sir, I do trust in Heaven, that the people of this Union will not sleep forever--I do trust, that the time is not far distant when the rulers of this nation shall be compelled again to travel in the paths of peace, commerce, and honor. I do trust that this new system, fraught as it is with new destruction, will meet an effectual overthrow. On this floor, I have no hope of such an event. The current of influence is here too strong to be resisted. But if the God of nations "doth seek our rulers, and hath given our Senators wisdom," it must find its grave in the other branches of the Government.

Mr. QUINCY opposed the bill, and after some remarks from Mr. BLACKLEDGE in reply to him, the question on concurring with the Committee of the Whole in their amendment was taken, to wit: to strike out from the fifth line of the first section, the words, "and every," and to insert "wheat, flour, rice, cotton, tobacco, indigo, tar, pitch, or turpentine, or any other article, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States:." And passed in the affirmative--yeas 69, nays 29.

Constitution and Java.

The House took up for consideration the resolution from the Senate requesting the President of the United States to present to Captain William Bainbridge a gold medal, with suitable inscriptions, and to the officers of the frigate Constitution silver medals, in testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress of their gallantry and skill in achieving the capture and destruction of the British frigate Java; which was read three times, and passed.

Bounty to Privateers.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill allowing a bounty to privateers; but the committee being unable to progress for want of a quorum, it rose and reported the fact to the House; and the bill and report were ordered to lie on the table, and the House adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, March 3.

Navy Yards.

On motion of Mr. REED,

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be, and he is hereby, directed to report to this House, at the next session of Congress, a statement of the number of Navy Yards belonging to, and occupied for the use of the United States; the accommodations provided in each, with the number of officers and men attached to each, with their rank and pay; also, the quantity and species of timber provided in each. Also, a statement of the expenditures made in each yard during the years 1811 and 1812; the number of vessels required during that time, with the species, quantity, and cost of repairs on each vessel, and the manner in which such repairs have been made, whether by contract or otherwise, and the terms. Also, the amount of timber provided under the law making an annual appropriation of two hundred thousand dollars, with a statement of the contracts made under said act, and the terms thereof: Also, the number of officers in the naval service of the United States, their rank, pay, and employ.

Encouragement to Privateers.

The bill allowing a bounty to privateers was passed through a Committee of the Whole, and ordered to lie on the table, under the impression that it could not be acted on at the present session.

EVENING SITTING, 5 o'clock.

Thanks to the Speaker.

On motion of Mr. SAWYER,

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this House be presented to HENRY CLAY, in testimony of their approbation of his conduct in the discharge of the arduous duties assigned him while in the Chair.

Whereupon, the Hon. SPEAKER rose and made the following observations:

"I thank you, gentlemen, for the testimony you have just so kindly delivered in approbation of my conduct in the Chair. Amidst the momentous subjects of deliberation which undoubtedly distinguish the 12th Congress as the most memorable in the annals of America, it has been a source of animating consolation to me, that I have never failed to experience the liberal support of gentlemen in all quarters of the House. If in the moment of ardent debate, when all have been struggling to maintain the best interests of our beloved country as they have appeared to us respectively, causes of irritation have occurred, let us consign them to oblivion, and let us in the painful separation which is about to ensue, perhaps forever, cherish and cultivate a recollection only of the many agreeable hours we have spent together. Allow me, gentlemen, to express the fervent wish that one and all of you may enjoy all possible individual happiness, and that in the return to your several homes you may have pleasant journeys."

Closing Business.

On motion of Mr. DAWSON, a committee was appointed, jointly with a committee to be appointed by the Senate, to wait upon the President of the United States, and inform him that the two Houses are now ready to adjourn, and desire to know whether he has any further communication to make to them during the present session.

Messrs. DAWSON and GROSVENOR were appointed the committee on the part of the House.

The Senate agree to the resolution for the appointment of a joint committee to wait on the President of the United States, and notify him of the proposed recess of Congress, and have appointed a committee on their part.

For some time a quorum was not present.

Bills from the Senate were waiting. A call of the House was had, and it appeared that sixty-four members only were present.

After receiving from the President all the bills which had passed, and being informed by the committee that he had no further communications to make, the House adjourned sine die.

FOOTNOTES:

[30] Chief Justice Marshall.

[31] This debate, although arising on a subject which implied a limited discussion, soon passed beyond its apparent bounds, and instead of being confined to the simple military question of raising additional troops, expanded into a discussion of the whole policy, objects and causes of the war, and became the principal debate of the session. All the leading members of the House took part in it; and many new members, then young, and whose names have since become famous, then took their start.

[32] The Chairman had risen to put the question, which would have cut Mr. C. off from the chance of speaking, by returning the bill to the House.

[33] The well-known political writer, William Cobbett, publishing a gazette under the name of Peter Porcupine.

[34] Mr. Barlow's journey to Wilna, where he only arrived to die.

[35] The following is the act as passed:

Be it enacted, &c., That in all, and every case, wherein, during the present war between the United States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, any violations of the laws and usages of war among civilized nations, shall be or have been done and perpetrated by those acting under authority of the British Government, on any of the citizens of the United States, or persons in the land or naval services of the United States, the President of the United States is hereby authorized to cause full and ample retaliation to be made, according to the laws and usages of war among civilized nations, for all and every such violation as aforesaid.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That, in all cases where any outrage or act of cruelty or barbarity shall be or has been practised by any Indian or Indians, in alliance with the British Government, or in connection with those acting under the authority of the said Government, on citizens of the United States or those under its protection, the President of the United States is hereby authorized to cause full and ample retaliation to be done and executed on such British subjects, soldiers, seamen, or marines, or Indians, in alliance or connection with Great Britain, being prisoners of war, as if the same outrage or act of cruelty or barbarity had been done under the authority of the British Government.

Approved, March 3, 1813.

INDEX TO VOL. IV.

A

Absentees, recall of, resolution to direct the Speaker to request their attendance, 533.

ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY, resigns seat in Senate, 3. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Allegiance, Foreign, petition of inhabitants of Kentucky, stating that the King of Great Britain, by proclamation, claims the allegiance of all persons born in his dominions, 46; had authorized their impressment, &c., &c.,--petition prays for resistance of this assumption, 46. See Index, vol. 1.

ALEXANDER, EVAN, Representative from North Carolina, 36; moves a committee of inquiry relative to proving the acts and proceedings of States, 87. See Index, vol. 3.

Algerine War.--See Index, vol. 1.

ALSTON, LEMUEL J., Representative from South Carolina, 36, 125, 187, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

ALSTON WILLIS, jr., Representative from North Carolina, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577; on the value of blank ballots, 125; on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 129; opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 224; on the ratio of representation, 319; on laying additional duties, 431; on establishing a quartermaster's department, 477. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

AMY DARDIN, report on petition of, 216; bill read, &c., 218; report for relief of, agreed to, 538. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Amendments to the Constitution.--See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

ANDERSON, JOSEPH, Senator from Tennessee, 5, 28, 116, 176, 252, 420; presents memorial of Legislative Council of Mississippi Territory, 265; on the incorporation of a Bank of the United States, 266; on a recess of Congress, 412. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

ANDERSON, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577.

ARCHER, STEVENSON, Representative from Maryland, 424, 577; on foreign relations, 466; on the policy of the war, 638; on war taxes, 715.

Armed Vessels, public and private, encouragement of, resolution relative to, 711. See Privateers.

ARMSTRONG Gen., his letter to Mr. Pinkney, 361; letter of, on additional general officers, 713.

Army, pay of the.--In the House, bill concerning the pay of the army considered, 581; the present pay of the army much below the average price of labor, 581; wherefore should the soldier receive less than any other man, 581; the compensation should be proportioned to the risk, 581; to second section of the bill little objection apprehended, 581; third section founded on the principle that every man owes to the country which protects him, military service, 581; second section involves an infraction of the constitution, 582; any man who had contracted a debt had certainly given a pledge not only of his property but of his body to his creditor, 582; this right of the creditor to take the body is completely taken out of his hands in regard to those who enlist, 582; has an ex post facto operation, 582; this provision necessary to guard against fraud, 582; persons enlisted procure themselves to be arrested under fictitious debts, 582; when let out on bail and the commander attempts to take him he is rescued on a habeas corpus, and courts decide the man to be the property of his bail, 582; motion to strike out lost, 582; third section encourages the uneasy boy to throw off parental authority or to defraud a master, its tendency is to violate public morals and the spirit of the constitution, and to interfere with public economy, 582; it is unknown as well as immoral, 582; other objections, 583; minors above eighteen allowed to enlist, 583; you go into the workshop and the parent's dwelling and entice away the apprentice and the child, 583; this very population constitutes the strength and vigor of war, 583; what was the fact in France, 583; her army is made up of young men, 583; the case of husbands deserting wives and children aged parents, is as much entitled to sympathy, 583; better resort to liberal bounties and wages than violate important principles, 584; the extensiveness of the relation of master and apprentice, 584; can these relations dissolve under the charm of this bill, 584; necessity is alleged, 584; beware how you yield to this fancied necessity, 584; this section will be productive of much evil and perhaps little good, 584; reason to doubt its constitutionality, 584; amendments negatived and bill ordered to third reading, 584; the atrocity of the principle and the magnitude of the evil contained in this bill, 585; third section is calculated to seduce minors from their masters, guardians, and parents, 585; the absurdity of this provision--its inequality--its immorality considered, 585, 586; sixteen was the age called upon in the revolution, 587; which excites the most regret, a child leaving his parents to defend his country, or a parent torn from his family to defend a foreign power, 588; the charges against this bill are a libel on the House, 588; atrocious principle! let gentlemen damn the memory of the patriots of the revolution who originated this principle, 588; if there is an increase of population, there appears to be a deterioration of patriotism since the revolution, 588; what was the law in 1798, 588; the power to enlist minors is a new principle, 588; third section examined, 589; reason for the preference of young men, 589; House now prepared to take up a small subject and make a great thing of it, 589; a man ought not to be called on to defend his country until he has acquired political rights, 589; moved to recommit the bill, 590; it is of the nature of an ex post facto law, and tends to exalt the military over the civil authority, 591; the third section freighted with most fatal consequences, 591; cases supposed, 591; recommitment lost, 592; bill passed, 593.

Military Force additional.--In the Senate, a bill to authorize the President to accept and organize certain military corps, &c., considered, 405; be productive of no efficacy, 405; be inoperative, 405; system of volunteers the favorite one of the Government, 405; the number should be reduced, 405; only a formidable display of armies on paper, 405.

In the House, bill taken up, 547; is it such as to require secrecy? 548; voted affirmatively, 548; bill ordered to be engrossed and passed, 548.

In the House, bills for the more perfect organization of the army, and to raise an additional military force considered in committee, 611; moved to fill the blanks relative to bounty, 611; the military committee present a system on which to rest the future operation of the war, 611; explanation of its merits, 611; object with all to terminate the war successfully, 611; no other mode than to call into the field a force adequate to command every honorable object, 611; the good the war has accomplished relative to our character abroad, 611; the honor of the nation requires that British power on our borders should be demolished in the next campaign, 611; after seeing the necessity of augmenting the regular forces, it was equally material to provide for filling the ranks, and keeping them at their full complement, 612; it is proposed to appoint recruiting officers for each regiment, 612; it may be said the results of the last campaign are so unfavorable that there is no object to vote further sums, 612; all our disasters sprang from a cause no man in the nation could anticipate, 612; treachery or cowardice caused the surrender at Detroit, 612; question on filling the blanks carried, 613; moved to repeal the offer of bounty land to the recruits, 613; this is a waste of the nation's capital without a single provident result, 613; it is proposed to increase the bounty in money, 613; motion agreed to, 613; blanks in the other bill authorizing an additional military force severally filled, 613; reason for giving the appointment of officers below the rank of colonel to the President alone, 613; bills reported to the House, 613; first bill ordered to be engrossed, 613; question on the engrossment of the bill to raise an additional military force, 614; great anticipations from the action of twenty thousand men in a single year, 614; when war was declared it was said Canada would be conquered in a single year, 614; experience has proved the fallacy of these predictions, 615; no pleasure to dwell upon the disasters and disgrace that have attended our military operations, 615; the annals of the last six months are most deplorable, 615; the tone and heart of the country broken, universal disgust at the past, anxiety and concern for the future, 615; what is now proposed for the future, 615; an army of twelve months' men--a broken reed, 615; an army and term of service which well nigh lost the country in the revolutionary war, 615; wherefore change the term of enlistment from five years or during the war to one year, 615; feelings of the Canadians, 616; let us see things as they are, and look danger in the face, 616; points in our relative conduct towards France and Great Britain which will not bear examination, 616; moved to strike out one and insert five years as the term of enlistment, 616; we must rise after reverses, 616; if we were to unite the question would soon be settled, 617; cause of the war concisely stated by Capt. Porter, "Free trade and sailor's rights," 617; is there a man doubts the war was justly undertaken? 617; what injury have we not suffered, 617; you have been told the Prince Regent and his ministers are firm, let us follow their example, 617; an army should be seasoned before it is taken into the field, 617; it will take a year to prepare them for the field; without discipline they are useless, 617; let us raise an army for the war, 617; we must take the continent from Britain, 617; the question is what is the kind of force, and for what length of time can you raise an army to take the field at the earliest period? 618; under this measure a force may be drawn into the field ready to act efficiently in the next campaign, 618; we have never engaged in any war in which we have come out better in the first campaign, 618; if this country will go into the war heart and hand, we shall shortly demonstrate to the enemy that it is her interest to be at peace with us, 618; amendment lost, 618; question on the passage of the bill, 618.

All desire peace, but what is the best course to obtain it, 618; will the passage of this bill, and the actual enlistment of the proposed force secure peace? 618; this war can be terminated with honor and advantage without further effusion of human blood, 619; this does not mean that the honor of the nation is identical with the honor of those who declared the war, 619; the question of contest is reduced to a single point, 619; the British Orders in Council have been repealed, the practice of impressment alone remains, 619; this has been subjected to much exaggeration, 619; it is not certain England has been unwilling to enter into such an arrangement as would place this question on a fair and honorable basis, 619; see the correspondence of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, 619; at one period she was willing to advance considerable lengths towards an adjustment, 619; our duty to make an effort for the sanction of our just rights and the restoration of peace without further appeal to force, 619; facts tending to confirm this belief, 620; the late communications from the Executive to the British Government present a novelty in the history of war and diplomacy, 620; this bill is a kind of second declaration of war, 621; the war is both politically and morally wrong, 621; it is of an offensive character, 621; something unaccountable that the disposition to prosecute this war should increase, 621; it rests now solely on the subject of impressment, 621; this must be settled by treaty, 621; we shall create an annual expense of forty millions, 621; if Canada could be taken it would be a great public misfortune, 621; this war cannot be prosecuted without violating the laws of humanity and justice, of religion and morality, 621; it is becoming more unpopular in the Eastern States, 622; the force contemplated to be raised is unnecessary, 622; the present military establishment is certainly sufficient for all purposes of defence, 622; neither Canada nor any other British province will be worth the blood and treasure they will cost us, 622; the militia of Canada estimated too low, 622; of what value would these provinces be to us, 623; duty to inquire into the policy and necessity of this measure, as well as the present state of our relations with Great Britain, 623; would the principle, if yielded to us to-morrow, benefit our native seamen, or promote the real interests of the country? 624; is there probability of obtaining a recognition of this principle by a continuance of the war? 624; the traffic in American protections, 625; the bill is altogether inadequate to the purpose intended to be accomplished, 626; it cannot be admitted that because the war is declared, we are bound to lend aid to promote every plan for prosecuting it which may be proposed, 627; the bill is unnecessary for the attainment of the original object of the war, 627; some of the pretended causes of the war have never been seriously relied on by our Government, 627; what was the avowed object of this war? 628; the pretence was to take or rather to receive Canada, 628; the effect of this bill is to place at the disposal of the Executive an army of fifty-five thousand men, 628; the purpose for which these men are demanded is the invasion of Canada, 628; is the conquest of Canada an object desirable in itself, or advantageous by its effect in promoting an early and honorable peace? 628; note, 628; the intention of the American Cabinet thus unequivocally avowed, 628; anxious that no doubt should exist on this subject, 628; no scheme ever was or ever will be rejected by the men now in power merely on account of its running counter to the ordinary dictates of common sense and common prudence, 629; illustration, 629; the great mistake of all those who reasoned concerning the war and the invasion of Canada, that it was impossible, was that they never took into consideration the connection of these events with the then pending election of Chief Magistrate, 629; the invasion of Canada considered as a means of carrying on the subsisting war, a means of obtaining an early and honorable peace, and a means of advancing the personal and local projects of ambition of the members of the American Cabinet, 630; never was there an invasion in any country worse than this in point of moral principle, since the invasion of the Buccaneers, or of Capt. Kidd, 632; they had the hope of plunder, here there is not even the poor refuge of cupidity, 632; the disgrace of our arms on the frontier is terrestrial glory compared with the disgrace of the attempt, 632; this nation is the last which ought to admit the design of foreign conquest, 632; multitudes who approve of the war detest the invasion, 633; look at the elections, what do they speak? 633; the people of New England have no desire for Canada, 633; the surest way to defeat any hope from negotiation is this threat of invasion, 634; the American Cabinet understood this, 634; the project of this bill is to put further off the chance of amicable arrangement, 634; the present men were raised to power by elements constituted of British prejudices and British antipathies, 634; such men will never permit a state of things to pass away so essential to their influence, 635; the Cabinet has been careful to precede negotiation with some circumstance sure to make it fail, ever since the refusal to renew the Treaty of 1794, 635; the Executive power passed into new hands, under the old influences and principles of the former Administration, 635; the whole stage of the relations induced between this country and Great Britain was a standing appeal to the fears of Great Britain, 635; what is the truth in relation to the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees? 636; were ever a body of men so abandoned in the hour of need as the American Cabinet by Bonaparte? 636; reasons for referring to this subject, 636; illustrations of what is doing and intended at present, 637; the invitations to union which have been so obtrusively urged, 638; the liberty of debate prostituted in disseminating the most unfounded charges, 639; it has been charged that war had been declared prematurely and without due preparation, 639; it has been said that the nature of the war is changed, 640; what the Legislature considered as the cause of war, 641; the manner in which the points of difference between the two nations ought to be considered, 641; negotiation has been tried in the matter of impressment for twenty years, 641; it is pretended that this Government is not desirous of peace, and that this is a war of conquest and ambition, 642; if we now recede, are not points conceded to the enemy which the opposition never would concede if in power, 642; how much more powerful is the objection to the right of search now than when first made, 643; exemption from impressment is no new claim set up, 644; the evils we have complained of were of a nature not to be remedied by war, 644; what has been the state of the country since the declaration of war, 645; our relations with the belligerents have essentially changed since war was declared, 645; Napoleon has inveigled us into a war, 645; why was the evidence of a repeal of the decrees withheld, 646; believing the French decrees repealed, we departed from our neutral stand, by enforcing the non-intercourse law against Great Britain, 647; the prominent causes of the war examined, 648; whether this bill is right or wrong depends upon circumstances, 652; it is said to be the constitutional duty of the opponents of the war to afford every aid and encouragement, 653; not the most suitable measure to be selected by the opposition, upon which to show their resistance, 653; a view of the past, of different parties which have at various times appeared, and the manner by which we have been driven from a peaceful posture, 654; the course of the opposition in impeding the Government for the last twelve years has been unexampled in history, 654; gentlemen seem to forget that they stand on American soil, 655; a plot for the dismemberment of the Union, 656; cause of the declaration of war, 656; it is said France inveigled us into the war, 656; the war might have been declared even if the Orders in Council had been repealed earlier, 657; it is said Great Britain has always been willing to make a satisfactory arrangement on the subject of impressment, 658; what cause which existed for declaring the war has been removed, 659.

What is the object of this vast military force? 660; retrospect of the last eight years, to show how much gentlemen have been mistaken and disappointed in their views of foreign policy, 661; the picture of impressments has been too highly colored, 663; in that section of the Union where two-thirds of the seamen come from, there is an overwhelming opinion against the war, 663; the controversy seems brought to a single point, 663; it is supposed this is the auspicious moment to assert our rights, 664; the opinions of the majority have undergone a strange revolution, 664; the conquest of the British provinces doubtful, 665; physical and moral evils resulting from your measures, 666; some observations on the bill itself, 666; none can deny the propriety of defending the country, 666; objections to the further prosecution of the war examined, 667; contrariety of opinions respecting Canada, 668; none but cowards calculate on the cowardice of their foe, 668; the war was improperly commenced and is unnecessarily continued, 669; examination of the causes as they existed at the commencement and exist now, 669; the claim on the part of Britain relative to seamen, 670; this claim examined, 670, 671, 672, 673; the points made in debate, impressment, the right to expatriate, the right to naturalize, and French influence, 675; a distinction been drawn throughout this debate between the rights of a man who cultivates the soil, and one who follows the seas, 675; every attempt to settle the question of impressment for twenty years has failed, 676; it is said that it is the abuse of impressment of which we complain, 676; Porcupine paper, 676; all agree that we ought to fight for the rights of our seamen, why not all join heart and hand to do so, 678; this has been a most unfortunate Government as ever existed; every thing has gone wrong, 678; bill ordered to be engrossed, 679.

Question on the passage of the bill, 679; the army has been represented as dangerous to the liberties of the country, 679; what have been the propositions heretofore made by our Government to Great Britain? 679; equitable as they were all were rejected, 680; for every British seaman obtained by impressment a number of Americans have been made victims, 680; the change of Administration in former years, 681; characters of the two contending parties, 681; course of the successful party, 682; proceedings of our Government, 683, 684; the Orders in Council constituted no insurmountable obstacle to negotiation between this country and Great Britain, 685; if the President had made that repeal a basis of negotiation, every man in the country would have hailed him as the restorer of peace, 686; the ruler of France has turned with contempt from your reclamations, 686; what atonement has been made for these insults and injuries, 686; the Indian wars on the frontier, 686; has this subject been inquired into, 687; a word on the subject of impressments, 687; Great Britain rather than surrender the right of impressing her own seamen, will nail her colors to the mast and go down with them, 688; this lies in a small compass, 688; what was the offer made to our Government by the British Ministry? 688; the right of search does exist, and has been acknowledged by all nations, 689; the French doctrine in relation to impressment, 689; author of the Newburg letters to command your army, 690; can the force contemplated be obtained; will it accomplish the end proposed, and will it be an economical force? 690; the grounds taken by the opponents of this bill examined, 691, 692; what is the object of this debate, 694; to thwart the final success of the war, 694; all the arguments of the opposition have been directed to destroy the union and zeal of the people, 694; but say our opponents, as they were opposed to the war, so they are not bound to support it, 694; but we are told that peace is in our power without a further prosecution of the war, 694; it is said we ought to offer England suitable regulations on this subject to secure to her the use of her seamen, 695; will the intended effect of the opposition be produced? 695; gentlemen are conjured to bring this debate to a close, 696; the success against the Canadas doubtful, 696; mortifying to see the conduct of the enemy vindicated and palliated, 696; the several heads of discussion introduced in this debate considered, 697; what is a just and necessary war? 698; what did an elevated fitness of character and conduct require of this nation when war was declared? 699; popular opinion was not against this war, 700; impressment alone would have ultimately produced war, 700; all public law, it is said, has denied the right of expatriation, 701; bill passed, 702. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

AVERY, DANIEL, Representative from New York, 424, 577.

B

BACON, EZEKIEL, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 578; supports the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95; offers a resolution relative to petitions respecting the Presidential election in Massachusetts, 105; on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 127; on Miranda's expedition, 144; reports relative to challenges and duels, 191; against the petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; on reduction of the navy, 244; against the admission of Mississippi, 352; on pay of the army, 582; against encouragement to privateer captures, 704. See Index, vol. 3.

BAYLY, MOUNTJOY, Sergeant-at-Arms to the Senate, 403.

BAINBRIDGE, WILLIAM, letter relative to the capture of the frigate Java, 717.

BAKER, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 425, 577; on the location of a military academy, 531.

Bank of the United States, dividends on stock of, 188; capital of branches, 188; expenses and losses, 188; report on, 216.

Bank of the United States.--In the House, report on the memorial of the stockholders of the United States' Bank, 215.

In Senate.--Petition of the President and Directors for a renewal of their charter, 252; bill to incorporate the subscribers considered, 266; moved to strike out the first section, in order to try the principle, 266; reasons of the committee for reporting the bill, 266; Congress has power to pass such a bill, 266; powers granted by the eighth section of the first article, 266; the enumeration of certain powers excludes all other powers not enumerated, this point examined, 267; not true when applied to express grants of power, strictly incidental to some original substantive power, 267; subject examined, 267; it is said Congress can exercise no power by implication, yet can pass all laws necessary to carry the constitution into effect, 267; the power to create the Supreme Court must be derived by implication, 268; explained by an example, 268; according to the construction given to other parts of the constitution, Congress has the right to incorporate a bank to enable it to manage the fiscal concerns of the nation, 268; the law to erect light-houses is not a law to regulate commerce, 269; it is said the advocates of a bank differ among themselves in fixing upon the general power to which the right to create a bank is incidental, 269; no man ventures to declare that a bank is not necessary, 270; this is an apparent objection to the constitutional argument, 270; the medium of State banks, 270; the means by which the constitutional powers may be carried into effect, may vary if the powers do not, 270; the motion to strike out goes to the entire destruction of the bill, 271; the usefulness of the present bank admitted, 271; what is the state of the bank in this city, 271; the conduct of the bank has been honorable, liberal, and impartial, 271; in every instance where it possessed the ability, it has met the wishes of the government, 271; it is said these stockholders have enjoyed a boon for twenty years from which all others have been excluded, 272; it is impossible to devise any written system of Government which after a lapse of time, extension of empire, &c. shall be able to carry its own provisions into operation, hence the necessity of implied or resulting powers, 272; whence do you get the right to erect custom-houses, but as an implied power, 272; want of power to grant an act of incorporation has ever appeared the most unsound and untenable objection, 272; the situation of this bank on the expiration of its charter, and the effects on the community consequent upon it, 273; the amount of specie in the United States, 273; effects which the dissolution of the bank will have on the revenue and fiscal concerns of the country, 274; will your money when collected be safe in the State banks? 274; irksome to oppose a law which has been in existence twenty years, and acquiesced in by the State and General Governments, 275; it has been said, that it is the fashion to eulogize the constitution, 275; if it could be shown that there had been aberrations by Congress from the enumerated powers of the constitution, would it be correct to use those aberrations as precedents? 276; the present constitution was adopted as a remedy for the non-compliance of the States with the requisitions under the Articles of Confederation, 277; the present Government is in its nature and character a government of enumerated powers, reserving all unenumerated to the State Governments, or to the people, 277; "to provide for the common defence and general welfare," explained, 277; these terms contain no grant of power whatever, but are used to express the ends or objects for which particular grants of power were given, 278; instances of aberrations from the enumerated powers examined, 278; erection of light-houses, 278; custom-houses, 278; these two powers indispensably connected with and subservient to particular enumerated powers, 278; light-houses among the common, necessary, and proper means, for the regulation of commerce, 279; is the incorporation of a bank of this character? 279; the defying manner of the arguments advanced in favor of the renewal of the charter, has occasioned this debate, in order to avert the passage of an unjustifiable law, 280; it is said that this has been made a party question, although the first law passed prior to the formation of parties, 280; explanation, 280; the pointed difference which has been made between the opinions and instructions of State legislatures, and the opinions and details of deputations from Philadelphia, 280; the new and unconstitutional veto which this bill establishes, 281; the vagrant power to erect a bank after having wandered throughout the whole constitution, has been located on that provision which authorizes Congress to lay and collect taxes, 281; suppose the constitution had been silent as to an individual department of this government, could you under the power to lay and collect taxes, establish a judiciary? 281; what is a corporation such as the bill contemplates? 282; the States have the exclusive power to regulate contracts, 282; what participation has this bank in the collection of the revenue? 282; the operations of the Treasury Department may be as well conducted without a bank as with one, 283; the management of the landed system, 283; it is said the construction given to the constitution has been acquiesced in by all parties, 283; when gentlemen attempt to carry this measure on the ground of acquiescence, do they forget that we are not in Westminster Hall? 284; the doctrine of precedents applied to the Legislature, is fraught with the most mischievous consequences, 284; not empowered by the constitution, nor bound by any practice under it to renew the charter to this bank, 284; all power may perhaps be resolved into that of the purse, by whom is it wielded? 284; the Duke of Northumberland is said to be the most considerable stockholder in the bank, 285; the principle here involved is most important; it is no less than whether we shall surrender to the State Governments the power of collecting our revenue, and rely upon the old system of requisitions, 285; the bank has answered the most sanguine expectations of its authors, 285; we are required to discard the lessons of experience, to try some new scheme, 285; we are to ruin many innocent and unoffending individuals, and derange the finances, and for what? 286; it is a contest between a few importing States, and the people of the United States, 286; it is a contest between the friends and enemies of the federal constitution revived, 286; if we yield to the States the collection of our revenue, what will remain of our Federal Government? 286; it will be a political fiction, 286; hostility to the Union would prompt to join the hue and cry against this institution, 286; it is said that debate is useless on this question, 287; to form a correct opinion we must retrospect the defects of the old government, and ascertain the remedy which was anticipated in the present constitution, 287; the great cause of the inefficiency of the former was owing to its dependence on the States for the means to carry its powers into effect, 287; the present constitution was framed with ample authority to pass all laws necessary and proper for the attainment of its objects, 287; erroneous impressions have arisen from ignorance of facts relative to the practical fiscal operations of the government, 287; the power to create a bank is not derived by implication, 287; the Convention granted to the new Government in express and unequivocal language, ample authority to use all the means necessary and proper for the attainment of the ends for which it was instituted, 287; the question of constitutionality depends upon facts dehors the instrument, 287; if it be a fact that a bank is necessary and proper to effectuate the legitimate powers of government, then our power is express, and we need not resort to implication, 287; endeavor to prove this to be a fact, 287; the erection of a bank by the Congress of 1781, 287; the opinion of General Hamilton, 288; character of the Congress of 1781 stated, 288; authority of Washington, 288; the cry is, "down with the bank, huzzah for the party!" 288; sound interpretation of the words "necessary and proper," 289; those opposed to the bill, predicate their arguments upon the probability that the State banks will answer, this is an admission of the necessity, 289; congeniality between a bank and the collection of our revenue, 289; the repeated sanctions the bank has received from different Administrations is strangely accounted for, 290; whence was derived a power to pass a law, laying an embargo without limitation, 290; twelfth article of the amendments to the constitution considered, 290; it is not pretended that our fiscal concerns could be managed with gold and silver, 290; if the bank is removed, the Secretary of the Treasury must nationalize the bank paper of the great importing States, 291; charges of British influence, 291; the embarrassments at Philadelphia, it is said, could not have been occasioned by the bank, 292; Kentucky, I am only thine, 292; former course of proceeding in regard to the principle of a bill and its details, 292; the course of the press on this subject, 292; it is said, that this question is discussed on party grounds, 293; a view of the beginning and operations of the bank, 293; no democrat has been admitted as a director of this institution, except in New York, 294; petty mischievous intrigue for carrying measures through Congress, 294; for what do merchants form a part of the bank deputies? 294; what did mechanics here say relative to granting this charter? 294; there is scarcely an evil which has not been attributed to the embargo, and which is not now with as little justice attributed to the non-renewal of the charter of the bank, 294; if not renewed, difficult to obtain loans, it is said, 295; instructions to Senators, their force discussed, 296; a State has not a moral right to violate the constitution, and cannot give it to her Legislature, nor the Legislature to the Senator, 296; the primary question is, whether the General Government when it first came into operation, did not possess the power of creating a National Bank, 296; to answer this, let us inquire whether there was any possibility of carrying into effect, with any tolerable convenience and advantage, the several provisions of the constitution, unless this power exists, 297; it is admitted by all that the agency of a bank affords the greatest facility and security of any plan that can be devised for the collection of a revenue, and its transmission to the Treasury, 297; other admissions stated, 297; the consequence which follows from these admissions, 297; if Congress once possessed this power, what has taken it away? 297; to create this bank is said to be legislation by implication, 298; it is said the corporation will be a monopoly, 298; anticipated dangers of erecting corporations, 298; a violation of the constitution, however solemnly sanctioned or long endured, can never become right, 299; difference in the present case, 299; recapitulation, 299; rule of construction in construing the constitution, when legislating on enumerated powers, 300; the authority to grant this charter is found in section seven, clauses first, second, and last, 301; meaning of the words "necessary and proper," 301; great stress is laid on that amendment which says "all power not expressly granted, shall be retained," &c., 301; it is easy to prove that the broad grant given to Congress to legislate for the District of Columbia, in all cases is restricted and paled in by the constitution, 302; this power to charter a bank is expressly granted, 302; it is necessary and proper for carrying into effect another general power to borrow money, 302; no arguments yet advanced to prove that this power is an original and substantive, and not a derivative or implied power, 303; to determine if a measure is just and proper, we must consider whether it has a just or useful relation to the end, 303; of all depositories banks are the safest, 303; it is asked, why not confine the duty of the bank to collecting the public revenue? 303; Congress are to devise means most sure and expeditious to borrow money, 303; the safety and facility of commercial operations are greatly promoted by a general currency, 304; it is said Washington doubted, 304; objections offered by Mr. Jefferson, 304; remarks of Hamilton, 304; consequences of destroying the bank, 305; distresses which will follow, 305; answer to objections, 305, 306; the prompt and secure collection of our revenue is principally owing to the influence of the bank, 307; other objections examined, 307; objections to the construction of different clauses of the constitution examined, 308; it is said the history of the States will show that the bills of credit specified in the constitution, were those only which were a legal tender in the payment of debts, 309; further debate, 310; vote a tie, 311; remarks of the Vice President, 311; gives the casting vote against striking out the first section, 311.

In the House.--Bill to renew the charter of the Bank of the United States considered, 335; moved to strike out the first section, 335; motion intended to test the principle of the bill, 335; Congress possesses no power to incorporate a bank, 335; even if possessed, it is inexpedient to exercise it, 335; ruin to the merchants and embarrassment to the government would not be paramount to sustaining the several obligations of supporting the constitution, 335; reason of the construction given by various persons, 335; this is in its nature obnoxious alarming in its tendency, and its influence irresistible, 335; parts of the constitution which bear any analogy to this subject stated, 336; does the establishment of a bank come within their meaning? 336; it must be shown that the bank is necessary to the operations of the government, that without its aid our fiscal concerns cannot be managed, 337; two things necessary to insure the stability of the government--avoid every measure that will produce uneasiness among the states or that will extend the jurisdiction of the government to subjects purely local, 337; has not the bank produced serious alarm? 337; the abuse of the convenience of obtaining loans is more dreaded than any other evil which will follow this measure, 338; this is the most important subject upon which this Congress will be required to act, 338; connection subsisting between the agricultural and commercial interests, 339; enlightened legislators have entertained but one opinion on this subject both in this country and Europe, 339; utility of bonds cannot be doubted, 339; prosperity of the country attributed to this active capital which has excited industry, 340; accommodations furnished by the bank, 340; principal portion of the trade and business of the Union has been conducted on a paper medium, 340; put down this bank and how are your revenues to be collected, 340; this is not the time or place to inquire whether banks are beneficial or not to the nation, 341; the section admitting of an increase of the capital stock a very dangerous feature, 341; the Articles of Confederation and the present constitution do not differ as regards any power delegated by the states to Congress, 342; interpretation of the constitution, 342; experience shows that the decisions of Congress vary with the men who compose that body, and cannot be cited as settling a principle, 342.

This bill aims a deadly blow at some of the best principles of the constitution, 343; this bill assumes the exercise of legislative powers which belong exclusively to the State Governments, 343; one of the most serious dangers this government is threatened with, is the tendency to produce collisions between State and Federal authorities, 344; the great line of demarcation between the powers of the two is well understood, 344; axioms laid down in discussing constitutional questions, 345; sufficient to call upon the advocates of a bank to show its constitutionality, 345; argument of Hamilton, 345; the federal government is said to be sovereign with regard to all the objects for which that government was instituted, 345; this is a petitio principii, 345; it is said, the bank is an innocent institution, 346; one of its most obvious and distinguished characteristics is that it exempts the private property and persons of the stockholders, 346; it authorizes the stockholders to take usurious interest, 346; this bank incorporation possesses other qualities at war with the laws of the several states, 346; it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is delegated to Congress, and five or six different provisions of the constitution are referred to as giving this right, 347; the very circumstance of so many different heads of authority is conclusive evidence that it has no very direct relation to any of them, 347; the "sweeping clause," 347; Hamilton's mode of reasoning, 347; it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is included in the power to lay and collect taxes, 347; no man ought to complain of the weakness of a government whose powers may be reasoned up by logic like this, 347; the constitution is not a mere designation of ends for which the government was established, leaving to Congress a discretion as to the means, 348; it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is implied in the power to regulate trade between the states, 348; it is said to be included in the power to borrow money, 348; absurdities into which this doctrine of implication leads, 349; it is said to be necessary to the regular and successful administration of the finances, 349; one or more state banks in almost every state, 349; it is said, if the bank would be constitutional without the existence of the state banks, it would be equally so with, 349; question to strike out the first section carried, 350; note, 350; passage of the bill in the House, 350; note, 351. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Bankrupt Act.--See Index, vol. 2.

BARD, DAVID, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

BARKER, JOSEPH, Representative from Massachusetts, 36.

BARRY, WILLIAM T., Representative from Kentucky, 316; on the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a State, 320.

BARTLETT, JOSIAH, Representative from New Hampshire, 424.

BASSETT, BURWELL, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 424, 577; on the number of seamen in the naval service, 228; urges reform in the expense of the navy, 231; on reduction in the navy, 239, 244; on the claim of Matthew Lyon, 426; on encouragement of privateers, 581; on prize money to the officers and crew of the Constitution, 593; on the imprisonment of American seamen, 594, 595; in favor of a naval establishment, 603; on encouragement to privateer captures, 703; on privateer pensions, 704. See Index, vol. 3.

Batture at New Orleans.--In Senate, memorial of Edward Livingston, presented and referred, 118.

In the House.--Resolution to refer the subject of title to the Attorney General for him to collect testimony, &c., 148; the true course is to give the parties the right of appeal from the Orleans court to Supreme Court of the United States, 148; important law points involved, 148; the batture claimed is in the bed of the river, 148; what could the Attorney General do in the case? 148; what influence was his opinion to have? 148; impossible to see how an individual having property, in which he was put in possession in 1804, by a judicial decision, could be dispossessed of it in 1807, 148; this batture never was claimed as private property until after it came into possession of the United States, 149; nothing new to refer a subject to the head of a department, 149; a constitutional difficulty in the case, 149; has Congress the power to decide the validity of this claim? 149; has Congress a right in order to determine the title to landed property, to refer it to any tribunal whatever? 149; admitting all this to be true, it does not apply to the present case, 149; the question is whether it is public property or not, 149; question examined on the ground of the right of the citizen, 150; if a citizen is put in possession of property by a decree of a court, and afterwards dispossessed by military power, where should he come if not to this House to claim redress? 150; this claim should never be confounded with the Yazoo claim, 150; the doctrine nullum tempus occurrit reipublicæ, is a dangerous one, 150; the present case stated, 151; is there a precedent for this transaction? 151; the President has not carried the law into effect, 151; the act of 1807 contains two clauses bearing on the subject, 152; if there has been any violation of right, it was in the passage of the law under which the President acted, 152; resolutions offered in the House, 191; laid on the table, 192; bill to provide means to ascertain the title considered, 223; various amendments considered, 223.

BAYARD, JAMES A., Senator from Delaware, 26, 121, 176, 264, 403, 571; reports to Senate a bill for a National Bank, 183; moves an amendment to the bill to enable the President to take possession of the country east of the Perdido, 313; against the declaration of war, 418. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

BAYLIES, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 124.

BIBB, GEORGE M., Senator from Kentucky, 400, 570.

BIBB, WILLIAM W., Representative from Georgia, 36, 125, 188, 315, 425, 577; on the ordinance of 1787, 42; on the ordinance of 1787, 46; on the bill relative to batture at New Orleans, 223; on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, 320, 324; on Indian affairs, 428; on the British intrigues, 516, 519; against the renewal of Whitney's patent right, 533; on war taxes, 715. See Index, vol. 3.

BIDWELL, BARNABAS, 437; note, 437. See Index, vol. 3.

BIGELOW, ABIJAH, Representative from Massachusetts, 317, 424, 577; against the admission of Mississippi, 352; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 386; on imposing additional duties, 538.

Bill to prevent abuse of privileges enjoyed by foreign ministers, 169.

BLACKLEDGE, WILLIAM, Representative from North Carolina, 36, 425, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

BLAISDELL, DANIEL, Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187, 316; against the admission of Mississippi, 352; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 377.

BLAKE, JOHN, jr., Representative from New York, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

Blank ballots, shall they be counted?--In the House on election for Speaker two blank ballots were cast, shall they be counted? 125; blank pieces of paper cannot be considered as votes, 125; instance, the election for President in 1801, 125; is there to be a Speaker without an election? 125; the committee report that no candidate has a majority, 125; the Speaker may become President and preside over the destinies of the nation, 125; no analogy with the Presidential election, 125; establish such a precedent, and it may put an end to this government, founded on the principle that the majority shall govern, 125; motion for a new ballot carried, 125.

BLEECKER, HARMANUS, Representative from New York, 424, 577; on imposing additional duties, 540; against the embargo bill, 550; on the objects of the war, 644.

BLOUNT, THOMAS, Representative from North Carolina, 36, 425; on a quartermaster's department, 477. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

BOONE, DANIEL, petition of, 707.

BOYD, ADAM, Representative from New Jersey, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on the batture at New Orleans, 149; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; on the reduction of the navy, 242; on foreign relations, 460; on the bill laying an embargo, 544, 545; on an additional military force, 626. See Index, vol. 3.

BOYLE, JOHN, Representative from Kentucky, 46. See Index, vol. 3.

BRADLEY, STEPHEN R., Senator from Vermont, 3, 118, 166, 250, 400, 576; appointed President pro tem. of the Senate, 26; on a recess of Congress, 412. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Breach of Privilege.--Report of committee relative to the letter of I. A. Coles, 204. See Index, vol. 2.

BRECKENRIDGE, JAMES, Representative from Virginia, 125, 187, 315, 424, 579.

BRENT, RICHARD, Senator from Virginia, 33, 118, 168, 252, 400, 570; on a Bank of the United States, 295.

Bribery.--See Index, vol. 1.

Brigadier Generals additional.--In the House the bill to authorize the President to appoint additional brigadier generals considered, 551; if these officers are intended to command the militia the bill should not pass, 551; Governors of States better acquainted with qualifications of the militia officers than the President, 551; what spirit can be in the people to submit to this? 551; no necessity of more generals for the regulars, 551; if this bill passes our government will be as bad as that of Great Britain before the revolution, 551.

BRIGHAM, ELIJAH, Representative from Massachusetts, 424, 577; on rules and orders of the House, 471; on imposing additional duties, 541; on an additional military force, 621.

British Intrigues.--Message from the President to Congress, with certain documents, showing that through the British Minister a secret agent was employed in certain of the States, fomenting disaffection to the authorities, and in intrigues to the disaffected, 506; letter of Mr. Henry to Mr. Monroe, with the documents, 506; letter of the Secretary of the Governor of the British provinces to Mr. Henry, employing him as a secret agent, 506; letter of general instructions to Henry by is employer, 507; credential of Henry, 507; answer to the Secretary accepting the employment, 507; answer to the letter of instructions, 508; letters of Henry to the Governor General, from Burlington, Windsor, Amherst, and Boston and Montreal, 513; letter of Mr. Henry to Mr. Peel, with a memorial to Lord Liverpool, for compensation for services rendered, 514; letter of Mr. Peel, containing the answer to the memorial, 514; report of Secretary of State, relative to persons connected with Henry, 515.

Motion to print, 515; protest against attributing the sentiments expressed in these letters as belonging to the Federalists, to citizens of Connecticut, 515; no confidence in the statements, 516; a full investigation ought to be had, 516; the papers are honorable testimony in favor of the eastern section of the Union, 516; what is the fact, 516; serious consideration should be given before such gross abuse of any section is published, 517; papers calculated merely to put the people on their guard against emissaries, 517; they show the deep hostility of this foreign power to our government, 517; British Ministers have at some periods of their lives been employed on such business, 517; extracts from letters of Mr. Erskine, 517; a division of the Union is not a new subject, 518; these documents will exhibit to the American people what sort of a nation we have to deal with, 518; is the information useful to us, 518; the subject should be followed up with a full and prompt examination, 518; no difference of opinion in supporting the integrity of the Union, 519; motion to print agreed to, 519; Mr. Henry has done service to this country by this communication, and ought to be protected, 519; question referred to the committee on foreign relations, with authority to send for persons and papers, 519; letter from the British Minister disclaiming all knowledge of John Henry's asserted mission, 522; report from the committee on foreign relations relative to these disclosures, 524; note, 525.

British Minister, conduct of, in the Senate, resolutions relative to, reported, 169; bill relating to privileges of foreign ministers also reported, 169; resolutions approving the conduct of the Executive, in refusing to hold any further communication with Mr. Jackson, considered, 169; peculiarities of our Government, 170; the refusal of the Executive may lead to war, yet Congress alone has power to declare war, 170; Congress should express its opinion on the act of the Executive, 170; this is due to the people, 170; it is due to the Executive, 170; will the President have the co-operation of Congress? 170; it is of national importance that the will of Congress should be expressed, 171; would the conduct of Great Britain be very different under these different conditions of the people and the government, 171; did any people ever gain any thing by dissensions? 171; never wrong to join the standard of your country in a war with foreign nations, 171; are the facts stated in the resolution supported by the correspondence? 172; letter of Mr. Jackson, 172; what does it amount to? 172; the insult is gross and outrageous, 173; other expressions examined, 173, 174; Canning's course, 174; if the facts are justified by the correspondence, what can prevent unanimity on the present occasion? 175; ordered to third reading, 176; passed, 176.

In the House.--An important paper headed "Circular," has not been communicated to Congress, 192; resolution, calling on the President for a copy, 192; despatch of Mr. Canning also called for, 192; improper to call upon the President for that which cannot be officially in his possession, 192; a copy in Secretary's office, 192; motion carried, 192; other papers called for, 192; "Circular" of Mr. Jackson, 193.

The first question involves the veracity and dignity of the American Government, and the reputation of a British Envoy, and in some degree the British Ministry, 193; origin of the mission from Great Britain to the United States, 193; what were the circumstances which characterized its progress and termination? 194; if such were the circumstances, does not the occasion require that the American Government take a firm and decided stand? 195; the present is no time for causeless crimination of our Government, 195; the terms offered to us are not honorable and reciprocal, 195; the resolution is rendered peculiarly important by the occasion, 195; there is more than a presumption that Mr. Erskine had the power to enter into the arrangement he made, 195; what did the President know of his powers? 196; did he know that Mr. Erskine had not full power? 196; it was not his duty to know that he had not full powers? 197.

Motion to postpone indefinitely the resolution approving the conduct of the Executive relative to the British Minister, considered, 197; the resolution unnecessary and pernicious, 197; it descends to a style of expression unworthy of the country and the dignity of its Government, 198; it looks toward war, 198; a resolution of approbation against all example for the last eight years, 198; some doubts whether the majority were the same party as in former years, 199; the right of approbation implies the right of disapprobation, 199; it is proposed that this solemn assembly, representing the American people, shall descend from its dignity to utter against an individual the language of indignation and reproach, 199; this is to be done under pretence of asserting their rights and vindicating their wrongs, 200; it is no slight responsibility which this House is about to assume, 200; all the other questions agitated in this debate dwindle into insignificance, 200; no speaker yet has taken the precise terms of the resolution as the basis of his argument, 200; the resolution analyzed, 200; it asserts that a certain idea is conveyed which is indecorous and insolent, 200; what is this idea? 201; what are the expressions in which it is conveyed? 201; parts of the letter examined in which the idea is conveyed, 201; a corroborative view of the subject, 202; recapitulation, 203; the resolution merely respects the conduct of the British Envoy, 204; it is not an answer to a message from the President of the United States, 205; it is not a declaration of war, 205; the correspondence between the British Minister and the American Secretary examined, 205; the whole civilized world a spectator of this discussion, 205; resolution ordered to be read a third time, 206; authorities to show the competency of Mr. Erskine's powers, 206; Erskine never entertained a doubt of the competency of his powers, 206; extracts from his letters, 207; the British Government could not disavow the acts of its Minister without incurring the charge of bad faith, 207; past transactions reconsidered, 207; this measure will fix a stain on the American character and hazard the peace and prosperity of the country, 208; fate of every country to cherish demagogues, 208; the letters of Jackson do not contain the insult imputed to them, 209; the insult examined, 209; what were the circumstances upon which the King justified his disavowal? 209; the want of authority in Mr. Erskine assigned as the sole ground, 210; letters further examined, 210; the insult explained away, 210; resolution passed, 211.

BROWN, JAMES, Senator from Louisiana, 573.

BROWN, JOHN, Representative from Maryland, 124, 188.

BROWN, OBADIAH, elected Chaplain of the House, 37.

BROWN, ROBERT, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

BURWELL, WILLIAM A., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 197, 315, 424, 594; on an extra session, 103; on permitting Swedish and Portuguese vessels to load, 127; on the petition for a division of the Mississippi Territory, 141; on the Batture at New Orleans, 148; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 155; on trade to the Baltic, 205; opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 224; on the Bank of the United States, 335; on privateer pensions, 704. See Index, vol. 3.

BUTLER, WILLIAM, Representative from South Carolina, 187; makes a report on the conduct of General Wilkinson, 248. See Index, vol. 3.

C

CALHOUN, JOHN C., Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577; on foreign relations, 447; on the case of Nathaniel Rounsavell, 529; on mode of relief of Caraccas, 532; makes a report on foreign relations, 554; presents a bill declaring war against Great Britain, 554; on an additional military force, 693.

CALHOUN, JOSEPH, Representative from South Carolina, 36, 125, 187, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

CAMPBELL, ALEXANDER, Senator from Ohio, 176, 250, 400, 566.

CAMPBELL, GEORGE W., Representative from Tennessee, 36; on submission to the late dictate England and France, 48; against amendments of the Senate requiring an immediate arming, &c., of public vessels, 97; on an extra session, 103; Senator from Tennessee, 400, 566; on a recess of Congress, 412. See Index, vol. 3.

CAMPBELL, JOHN, Representative from Maryland, 37, 124, 191, 320. See Index, vols. 2 and 3.

CARR, FRANCIS, Representative from Massachusetts, 577.

Caraccas, Relief of.--In the House, resolution to authorize the President to procure and send flour for the inhabitants of Caraccas, 532; better to suspend the restrictive system as to them, 532; why should party feelings enter into this proposition? 532; the amendment proposed would virtually repeal the embargo, 532; no necessity to suspend the embargo, 532; other amendments offered, 532; resolution passed, 532; $50,000 voted, 532.

Census of the Union.--See Index, vol. 1.

CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN C., Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187, 316.

CHAMBERLIN, WILLIAM, Representative from Vermont, 124, 187, 316. See Index, vol. 3.

CHAMPION, EPAPHRODITUS, Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

CHAMPLIN, CHRISTOPHER, Senator from Rhode Island, 176, 252. See Index, vol. 2.

CHAUNCEY, ISAAC, letters to the Secretary of the Navy, 572, 573.

CHEVES, LANGDON, Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577; in favor of a naval establishment, 477; on an additional military force, 697; on encouragement to privateer captures, 704; reports a bill to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, 706; on war taxes, 715.

CHITTENDEN, MARTIN, Representative from Vermont, 36, 124, 187, 316, 424, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

CLARKSON'S History of Slavery presented to Congress, 112.

CLAY HENRY, Senator from Kentucky, 177, 252; on the bill relative to non-intercourse with France and Great Britain, 177; presents petition of Elisha Winters for reward, for causing the death of the Mississippi River Pirate, 184; gives notice of asking leave to bring in a bill supplementary to the act relative to the punishment of certain crimes, 185; on the occupation of Florida, 261; on incorporating a Bank of the United States, 279; reports against extending the charter of the old bank, 311; reports a bill to enable the President to take possession of the country east of the Perdido, 313; Representative from Kentucky, 425, 577; elected Speaker, first session, 12th Congress, 425; address, 425; on the Statutes of Limitation, 475; on a naval establishment, 496; offers an amendment to the bill to enable the people of Mississippi to form a State Government, 520; on the limits of Louisiana, 523; in favor of the bill laying an embargo, 545; on an additional military force, 613; against encouragement to privateer captures, 703; acknowledges vote of thanks of the House, 719. See Index, vol. 3.

CLAY, MATTHEW, Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 187, 315, 424, 577; on an additional military force, 617. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

CLINTON, DEWITT, voted for as President, in 1812, 574.

CLINTON, GEORGE, Vice President, presides in the Senate, 3, 116; elected Vice President in 1808, 27; number of votes for, as President, 27; as Vice President, 27; as Vice President gives casting vote in Senate against U. States' Bank, 311; takes seat in Senate as Vice President, 400; decease of, 411. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

CLOPTON, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 187, 319, 427; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 112. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

COBB, HOWELL, Representative from Georgia, 125, 187, 315, 425. See Index, vol. 3.

COCHRAN, JAMES, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 187, 315, 435, 580.

COLES, ISAAC A., letter to the Speaker of the House, 183. See Index, vol. 1, 2.

Cod-Fisheries.--See Index, vol. 1.

Commerce of the United States.--See Index, vol. 1.

Committees, Select, resolution relative to formation of, 426; members of, in House, 426.

Compensation of President and Vice President.--See Index, vols. 1, 2.

CONDICT, JOHN, Senator from New Jersey, 3, 118, 168, 252, 400. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

CONDIT, LEWIS, Representative from New Jersey, 424, 577.

Congress, second Session of Tenth, 3; meeting of the two Houses to count Electoral votes, 27; adjournment of second Session of Tenth, 114; first Session of Eleventh, 116; third Session of Eleventh Congress, 250; third Session of Eleventh Congress adjourned, 312; adjournment of third Session of Eleventh Congress, 399; commencement of first Session of Twelfth Congress, 400; second Session of Twelfth meets, 566.

Extra Session.--In House, motion to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress, 101; moved to strike out May, for the purpose of inserting September, 102; this is a momentous crisis, 102; country in a situation of extreme danger, 102; Congress should be constantly in session till a more favorable state of affairs exists, 102; nothing likely to occur to do away with the necessity of an extra session, 102; why should Congress come here at the time proposed? 102; a new President comes in, who will desire communication with our ministers before the meeting of Congress, 102; occurrences are presenting themselves every day, requiring some other ground to be taken, 102; a total abandonment of the ocean will be submission, 102; are we to renew negotiation, when every circumstance manifests that it would be useless? 102; the present suspension of commerce and discontents at home, are sufficient reasons for calling Congress earlier than December, 103; new Administration should meet Congress as early as possible, 103; war the only means to secure the interest and honor of the nation, 103; reasons that Congress should meet in May, 103; is the nation to be saved by long speeches? 103; forty-eight hours sufficient to pass all laws for the present crisis, 103; an early session will contribute to tranquillize the minds of the people, 103; if peace is attainable, we must have it; if not, then war, 103; necessary to change our situation previous to next meeting of Congress, 103; reason of the fear in Great Britain that Parliament would not meet often enough, 104; Congress do more good by staying away, 104; leave an extra session to the Executive, 104; motion to strike out lost, 104; bill passed, 104.

In the Senate, resolution offered for a recess from the 29th of April, 412; ordered to be engrossed, 412; moved to fill the blank with "4th Monday in June," 412; sufficiently early to take measures in consequence of the expiration of the embargo, 412; a long time would accommodate better than a short time, 412; effect on the public mind the same, 412; the question should not be decided on the mere ground of personal convenience, 412; an adjournment for any length of time, like deserting our posts, 412; not deserting our posts, 413; by staying here, Congress cannot expedite the measures ordered, 413; eighth of June adopted, 413; resolution passed, 413.

Connecticut, vote for President, in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Constitution and Guerriere, letter from the Secretary of the Navy, on the action between, 593; bill to compensate the officers and crew of Constitution frigate, 709; considered, 709, 710; bill to compensate officers and crew of, considered, 717, 719.

Contested Elections.--See Index, vols. 1, 3.

Convoy System.--In the House, bill reported to employ public armed vessels to convoy the lawful commerce of the United States, 225; moved to discharge the Committee of the Whole, 226; embraces two important principles not to be discussed in committee, 226; motion lost, 226.

COOK, ORCHARD, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 141, 352; in favor of an immediate arming of the public vessels, 97, 98; on additional duties on English and French goods, 109. See Index, vol. 3.

COOKE, THOMAS B., Representative from New York, 424, 580.

COX, JAMES, Representative from New Jersey, 124, 187.

CRAIG, Sir J. H., his instructions to John Henry, 507.

CRAWFORD, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577.

CRAWFORD, WILLIAM H., Senator from Georgia, 3, 121, 168, 250, 400, 566; on the repeal of the embargo act, 11; on incorporating a Bank of the United States, 266, 305; on an increase of the navy, 407; elected President pro tem. of the Senate, 409; presides in the Senate as President pro tem., 566. See Index, vol. 3.

CRIST, HENRY, Representative from Kentucky, 125, 188.

CANNING, Mr., extract from speech of, in Parliament, 120.

Cuba, emigrants from.--In Senate, resolution relative to, offered, 121; referred, 122; further resolution, 122.

In the House.--Bill relative to the remission of certain penalties considered, 163; the bill, 163; opinion of Court of South Carolina, 163; the former act on the importation of slaves, 163; present case directly violates that law, 163; what reason for enacting this law, if the principles of the law of 1807 were correct? 164; this is a case of a peculiar nature, attended with singular circumstances, 164; the laws of South Carolina forbid bringing those persons into the State, 164; the persons bringing them, must give security to have them carried out, which could not be done under the non-intercourse law, 164; slaves brought to New Orleans, 164; the objects of this bill do not appear on the face of it, 164; bill passed, 165.

CULPEPER, JOHN, Representative from North Carolina, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

Cumberland Road, report on, 530. See Index, vol. 3.

CUSHING, T. H., Adjutant-General, letter of, 712.

CUTTS, CHARLES, Senator from New Hampshire, 250, 400, 566.

CUTTS, RICHARD, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315, 577; moves to strike out "seventy-fours," and insert "frigates," 606. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

D

DANA, SAMUEL W., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187; on necessity of additional revenue cutters, 47; on the immediate arming of the public vessels, 98; on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 128; on prosecutions for libel, 134; on amendment to, 137; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 152, 161; on an investigation of the Navigation Laws, 188; on the call on the President for papers, 192; on the torpedo experiment, 218, 220; on the loan bill, 227; on reform in the expense of the Navy, 230; on reduction of the Navy, 243; Senator from Connecticut, 250, 400, 570. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

DAVENPORT, JOHN, jr., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on the proceedings on counting the electoral votes, 105. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

DAVIESS, JOSEPH HAMILTON, note, 435.

DAVIS, ROGER, Representative from Pennsylvania, 424, 578.

DAWSON, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 424, 577; moves to refer the letter of Robert Fulton, 214; reports on, 214; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; on the ratio of representation, 432; on foreign relations, 452; on the burning of Richmond Theatre, 474; on the petition of Ursuline Nuns at New Orleans, 476; on the limits of Louisiana, 523; offers a resolution of honor to officers and seamen of the Constitution, for the capture of the Guerriere, 578; on compensation to the officers and crew of the frigate Constitution, 709. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

DEANE, JOSIAH, Representative from Massachusetts, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

Debates, reporting of.--See Index, vol. 2.

DECATUR, STEPHEN, his letter to the Secretary of the Navy 598.

Defensive Measures against Great Britain, under John Adams.--See Index, vol. 2.

Delaware, vote for President, in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Delegates from Territories.--See Index, vol. 1.

DESHA, JOSEPH, Representative from Kentucky, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577; on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 69; on Foreign Relations, 450; on an additional military force, 696. See Index, vol. 3.

DINSMOOR, SAMUEL, Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 577.

Diplomatic Intercourse.--See Index, vol. 2.

Divorces in the District of Columbia, report on, 505. See Index, vol. 3.

DUNN, THOMAS, elected doorkeeper of the House, 126; elected sergeant-at-arms to the House, 425.

DURELL, DANIEL M., Representative from New Hampshire, 36; in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, 100; on an extra session, 103. See Index, vol. 3.

Duties on Imports.--In Senate, bill for imposing additional duties read the third time, 31; motion to postpone to a distant day, 31; the subject is a commercial one exceedingly important, 31; the bill can be advocated only upon the ground that a war is about to ensue, and to prepare the public treasury to sustain its prosecution, 32; but neither the one nor the other is expected or necessary, 32; Gallatin's reports, 32; the measure will also be both unequal and unjust, 32; the new duty will operate as a bounty to forestalled and speculators, 32; bill passed, 32.

In the House.--The bill to impose additional duties considered, 107; motion to confine increased duties to goods of England and France, 109; motion lost, bill ordered to be engrossed, 109.

Manufactures, Domestic.--In the House, resolution to lay an additional duty on coarse hemp and flax considered, 428; cotton added, 428; the proposition should include all the domestic manufactures of the country, 428; the present a favorable time to adopt some measures to encourage and support domestic manufactures, 428; merely a proposition to instruct a committee, 428; laid on the table, 428; taken up, 431; amendment laying a duty on salt moved, 431; irregular manner of proceeding, 431; further debate on the practice of the House, 431; ill-timed to tax an article when it may be very difficult to procure it, 431; why this great cry about domestic manufactures? 432; what will be the effect of taxing salt, 432.

In the House.--Engrossed bill laying additional duties, 538; the creation of a public debt ought to be accompanied with the means of its extinguishment, 538; this is the true secret of rendering public credit immortal, 538; it is surprising to learn that doubling the duties is the only means to be provided for this purpose, 539; this will be a most unpopular tax, 539; it is an unjust measure, 539; what will be the consequence of passing the bill? 539; great changes have taken place since the adoption of the present tariff, 540; three purposes intended to be furthered by duties on imported merchandise, 540; the objections to the bill are palpable and obvious, 540; its tendency to promote smuggling, 541; the unfortunate policy adopted in 1806 has destroyed the purity and elevation of commercial morals, 541; a reliance on the impost as the means of supporting the war in connection with an abandonment of the internal taxes, teaches that our Government is unfit for the purpose of foreign and offensive war, 541; the protection and regulation of commerce has become a prime object of legislation, 541; it is the cause of war, 542; this increase of impost is a tax which will operate unjustly and unequally, 542; burden on the people of the Eastern States, 542; desirable to recommit the bill in order to learn the sentiments of the House on the repeal or the partial suspension of the present non-importation act, 542; if this act was suspended and we had a trading and not a fighting war, we should have sufficient revenue under the present rates of duties, 543; letter of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject of revenue examined, 544; a very left-handed way of encouraging the manufactures of this country, 543; motion to strike out the words "one hundred" before per centum lost, 543. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Duties on Tonnage.--See Index, vol. 1.

E

EARLE, ELIAS, Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577.

Electoral Votes for President, examination and counting of, 27.

Opening and Counting.--In House, resolution offered to notify the Senate, 105; it is now proposed that the Senate come to the House, and that the Speaker leave the chair to make room for the President of another body, 105; such a proceeding would derogate from the dignity if not the rights of this body, 105; a respect we owe ourselves and the people never to suffer the privileges of this House to be diminished, 105; in counting the votes the House of Representatives is not assembled as a distinct body, 105; propriety in this course because by the constitution the Vice President is to open the votes, 105; moved that when the Senate was introduced the Speaker relinquish the chair to him, 105; propriety of the President of the Senate presiding at a joint meeting, 105; as regards the privileges of the House against the claims of the other, the ninth part of a hair was important, 105; the English Commons obtained their privileges inch by inch, 105; if he comes to this House, the President of the Senate comes by courtesy, and can assume the chair only as a matter of favor, 106; the constitution prescribes the powers of each body, and no fear of encroachment, 106; motion carried, 106; votes counted, 106; counting of, 573, 711. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Electors of President.--See Index, vol. 1.

ELLIOT, JAMES, Representative from Vermont, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

ELLIOT, JESSE D., letters to the Secretary of the Navy, 571, 572.

ELY, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on arming and classing of the militia, 708. See Index, vol. 3.

Embargo.--In Senate resolution to repeal the act laying an embargo offered, 5; light in which it has been viewed by France, 5; not a measure of hostility or coercion as applied to her, 5; little effect on England, 5; could America expect to starve her? 6; it was a farce, 6; ample time had been given for her to make other arrangements, 6; what accounts have we from there? 6; they can actually purchase provisions cheaper now from other places than they formerly had done from us, 6; turn to another article of trade, cotton, 6; it has been said a want of this article would distress the British manufacturers and produce clamor among them, and hence accelerate the repeal of the Orders in Council, 6; are not all the evil consequences anticipated from the embargo likely to be realized? 6; Great Britain become the carriers of the world, these carriers will supply themselves, 6; get supplies of cotton elsewhere, 6; this embargo instead of operating on those nations which had been violating our rights, was fraught with evils and privations to the people of the United States, 7; it should be abandoned as a measure wholly inefficient for the objects designed, 7; some thought its efficiency would be secured by adding a non-intercourse law, 7; this idea futile, 7; the United States are consumers of British products, 7; what had patriotism really done? 7; non-intercourse law cannot be executed, 7; party spirit should now have been laid aside, and all consulted for the common good, 7; if the spirit of commercial speculation has overcome all patriotism, it is time foreign intercourse should cease, 7; the proposition for repeal hardly merits respect or serious consideration, 8; a most important subject, deeply implicating, and perhaps determining the fate of the commerce and navigation of this country, 8; our commerce has unquestionably been subject to great embarrassment, vexation, and plunder from the belligerents of Europe, 8; both France and England have violated the laws of nations, 8; the one professes to relent at the inconvenience she occasions you, and the other in addition to depredation and conflagration, treats you with the greatest disdain, 8; their conduct gave rise to the embargo, 8; if it has been proved by experience to be inoperative so far as regards them, and destructive as respects ourselves, it should be repealed, 8; the propriety of this is now the question, 8; three points naturally to be considered, 8; the security which it gave to our navigation, and the protection it offered our seamen, its effects on France and Great Britain in coercing them to adopt a more just and honorable policy towards us, the effects it has and may produce on ourselves, 8; it has already answered all that can be expected in regard to security to navigation and seamen, 8; its longer continuance will counteract these objects, 8; its operation is nugatory on France, 9; its operation on Great Britain, 9; the subject should be taken up with coolness, 10; it is charged that there is a disposition to break down commerce, for the purpose of erecting manufactures on its ruins, 10; the charge a mere electioneering trick, 10; the ground is taken that the embargo has prevented all our commerce, 10; this is not shown, 10; operation of the Decrees of France, 10; operation of the Orders in Council, 10; a tribute required for license to trade, 10; has the embargo been productive of the consequences expected to result from it, 11; it has not had a fair trial in consequence of misrepresentations, 11; has the embargo operated more upon the United States than on the European powers, 11; one object of the resolution doubtless to obtain information of the operation of the embargo throughout the Union, 11; the sentiments of the people of Georgia on the subject, 12; effects of the measure on ourselves, 12; the produce of the lands of Georgia lies on hand, 12; it is said that Great Britain will find some source whence to obtain the supplies she has heretofore got from us, 12; the cotton interest is willing to run the risk of the continuance of the embargo, 12; it is said this measure cannot be executed, 12; it has been so far executed as to produce a good effect, 12; the charge of an intention to destroy commerce examined, 13; a disposition to make this measure permanent, 13; this measure intended and calculated to promote the interests of France, 13; no danger from war, it is said, except through a repeal of the embargo, 13; statements in relation to the present views of England favorable to the embargo are not entitled to credit, 13; cause of the change in Mr. Canning's language, 14; the Essex resolutions, 14; how are these orders and decrees to be opposed but by war, except we keep without their reach, 14; attempts to ridicule the measure exposed, 14; it is said that if the embargo is repealed we can carry on a safe and secure trade to the extent of nearly four-fifths the amount of our domestic productions, 14; this statement examined, 15; if the embargo had not been laid, would the British aggressions have stopped with the Orders in Council, 15; if the embargo is repealed, and our vessels suffered to go out, it will expose us to new insults and aggressions, 15; it is said that a perseverance in a measure opposed to the interests and feelings of the people may lead to opposition and insurrection, 15; this is an argument in terrorem, 15; more information needed on this subject, 16; better if the proposition had expressed indignation at the injuries our Government had received, 16; situation of the European world when Congress deemed it necessary to pass the embargo, 16; prudence and policy dictated this measure, 17; the mission of Mr. Rose, 17; effects of the measure on the country, 18; feelings of gentlemen who once possessed the power of the nation, but have now lost it, 18; the outrages of the belligerents should have awakened such indignation as to suppress these feelings, until some measures could be devised to meet the crisis, 18; the greatest inconvenience perhaps attending popular governments stated, 19; two objects contemplated by the embargo, 19; the first, precautionary, operating upon ourselves, 19; the second, coercive, operating upon the aggressing belligerents, 19; the first considered and explained, 19; effects of the embargo, 20; our fate is in our own hands, with union we have nothing to fear, 20; danger of exposing one's self to the charge of being under British influence, 21; the patrons of the miscreants who utter these slanders know better, 21; the wrongs of Great Britain to us intended to be removed by the treaty, 21.

Enforcement of the Embargo, bill making further provision for, reported, 21; sections of the bill, 21; an embargo over a country like ours a phenomenon in the civilized world, 21; opinions relative to the embargo, 21; course proposed to be pursued, 22; this bill bears marks of distrust of the people, entertained by the Government; it places the coasting trade under further vexatious restraints, 22; particulars in which it is placed under the regulation of the President, 22; other sections intrench on the ordinary concerns of the great body of the people, 22; the military may be employed by agents under this bill, 23; authority of the marshal competent to execute the laws, 23; further objections to the bill, 23; the bill presents temptations for addressing the popular sensibility too strong to be resisted by gentlemen in the opposition, 23; they have presented its provisions in an alarming aspect, 23; the bill contains no new principle, every provision is justified by precedents in pre-existing laws, 24; it is said the embargo is a permanent measure, and its effects ruinous at home and ineffectual abroad, 24; it is said the public councils are pressing on to measures pregnant with most alarming results, 24; the great principle of objection, it is said, consists in the transfer of legislative powers to the Executive Department, 24; objections to the provisions of the bill relative to the coasting trade, examined, 25; power granted to the President over the military force in previous acts of the Legislature, 26; passage of the bill, 26.

In the House.--Many resolutions have been submitted on the subject of foreign relations and the embargo, 40; surprising to see so many resolutions and none contemplating its continuance, 40; where is that spirit which separated us from Great Britain? 40; just as our measure of last year is beginning to operate we are called upon to repeal, 40; what is the purport of the proclamation issued by one of the belligerents? 41; resolutions offered to exclude vessels of belligerents having force decrees or orders violating the lawful commerce of the United States; also imports from such powers, and also to inquire into the expediency of amending the embargo act, 41; it is time for those who think the embargo a lawful and proper measure, to come forward and declare it, 41; neither of the powers of Europe have shown any disposition to relax, neither should we, 41; only three alternatives are open to us--war, embargo, or submission, 41; the last out of the question, 41; shall it be war or embargo? 41; let that be adopted which will best maintain our rights and independence, 41; the embargo does not cause the pressure on the people, 41; public opinion in the Northern part of the Union requires the embargo to be raised, 41; let the debate go on, 41; first and second resolutions agreed to, 42.

Embargo, Temporary.--Bill for, passed in the Senate, 410; In the House, message received from the President relative to laying an embargo for sixty days, 544; bill reported, read twice, and referred to the Committee of the Whole, 544; moved to strike out sixty, and insert one hundred and twenty days, 544; the time will be much too short for the whole amount of American property abroad to return, 544; motion lost, 544; is this to be considered as a peace or war measure? 544; it is understood to be a war measure, and it is intended it shall lead directly to it, 544; objections to parts of the bill, 544; drafted according to the wishes of the Secretary of the Treasury, 544; if it is a precursor to war what is the situation of our fortresses and of the country generally? 545; none can question the propriety of the proposition, 545; are we now to cover ourselves with shame and indelible disgrace by retreating from the measures and grounds we have taken? 545; the conduct of France may be a subject of future consideration, 545; no difficulty or terror in the war except what arises from novelty, 545; a source of pride that the Executive has recommended this measure, 545; this is not a measure of the Executive, but is engendered by an intense excitement upon the Executive, 545; the people of the country will consider it a subterfuge for war, 545; at the end of sixty days we shall not have war, because the Executive dare not plunge us in war, 545; are we prepared to assail the enemy or repel her attacks? 545; motion to strike out first section lost, 545; the President does not mean war, 545; unless Great Britain relents we must make war, says the President, 546; we should not go to war unprepared, 546; what occurred in the Committee of Foreign Relations, 546; if you mean war, if the spirit of the country is up to it, why have you spent five months in idle debate? 546; not possible to commence war with safety within four months, 546; warning of the danger and ruin which threaten our defenceless cities and towns, 547; the intelligent part of the community are against war, 547; bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, 547; moved to read third time to-morrow, 547; policy on the part of the majority should dictate this indulgence, 547; the minority has acted with more propriety than was ever known, 547; other reason for delay, 547; motion lost, 547; bill passed, 547.

Bill returned to the House with amendments by the Senate, 548; moved to postpone indefinitely, 548; it is a pure, unsophisticated, reinstated embargo, 548; the same power which originates can continue this oppressive measure, 548; it is not an embargo preparatory to war, but an embargo as a substitute for war, 548; this point examined, 548; Heaven help our merchants from an embargo protection, 549; an express was sent off on the day preceding the Message, 549; is this measure expedient, and can it be executed? 549; this House should desist from the dangerous course they are pursuing, 550; views of Great Britain, 550; motion to postpone, 550; main question ordered, 550. See Index, vol. 3.

EMOTT, JAMES, Representative from N. Y., 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on Miranda's expedition, 143; on commercial intercourse, 353; presents petition of merchants of New York, 432; on an additional military force, 668.

EPPES, JOHN W., Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 187, 315; on the resolution calling on the President for papers, 192; on the convoy system, 225; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 360. See Index, vol. 3.

EVANS, OLIVER, claim for different applications of steam-power, 404.

Executive Departments.--See Index, vol. 1.

Expatriation.--See Index, vol. 2.

Expenditure of Public Money.--In the House, a resolution to appoint a committee to inquire into the expenditure of public money, 429; the result of a former inquiry, 429; how do pursers in the Navy receive their money? 429; extract from a letter, 429; the abuses should cease, 429; resolution agreed to, 430.

Extra Session.--Bill to alter the time of the meeting of Congress considered, 717. See Congress.

F

Federal Judges, amendment of the constitution to secure the removal of, 530. See Index, vol. 3, Amendments of the Constitution.

FINDLAY, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 128; on foreign relations, 454. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

FISK, JAMES, Representative from Vermont, 36, 315, 424, 577; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 153; on the Torpedo experiment, 220, 221; offers a resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 223; opposes postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 224; on the ratio of representation, 318; on the Bank of the United States, 338; against a naval establishment, 504; on the pay of the army, 587; on amendments to the naturalization law, 594.

FISK, JONATHAN, Representative from New York, 124, 187, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

FITCH, ASA, Representative from New York, 424, 577.

Flag of the United States.--See Index, vol. 1.

Florida, West, occupation of.--In the Senate, bill to extend the laws of the Territory of Orleans over West Florida, reported, 252; debate on its passage, 253; the first important question is whether the United States have a good title to the territory, 253; what were the limits of Louisiana before the treaty and cession of 1762-3 between France, Spain, and Great Britain? 253; the treaty of cession between the United States and France examined, 253; the expediency of taking possession of this territory cannot be doubted, 254; other grounds upon which this bill might be supported, entirely independent of the cession, 255; state of the Spanish colonies in relation to the Spanish Government, 255; this bill may be justified independent of title by the law of self-preservation, 255; this bill contains two important provisions, it incorporates with the territory of Orleans the province of West Florida, and it extends to that province the laws now in force in the Territory, 255; two questions naturally involved, 1st, has the United States a good title? 2d, is it expedient? 256; authority of the President to direct a forcible occupation of the Territory a preliminary question, 256; has not this proclamation transcended the limits of the President's power? 256; what is the nature and import of this proclamation? 256; it is not only war, but an act of legislation too, 256; new power conferred by acts of Congress, 257; not a shadow of authority exists, 257; title examined, 257; as founded on the doctrines of estoppel and occupancy, 257; title of France, 258.

An instrument thus obtained not obligatory, 258; title derived under the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, 258; cause of the war of 1756, 258; its results, 258; remarks on the evidences and facts relative to title, 260; our title indisputable against both France and Spain, 261; the treachery by which the King of Spain is alleged to have lost his crown, 261; our title to West Florida examined, and the propriety of the recent measures for the occupation of it, 261; our title depends on the limits of the province of Louisiana, and a just exposition of treaties, 261; to determine this, it is only necessary to fix the eastern boundary, 261; the province of Louisiana comprised West Florida previous to 1762, 262; what was then done? 262; what, then, is the true construction of the treaties of St. Ildefonso and of April, 1803? 262; is the proclamation an authorized measure of war and legislation? examined, 263; had the President failed to embrace the opportunity he would have been criminally inattentive to the dearest interests of his country, 264.

Floridas, occupation of, an act to authorize, 422; postponed, 423; resolution relative to, 561.

Florida, purchase of.--See Index, vol. 3.

Foreign Ministers, abuse of Privileges.--See Index, vol. 3.

Foreign Relations.--In House, resolution that the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor, and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France, considered, 48; the resolution too clear to need demonstration, 48; the committee believed there could be no difference of opinion on the subject of the resolution, although there might be on the mode of resistance, therefore it was presented, 48; not necessary to show that the decrees of France and orders of Great Britain were an assumption of power to give laws to this country in direct violation of our neutral rights, 48; the real question is, shall we govern ourselves or be controlled by the will of others? 49; upon our offer to remove the embargo if either party would rescind, no heed has been given, 49; the proposition now offered unexceptionable, 49; the course advocated in the report of the committee is loathsome, 49; the resolution offers a solemn pledge to the nation that the present system of public measures shall be totally abandoned, 49; adopt it and there is an end of the policy of deserting our rights under the pretence of maintaining them, 49; the terms of the resolution contain an assertion and a pledge, 49; none need have difficulty in screwing their courage up to the assertion, 50; the pledge is a glorious one, 50; what is submission and what does the pledge not to submit imply, 50; objects of the edicts and orders, 50; tenor of publications from the East which are sent here, 50; objects of the two powers with regard to us, 51; efforts of our Minister, 51; the chapter of negotiation, 52; the conduct of officers of the British navy and the connivance of the British government, 52; further aggressions, 53; the present an extraordinary crisis, 54; examination of the situation of this country in relation to France and Great Britain, and also the injuries and aggressions they have committed upon our neutral rights, 54; injuries of Great Britain, 54; principal injuries committed by France, 55; consequences which result from this series of injuries, 55; the rude treatment of the report of the committee, 56; how did the report originate, 57; not one of all the principal positions contained it which is true in the sense and to the extent assumed by the committee, 57; the alternatives of submission, war, or embargo considered, 57; what is disgraceful submission? 58; we can trade not only with one, but with both these belligerents notwithstanding these restrictive decrees, 58; the other alternative of war with both is absurd, 59; further examination of the report, 59, 60; objections considered, 61.

A silent vote on the proposition would have produced a better effect than this discussion, 63; the report seems to consider the system recommended as including a continuance of the embargo, 63; the embargo is severely felt by the country at large, 63; in some places it requires all the exertions of patriotism to support it, 63; members have contended as to which section suffered most, 64; it is said that this is a delusion, 64; it is thought the country cannot feel much as it feeds well, 64; in point of revenue how does it work? 65; as a measure of finance it has laid the axe to the root, 66; would the constitutional convention have given to Congress power to lay an embargo for one or two years, if it had been agitated? 66; the character of this measure examined, 66; it is said the embargo is evaded, and thus has not been so tightly drawn with regard to Great Britain, 67; the continuance of our measures may divert trade from us to other channels, 67; it is said, the honor of the country is at stake, a removal of the embargo would be submission to Great Britain, 68; what is the nature of the rights in question, 68.

The continuance of the embargo as an assertion of our rights is not an efficient mode of resistance, 69; if gentlemen were really Americans, they would not tamely give up the honor of their country by submitting to French decrees and British orders, 70; do they mean that independence should be wrested from us without a struggle? 70; what are the reasons why the embargo has not come fully up to the expectations of its supporters? 70; yet it has been particularly serviceable in many instances? 70; a retrograde step at this time would mark the Government with pusillanimity, 70; effect of the French decrees, 71; results of the British orders, 71; the House of Representatives only of Maryland have passed resolutions against the embargo, 72; the militia system caused the change in Maryland and not the embargo, 72; it is said, the embargo has destroyed the commerce of the country, 72; the embargo is a disagreeable thing, but by swallowing it, we shall bring health, 73; some States have passed laws for suspending executions, 73; the only question is, shall we defend ourselves or shall we submit? 74; upon this question, in every point of view too clear to admit of a doubt, a debate has arisen embracing all our foreign relations, 75; the offer to suspend the embargo laws for a suspension of the Orders in Council, has been contemptuously rejected, those orders justified, and an extension of their operation threatened, 75; in this crisis every man should do his part, 75; the original imposition of the embargo was wise in a precautionary point of view, 75; after the operation of the Orders in Council was known insurance could not have been effected at Baltimore to London for 90 guineas per cent., 75; mercantile distresses have been exaggerated, 76; the embargo has preserved us from bloodshed, 76; if the embargo has failed it is no cause of triumph, 76; it is asked if we are prepared to violate the public faith, 76; will submission pay the public debt? 76; it is said the embargo itself is submission, 77; it is the opponents of the measure who call it submission, 77; who, in the United States, are most anxious to have the embargo repealed? 77; ultra-federalists, 77; the embargo is the most deadly weapon we can use against Great Britain, 77; what is the nature of her wants, and what her capacity and means of supply? 77; there are not contained within the British empire at this time supplies for the home and colonial consumption, 78; to remove the embargo will betray a timid, wavering, indecisive policy, 78; supplies should be withheld from Spain and Portugal, as Great Britain is coerced through them, 78; the embargo preserves this nation in peace, while it presses those who injure us, 78; it should not be repealed in part, 79; give merchants a spot as large as the square of this House to go to, and they would carry away the whole of our surplus produce, 79; the Orders in Council originated in deadly hostility to us, 79; South Carolina is interested, by the suspension of our trade, in the article of cotton alone, to an amount greater than the whole revenue of the United States, 80; objections examined and considered, 81; it is said the embargo should be removed because it has operated as a bounty to the British trade, 81; constitutionality of the embargo settled, 82; it is said if Great Britain, during the Revolution, maintained a war against the world, will she truckle now? 82; deposition of sundry English merchants before the House of Lords, 82; it is said the destruction of St. Domingo has caused such a demand for sugar, that the cultivation of cotton in the British West Indies has ceased, 83; it is disgracefully said that, nations like individuals, should pocket their honor for money, 83; why are we called upon to make the declaration of this resolution? 84; it is not expedient to adopt the second resolution, 84; what will be the effect of the embargo, if continued, as respects ourselves? 85; its pressure is on the whole country, and it carries misery throughout the land, 85; a better line of conduct for the United States to pursue pointed out, 85; will most of our property be taken by the belligerents if the embargo is removed? 86; merchants do not consider the risk very great, 86; we are not reduced to the dilemma of making choice out of any of the alternatives recommended by the committee, 86; the resolution is unnecessary because no clear, definite, practical results can flow from it, 87; it is said we are bound to vote, whether the assertion is true or false, 87; it is said the resolution is harmless at the worst, 88; it should be rejected on account of the "company it keeps," 88; we have gone on so long in error that it is not easy to say what should be done, 88; a retrospective view of our affairs, 88, 89, 90; it may be said, what has happened could not be prevented, 91; it is said, if we suffer our commerce to go on the ocean, it will be crippled by France or Great Britain, 92; nothing so well calculated to call out the resistance and obstinacy of Great Britain, as this measure of the embargo, 92; the King of England dare not yield to our embargo, 93; the object of our present legislation should be to relieve our country from the distresses under which it groans, 93; resolution divided by omitting the words "and France," 94; first part passed in committee, 94; second part passed, 94; resolution passed in the Senate, 94; other resolutions passed, 94.

In the House.--The report of the Committee on Foreign Relations considered, 432; explanation of the views of the committee, 432; the report is only in part, with the intention to follow up the resolutions if adopted, with ulterior ones, 432; committee satisfied that all hope of accommodating our differences with Great Britain by negotiation, must be abandoned, 433; are the maritime rights which Great Britain is violating, such as we ought to support at the hazard and expense of a war? 433; no prospect of a speedy repeal of the Orders in Council, 433; we are a young nation, and cherish some pride and spirit, as well as justice and moderation, 433; we ought to go to war, in opposition to the Orders in Council, 433; the United States can make a serious impression upon Great Britain, at sea, even without a navy, 433; question taken on the first resolution for filling the ranks of the present army, and carried, 434; question on the agreement to the second resolution, authorizing the raising an additional regular force, 434; are seven millions of Americans to be protected in their lives and liberties by ten thousand vagabonds, who were fit food for gunpowder? 434; it would be necessary to know the ulterior views of the committee, 434; for what purpose are these troops wanted? 434; the gentleman was a member of the committee, and attended its sittings, 434; it is due to the committee to explain their conduct in the outset, 434; Republicans should remember that a few years ago, a set of men who held different politics, held the reins of Government, 435; if your minds are resolved on war, you are still Republicans, 435; what are we called upon to decide? it is whether we will resist by force the attempt made by that Government to subject our maritime rights to the capricious rule of her will, 435; war is already begun, 435; it is a question of peace or war, 436; how can gentlemen calling themselves Republicans, advocate such a war? 436; those who opposed the army are denounced as partisans of France, 436; in 1805, the committee recommended raising troops owing to the defenceless condition of the frontiers; yet, this report was considered too strong by the House, 437; it is insinuated that the massacre on the Wabash was instigated by the British Government, 437; note 437; this war of conquest, for the acquisition of territory and subjects, is to be a new commentary on the doctrine that republics are destitute of ambition, 438; the war spirit in gentlemen from the South, not surprising, 438; gentlemen avowed they would not go to war for the carrying trade, yet they stickle for our commercial rights, and will go to war for them, 438; gratifying to find the demoralizing and destructive consequences of the non-importation law acknowledged, 439; the committee has out-stripped the Executive, 439; our people will not submit to be taxed for this war of conquest and dominion, 439; the defenceless state of our seaports, 440; danger arising from the black population, 440; the unjust and illiberal imputation of British attachments against certain characters in this country, 440; further debate 441; the expulsion of the British from their North American possessions, and granting letters of marque and reprisal against Great Britain, are contemplated, 442; for the first time there seems to be but one opinion with the great majority of this body, that war with Great Britain is inevitable, 442; we must now oppose her further encroachments by war, or formally annul the Declaration of Independence, 442; the Canadian French, 443; why are they to be despised? 443; it has been denied that British influence had any agency in the massacre on the Wabash, 443; our identity with the people and institutions of Great Britain, 444; the ties of religion, language, blood, as it regards Great Britain, are dangerous ties to this country, with her present hostile disposition, 444; the military regular forces have been called mercenaries, 445; it is a question of war or submission, 445; it is contended that it is a dispute about the carrying trade, 445; the carrying trade is as much the right of the American people as the carrying the products of their own soil, and is secured by the British treaty, 446; the massacre on the Wabash, 446; the principles that ought to govern civilized nations, have at all times been disregarded by the officers and agents of the British Government, 446; mercenary objects should not be ascribed to gentlemen, as motives for the war, 446; the report means nothing but war or empty menace, 447; the gentleman from Virginia is in error, through inadvertency, or mistake, 447; a menacing system has nothing to commend it, 447; menaces should be resorted to with as much caution and seriousness as war itself, and should, if not successful, be invariably followed by it, 448; an additional force is a measure evidently improper, but as a preparation for war; but undoubtedly necessary in that event, 448; this country should never resort to war but for causes the most urgent and necessary, 448; if the war ensues it can be proved justifiable and necessary by facts undoubted, and universally admitted, 448; the question, in the opinion of opponents, is reduced to this single point--which shall we do, abandon or defend our own commercial rights? 448; gentlemen will not say, we have not a good cause for war, but insist that it is our duty to define it, 448; what do they mean by this? 448; the objections urged, consist of an enumeration of the evils incident to war, however just and necessary; if they have any force, it is calculated to produce unqualified submission to every species of insult, 448; it is said the country is in an unprepared state, 449; whose is the fault? 449; it is said the nation will not pay taxes, for the defence will cost more than the profit, 449; the dangers of war are next held up, 449; no disposition manifested on the part of Great Britain to relax her oppression or to make restitution for damages, but, on the contrary, a disposition to persist in her lawless aggressions, 450; remonstrances against atrocities have been made, in vain, 451; we have been plundered, oppressed, and insulted, but the day of retribution is at hand, 451; if the British Government would cease to violate our neutral and national rights, our difficulties would be at an end, 451; we must prepare to maintain the right to carry our produce to what market we please, or to be content without a market, 452; no objection to declare the points for which we go to war, 452; the previous question should not be used, to put an end to this debate, 452; further debate, 453; the resolutions considered as a measure of hostility, according to the views of their advocates and as a measure of defensive preparations, agreeable to the spirit of the Executive recommendation, 453; the invasion of Canada to be deprecated as an act of foreign conquest, 454; war to be feared from a manly dread of its consequences, 454; retrospect of our relations with Britain since nearly the commencement of the present Government of the United States, 455; this view shows the expediency of increasing our regular force, 455; by the adoption of this report, we are entering on a system of operations of the utmost national moment, 455; some regret that vigorous measures had not been adopted long since, 456; why should the wise policy of the past be condemned? 457; reasons for opposing the measure, 457; this is to be a foreign offensive war, as regards Canada, 458; all the belligerents had deserved war at our hands, 458; but the policy of the Republicans had been to cherish peace, and to avoid war, even to this time, 458; in 1778-'9, the best interests of the country forbade war, and so the people determined, 458; professions of peace brought in the Republican party to power, 458; if there were any differences between the causes of the war then, and now, it was in favor of the former period, 458; what were the facts? 458; it is said to be a principle of honor to resist a first insult, 458; impossible to perceive how the present, of all others, had become the necessary and accepted time for war, 458; if the country ever determines on war, any force should be voted, 459; reasons for voting for the measure, 459; the right of carrying our own produce, in our own ships, to any quarter, should never be yielded, 460; it is said, the war will be one of aggrandizement, of conquest, 460; if we force England to a treaty, how long will she keep it? 461; new men and new doctrines have succeeded to the old Republican party, 462; the nation has been brought to its present alarming and unprecedented situation, by means in nowise unaccountable, 462; by steps as direct and successive as the pictures of the "Rake's Progress," 462; America ought to be proud of her Anglo-Saxon origin, 462; it has been asked, why was the country unprepared for defence? 463; this is not to be a party war, it is said, 463; "Goose Creek," 464; note, 464; second resolution carried, 464; third resolution carried, 465; fourth and fifth resolutions carried, 465; sixth resolution laid on the table, 465; taken up, 466; what reasons are there to induce us to authorize our merchant vessels to arm against unlawful molestation on the high seas, 467; what is the object of this measure? 467; resolution concurred in, 468; report on, 554.

FOSTER, AUGUSTUS J., as British minister disclaims any knowledge of John Henry, 522.

France, relations with, during John Adams' administration, see Index, vol. 2.

Franking Privilege.--See Index, vols. 1, 2, Post Office.

FRANKLIN, JESSE, Senator from North Carolina, 3, 116, 176, 252, 400, 566. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

FRANKLIN, MESHACK, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 188, 316, 425, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

Freedom of Conscience.--See Index, vol. 1.

French Refugees.--See Index, vol. 1.

French Spoliations, statement and representation of Capt. Samuel Chew, 526; laid on the table, 527. See Index, vol. 2.

Frontiers, Protection of.--See Index, vol. 1.

Fugitives from Justice.--See Index, vol. 1.

FULTON, ROBERT, letter relative to torpedoes, 213; referred, 214.

G

GAILLARD, JOHN, Senator from South Carolina, 3, 116, 166, 250, 400, 566; appointed President pro tem. of Senate, 179; elected, 184. See Index, vol. 3.

GALLATIN, ALBERT, reports relative to barred claims, 185; letter as Secretary of the Treasury, 188; Secretary of the Treasury, letter of, relative to suspension of non-importation, 714. See Index, vols. 1, 2.

GANNETT, BARZILLAI, Representative from Massachusetts, 124, 187, 319.

GARDENIER, BARENT, Representative from New York, 48, 124, 191, 350; on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 87; on remunerating those who resisted the law for a direct tax, 137; on prosecutions for libel, 139; on the call on the President for papers, 192; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215. See Index, vol. 3.

GARDNER, FRANCIS, Representative from New Hampshire, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

GARDNER, GIDEON, Representative from Massachusetts, 124, 188, 316.

GARLAND, DAVID S., Representative from Virginia, 212, 315.

GARNETT, JAMES M., Representative from Virginia, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

General Officers, additional, bill relative to, considered, 712.

Georgia, vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

Georgia Land Claim.--See Index, vol. 3.

GERMAN, OBADIAH, Senator from New York, 116, 166, 250, 400, 566; on the declaration of war, 416.

German Language, laws in, see Index, vol. 2.

GERRY, ELBRIDGE, elected Vice President, 574. See Index vols. 1, 2.

GHOLSON, THOMAS, Jr., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 426, 577; on foreign relations, 53; on the Batture at New Orleans, 151; on the conduct of the British minister, 193; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; reports on the petition of Amy Dardin, 216; on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, 324; in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352; on the statutes of limitations, 475; on the British intrigues, 516.

GILES, WILLIAM B., Senator from Virginia, 3, 116, 166, 250, 400; on the repeal of the Embargo Act, 18; reports a bill for the enforcement of the embargo laws, 21; on the bill for the enforcement of the embargo, 23; offers an amendment to extend non-intercourse to all foreign nations, 118; reports a bill to prevent abuse of privileges by foreign ministers, 169; on the conduct of the British minister, 169; on incorporating a bank of the United States, 275; on an additional military force, 405. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

GILMAN, NICHOLAS, Senator from New Hampshire, 3, 116, 166, 250, 400, 566; reports the bill engrossed in favor of an additional military force, 403. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

GOLD, THOMAS R., Representative from New York, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on the Batture at New Orleans, 151; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; favors postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 224; on the ratio of representation, 317; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 388; on rules and orders of the House, 468; on making provision for a corps of engineers, 531; on pay of the army, 584; in favor of a naval establishment, 601; on an additional military force, 615.

GOLDSBOROUGH, CHARLES, Representative from Maryland, 36, 124, 187, 315, 577; on the ratio of representation, 319. See Index, vol. 3.

GOODRICH, CHAUNCEY, Senator from Connecticut, 3, 116, 166, 250, 400, 566; on the bill for the enforcement of the embargo, 21. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

GOODWYN, PETERSON, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 424, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

Goose Creek, note, 464.

GRAY, EDWIN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 188, 316, 432, 594. See Index, vol. 3.

GREEN, ISAIAH L., Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 424, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

GREGG, ANDREW, Senator from Pennsylvania, 5, 116, 166, 264, 400, 510; elected President pro tem., see Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

GRISWOLD, STANLEY, Senator from Ohio, 121, 166.

GROSVENOR, THOMAS P., Representative from New York, 706.

GRUNDY, FELIX, Representative from Tennessee, 425, 577; on domestic manufactures, 428; on Indian affairs, 428; on foreign relations, 434; on the British intrigues, 519; on the recall of absentees, 533; on the bill laying an embargo, 544; presents a bill to raise an additional military force, 547; on the objects of the war, 641; on war taxes, 715; on an extra session, 717.

Gunboats.--See Index, vol. 2.

H

Habeas Corpus, suspension of, &c., see Index, vol. 3.

HALE, WILLIAM, Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187, 319.

HALL, BOLLING, Representative from Georgia, 425, 577.

HALL, OBED, Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 577.

Hall of the House of Representatives, how it may be used, 214.

HAMILTON, PAUL, Secretary of the Navy, letter to Lieut. Elliot, 573.

Hamilton, Mrs., claim of, in the House, report on the petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 212; report favors the claims of the petitioner on grounds of equity, but declares they are barred by the statute of limitations and ought not to be granted, 215; the late Gen. Hamilton had no claim on the Government under the resolution of the old Congress, 215; no claim, notwithstanding the statute, 215; hundreds of cases equally hard, 215; the impoverished old soldiers should be relieved before claims of this kind are granted, 215; if the statute was unjust it should be repealed; if not, exceptions should not be made but with extreme care, 215; Gen. Hamilton in service until the close of the war, 215; did not resign his commission by accepting a seat in Congress, 215; Congress had relieved the daughters of Count de Grasse, 215; the statute of limitations was never intended to bar just claims, 215; bill ordered to be reported, 217; bill reported and amendments proposed, 218; passage of the bill, 218.

HARPER, JOHN A., Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 577.

HARRIS, JOHN, Representative from New York, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

HAVEN, NATHANIEL A., Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187, 320.

HAWES, AYLETT, Representative from Virginia, 424, 577.

Hazen, Charlotte, petition of, 266.

HEISTER, DANIEL, Representative from Pennsylvania, 126, 187, 315. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

HEISTER, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36.

HELMS, WILLIAM, Representative from New Jersey, 36, 124, 187, 316; against petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

HEMPSTEAD, EDWARD, Delegate from Missouri Territory, 620; on Mississippi land claims, 702.

HENRY, JOHN, letters of, 506, 508, 509, 510, 511, 512, 513, 514; memorial to Lord Liverpool, 514.

HICKMAN, HARRIS H., letter to Lieutenant Elliot, 573.

HILLHOUSE, JAMES, Senator from Connecticut, 3, 116, 166; offers resolution to repeal the embargo act, 5; on the repeal of the embargo act, 5; resigns his seat in the Senate, 250. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

HOGE, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

HOLLAND, JAMES, Representative from North Carolina, 37, 125, 203, 315; on the immediate arming of the public vessels, 98; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 157; in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

HOLMES, DAVID, Representative from Virginia, 36. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Home Manufactures in the House.--See Index, vol 3.

HORSEY, OUTERBRIDGE, Senator from Delaware, 250, 400, 566; on the occupation of Florida, 255.

House.--Meeting of 2d session of 10th Congress, 36; assembles on 1st session, 11th Congress, 124; adjournment of 1st session of 11th Congress, 165; adjourns at close of 2d session of 11th Congress, 249; meeting at 3d session of 11th Congress, 315; meets at 1st session of 12th Congress, 424; adjourns at close of 1st session of 12th Congress, 544; meets at 2d session of 12th Congress, 577; adjourns 3d session of 12th Congress, 720.

HOWARD, BENJAMIN, Representative from Kentucky, 36, 125, 187; presents the petition of naturalized British subjects, 46; his proclamation as Governor of the Missouri Territory, 707. See Index, vol. 3.

HOWELL, JEREMIAH B., Senator from Rhode Island, 400, 566.

HOWLAND, BENJAMIN, Senator from Rhode Island, 3. See Index, vol. 3.

HUBBARD, JONATHAN H., Representative from Vermont, 124, 187, 316.

HUFTY, JACOB, Representative from New Jersey, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577.

HUMPHREYS, REUBEN, Representative from New York, 36.

HUNGERFORD, JOHN P., Representative from Virginia, 424; declared not entitled to a seat, 432.

HUNTINGTON, EBENEZER, Representative from Connecticut, 315.

HUNTER, WILLIAM, Senator from Rhode Island, 400, 570.

HYNEMAN, JOHN M., Representative from Pennsylvania, 424, 577.

I

ILSLEY DANIEL, Representative from Massachusetts, 36.

Impeachment.--See Index, vol. 3.

Importation of Slaves.--See Index, vol. 3.

Imports.--See Duties on Imports.

Imprisonment for Debt.--See Index, vol. 2.

Inaugural Address of James Madison, on commencing his second term as President, 575.

Indemnity for Spoliations. See Index, vol. 1., Great Britain.

Indiana Territory.--Committee appointed to consider the expediency of dividing, 87; report of committee relative to a division of, 96.

Indian Affairs.--In the House, a resolution offered to extend the laws of the United States over all white persons residing on Indian lands within the United States in which the title is not extinguished, 428; Indian countries have become an asylum for persons guilty of every enormity, 428; do not the laws of the United States at present extend to cases of this kind, 428; a recent case in Georgia, 428; some defects in the present law by which petty officers escape, 428; laid on the table, 428.

Indian lands within a State, rights over.--See Index, vol. 1.

Indian Trading Houses.--See Index, vol. 1.

INGERSOLL, JARED, voted for as Vice President in 1812, 574.

Inoculation of the Army, petition relative to, 709.

Intercourse, Commercial.--In the House, bill from the Committee of Foreign Relations considered, 352; the bill, 353; exempts all vessels, owned wholly or in part by American citizens, and merchandise, from seizure or forfeiture, which have left British ports prior to February 2d, 1811, 353; moved to amend so as to exempt all vessels and merchandise, 353; the amendment will at once give a clear deck, 353; the law of May last, authorized the President to proclaim the fact, if either France or Great Britain revoked her edicts, and non-intercourse should ensue with the other, 353; France revoked her edicts; Britain did not, and non-intercourse is in force with her, 353; this fact doubted, and should be inquired into, 353; the bills to lay additional duties, and to authorize a loan, furnish additional reasons for this bill, 353; if the non-intercourse has not gone into effect, new taxes and loans are not needed, 353; proceedings of the Executive relative to Great Britain, 353; the President has acted differently under two laws, which ought to have the same practical construction, 354; is it said, the President had no knowledge of the blockading orders of May, or that it was avowed to be comprehended in the Orders in Council? 354; as to France, what are the edicts revoked, and how? 354; the Rambouillet decree, 354; it purports to be an act of reprisal on this country, 354; what ought to have been the feelings of the Administration and of the country, in relation to this measure? 355; this is taking property under false pretences, in its nature, 355; another view of this decree, 355; another mistake of this Government, 355; the practical operation of our law, 355; apologists of the Emperor point to the act of 1st June, 355; object in view in this examination of the decree of Rambouillet, 356; threats and insults of the French Emperor, 356; have these decrees been so revoked or modified as to cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States? 356; these decrees have two distinct operations, 356; the seizure of our property, and its sale, 356; if there has been any modification, it only prevents future seizures, leaving the property already seized to take the course of confiscation and sale, 356; has there been such a revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees, as warranted the proclamation? 357; it was not credited that it could be issued on the letter of the Duke of Cadore, 357; what is the understanding of the French courts and officers on the subject? 357; the revocation, if any, was a future one, 357; it was also conditional, 357; puzzling to determine whether it was a condition precedent or subsequent, 358; the conditions on the part of England, 358; conditions on the part of France, 358; conditions on the part of this country, 358; the right of not being vexed or endangered by paper blockades, respected, 358; the flag is to protect the property, and search is not to be permitted, 359; how are we to cause those rights to be respected? 359; are we prepared for those conditions? 359; it may be said, that the letter of the Duke of Cadore, if not itself a decree, is evidence of a rescinding decree, 359; the letter of Mr. Russell, 359; moved to strike out the whole of the bill, 360; it is a new duty for Representatives to present under a suspicious aspect, either the motives or the acts of the Executive branch of their Government, 360; in no nation, ancient or modern, was such a thing seen, unless in the last stages of corruption, 360; the whole fact should have been stated in regard to the letter of the Duc de Cadore, and the answer of General Armstrong, 360; why is the President's proclamation disapproved? 360; the letter of Mr. Erskine was not a repeal of the British orders, 360; no difference in the ground taken by the Executive, except that one arrangement was with Great Britain, and the other with France, 360; shown from the correspondence, that the President did not, under the act of the last session, require the revocation by Great Britain, of any blockade, except that of May, 1806; and that blockade must have been included in the demand under the act of last session, 361; extract from the Message of the President, 361; declaration of our Secretary to General Armstrong, 361; declaration of General Armstrong and the Duc de Cadore, 361; statement of Lord Wellesley, 361; do. 361; thus the demand was confined to the blockade of 1806, 362; was this blockade such a violation of the neutral rights of the United States, as to come decidedly within the act of last session? 362; this blockade presents three distinct characters, 362; 1st. It obstructs a trade from one port to another, of the same enemy; 2d. It obstructs trade from the port of one enemy to the port of another; 3d. It obstructs trade of neutrals from their own country to any part of the coast from the Elbe to Brest, 362; it is in violation of the principles contended for by every Administration under the American Government, 362; letters of Mr. King and Mr. Marshall, 362; some observations on the bill before the House, 363; the construction put on the non-intercourse law is perfectly within its object, 363; further explanation of the law, 363; views of the committee, 363; unwillingness to imply by any vote, a recognition of the efficacy of the non-intercourse law, which could not have an operative force until May, is a motive to sustain the amendment, 364; truth of the position as to the operation of the law, demonstrable, 364; not answer to argue from the intention of the legislature, 364; the words of the act are explicit, and the meaning plain, 364; pledge contained in the act relative to commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, 364; explanation of this pledge, 364; the same proposition was presented to both the latter nations, 365; if either would revoke its edicts, no goods or wares of the other, should, three months thereafter, be imported into the United States, 365; France did so revoke her edicts, 365; this amendment proposes to repeal the non-intercourse act, excluding the merchandise of Great Britain, although France has so repealed her edicts, and Great Britain has not, 365; this is a direct breach of faith, 365; the excuse is, that the President had no right to issue his proclamation, and that the assurances of France were deceptive, 365; the President is expressly instructed by the non-intercourse act to make the proclamation, 365; as well might the legitimacy of a treaty be questioned after it had been ratified, 365; how could the President act a different part upon the evidence in the case? 365; if this diplomatic evidence is not to be received, an end is put to all diplomatic intercourse, 365; if Great Britain had made the like communication, and the President had taken the like course, what would have been said by these gentlemen? 365; they approve the proclamation in the case of Great Britain, but denounce a similar proposition in the case of France, 366; it is said, the non-intercourse act is not in force; whence do gentlemen derive the power to declare an act of Congress not in force? 366; the revoked decrees of France are considered by some as more obnoxious than the British Orders in Council, 366; who can be an apologist of France or England, when each has charged the other with the first aggressions on our commerce? 366; while Great Britain finds some able advocates in this House, she will find no necessity to redress our wrongs, 366.

In viewing the course which has been adopted this session, it is surprising that the present measure should be called up for adoption, 367; it is now evident that the President was duped by the French Emperor, and led to issue his proclamation, 367; what has occurred to alter the face of affairs, to induce this new attempt to fasten on the restrictive system against our intercourse with Great Britain? 367; the last communication from the President furnishes the most conclusive evidence of the treachery of Bonaparte, 367; how has the President's proclamation been verified? 368; the remonstrance of Mr. Russell remains unanswered, and the New Orleans packet remains under seizure to this day, 368; after thirteen days a partial suspension of the decrees was ordered, 368; a suspension not as to sequestration, but as to condemnation, 368; with this statement before their eyes, will gentlemen assert that the decrees were revoked? 368; are we bound by any faithful performance had on the part of France? 368; have either France or Great Britain complied with the condition? 369; must this sacrifice be made in order to bolster up the President's proclamation so prematurely issued? 369; is this an honest neutrality to revive the restrictive system against Great Britain, while the French decrees are still in force? 369; the present measure is intended as a propitiatory sacrifice to conciliate Napoleon, 369; is it calculated to produce this effect? 369; a view of the course which has been pursued can answer, 369; the amendments contemplate the continuance and enforcement of the non-intercourse law, 370; after long delay the Administration has condescended to develop their policy, 370; the proposition contained in these amendments has relation to the most momentous and most elevated of our legislative obligations, 371; the nature and effects of this commercial restrictive system are no longer matter of speculation, 371; only a word on its nature necessary, 371; the system contained in the law of May, 1810, and March, 1809, is injurious, is not fiscal in its nature, nor protective of manufactures, nor competent to coerce either belligerent, 371; who was ever the friend of non-intercourse? 371; it was agreed upon because the majority could agree upon nothing else, 372; the system should therefore be abandoned, 372; its advocates say we cannot abandon it, for our faith is plighted, 372; is any such faith plighted? if so, whence did it arise? 372; under the act of May, 1810, 372; what is its character and the obligations arising under it? 372; the obligations arise under a certain section, 373; divested of technical expression, it provides that a new commercial condition shall result on the occurrence of a certain fact, which fact the President shall declare, 373; the terms our act proposed was the modification or revocation of certain edicts; the effect to be produced was that this revocation or modification should be such as that these edicts should "cease to violate our neutral commerce," 373; has the act been done, and in such a manner as to amount to an honorable fulfilment or acceptance of our terms? 373; the occurrence of the fact of revocation involves the propriety of the proclamation, 373; has the fact occurred? 373; this point examined with regard to France, 374; letter of the Duc de Cadore examined, 374; point of honor to be saved to France, 376; how was Great Britain to accede to the terms? 376; the declaration on the part of France further examined, 376; the fact must be done and the effect produced, but the terms of that act must be excepted, 376; the proffer we made was only to revive the non-intercourse law against the contumacious belligerent, after three months from the date of the proclamation, 376; what the French mean, 376; our efficient concurrence in Bonaparte's plan of policy, 376; is it possible to point out any variation in the policy of France to this country before and since this letter? 377; the true nature of this Cadore policy is to be discovered in the character of Bonaparte, 377; it is impossible to reason with those who deny that the decrees now exist, 377; the act now proposed is required by no obligation, 377; the present is the most favorable moment for the abandonment of these restrictions, 377; the edicts of the President are far more detestable to the merchants than those of France or George III., 377; it is time to take our own rights into our own keeping, 378; why not give the same credence to the letters of the Duke of Massa and the Duc de Gaete, as would be given to a letter from the Chancellor of the Exchequer in Great Britain? 378; about to shut up the only avenue to our commercial hope, it is said, 378; this point examined, 378; extracts of letters from Liverpool, 378; one gentleman willing to surrender the carrying trade to Great Britain, 378; three classes of your citizens to be provided for as contemplated in the provisions of this bill, 379; first, sequestrations in France, Spain, Italy, &c.; second, those who have sailed to France under the faith of the Duke of Cadore's letter; third, importers of British manufactures, 379; it is to be hoped the time is not far distant when we shall assert and defend our rights, 379; are we prepared, after having been insulted, robbed and deceived by the French Emperor, to follow the example of petty servile states, and throw this people into the embraces of that monster? 379; principal object of the amendment to renew the non-intercourse of 1809, so far as respects Great Britain, 379; the amendment to suspend the whole restrictive system should be adopted, 379; this amendment changes the position recommended by the Executive, but not much more than the bill with the amendment under consideration, 379; this bill would have been scouted as the production of a madman previous to the reign of Bonaparte, 380; we have conclusive evidence that the edicts are not so revoked that their operation ceased on that day, 380; how are we to cause our rights to be respected? 380; further debate respecting the operation of the decrees, 381; examination of the non-intercourse system from the date of the law of March, 1809, to inquire what its professed object is, 381; it is thus demonstrated that if we suffer this system to go into operation, we are not only again to reduce our citizens to a state of bankruptcy in their private fortunes, but our Treasury is likewise to be more completely bankrupt, 382; what has been the further effect of this law? 382; history of its results, 383; further remarks, 383; correspondence examined, 384; will the servile manner in which the rescinding the blockade is coupled as a condition with the withdrawing the Orders in Council, escape notice? 385; what American can read this correspondence without laying his hand upon his heart and exclaiming O, my Government, my Government, now is the gold become dim, &c., 385; after seeing how the law of May, 1810, has been used with the French Government, until it had assumed the character of a threat, together with the various changes of position taken by our Government, it demonstrates a management which will not leave much doubt whether it be indispensable to suffer this law to go into effect as a measure of resistance against England, or good faith to France, 385; the proclamation was issued when there was no official information of the repeal of the decrees, 385; the faith of the nation is not pledged by the law of 1810, 386; it may even be admitted that this law has all the binding force of treaties, 387; before France can claim a fulfilment of any such promise, she should not only revoke her injurious acts, but it should be done fairly and honestly, and without at the same time adopting other measures equally injurious, 387; is this that fair and honest repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees? is this that bona fide performance of the condition? 387; it is an attempt to gull and deceive us by an artful, intriguing policy, 387; this is the favorite moment to erase the restrictive system from your statute books, 387; the consequences of its continuance examined, 387; it becomes this Government, in all our concerns with the belligerents of Europe, to manifest to both a fair, impartial and equal conduct, 388; has such a spirit characterized the proceedings of our Government? 388; has a similar temper and disposition been shown to Great Britain as to France, in the interpretation of the Cadore letter? 388; this part of the case will not well bear scrutiny, 389; the bill on the table is calculated much more to put in jeopardy the neutral character of our Government, 389; the principle of the act of May was just and equal, 389; the most copious source of error is found in the extent of the Berlin and Milan decrees, 389; had France proved faithful to her engagements, the United States would at this moment have had a prosperous commerce with Europe, 390; why shall we at this moment make this marked distinction between France and England? 390; the great question is, does the fact upon which the proclamation was alone to issue, and on which its legitimacy solely depends, exist, or does it not exist? 391; the very doubt ought to decide the question, 391; such is the case that we are enabled to prove a negative, 391; the letter of the Duc de Cadore examined, 391; the case further examined, 392; the purity of the source whence our arguments come has been questioned, 393; the order of May, 1806, has scarcely a single feature of a regular blockade, 394; notice of the arrangement with Mr. Erskine, 395; if the Berlin and Milan decrees had been actually repealed, what would we have gained? 395; there can be no importation of American productions into France, but on terms utterly inadmissible, 395; it is vain to seek for the justification of this measure from any thing France has done, 396; the disposition of Bonaparte towards us rests not alone on his acts of aggression, rapine and plunder, 396; motion to postpone lost, 397; it was contended that the Emperor of France had not fulfilled his engagement, 397; amendment offered, 397; lost, 397; further debate, 397; previous question moved, 397; carried, 397; adjournment moved, 397; lost, 397; bill passed, 398; the bill, 398.

Intercourse Foreign.--Message from the President relative to the execution of the act of 1806, appropriating two million dollars for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending our foreign intercourse, 26.

Intercourse Non.--In Senate, bill to interdict commercial intercourse, &c., read the third time, 28; the effect of the measure must be war with Great Britain, it is stated, 28; what excuse is there for leaving the country in such a defenceless state? 28; what are our preparations? 28; what is the state of the treasury? 28; what plans are offered for replenishing it? 29; if we are to have war, with whom is it to be prosecuted? 29; under these circumstances what is the course that policy would dictate to this country to pursue? 29; consequences of non-intercourse under such circumstances, 30; who has been the first aggressor? 30; bill passed, 31.

In the House.--Resolution previously referred, 106; nature of the bill reported, 106; whole subject of embargo and non-intercourse should be incorporated in one bill, 106; referred to committee on foreign relations, with instructions to bring in a bill, 107; the whole to present a general system, 107.

Bill for interdicting commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain considered, 107; moved to strike out the first section in order to try the principle of the bill, 107; impossibility of carrying the system into effect, 107; rather than accept this system it would be better to remain under the embargo, 107; the idea of the efficacy of this system examined, 107; for the future the remedy is--to follow nature, 108; she dictates the removal of all obstructions, 108; the removal of the embargo would give an opportunity for negotiations, 108; also show the effect of the orders and decrees, if these were not injurious no further steps would be necessary, 108; legal opposition to the embargo laws in Massachusetts, 108; when did the violation of our rights commence? 108; so long ago no time could be fixed, 108; the hot-bed politicians stirred up the people of New England, 108; if we cannot get war, or a continuance of the embargo, non-intercourse should be carried into effect, 108; England will treat before going to war, 109; when the embargo shall cease, war will be the only honorable course, if reparation is not made, 109; the embargo as a precautionary and coercive measure, 110; when the injuries were committed resistance or submission was our only course, 110; time to change our measures and place our future reliance in Providence and the energies and valor of the citizens, 110; this bill is conducive to the interests of the country, 110; it maintains our attitude and continues our solemn protest, 110; it reserves the great question to be decided at the next Congress, 110; objections to the bill considered, 111; question on striking out first section lost, 111; the embargo should be adhered to, until a majority of the people prefer war, 112; there is no middle course, 112; the great object of the United States in her foreign relations is to maintain honorable peace, 112; reason for resorting to the embargo, 112; objects for which it has been pursued, 112; why should they now be abandoned? 112; now is the most critical period for the effect of the embargo, 112; views of Great Britain, 113; what will be the inference drawn from adopting this measure? 113; firmness peculiarly requisite at this time, 113; motion to strike out lost, 114.

In the Senate.--Amendment to the act offered, purporting to extend it to all public armed vessels until modified by treaty, 118; a necessity to consider the subject arises from the limitation of certain sections of the act, 119; this extension should have been made at the last session, 119; it is merely a municipal proposition, 119; overtures of the British cabinet, 119; motive of resisting the aggression of France, 119; reasons why modifications should be made by treaty, 119; Great Britain cannot complain, 119; extract from Canning's speech, 120; two conclusions deduced, 120; the principle contended for not new, 120; report on the amendment, 122.

In the House.--Resolution to suspend the non-intercourse act offered, 127; bill from the Senate to revive and amend certain parts of the act relative to non-intercourse considered, 152; what led to the exclusion of British vessels? the attack on the Chesapeake, 152; shall the measure of hostility be continued after the cause has been done away, 152; the interdiction of the act was founded on the violation of our rights by the belligerents, 153; the hostility ceased when the act was passed, 153; it was not the act, 153; upon the passage of this bill may depend the destinies of this country, 153; the question is what regulation shall be made respecting public ships, 154; shall we exclude both--admit both, or discriminate? 154; England has made reparation, 154; the ground we have taken in respect to France and England reviewed, 154; the system proposed is one of impartiality to the belligerent powers of Europe, 155; why were French armed ships excluded? 155; it was considered a measure favoring Great Britain, 155; do away every possible justification that can be urged by France for not meeting our overtures for peace, 155; if you wish to gain the advantage of union at home, take away every pretext for the violation of your rights, 155; did not this bill place the two belligerents on equal footing? 156; state of the continent, 156; it is said, we should not discriminate, for France has no public armed vessels, 156; it is not consistent with our honor and dignity to admit French ships within our waters, 157; if we are at peace with Great Britain are they entitled to all the rights of hospitality one nation can show to another? 157; this bill is a concession to Great Britain and is not a hostility to France, 157; what injuries has France done? 157; if you discriminate under the same circumstances you jeopardize the peace of the country, 157; what has Britain done which would require a discrimination as to her public vessels? 158; the bill should be passed in its present form, any material alteration will cause it to be lost, and thus will end all that has taken place between this country and Great Britain, 158; purport of the amendment proposed, 158; admission of English and exclusion of French ships, 159; cause of the interdict of British vessels, 159; there has been no satisfactory adjustment of our difficulties with Great Britain, 159; proceedings adopted to obtain a direct question on the first amendment, 159; a precedent furnished, 159; moved to exclude both French and English vessels, 159; lost, 159; amendment moved that penalties and forfeitures incurred should be recoverable after the act had expired, 160.

A discrimination should be made, for one nation has complied with the conditions of the non-intercourse act, whilst the other has not changed her position, 160; the armed vessels of either should not be admitted, 160; should so act that neither of the belligerents could charge us with partiality, 160; desirable that nothing should be done to embarrass negotiations, 160; this bill has passed the Senate unanimously, 161; this bill does not conform to any system of policy, 161; it is said this bill is considered as comporting with the views of the Executive, 161; nothing due for any boon Great Britain has given us, 162; what is the declaration of the British minister? 162; difficult to say what other system would be proper, 162; bill passed, 163.

In the Senate.--Have been for years contending against the tyranny of the ocean, and pledged ourselves to the world not to surrender our rights, 177; war preferable to ignominious peace, 177; what are the means for carrying on war? 177; it is said, no object is attainable by war with Great Britain, 177; it will deprive her of those supplies of raw materials obtained from this country, 178; it will reproduce and cherish a commercial spirit in us, 178; this bill is a total dereliction of all opposition to the edicts of the belligerents, 178; motion to recommit the bill lost, 178.

Question, shall the Senate adhere to their amendments? 179; the interests of the country require that the subject shall be finally acted upon, 179; committee of conference appointed, 179; report and the question to adhere, 180; review of the causes that led to the measures of this government, 180, 181; it is better for Congress to rise and do nothing than to do that which will only injure ourselves, 182; Senate vote to adhere, 182.

J

JACKSON, F. J., his circular to British Consuls, 193.

JACKSON, JOHN G., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187; in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, 101; on an extra session of Congress, 102; on resolution relative to election of presidential electors in Massachusetts, 105; moves to postpone the consideration of a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 129; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 158. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

JACKSON, RICHARD S., Representative from Rhode Island, 37, 124, 187, 316, 424, 577; on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 84.

Jails of States.--See Index, vol. 1.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS, message as President at a 2d session of 10th Congress, 3; franking privilege conferred on, 28; calls extra session of the Senate, 33; results of his administration, note, 114; franking privilege granted to, 122. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

JENKINS, ROBERT, Representative from Pennsylvania, 37, 124, 205, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

JENNINGS, JONATHAN, Delegate from Indiana Territory, 187, 315, 425, 577; on raising mounted rangers, 650.

JOHNSON, RICHARD M., Representative from Kentucky, 36, 125, 187, 315, 428, 577; on foreign relations, 50; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 157; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352; on foreign relations, 442; against a naval establishment, 486; on the limits of Louisiana as a State, 523; offers a resolution to raise mounted volunteers, 580. See Index, vol. 3.

JONES, JACOB, his letter to the Secretary of the Navy, 598.

JONES, WALTER, Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 188, 319. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Judiciary System, bill to amend, read twice, 84, 87. See Index, vol. 2.

Judges, Federal, removal of, in the House, constitution not perfect, and provision made for amendment, 351; the amendment is to place the judiciary on the same foundation as the British judiciary, 351; resolutions offered, 352; House refused to consider, 352. See Index, vol. 3.

K

KELLY, JAMES, Representative from Pennsylvania, 37.

KENAN, THOMAS, Representative from North Carolina, 37, 125, 188, 315. See Index, vol. 2.

KENNEDY, WILLIAM, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 187, 316, 709. See Index, vol. 2.

KENT, JOSEPH, Representative from Maryland, 424, 577; on an additional military force, 679.

Kentucky.--Vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

KEY, PHILIP B., Representative from Maryland, 37, 124, 191, 315, 426, 577; on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 63; on an inquiry relative to prosecutions under the sedition law, 139; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; on reduction of the navy, 227; on the British intrigues, 518. See Index, vols. 1, 3.

KING, RUFUS, number of votes for, as Vice President, 27; letter to Lord Grenville, 362. See Index, vol. 1.

KING, WILLIAM R., Representative from North Carolina, 425, 577; on laying additional duties, 431; on foreign relations, 459.

KIRKPATRICK, WILLIAM, Representative from New York, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

KITCHEL, AARON, Senator from N.J., 3. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

KNICKERBOCKER, HERMAN, Representative from New York, 124, 192, 316.

L

LACOCK, ABNER, Representative from Pennsylvania, 425, 577; on the naturalization laws, 543, 715.

LAMBERT, JOHN, Senator from New Jersey, 33, 116, 166, 250, 400, 566. See Index, vol. 3.

Land office, bill to establish, read second time in the Senate, 405.

Lands, Western, see Index, vols. 1, 3, Public lands.

LANGDON, JOHN, number of votes for, as Vice President, 27.

LAW, LYMAN, Representative from Connecticut, 424, 577; in favor of a naval establishment, 492; on an additional military force, 627.

LEFEVRE, JOSEPH, Representative from Pennsylvania, 424.

LEIB, MICHAEL, Senator from Pennsylvania, 21, 26, 116, 166, 250, 400, 566; makes a report relative to foreign vessels, 122; offers resolutions relative to demands on Great Britain, 179. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

LEWIS, JOSEPH, jr., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 314, 424, 577; presents the petition of the Directors of Washington Bridge Company, 74; presents a bill to establish a turnpike company in the District of Columbia, 84. See Index, vol. 3.

Library of Congress.--See Index, vol. 2.

Licenses, Foreign, bill relative to passed, 718.

Lighthouse Duties.--See Index, vol. 3.

Limitation, Statutes of, in the House, resolution requiring the Committee on Claims to inquire into the expediency of repealing or suspending the statutes of limitation, so far as they operate in bar of the payment of certain claims referred, 468; report of committee, 468; report considered, 475; all this class of claims, being liquidated claims, can be allowed, so the Treasury Department states, without danger of fraud or imposition, 475; the amount is $300,000, of which one-fifth may not be applied for, 475; what is the statute of limitations? 475; in such statutes there are always exceptions, 475; what would be the course of an individual? 475; report not to open the act disagreed to, 475; resolution recommending provision for their payment agreed to, 475 resolution from the committee considered and referred, 526. See Index, vol. 2.

LITTLE, PETER, Representative from Maryland, 424, 577; on pay of the army, 584; on privateer pensions, 704; on war taxes, 715.

LIVERMORE, EDWARD ST. LOE, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 191, 351; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 127; opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 224. See Index, vol. 3.

LIVERPOOL, Lord, his despatch to Sir George Prevost, 515.

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD, memorial relative to the Batture at Orleans, 118. See Index, vols. 1, 2.

LIVINGSTON, ROBERT LE ROY, Representative from New York, 124, 187, 315, 424.

LLOYD JAMES, jr., Senator from Massachusetts, 3, 33, 117, 166, 252, 403; on the repeal of the embargo act, 8; on non-intercourse with Great Britain, 28; on the postponement of the bill for additional duties, 31; on incorporating a bank of the United States, 270; on an increase of the navy, 405.

Loan Bill.--In the House, the bill to authorize a loan not exceeding the principal of the public debt, considered, 227; no objection to the principle of the bill, 227; doubtful as to the amount required, 227; borrowing money, should not be called paying the public debt, 227; all authority to borrow money should be express and specific as to the sum, 227; money wanted to defray the debts heretofore contracted, 227; specific in fact, 227; amendments proposed, 227; bill ordered to be engrossed, 227; further debate, 229; bill passed, 229.

Louisiana Lead Company, bill to incorporate rejected, 530.

Louisiana Purchase.--See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Louisiana Territory, petition of inhabitants, 474. See Territories.

Louisiana, State of.--In the House, the bill for the admission of Louisiana, &c., considered in Committee, 523; amendment relative to the boundary offered, 523; better that this addition of territory should be the subject of a separate law, 523; there is no difficulty in either way, 523; the bill for admission should state the boundary, 523; motion passed, 523; question relative to the inhabitants of Florida Territory, attached to this bill, 523; passage of the bill for the admission of Louisiana, 526.

Louisiana, vote for President in 1812, 573, 711.

LOVE, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 316; makes a report on petition of citizens engaged in Miranda's expedition, 46; favors the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95. See Index, vol. 3.

LOWNDES, WILLIAM, Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577; in favor of a naval establishment, 489. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

LYLE, AARON, Representative from Pennsylvania, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577.

LYON, MATTHEW, Representative from Kentucky, 48, 125, 212; supports the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95; relative to prosecutions for libel, 134; charge in the indictment against him for libel, 135; facts in his case, 135; on the torpedo experiment, 219, 221.

Claim of.--In the House, a memorial of Matthew Lyon for refunding his fine, under the Sedition Act, 426; moved to refer to the Committee on Claims, 426; if the petitioner has any claim, it is because the law is unconstitutional, of which this committee are not the proper judge, 426; moved to refer to a select committee, 426; the whole subject of these prosecutions was referred to a committee at a former session, which had been prevented from acting; if there is justice in any of this class of claims, it should be known, 427; idle to attempt to do by statute, what the constitution has endeavored in vain to enforce, 427; amendment proposed to the reference, 427; proper measures had not been taken to prevent a recurrence of measures of this kind, 427; amendment carried, 427. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

M

MACLAY, SAMUEL, Senator from Pennsylvania, 3; resigns his seat in Senate, 26. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

MACON, NATHANIEL, Representative from North Carolina, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577; offers resolution relative to the expediency of continuing the embargo, 41; opposes the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95; on the immediate arming of the public vessels, 98; on an extra session, 104; on counting blank ballots, 125; declines to be a candidate for the Speakership, 125; on an inquiry relative to prosecutions under the Sedition Law, 138, 139; on the Batture at New Orleans, 149; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 160; on the remission of certain fines on emigrants from Cuba, 164; opposes postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of Representation, 224; on the ratio of representation, 316; on the admission of the Territory of Orleans, as a State, 321, 324; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 397; on laying additional duties, 431; on a Quartermaster's Department, 477; on the British intrigues, 518; on the State limits of Mississippi, 522; on mode of relief of Caraccas, 532; on pay of the army, 589; on the imprisonment of American seamen, 595; on an additional military force, 616; on an additional military force, 674. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

MADISON, JAMES, his letter as Secretary of State, on the object of the secret appropriation for foreign intercourse, 26; elected President in 1808, 27; number of votes for, as President, 27; number of votes for, as Vice President, 27; first inaugural of, 33; letter to the Senate on the time of taking the oath of office, 33; first message to Congress, 167; message to first Session of Twelfth Congress, 401; his Message at second Session of Twelfth Congress, 567; elected President, 574. See Index, vols. 1, 2.

MAGRUDER, PATRICK, chosen clerk of the House, 126; elected clerk of the House, 425. See Index, vol. 3.

MAGRUDER, ALLAN B., Senator from Louisiana, 569.

MALBONE, FRANCIS, Senator from Rhode Island, 35, 116; decease of, 121.

Maritime Defence, bill relative to, read twice in Senate, 413.

MARION, ROBERT, Representative from South Carolina, 37, 125, 187; on the remission of certain fines on emigrants from Cuba, 163, 164. See Index, vol. 3.

MARSHALL, J., letter to Mr. King, 362. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Maryland, vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

Massachusetts, vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711; resolutions relative to a war with Great Britain, 415.

MASTERS, JOSIAH, Representative from New York, 37. See Index, vol. 3.

MATHERS, JAMES, appointed Sergeant-at-arms, by the Senate, 3; chosen Sergeant-at-arms of the Senate, 116.

MATTHEWS, VINCENT, Representative from New York, 126, 188.

MATHEWSON, ELISHA, Senator from Rhode Island, 3, 116, 166, 250. See Index, vol. 3.

MAXWELL, GEORGE C., Representative from New Jersey, 426.

MCBRIDE, ARCHIBALD, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 187, 315, 430, 577.

MCCOY, WILLIAM, Representative from Virginia, 424, 577.

MCCREERY, WILLIAM, Representative from Maryland, 36; presents petition of citizens confined in the jails at Carthagena, South America, 37. See Index, vol. 3.

MCKEE, SAMUEL, Representative from Kentucky, 125, 187, 315, 425, 580; on foreign relations, 456; against a naval establishment, 484; on the bill laying an embargo, 544; on an increase of the Navy, 600.

MCKIM, ALEXANDER, Representative from Maryland, 124, 188, 315, 424, 577; presents petition of American prisoners in Carthagena, 141; on Miranda's Expedition, 142; on the Torpedo experiment, 220; on reduction of the Navy, 227; on disbanding the master commandants in the Navy, 242; in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352; on privateer pensions, 704.

MCKINLEY, WILLIAM, Representative from Virginia, 316.

Medals and Prize Money, for the officers and crew of the Constitution, reported on, 593.

Mediterranean Trade.--See Index, vol. 2.

MEIGS, RETURN JONATHAN, jr., Senator from Ohio, 26, 116, 166; resigns his seat in the Senate, 264.

Memorial, from citizens of New York relative to the embargo, &c., 413; remarks, 414.

Meridian, a first, Report on the establishment of, 222.

Message of President Jefferson at second Session of the Tenth Congress, 3; on expenses of foreign intercourse, 26; of President Madison at first Session of Eleventh Congress, 117; of President Madison at second session, Eleventh Congress, 167; communicating circular of F. J. Jackson, 193; with report of Secretary of State relative to Tombigbee and Alabama rivers, 213; of President Madison at third Session of Eleventh Congress, 251; confidential from the President to the Senate in secret session, 312; relative to reparation for the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, 403; relative to the battle of Tippecanoe, 403; and documents relative to the hostile policy of Great Britain, 404; on the Hudson River and Lake Ontario Canal, 404; relative to British Intrigues to dismember the Union, 408; relative to a temporary embargo, 410; relative to the battle of Tippecanoe, 466; with proceedings of a convention in Orleans Territory, 506; do. with documents relative to British intrigues, 506; relative to an embargo, 544; on affairs with Great Britain, 551; and documents relative to Florida, 562; Annual to both Houses of Congress, 567; communicating the capture of the Macedonian and Frolic, 570; and documents relative to the capture of British vessels on Lake Erie, 571; communicating captures and destruction of the Java, 574; with documents relative to the capture of the frigate Macedonian, 597; relative to conduct of British officers to persons taken in American armed ships, 608; relative to impressed seamen, 705; relative to the capture of the frigate Java, 716; relative to the Orders in Council, 717.

Messages, Presidential.--See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

METCALF, ARUNAH, Representative from New York, 424, 577.

MILLEDGE, JOHN, Senator from Georgia, 21; chosen President pro tem. of the Senate, 27. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

MILLER, PLEASANT M., Representative from Tennessee, 125, 187, 315; on the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a State, 323.

Military Force, additional.--See Army.

Military Academy.--See Index, vol. 2.

Militia, arming and classing of considered, 708. See Index, vol. 3.

MILNOR, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on an extra session of Congress, 102; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 107; on the sale of all the gunboats, 229; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 367; on the protection of American seamen, 429; on the British intrigues, 519; on increased pay of the Army, 583; on the imprisonment of American seamen, 594, 595. See Index, vol. 3.

Mining Company, bill for the incorporation of, in upper Louisiana, 405; bill passed, 409.

Mint, establishment of.--See Index, vols. 1, 2.

Miranda's Expedition.--In the House, petition of thirty-six American citizens confined at Carthagena, in South America, under sentence of slavery, 37; referred, 39; report of committee, 46; resolution of committee considered, 95; postponement moved, 95; lost, 95; an agreement on the resolution would involve the government in difficulty without answering any good purpose, 95; it would tend to prove that the government had connection with the expedition, 95; the persons had engaged themselves in foreign service, 95; had been taken and condemned for piracy, 95; appeal to humanity, 95; such an appeal could not involve the government, 95; the men had been deluded, 95; they had been sufficiently punished, 95; resolution lost, 96.

Resolution offered, that the President take measures to effect their liberation if satisfied they were involuntarily drawn into the enterprise, 142; in this case to lean to the side of humanity is an act of great injustice and cruelty to society, 142; it is not a question like redeeming our brethren from slavery in Tripoli, but whether this government would lend its countenance to the class of men concerned in the expeditions of Miranda and Aaron Burr, 142; in passing this resolution we hold up a premium to vice, 142; no justice in the proposed interference, 143; a bounty should be allowed on the exportation of every man of similar principles, 143; the Spanish government never would release them until the government interfered, 143; the only money necessary was to defray the expense of bringing them back, 143; if the President has the power he has not chosen to exercise it, 143; did not knowingly engage in this expedition, 143; they declare they did not understand the nature of the expedition, 143; reasons to show this, 144; a judicial investigation was had in New York previous to embarkation, 144; those who enlisted the men declare they were not informed of the object of the expedition, 144; embarrassment of their situation, 144; if the men were guilty they should not receive the benefit of the interposition of government, 144; these appeals for mercy would apply better to the Spanish government, 145; subject of the greatest delicacy for the United States to interfere, 145; statement of a lawyer, 145; we should place the President in a very unpleasant situation, 146; what has the British Government done? 146; have not the British subjects been liberated? 146; what has been the situation of Great Britain to Spain? 146; what connection exists between the statements that have been made and the merits of the case? 147; question lost, 147.

Mississippi Territory.--Memorial of Legislative Council 264; report on petition of citizens, 465. See Territories.

Mississippi, free navigation of.--See Index, vol. 2.

Missouri Territory.--See Territories.

MITCHELL, JOHN, letters relative to American prisoners, 705.

MITCHILL, SAMUEL L., Senator from New York, 3; on the repeal of the embargo act, 16; Representative from New York, 315, 424, 577; on the ratio of representation, 317; makes a report on the Spanish American colonies, 436; on the bill to enable the people of Mississippi to form a State Government, 521; on imposing additional duties, 539; on the temporary embargo bill, 550; reports on an astronomical observatory, 705. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

MONROE, JAMES, number of votes for, as Vice President, 27. See Index, vols. 1, 2.

MONTGOMERY, DANIEL, jr., Representative from Pennsylvania, 36.

MONTGOMERY, JOHN, Representative from Maryland, 36, 125, 187, 315; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 159; on remission of certain fines on emigrants from Cuba, 164; against granting petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; reports on Bank of the United States, 215; against the claim of Jared Shattuck, 352. See Index, vol. 3.

MOORE, ANDREW, Senator from Virginia, 5; on the repeal of the embargo act, 11. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

MOORE, NICHOLAS B., Representative from Maryland, 36, 125, 187, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

MOORE, THOMAS, Representative from South Carolina, 53, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

MORGAN, JAMES, Representative from New Jersey, 424, 580.

MORROW, JEREMIAH, Representative from Ohio, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577; reports on the claim for military services in the old French war, 319. See Index, vol. 3.

MORROW, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

MOSELY, JONATHAN O., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on an additional military force, 614. See Index, vol. 3.

Mounted Troops.--In the House, resolution presented to authorize an expedition of mounted volunteers against certain hostile Indian tribes, 579; the people have the will and power to extirpate these tribes or compel their surrender, 579; duty of Congress to organize this power and direct this will, 579; since the defeat of Braddock no campaign had been carried on with them suitable to bring them to reason, 579; experience of the past, 579; the work has been begun and should be completed, 580; subject considered, 650; resolutions relative to, offered, 651; laid on the table, 651.

MUMFORD, GURDON S., Representative from New York, 36, 212, 316; on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 49; opposes laying up of the frigates, 229; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 378. See Index, vol. 3.

N

National University.--See Index, vol. 2.

Naturalization Laws.--In the House, resolution relative to amending the law, offered, 543; by the law the courts are prohibited naturalizing foreigners since the declaration of war, 543; to persons who have taken their first papers the Government is pledged, 543; resolution referred, 543; supplementary bill introduced, 594; amendments offered, 594.

In the House.--Motion to amend considered, 715; motion lost, 715; section depriving of his right any one who leaves the country for two years, lost, 715; bill ordered to be engrossed, 715; passage opposed, 715; bill recommitted, 715. See Index, vols. 1, 2.

Naturalized Citizens.--Petition for protection, 574.

Naval Establishment.--Bill relative to, read third time in the Senate, 176.

In the House.--Bill to employ an additional number of seamen and marines, considered; amendments propose immediate arming and manning all the armed vessels, 97; President already authorized to fit out these vessels when the public service requires, 97; if no occasion exists, the expense is a sufficient argument against it, 97; take six months to prepare our ships, 97; they are rotting now at the docks, 97; if out at sea they might be useful, 97; a naval force, the most effectual protection to our seaports, 97; however small our naval force it should not be undervalued, 97; a war with Great Britain could be carried on only by distressing her trade, 97; if we had a navy it would furnish the strongest temptation to attack our seaports, 98; moved to refer amendments of the Senate to a committee of the whole, 98; motion lost, 98; no estimate accompanies this bill, 98; this House as much right to judge of the force requisite as any other department, 98; advantages that will accrue to the nation from a few fast-sailing frigates, 98; what defence a few frigates would be could not be understood, 98; our power of coercion is not on the ocean, 98; sufficient evidence in history to warn the United States against a naval force, 98; facts bearing on the case, 98; economy is good in time of peace, but not for war, 99; it is shocking doctrine that this country ought to have a navy competent to cope with a detachment of the British navy, 99; England now sole mistress of the ocean, 99; as well think of embarking a hundred thousand men to attack France on her soil, as of building ships enough to oppose the British navy, 99; the question is whether we will call into actual service the little navy we possess, 99; those attempting to argue in favor of this measure involve themselves in absurdities, 99; these absurdities exposed, 99; not wealth enough in this whole nation if each should give his all, to maintain our rights against Great Britain, 100; at the close of the Revolutionary war we had but one frigate, and the best thing we did was to give that away, 100; the insult at Savannah, 100; would it be good policy to let our means of carrying on war on the ocean rot at our docks? 100; why then should they not be manned? 100; the expense of this measure will compel Congress to borrow money, 100; disadvantages of loans, 100; on the score of protection to trade it is not proper to fit out a navy, 101; this proposition a mere entering wedge, 101; causes an extension of Executive patronage which should be limited, 101; nothing in the nature of the Government or foreign relations to require a navy, 101; not now discussing the propriety of raising a naval force for offensive purposes, 101; an invasion, whether on land or water, touches equally the life-blood of every man, 101.

In the House.--Bill to reduce the naval force read in committee, 227; moved to strike out so much as provides that all the frigates but three shall be sold, 228; moved to strike out the whole section, 228; the navy should be put on the footing of the peace establishment, 228; reform in the expenditure desired, 228; other amendments proposed, 228; motion to insert Washington as a place for a navy yard carried, 229; indefinite postponement moved, 229; withdrawn, 229; question to strike out so much as orders the sale of all the gunboats, 229; mortifying to witness the events unfolding in the Old World, and the paralyzing system going on in this country, 229; some system should be adopted for the protection of our commerce, 229; "millions for defence, not a cent for tribute," 229; the vessels should be fitted out, 230; motion to place the navy on the footing of 1806, 230; the system of the navy yards requires a thorough reform, 230; mode of equipment referred to, 230; a reform in the expense, not the abolition of the navy, was the great desideratum, 230; what appearance would the passage of this bill present to the world, after the resolutions adopted at the commencement of the session? 230; the terrapin policy, 231; no one can be insensible to the necessity of protection, 231; consider the immense space exposed, 231; the navy is at present sufficiently reduced, 231; it is asked, what has the navy done? 231; not that want of system at the navy yards which is complained of, 232; the smaller vessels are in perfect repair, 232; what mighty good has the army done by land? 232; the effects of a naval force upon Cornwallis, 232; the people of the United States are destined to become a great naval power, 232; object of the present reduction is to enable the Government to dispense with loans and taxes, 233; nothing can so tend to strangle the infant Hercules of the American navy, as the injudicious manner in which that power has been attempted to be brought into action, 233; the revenue necessary for a naval establishment is founded on commercial greatness, 233; but we have changed and perverted all this, 233; whence come these proceedings which we find? 233; the reduction will not do any effectual service, 234; comparative expenses of the navy under the several administrations, 235; expenses of the marine corps, 236; expenses of the navy yards, 236; annual cost of a seaman, 236; arguments considered, 237; is it necessary to continue this establishment in its present state? 238; when the United States had forty sail afloat and eight thousand seamen, they had no navy yards, 238; our duty to commence a thorough investigation, 239; examinations of the committee, 239; repairs of the vessels, 239; naval equipments, 239; motion to strike out so much as orders the sale of all the frigates but three, lost, 240; section relative to dismissal of seamen lost, 240.

Motion to strike out the section which reduces the marine corps considered, 240; former price of rations, 240; proportion of mariners to seamen, 240; who are the true friends of the Administration? 240; section stricken out, 242; motion to amend so as to disband the master commandants, 242; reasons asked for, 242; the proposition is preposterous, 242; never been any reason assigned for the creation of these officers, 242; this amendment called submission to the belligerents, 242; our situation requires a war speech against somebody, 243; well if our relative expenditures could be brought back to Mr. Adams' Administration, 243; amendments proposed, 244; save an expenditure of near a million dollars, 244; the original bill in a different form, 244; amendment proposed to limit the number of seamen to fifteen hundred, 245; this retrenchment in the navy will end in smoke, 245; Adams' Administration made the only reform ever made in the naval establishment, 245; reduction made by the act of 1801, 245; proceedings in 1806, 245; further debate, 246; amendment moved, 247; lost, 247; original amendment passed, 247.

In the Senate.--The bill relative to an increase of the navy considered, 405; amendment proposed, authorizing the President to cause to be built, as soon as possible, a blank number of frigates, 405; offered from a sense of duty to support the dignity, protect the rights, and advance the best interests of the country, 406; if it be not the purpose of the Government to engage in an open, actual, efficient war, or to place the nation in such a complete state of defence as to avert war from our readiness to meet it, then some of the measures of the present session are not only inexcusable, but nearly treasonable, 406; what was the consequence of the course of the Government in 1793? 406; look at the case of the war with Tripoli, 406; then followed the decrees, 406; commerce has been abandoned, 406; what was the leading object of the adoption of the Federal Constitution in the northern parts of the Union? emphatically to protect commerce, 406; the only money paid into the Treasury which can justly be placed to the exclusive credit of the commerce, is the sum retained in commerce; how, then, has she done every thing for the Government? 407; who are most interested in commerce; the growers of the articles, or the factors, or freighters employed in their exchange? 407; exports of foreign productions constitutes a commerce which is the legitimate offspring of war, and expires with the first dawnings of peace, 408; it is prosecuted chiefly by commercial cities east and north of the Potomac, 408; a navy can injure commerce, but cannot afford it protection, unless it annihilates the naval force of the adverse nation, 408; these frigates are to be employed in destroying the commerce of the enemy, and not in fighting her armed vessels, according to the representations of gentlemen, 408; bill concerning the Naval establishment considered, 477; moved to fill the blank of the first section with $480,000; a great question, involving, in this subject, to a considerable extent, the fate of a species of national defence, the most essential and necessary, 478; if the infant Naval establishment is put down, the majority of this House run a great risk of becoming the minority, 478; it has been said this country is a great land animal, which should not venture into the water, 478; the ocean is the farm of a great portion of our people, 478; we are now going to war, to protect their rights, 478; if Great Britain had not the Canadas on our border, how could we attack or resist her? 478; the Naval establishment has been too much neglected, 478; the committee ask what this House will do, principally toward establishing and perpetuating a respectable naval force, for the protection of the rights of the people exposed on the ocean, 478; the adoption of a respectable Naval establishment is deemed improper on the grounds of its enormous expense, and the inability of the nation to resist with effect, the immense naval power of Great Britain, 478; its expense during eighteen years, 479; an examination of the figures and statements, 479; the average annual expense is little more than twice the amount of our economical civil list, 479; less expensive than the military establishment, 479; compare the service of the army with that of the navy, 479; if the expenses have been extravagant, there is an opportunity through experience, to reform the abuse, 479; a naval force the cheapest defence, 479; compare its expense with that of permanent fortifications, 479; the force proposed is sufficient to protect us on our own seas, and defend our ports and harbors against the naval power of Great Britain, 479; such is the opinion of naval men, 479; a triple force will be required by the enemy to put himself on a footing of equality with that of the United States, 480; the force sent here must be relieved every three months, 480; Halifax is the only suitable port Great Britain has on this coast, 480; great misconception on the subject of the British naval force, 480; this force examined, 480; only a limited number of ships can be directed by her towards a given point, 480; her seamen, also, are limited, 480; her pecuniary resources are limited, 480; what number of vessels is she practically able to keep in commission? 480; some oppose this bill, lest we should become too great a naval power, 481; but a navy is said to be anti-republican, 481; we are told that navies have ruined every nation that has employed them, 481; objections to the bill, 481; after the war is over, the navy will remain, 482; the army will be disbanded, 482; it is inexpedient to commence a permanent naval establishment, 482; we are unprepared for it, 482; we cannot protect our commerce on the ocean, 482; the expenses of a Naval establishment exceed the profits which arise from the commerce it protects, 483; these expenses are a serious objection, 483; what has the nation benefited for the past enormous expenditure? 483; details of the expenditure at the Washington Navy Yard, 483; a navy will be the means of exciting many wars, 483; consider the fate of all nations who have been famous for their navies, 483; Great Britain must sink under the heavy pressure, 484; our vessels may only tend to swell the present catalogue of the British Navy, 484; small ships are proper for the service of the United States, 484; if we proceed to build a Naval establishment, it may affect the destinies of this nation to the latest posterity, 484; this nation is not inevitably destined to become a great naval power, 484; reasons why a permanent establishment will prove ruinous, 484; the proposed establishment cannot be maintained, without permanent internal taxes and a constant increase of public debt, 484; navies have never been considered adequate to the complete protection of commerce, 484; the situation of Europe is in all respects different from ours, 485; instructions of the Virginia Legislature to their Senators in Congress, in 1801, 485; establish a navy and this country may bid farewell to peace, 485; our little navy has already contributed much towards the irritation which exists between us and England, 486; the object in view is as ruinous to the finances of the people as it will be destructive to the peace of the nation, 486; since the political revolution in 1801, the question of building a navy has never before been presented directly to the consideration of Congress, 486; the United States cannot maintain a navy without oppression to the great mass of the community in the persons of tax-gatherers, 486; the system as well as the expense objected to, 486; note, 486; the people will not support such a naval establishment, 487; the advocates of a navy need not expect to cover the deformity and danger of the system, by telling the people they are the friends to the protection of commerce, 487; the division of sentiment in the delegations from different States, 487; search for examples in ancient and modern history, 487; has the navy of Britain ever been confined to the protection of her lawful commerce? 488; the report has assumed principles as erroneous as they are novel, 488; maritime commerce has only a coeval right of protection with other objects; still the greatest means and resources of the Government have been devoted to its protection, 488; it is asked how we shall contend with a maritime nation, without a navy? objections to the object in view answered, 489; the nature of commerce, 489; the value of commerce has been strangely misunderstood, 489; but we have determined to defend it, 490; we must employ the cheapest and most efficacious means of hostility we possess, 490; if it is absurd to protect commerce by a navy, how much more so by an army, which costs more than a navy, 490; the strongest recommendation of a navy to free governments has been that it was capable of defending, but not of enslaving, 490; a navy, it is said, would terminate in an aristocracy or a minority, 490; the constitution was formed by the union of independent States, that the strength of the whole might be employed for the protection of every part, 490; an army the States can have without the Union, but an adequate navy they cannot, 490; the experience of the world, 491; expenses of the navy, 491; it is said our resources are insufficient for its equipment, 491; the bill embraces two objects, 492; one relates to the repairs and equipment of the ships in service; the other contemplates building ten additional frigates, and laying the foundation of a new Naval establishment, 492; as an abstract question, it is for the interest of the United States to begin the establishment, 492; this proved by its connection with the great and essential interests of the country, 492; commerce springs from our agriculture, and must be protected, 493; while England and France have been contending for the mastery, we, with a suitable naval force and strict neutrality, might have pursued a gainful trade, 493; this question must have an influence on our destiny favorable if decided negatively, and adverse if decided affirmatively, 493; the constitution is not imperative with regard to regulating and protecting commerce, 494; the general principles and remote consequences upon which this question has been considered, 494; how it is proposed to protect commerce, 495; from a naval power have flowed the most copious streams of human misery, 495; the plunder of half the world has not sustained the British Navy, 495; a diversity of opinions has always existed on this subject, 496; extraordinary that so much unreasonable jealousy should exist in regard to a Naval establishment, 496; the source of alarm is in ourselves, 497; abundant security in the nature of our Government against abuse, 497; what maritime strength is it expedient to provide for the United States? 497; three different degrees of power present themselves, 497; these degrees considered, 497; views of Col. Daviess, 498; note, 498; what was folly in 1798 may be wisdom now, 498; blank filled with $100,000, 498; bill reported to the House, 498; question on filling the blank for repairing with $480,000, it was carried, 498; question on agreeing to the report of the committee to strike out the section which contemplated building new frigates, 499; the time inauspicious to begin a navy, 499; our ships probably fall a prey to the superior force of England, 499; the necessity and duty of a systematic protection of our maritime rights by maritime means, 499; interest is our only sure and permanent bond of union, 499; the national protection of our essential interests will be undertaken by the States if it is not by Congress, 499; the nature of the interest to be protected, and the nature of the protection to be extended, 500; the locality of the interest, 500; it is the leading interest of more than one-half, and the predominant interest of more than one-third of the Union, 500; comparison of our commerce with that of Great Britain, 501; the permanency of this interest exhibits the folly and madness of its neglect, 501; as to the nature of the protection, rights in their nature local can only be maintained where they exist, and not where they do not exist, 502; the nature and degree of maritime protection, and our capacity to extend it, 502; our exertions should be extended rather than graduated by the present exigency, 502; there can be no mistake touching the branch of interest most precious to commercial men, 502; some difference of opinion may arise touching the nature and extent of this naval force, 503; is it a want of pecuniary or physical capacity? 503; this policy will produce confidence at home and respect abroad, 503; effect of the opposite policy, 503; a navy never had and never could protect our commerce, 504; every nation which has embarked in a naval establishment has eventually been crushed by it, 504; the embarrassments of our commerce are not owing to a want of a navy, 504; this establishment proposed could not be supported but by a ruinous expense, 504; question on striking out carried, 504; amendments offered to procure a dockyard, and to build four frigates, 505; do. lost, 505; bill ordered to a third reading, 505.

In the House.--Bill from the Senate considered, 599; moved to add the word "teen," to "four," making fourteen gunships, 599; time to try the question whether we are to have a navy, 599; British arms cannot withstand American on the seas, 599; four seventy-fours are mere mockery, 599; can easily support such a force 599.

Should guard against being carried too far by the current of popular opinion, 599; should authorize that force which can be prepared at the shortest notice, 599; for what purpose are these ships to be built? 600; where is your commerce to protect? 600; the object of these vessels, then, is to fight your battles, 600; moved to strike out all relating to seventy-fours, 601; to introduce these ships would fix the policy of a navy upon the Government, 601; scene in the British metropolis, 601; if in view of recent events a navy is not sustained, its case is hopeless, 601; the constitution settles the policy of a navy, 601; seventy-fours as compared with smaller vessels for service, 602; protection due to every right, best mode to effect it, 603; importance of a naval force attested on record, 603; facts which we have in the case, 603; is it for an infant nation to be deterred by a want of preparation? 603; what were the preparations for the Revolutionary war? 603; a naval force the cheapest the nation can resort to for defence and protection, 604; cost of the force, 604; the different kinds of vessels proposed, 604; the question is whether it is best to build any ships of the line or to confine our efforts to frigates, 605; the objects for their employment to be considered, 605; ships better for battle, frigates and sloops for cruisers, 605; as we have no powerful ships, England can easily protect by convoy all her valuable fleets, 605; it is said these ships would be blockaded, 605; we are in a prepared state to build seventy-fours, 606; motion to strike out seventy-fours negatived, 606; motion to strike out seventy-fours, and insert frigates and sloops, carried, 606; question on the passage of the bill, 609; a navy will cost more than it ever will be worth to the nation, 609; a kind of popular delusion at this time about a navy, 609; further objections, 610; bill passed, 610. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Navigation Laws.--In the House, resolutions relative to vessels coming from ports to which our vessels cannot go and also sea-letter vessels offered, 188; motion to refer to Committee on Commerce, 188; investigation, the object of the resolutions, 188; character of the propositions such as to require it, 188; they are founded on permanent principles, to which the nation may adhere in every alternative, 188; reference carried, 189.

Negroes, Kidnapping of.--See Index, vol. 2.

NELSON, HUGH, Representative from Virginia, 424, 577; on rules and orders of the House, 471; presents the petition of citizens of Louisiana Territory, 474; on the temporary embargo bill, 547.

NELSON, ROGER, Representative from Maryland, 37, 125, 187; on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 72; presents a bill authorizing an increased naval force, 84; favors the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95; reports on petition of officers of the Revolution, 212. See Index, vol. 3.

Neutral Rights, violation of.--In the House, resolutions submitted, which are designed to vindicate the commercial rights of the United States against belligerents of Europe, 189; their introduction not inconsistent with the most friendly negotiation, 189; high time these rights were vindicated or abandoned, 189; upon what principles do the belligerents pretend to justify these commercial restrictions? 189; not the true principle, 189; what principles are more specifically asserted by Great Britain? 189; the right to blockade by proclamation, 189; the only principle we recognize, 190; this right founded on the most arbitrary power, 190; have we not the same right as Great Britain to prohibit trade? 190; objected, that the adoption of the resolutions would lead to hostility, 190; the resolutions, 190; laid on the table, 191. See Index, vol. 3.

NEW, ANTHONY, Representative from Kentucky, 424, 577; on the claim of Matthew Lyon, 426. See Index, vols. 1, 2,3.

NEWBOLD, THOMAS, Representative from New Jersey, 36, 124, 187, 319, 424, 577.

New Hampshire.--Vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

New Jersey.--Vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

Newspapers.--Three daily ordered for the House, 425.

NEWTON, THOMAS, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 424, 577; on additional revenue cutters, 47, 48; on permitting Swedish and Portuguese vessels to land, 127; on the remission of certain fines on emigrants from Cuba, 164; against a committee on manufactures, 193; relative to the conduct of the British Minister, 206; reports on the mortality of the troops near New Orleans, 247; on laying additional duties, 431. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

New York.--Vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

NICHOLAS, WILSON CARY, Representative from Virginia, 37, 141; on the proceedings on counting the electoral votes, 105; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 109. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

NICHOLSON, JOHN, Representative from New York, 124, 188, 319.

Non-Exportation, Temporary.--Bill passed Senate, 411.

Non-Exportation in Foreign Bottoms.--In the House, the bill to prohibit the exportation, &c. of certain articles considered, 719; bill is not what it professes to be, 719; it denies commerce to neutrals, 719; merely calculated to produce vexation and embarrassment at home, 719; what are the intentions and objects of the bill as stated? 720; only a part of a contemplated system of non-exportation, 721; certain articles struck out, 722.

Non-Importation, suspension of, report on, 713. See Index, vol. 3.

Non-Intercourse.--See Intercourse.

North Carolina, vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

O

Oaths.--See Index, vol. 1.

Observatory, astronomical report on, 705.

Ohio.--Vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

Ohio State Government.--See Index, vol. 2.

Officers of the Revolution, report on petition of, 212.

Officers, removal of.--See Index, vol. 1.

Offices, plurality of.--See Index, vol. 3.

ORMSBY, STEPHEN, Representative from Kentucky, 442, 577.

Ordinance of 1787, action of Indiana.--See Index, vol. 3.

Orleans Territory.--See Territories.

P

PARKER, NAHUM, Senator from New Hampshire, 3, 116, 166; resigns his seat in the Senate, 250. See Index, vol. 3.

PEARSON, JOSEPH, Representative from North Carolina, 126, 187, 315, 425, 577; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 390; on an additional military force, 618.

Pennsylvania.--Vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

Pennsylvania Insurgents.--See Index, vol. 1.

Petitions, reception of.--See Index, vol. 2, & Slavery, vol. 1.

PICKENS, ISRAEL, Representative from North Carolina, 425, 577; on Indian Affairs, 428.

PICKERING, TIMOTHY, Senator from Massachusetts, 3, 116, 166, 250; on the repeal of the embargo act, 21; on incorporating a bank of the United States, 302. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

PICKMAN, BENJAMIN, jr., Representative from Mass., 124, 197, 319; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 160; moves to postpone the resolution relative to the apportionment of Representation, 224.

PIKE, CAPT. Z. M., bill making compensation to, 96. See Index, vol. 3.

PINCKNEY, C. C., number of votes for, as President, 27.

PIPER, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 424, 703.

PITKIN, TIMOTHY, jr., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; against immediate engrossment of the bill relative to the power of territorial governments, 40; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; reports on the establishment of a first meridian, 222; on the ratio of representation, 317; on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, 326; against the admission of Mississippi, 352; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 397; on rules and orders of the House, 472; on the British intrigues, 515; on French spoliations, 526; on pay of the Army, 588; on an additional military force, 623. See Index, vol. 3.

PLEASANTS, JAMES, jr., Representative from Virginia, 424, 577; presents memorial of inhabitants of St. Louis, 434; on an additional military force, 617.

POINDEXTER, GEORGE, delegate from Mississippi, 36, 126, 187, 319, 425, 578; reports a bill relative to the power of territorial governments, 39; proposes to have the bill engrossed at once, for a third reading, 39, 40; on territorial government for Mississippi, 42; on the petition for a division of the Mississippi territory, 141; on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, 325; in favor of Mississippi being admitted into the Union, 352; on Indian affairs, 428; on the bill to enable the people of Mississippi to form a State government, 519; on the admission of Louisiana, 523. See Index, vol. 3.

POND, BENJAMIN, Representative from New York, 424, 577.

POPE, JOHN, Senator from Kentucky, 3, 118, 166, 250, 400, 570; on the repeal of the Embargo act, 7; on the enforcement of the Embargo, 26; on the occupation of Florida, 253; on incorporating a bank of the United States, 285; on a recess of Congress, 412. See Index, vol. 3.

PORTER, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 316. See Index, vol. 3.

PORTER, PETER B., Representative from New York, 124, 187, 316, 424, 705; on the Bank of the United States, 343; reports relative to the continuance of the charter of the United States Bank, 398; on Foreign Relations, 432; on the bill laying an Embargo, 546.

POTTER, ELISHA R., Representative from Rhode Island, 124, 187, 315, 430; on imposing additional duties, 542; on an increase of the Navy, 609. See Index, vol. 2.

POSEY, THOMAS, Senator from Louisiana, 570.

Postage of Newspapers.--See Index, vol. 3.

Post Office.--See Index, vol. 1.

Potomac River, Bridge.--See Index, vol. 3.

POYDRAS, JULIEN, Delegate from the Orleans Territory, 141, 187, 315; on the Batture at New Orleans, 148, 149.

PREBLE, Commodore, letter of the Secretary of the Navy relative to a gold medal for, 610. See Index, vol. 3.

Presents to Ministers.--See Index, vol. 2.

Presidency, Vacancy in.--See Index, vol. 1.

President, certificate of election of, 27.

Presidential Election, certificate of, 574.

Presidential Election in Massachusetts.--In House, resolution relative to the mode in which it was conducted, 105; the present course will make no difference in the result, but it should induce the House to consider the propriety of providing some mode of distinguishing between legal and illegal elections, 105.

Previous Question.--In the House, amendment offered to the rules, that when the previous question is ordered to be taken, upon the motion in question being put, every member who has not spoken shall be at liberty to speak once, 468; this secures to every member the right to speak at least once on every question, 468; what is to justify this measure of imposing silence? it is said the right of debate has been abused, 468; the majority insist that the rule will not be abused, 469; neither the journals of State Legislatures nor the laws of Parliament offered examples for this arbitrary proceeding, 469; there is a difference between the freedom of debate and the abuse of it when you cannot get a decision without an exertion of physical strength, 469; this has been our course several times, 469; a debate is often prolonged to prevent a decision, 469; if the majority abuse this responsibility, the people will correct it, 469.

If the majority do not possess it under the constitution, it should not be given to them, 469; the rule deserves the character of a Gag-law more than the sedition law ever did, 469; this question affects the essential principles of civil liberty, and saps its hopes at the very foundation, 469; the ground taken by those who oppose this proposition is, its necessity and convenience, 469; these are the points which should be most vigilantly guarded, 469; the subject is in some respects difficult to manage, 469; a feeling in and out of the House unpropitious to an impartial debate, 469; what is that principle of civil liberty which is amalgamated and identified with the very existence of a legislative body? 469; the right of every individual member is in fact the right of his constituents, 470; let not any man say this power will not be abused, 470; the right to speak is an individual right, limit it as you please, consistent with its single exercise, 470; it is not true that this power ever was, or ever can be, necessary in a legislative body, 470; it may be sometimes convenient, 471; the haste and clatter which always attends the close of a session is urged in favor of this measure, 471; should a member, on great questions, be denied the privilege of speaking? 471; to interdict the freedom of speech is a violation of right, 471; freedom of speech is secured by the constitution, 472; shall we be deprived of it when we come to this House? 472; this rule has always been in practice, 472; the principle is, that a majority at any time in this House can, by calling the previous question, cut off all debate, 472; a new construction was given at the close of last session, by which this rule, which it is proposed to amend, was adopted, 472; no such power ever before the last session exercised over the members, 472; see Journal of the first session of the Third Congress, 472; reason of the introduction of the previous question, 473; no necessity for it exists, 473; amendment lost, 474; further amendment proposed, 474; rules adopted, 474; note, 474.

Privateers, encouragement to--petition of citizens of New York for a reduction of duties on prizes, 578; bill for encouragement of, 580.

Captures, petition relative to, 594; a bill relating to captures, 606; do. regulating pensions to persons on board private armed ships, 607; duties on privateer prize goods, report on, 607; documents referred to in the report, 607; bill granting a bounty to, considered, 719; passed, 719.

In the House.--Bill to compensate officers and crew of our public vessels, for vessels of the enemy necessarily destroyed at sea, 703; bill grows out of the case of the Guerriere and Constitution, 703; principles of the hill unprecedented in any country, 703; bill defended on the ground of expediency and precedent, 704; inexpedient and unprecedented, 704.

In the House.--Bill to provide pensions for persons disabled in private armed vessels, 704; improper to adopt a principle so liable to abuse, 704; a per cent. of wages had been, heretofore, reserved to provide a fund for this object, 704; important services rendered by privateers, 704; doubtful, 704; bill recommitted, 705; report on, 712.

In the House.--Bill to encourage by remitting all claim to duties on captured goods, 716; private armed vessels, encouragement of, bill for the, passed, 716.

Proceedings, confidential, in the Senate, 415.

Protective duties.--See Index, vol. 1.

Pro tem. appointment, duration of.--In the Senate, will an appointment under a State executive to represent a State in the Senate, cease on the first day of the meeting of the Legislature, considered, 118; resolution submitted, 121; amendment moved and lost, 121; resolution passed, 121.

Public credit, bill to provide for the support of, passed, 122.

Public lands, report on the cash system, 611.

Public lands.--See Index, vols. I, 2, 3.

PUGH, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

Q

Quakers, memorial of.--See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Quartermaster's Department.--In the House, a bill for the establishment of, from the Senate, came up for its third reading, 476; no necessity for this office, and that of a Purveyor of public supplies, 477; the great object is to provide for a Quartermaster-General's department, instead of military agents, as employed at present, 477; these agents, without much responsibility, had nearly controlled the whole war department, 477; the duties of Quartermaster-General and Purveyor are very different, 477; the former is next in consequence to the Commander-in-chief, every movement of the army is first communicated to him, 477; if not a Purveyor of supplies during the Revolutionary war, there was a clothier, who did nearly the same business, 477; impossible to go to war without a Quartermaster-General, 477; bill passed, 477.

QUINCY, JOSIAH, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 316, 424, 581; on resolution relative to amending the act laying an embargo, 41; on voting twelve additional revenue cutters, 48; on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 49, 56; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 107; relative to prosecutions for libel, 134; on the call on the President for papers, 192; on the conduct of the British minister, 197; on the Torpedo experiment, 220; favors postponement of resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 224; offers a resolution relative to Col. Washington, 226; on the ratio of representation, 318; on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, 327; against the admission of Mississippi, 352; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 370; on laying additional duties, 431; on rules and orders of the House, 469; on a Quartermaster's department, 477; in favor of a Naval establishment, 499; on the British intrigues, 516; on the temporary embargo bill, 547; on the temporary embargo bill, 548; moves an amendment to the bill declaring war with Great Britain, 559; on the pay of the army, 585; on the policy of the war, 628; on encouragement to privateer captures, 704; on non-importation in foreign bottoms, 722. See Index, vol. 3.

R

RANDOLPH, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 217, 425, 580; on proceedings on counting electoral votes, 105; on counting blank ballots, 125; on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 127; on postponing do., 129; on Miranda's Expedition, 142, 146; on the Batture at New Orleans, 149; offers a resolution relative to the decease of Colonel Washington, 225; reports a bill for the reduction of the Naval establishment, 227; on the future Naval establishment, 232; on the reduction of the Marine corps, 240; on disbanding the master commandants, 242; on reduction of the Navy, 245; on the claim of Matthew Lyon, 426; on the expenditure of public money, 429; against the bill for the Government of the territory of Louisiana, 430; on foreign relations, 434, 436, 462; on mode of relief of Caraccas, 532; on the bill laying a temporary embargo, 545, 546; on pay of the Army, 590; on the imprisonment of American seamen, 595, 596; on an additional military force, 681. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Rangers for the Frontier, bill to raise passed in the Senate, 404.

REA, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

REED, PHILIP, Senator from Maryland, 3, 121, 168, 250, 400, 569. See Index, vol. 3.

REED, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 424, 580.

Report, on the petition of citizens engaged in Miranda's expedition, and confined in the jails at Carthagena, 47; in Senate relative to foreign armed vessels, 122; of Secretary of Treasury relative to barred claims, 188; on the letter of I. A. Coles, 204; on claim of Elizabeth Hamilton, 212; on the claim of Alexander Scott, for Indian depredations, 217; on the mortality of the troops at Terre aux Boeuf, 247; on the conduct of General Wilkinson, 248; on extending charter of the bank, 311; on the claim of General Wilkinson, 312; on the claim for services in the old French war, 319; on the Spanish American colonies, 436; with amendments to the report on memorial of Legislative council of Mississippi for admission as a State, 465; relative to the pay of the officers and soldiers of the battle of Tippecanoe, 475; on sundry divorces in the district of Columbia, 505; on the disclosures of John Henry, 524; note, 525; relative to the Cumberland Road, 530; relative to the conduct of Judge Toulmin, 533; on an Astronomical observatory, 705; relative to amending the act for the Government of the Missouri Territory, 707; on the suspension of non-importation, 713.

Representation, ratio of.--In the House, resolution to apportion one Representative to forty-five thousand inhabitants offered, 224; motion to postpone, 224; better be decided at the next session, 224; better to decide the ratio now than after the result of the census was known, 224; if a law is now passed, the fractions would cause an alteration, 224; this is an attempt to settle a principle before the facts are known, 224; if postponed till after the census and a particular ratio should suit the three large States, they would carry it without regard to fractions in the small States, 224; if made now it will enable the Legislatures to district the States, 224; extreme difficulty in settling it after the results of the census were known, 225; its settlement heretofore had ended in a bargain between the members from the different States, 225; laid on the table, 225; question on filling the blank with the number of souls which should entitle to a Representative, 316; it should be filled before the result of the census is known, 316; better if the bill declare that the House should consist of a certain number of members to be apportioned hereafter, 316; a very important bill fixing the construction of a provision of the constitution, 317; important considerations in favor of a large number, 317; the present Congress may fix the ratio, but it will not be obligatory upon the next Congress, 318; the bill premature, 318; violation of the constitution to pass this bill, 318; it establishes a ratio which must be abortive, 318; the apportionment must be according to the numbers in each State, 318; the numbers are as yet unknown, 318; idea of its unconstitutionality unwarranted, 318; bill fixes only the ratio, 318; object of declaring the ratio is that the State Legislatures may proceed to district their States, 318; postponement opposed, 319; postponement urged, 319; bill laid on the table, 319; question on filling the blank for the number of inhabitants to a Representation, 432; 37,000 moved, 432; bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, 432. See Index, vols. 1, 2.

Reprisals on British Commerce.--Amendments to the bill declaring war, 416.

Resignation, does it cause a Vacancy?--See Index, vol. 1.

Resolution.--To. repeal the embargo act, 5; relative to counting Electoral votes, 27; relative to the time of the meeting of the House, 36; relative to the expediency of continuing the embargo, 41; relative to citizens engaged in Miranda's expedition, 47; relative to submission to the late edicts of England and France, 48; relative to copies of public documents, 56; relative to admission of British vessels in American ports, 94; do., passed, 94; relative to immediate measures for public defence, 95; relative to counting Electoral votes, 105; relative to petitions respecting the Presidential election in Massachusetts, 105; of thanks to Speaker Varnum, 114; relative to the decease of Senator Malbone, 121; relative to exiled Cubans and their slaves, 121, 122; relative to prosecutions for libel, 133; relative to the decease of Senator Malbone, 141; relative to the liberation of American prisoners confined at Carthagena, 142; on decease of Samuel White, 168; relative to the conduct of the British Minister, 169; relative to demands on Great Britain, 179; do., withdrawn, 179; relative to publishing the laws of Louisiana in the English language, 184; relative to barred claims, 186; relative to the navigation laws, 188; on the violation of neutral rights, 189; relative to the batture at New Orleans, 191; calling on the President for papers, 192; for the appointment of a committee of manufactures, 189; vote on, 193; relative to trade to the Baltic, 206; relative to a Bank of the United States, 216; relative to the establishment of a first meridian, 223; relative to apportionment of representation, 224; relative to the decease of Col. Washington, 225; relative to secrecy in the Senate, 313; confidential from the House, 314; amendments to do., 314; on an amendment to the constitution relative to the removal of federal judges, 352; of thanks to Speaker Varnum, 399; relative to the burning of Richmond theatre, 404; relative to British intrigues, &c., 409; relative to the decease of Vice President George Clinton, 412; relative to a recess of Congress, 412; relative to the accounts of Gen. Wilkinson, 414; on the bill declaring war, 416; authorizing the President to address a proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, 421; relative to extending the laws of the United States over whites in the Indian territories, 428; relative to the protection of American seamen, 429; relative to increased military and naval force in present state of foreign relations, 465; relative to memorial of Legislative Council of Mississippi, 466; relative to paying the officers and soldiers who served on the Wabash, 466; of inquiry relative to exciting the Indians on the western frontier, 466; relative to the pay of officers and soldiers in the battle of Tippecanoe, 476; relative to limitation of claims on the Government, 526; relative to Virginia military bounty lands, 527; committing Nathaniel Rounsavell to the custody of the sergeant-at-arms, 528; discharging Nathaniel Rounsavell, 530; relative to the removal of federal judges, 530; of respect to the memory of Vice President Clinton, 531; relative to the relief of Caraccas, 531, 532; relative to amendment of naturalization laws, 543; of inquiry relative to violations of secrecy, 548; relative to the occupation of Florida, 561; of inquiry relative to any proceedings respecting the country South of Georgia, 562; to supply each Senator with newspapers, 566; to inquire into the expediency of offering encouragement to privateers, 570; of respect for the memory of John Smilie, 571; of honors to Hull, Decatur, Jones, and Elliott, 573; relative to the capture of the Guerriere, 578; relative to the exemption of soldiers from arrest for debt, 578; relative to authorizing an expedition of mounted volunteers, 580; relative to sales of the public lands for cash, 611; relative to the decease of Smilie, 614; relative to raising mounted rangers, 651; relative to the land claims in Mississippi Territory, 703; relative to encouragement of privateers, 705; relative to Virginia military bounty lands, 710; calling for information relative to repeal of the decrees of France, 718; of thanks to the Speaker, 719; for information relative to the navy yards, 719.

Retaliation.--Bill giving power to the President, read third time, 718; passed, 718; the bill, 718.

Revenue Cutters.--In the House, bill to authorize the employment of twelve additional, considered, 47; this force necessary for the proper execution of the revenue laws, 47; has any letter been received from the Secretary of the Treasury? 47; information had been received directly from him, 47; more than verbal information required to make the proceeding correct, 48; never more than ten employed in the most flourishing times, 48; no consequence to the House whether there had been a written communication, so the information come from the proper source, 48; committee rise, 48; engrossed bill read a third time, 74; motion to recommit lost, 74; bill passed, 74.

RHEA, JOHN, Representative from Tennessee, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577; on an extra session, 103; on the conduct of the British Minister, 204; favors postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 225; on reduction of the navy, 243, 244; on domestic manufactures, 428; on Indian affairs, 428; on the bill to enable the people of Mississippi to form a State Government, 521. See Index, vol. 3.

Rhode Island.--Vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711; resolutions relating to maritime defence, &c., 413; admission of, see Index, vol. 1.

RICHARDS, JACOB, Representative from Pennsylvania, 37. See Index, vol. 3.

RICHARDS, MATHIAS, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

RICHARDSON, WILLIAM M., Representative from Massachusetts, 496, 577; on the bill to authorize the people of Mississippi to form a constitution, 592.

Richmond Theatre.--Resolution in Senate relative to the burning of, 404.

RIDGELY, HENRY M., Representative from Delaware, 424, 578; on an additional military force, 622.

RIKER, SAMUEL, Representative from New York, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

RINGGOLD, SAMUEL, Representative from Maryland, 316, 424, 577.

Roads Post.--See Index, vol. 3.

ROANE, JOHN T., Representative from Virginia, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577.

ROBERTS, JONATHAN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 424, 577; on foreign relations, 455; against a naval establishment, 493; on the recall of absentees, 533.

ROBERTSON, THOMAS BOLLING, Representative from Louisiana, 577; in favor of an additional military force, 666; on non-exportation in foreign bottoms, 719.

ROBINSON, JONATHAN, Senator from Vermont, 3, 116, 166, 250, 403, 566. See Index, vol. 3.

RODMAN, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 424, 577.

ROGERS, JOHN B., letter with documents relative to impressed seamen, 706.

ROOT, ERASTUS, Representative from New York, 141, 187, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

ROSS, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 124, 191; moves an amendment relative to the inquiry respecting prosecutions for libel, 137, 138; on the remission of certain fines on emigrants from Cuba, 163, 164; on the conduct of the British Minister, 195.

ROWAN, JOHN, Representative from Kentucky, 97. See Index, vol. 3.

RUSSELL, JOHN, Representative from New York, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

RYLAND, HERMAN W., letter to John Henry, 506.

S

SAGE, EBENEZER, Representative from New York, 124, 187, 316, 424, 577.

SAMMONS, THOMAS, Representative from New York, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on the bill to authorize the appointment of additional brigadier-generals, 551. See Index, vol. 3.

Savannah, relief of.--See Index, vol. 2.

SAWYER, LEMUEL, Representative from North Carolina, 36, 125, 187, 316, 425, 580; against immediate arming of the public vessels, 100; on the appointment of a committee of manufactures, 189; on a Naval establishment, 599. See Index, vol. 3.

SAY, BENJAMIN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 37, 141; presents memorials from officers of the Revolutionary army in Pennsylvania, 56.

SCUDDER, JOHN A., Representative from New Jersey, 315.

Seamen, American.--In the House, a resolution offered relative to an inquiry into the laws for the protection of American seamen, 429; our laws materially defective on this subject, 429; their object should be twofold--to protect bona fide American citizens, and to prevent the abuse of those protections by citizens of other countries, 429; case of an Italian at Baltimore, 429.

In the House.--Resolution of inquiry relative to the seizure by Great Britain of persons fighting under the American flag and laying claims to them, &c., 594; several cases had occurred, 594; objections to the form and expression of the resolution, 594; instance of many of the crew of the Wasp, 595; every man must be protected that is on board a ship of the United States, 595; motion withdrawn and a substitute offered, 595; vigorous retaliation should be made if our countrymen found in arms are treated as criminals, 595; not a question whether such persons are British subjects or not, if they have been fighting our battles, 596; naturalized foreigners should be protected the same as native citizens, 596; expatriation, 597; resolution agreed to, 597. See Index, vol. 3.

Seamen, Regulation of.--Bill for, 712; passed, 713.

Seat of Government.--See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

SEAVER, EBENEZER, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 192, 315, 424, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

Secret Proceedings, publication of.--In the House, report of the committee directed to inquire whether there had been any violation of the secrecy imposed by the House considered, 527; Nathaniel Rounsavell brought to the bar of the House and questioned, 527; ordered into custody till further notice, 527; letter from Rounsavell, 527; manner in which the information relative to the embargo was obtained without doors, 527; explanations of members, 528; Rounsavell dismissed, 527.

In the House.--Resolution offered to inquire if there had been a violation of the secrecy imposed, 548; do. passed, 548.

Secret Proceedings.--Confidential supplemental journal of, 544.

Secretary of State.--His letters to Gen. Matthews and Col. McKee relative to possession of Florida, 562, 563; do. to governor of Georgia, 564.

Sedition Law.--In the House, resolution offered for an inquiry as to what prosecutions for libels had been instituted under the act to punish certain crimes against the United States, 133; if the committee inquire in the case of libels at common law it is proper they should inquire in the other case, 133; one member been a sufferer under the sedition law, 133; resolution moved, 133; amendment proposed relating to any private compensation to such sufferers, 133; Government could not rightfully inquire into this, 134; the disclosure might be amusing if the House had power to make it, 134; who compensated Callender? 134; prosecutions under the common law and the sedition law essentially different, 134; who contributed to the gentleman from Kentucky (Lyon), 134; this appears to be a proposition to aid a single individual, and by the amendment gentlemen seem anxious to prevent him from gaining more than he had paid, 134; the public should know many of the circumstances of that case, 134; the imprisonment, 135; charge of libel in the indictment of Lyon, 135; what do these words amount to? 135; the law was passed after the words were uttered, 135; further facts in the case, 136; amendment lost, 137; amendment moved to inquire what compensation should be made to those who had suffered in consequence of the act to lay and collect a direct tax, 137; where shall we stop if we tread back on the steps of each other? 137; propriety of going the whole length of the principle, 137; those who paid the tax should also be remunerated, 137; this principle has not been assumed, 138; where is the difference in the cases of any of these sufferers? 138; is this House sitting as a body to remunerate those who violated the laws? 138; moved to postpone indefinitely, 138; the whole discussion of the sedition law turned on its constitutionality, 138; if unconstitutional, can it be viewed in the same light as if constitutional? 138; the subject of contribution considered, 139; let the inquiry be made, 139; what good purpose can it answer? 139; under what clause of the constitution was Capt. Murray remunerated, 139; duty of the House to make the inquiry, 139 further debates, 140; indefinitely postponed, 140.

Seditious Practices.--See Index, vol. 2.

Senate.--Adjourns at close of Second Session of Tenth Congress, 33; extra Session of, 33; adjourns, 35; adjourns at First Session, Eleventh Congress, 123; adjourns at Second Session, Eleventh Congress, 186; Third Session, Eleventh Congress adjourns, 312; adjourns at close First Session, Twelfth Congress, 423.

SEVIER, JOHN, Representative from Tennessee, 425, 577.

SEYBERT, ADAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 187, 315, 424, 577; in favor of a committee on manufactures, 193; on the Bank of the United States, 340; against a Naval establishment, 481; on the case of Nathaniel Rounsavell, 529; on the renewal of Whitney's patent right, 537; on the bill laying an embargo, 544, 545; on the imprisonment of American seamen, 595, 596; on an increase of the navy, 599.

SHATTUCK, JARED, his claim, 352.

SHAW, SAMUEL, Representative from Vermont, 37, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577.

SHEFFEY, DANIEL, Representative from Virginia, 125, 316, 425, 580; on the batture at New Orleans, 148; offers resolutions relative to the batture at New Orleans, 191; supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; on the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a State, 321; in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352; on the imprisonment of American seamen, 596; on an additional military force, 660.

Slave Trade.--Memorial relative to, 714.

Slaves, Importation of.--See Index, vol. 3. Duties on Imports.

Slavery and Slaves.--See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

SLOAN, JAMES, Representative from New Jersey, 36; favors the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95. See Index, vol. 3.

SMELT, DENNIS, Representative from Georgia, 40, 125, 191, 316. See Index, vol. 3.

SMILIE, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 141, 187, 315, 424, 577; opposes the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95; against the immediate arming of the public vessels, 97; on an extra session of Congress, 102; on the proceedings on counting the electoral votes, 105; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 158; opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, 225; on the resolution relative to the decease of Col. Washington, 225; on laying additional duties, 431; presents memorial of managers of Union Canal Company, 432; on rules and orders of the House, 469; on the British intrigues, 518; on the case of Nathaniel Rounsavell, 528; on mode of relief of Caraccas, 532; on the bill laying an embargo, 545; decease of, 614. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

SMITH, DANIEL, Senator from Tennessee, 3. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

SMITH, GEORGE, Representative from Pennsylvania, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577.

SMITH, JEREMIAH K., Representative from New Hampshire, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

SMITH, JOHN, Senator from New York, 3, 121, 176, 252, 400. See Index, vol. 3.

SMITH, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

SMITH, SAMUEL, Senator from Maryland, 3, 33, 116, 168, 250, 400, 566; on the repeal of the Embargo Act, 10; offers resolution relative to the mode of counting the Electoral vote, 27; on incorporating a Bank of the United States, 292. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

SMITH, SAMUEL, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315; on adherence of the Senate to amendments to the bill respecting non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 180. See Index, vol. 3.

South Carolina, vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

Soldiers of the Revolution.--See Index, vol. 3.

SOUTHARD, HENRY, Representative from New Jersey, 36, 124, 187, 315; opposes the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

STANFORD, RICHARD, Representative from North Carolina, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577; on counting blank ballots, 125; on prosecutions for libel, 133, 134; on the conduct of the British Minister, 197; on foreign relations, 457; on rules and orders of the House, 469. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

STANLEY, JOHN, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 187, 315; relative to the conduct of the British Minister, 208.

State Balances.--See Index, vol. 2.

STEDMAN, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 191. See Index, vol. 3.

STEPHENSON, JAMES, Representative from Virginia, 125, 187, 315. See Index, vol. 3.

STEVENSON, ARCHER, Representative from Maryland, 424, 577.

St. Domingo.--See Index, vol. 3.

St. Louis, memorial of inhabitants of, 434.

STORY, JOSEPH, Representative from Massachusetts, 96; in favor of an immediate arming of the public vessels, 97.

STORER, CLEMENT, Representative from New Hampshire, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

STOW, SILAS, Representative from New York, 424, 577; on the bill laying an embargo, 544; on the temporary embargo bill, 547; on pay of the army, 582; in favor of building seventy-fours, 605; on an additional military force, 690; on privateer pensions, 704; on war taxes, 715.

STRONG, WILLIAM, Representative from Vermont, 424, 577.

STEWART, PHILIP, Representative from Maryland, 426, 577.

STURGES, LEWIS B., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187, 316, 424, 578; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 364. See Index, vol. 3.

Suability of States.--See Index, vol. 2.

SULLIVAN, GEORGE, Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 716.

SUMPTER, THOMAS, Senator from South Carolina, 3, 116, 166. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

SWART, PETER, Representative from New York, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

SWOOPE, JACOB, Representative from Virginia, 125, 187, 316.

T

TAGGART, SAMUEL, Representative from Massachusetts, 37, 126, 187, 316, 424, 578. See Index, vol. 3.

TAIT, CHARLES, Senator from Georgia, 176, 250, 400, 566.

TALIAFERRO, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 432, 578. See Index, vol. 2.

TALLMADGE, BENJAMIN, Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 578; on the Torpedo experiment, 221; on establishing a Quartermaster's department, 477; on the resolution of the Senate relative to the decease of the Vice President, 531; on an additional military force, 613; on the causes of the war, 647. See Index, vol. 3.

TALLMAN, PELEG, Representative from Massachusetts, 424, 703.

Taxes, War.--In the House, resolution to instruct the Committee of Ways and Means to report a bill laying taxes for the support of the war, 715; opposed, as impracticable, 715; advocated because the House should redeem pledges of last session, 715; unnecessary to lay taxes, 715; impracticable to act on the subject at this session, 715; further debate, 716; resolution lost, 716.

Taxes, direct and indirect.--See Index, vol. 2.

TAYLOR, JOHN, Representative from South Carolina, 36, 125, 187, 315; opposes the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95; on non-intercourse, 106; on Miranda's expedition, 145; on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 153, 159, 160; on the remission of certain fines, on emigrants from Cuba, 164; reports on the letter of I. A. Coles, 204; Senator from South Carolina, 260, 400, 566; on incorporating a bank of the United States, 300; reports in favor of postponing bills relative to the Mississippi territory becoming a State, &c., 411; on the memorial of citizens of New York, 414. See Index, vol. 3.

Tennessee, vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

Tennessee, admission of.--See Index, vol. 1.

Territorial Governments, ordinance of 1787.--In the House, bill reported to take away from Governors of Territories the power of proroguing or dissolving their legislature, 39; moved to engross for a third reading, 39; a decision of a question of this kind should not be precipitated, 39; the ordinance for the government of territories should be treated with as much delicacy as the constitution of the General Government, 39; this is a mistake; the ordinance is a mere statute, 40; these ordinances should be regarded as a compact between the General Government and the territories, 40; questionable whether an alteration could be made without their consent, 40; mature deliberation, not procrastination, was what was wanted, 40; the ordinance is considered as a compact equally sacred with the Constitution of the United States, and as unalterable, without the consent of the parties to it, 40; opinion of St. George Tucker, 40; effect of taking away this power, 40; taking away the power to prorogue would not deprive the governors of their veto on laws, 40; now, if there is any misunderstanding, the Governor sends them home, 40; right of this House to pass the bill denied, 42; condition of the cession by Georgia, 42; note, 42; basis of the territorial governments, 42; amendment proposed, 42; two parts to the ordinance, 43; opinion of Judge Tucker, 43; special reason for the bill, 43; this principle must have been adopted originally without any discussion, 44; this was an objection to George III., in the Declaration of Independence, 44; opinion of Judge Tucker read, 44; parties to the present compact, 44; what was the policy of the ordinance, and what the object of its framers? 44; if you have a right to repeal one part of the ordinance, you can another part, 44; the Constitution of the United States does not give to the people of the territories the same rights as the people of the States, 45; the articles of this ordinance were enacted previous to the adoption of the constitution, and are made binding by that instrument, 45; the old Congress wisely reserved the right to control the people of the territories, 45; the state of things now existing in Mississippi noticed, 45; what part of these articles is unalterable? 45; the articles of ordinance and not the form of government, 45; application of the opinion of Judge Tucker, 45; situation of the people will be improved, 45; whatever leads to the conclusion that the people are always wrong and the Executive right, strikes at the root of republican institutions, 45; facts respecting the people of Mississippi, 45; no proposition for the good of this territory, but has met the opposition of Georgia, 46; a compact exists between the United States and Georgia, and let it be adhered to, 46; indefinite postponement moved, 46; carried, 46.

Territory of Louisiana.--In the House, bill for the government of the Louisiana Territory considered, 430; moved to strike out the section requiring a freehold to be possessed by all voters, 430; moved to amend by striking out every qualification but that of free white male citizens, &c., 430; question considered, whether it is better to require voters to hold freehold property, or to suffer every man to possess the privilege who is twenty-one years old, 430; life and liberty are superior to property, 430; dearer to the poor man than all his property to the rich, 430; impossible to carry the principle of equality to its fullest extent, 430; remonstrance of the inhabitants of St. Louis, 434.

Territory of Mississippi.--In the House, petition for the division of, 141; moved to lay on the table, 141; consent of three parties necessary to a division, 141; the Territory, Georgia, and the United States, neither has consented, 141; if the request was improper, the report of a committee would settle it, 141; no harm can arise from the inquiry, 141; certain facts might be inquired into, such as population, their character, &c., 141; petition laid on the table, 142; report in favor of admitting the Mississippi Territory into the Union, 352; have sufficient population before a representative is elected, 352; Orleans when admitted had a minor population, 352; some respect due to the feelings of the Eastern States, 352; admission of one State during a session was sufficient, 352; why not wait for the actual census of the territory? 352; resolution agreed to, 352.

In the Senate.--Bill to authorize Mississippi to form State Government referred, 411; report on, 411.

In the House.--Bill to authorize the people of Mississippi Territory to form a State Government, 519; the population is sufficient, and authority has heretofore wisely been conferred in all such cases, 519; particulars respecting the limits, 520; amendment offered relative to the Territory of West Florida, 520; debate thereon, 521; carried, 522; bill passed, 522; bill to authorize the people to form a State government considered, 592; inexpedient to give a territory with so small a population an equal representation in the Senate with a State, 592; proposes to include Mobile, now in possession of a foreign power, 592; population greater than represented, 592; anxious to bear their share of the burdens of the war, 592; bill ordered to third reading and passed, 592.

Territory of Orleans.--In Senate, bill to authorize the Territory of Orleans to form a State Government, 265; various amendments proposed, 265; bill read a third time, 265.

In the House.--Bill for admitting the Territory of Orleans as a State into the Union, 320; the bill proposes to include in the State all that part of the territory lying west of the Perdido, the right to this part is declared to be subject to negotiation; if it becomes a State, this right of negotiation will be taken from the President, 320; the necessity of a State government calls for this measure, 320; it is a point of country particularly important to the Union, 320; power of self-preservation necessary to the people there, 321; the objection of title does not meet the merits of the bill, 321; not ready to transfer the inheritance purchased by the blood of our fathers to foreigners, 321; doubtful if 30,000 inhabitants in the territory, 321; these people are a part of the nation, and should so be considered, 321; the great object is to make us one people, 321.

Have we constitutional authority to legislate on this subject, and is it expedient so to do? 321; by the enacting clause of our constitution it was ordained and established for the then United States, 322; its framers and those who adopted it never intended its immediate operation should extend to any people that did not then, or should not thereafter, be included in the limits of the United States, 322; they did not intend to enter into partnership of this sort, 322; Orleans was not within these limits when the constitution was established, 322; upon this principle we may form all the territories into States, then what will become of the old United States? 322; the constitution requires that Senators should have been citizens nine years, a period longer than the people of this territory have belonged to the Union, 322; it is said, several new States have been formed by Congress, 322; these were formed out of territories within the limits of the Union on the adoption of the constitution, 322; even if constitutional, it is an extremely impolitic and inexpedient measure, 323; two applications pending, neither has sufficient population, 323; it is objected to this bill that the population of the State will not be American, 323; what power have we to negotiate about the territory of any of the States? 323; objections to annexing West Florida to Orleans, 323; amendment moved to consolidate the Orleans and Mississippi Territories, 323; a stipulation in the treaty of cession, 324; to waste the territories would violate previous engagements, 324; the consent of Georgia would be necessary, 324; meaning of the constitution, 324; the right to become States was conceded to the old territories before the adoption of the constitution, 325; the article of the constitution was unnecessary unless it applied to new territory, 325; not for us to consider who shall be their Senators, 325; Mobile and Orleans should not be under the same government, 325; the trust embraced in the amendment is too extensive for a local State government, 325; other geographical limits proposed, 325; amendment disagreed to, 326; claims of the United States respecting the western limits of the Orleans Territory, 326; this bill extends jurisdiction over the province of Texas, 326; remarks relative to arranging the western boundary, 326; the principle of this bill materially affects the liberties and rights of the whole people of the United States, 327; it would justify a revolution in this country, 327; if this bill passes, the bonds of the Union are virtually dissolved, 327; called to order, 327; repeated, that its passage is virtually a dissolution of the Union, &c., 327; decision of the Speaker on the propriety of the expression demanded, 327; decision that a portion of the remarks are in order, and a portion not, 327; appeal from the decision, 327; Speaker not sustained, 327; the separation of the States resulting from a violation of the constitution, is a necessity deeply to be deprecated, 327; the bill assumes that this National government without recurrence to conventions of the people or Legislatures of the States, can admit new portions in countries out of the original limits of the United States, 328; if this authority is delegated by the constitution, it results from its general nature as from its particular provisions, 328; the preamble examined, 328; its meaning, the extent of the country at that time, Louisiana not then in the limits, 328; if any particular power exists, it is the treaty-making power, 329; this power examined, 329; this question goes to the very seat of the power and influence of the present members of the Union, 329; the term, "New States," applies to territory within the then limits of the Union, 329; evidence of history, 329; resolution passed, July 3d, 1788, is further authority, 329; its meaning, 330; the evidence should be very strong to prove the terms intended something else besides this obvious purpose, 330; its meaning can be proved, both affirmatively, with regard to new States from the existing limits, and negatively, against new States without those limits, 330; this assertion examined, 330; is it possible that such a power, if it had been intended to be given by the people, should have been left dependent upon the effect of general expressions, 331; it is not so much a question concerning the exercise of sovereignty, as it is who shall be sovereign, 331; the treaty-making power has limitations, 331; the situation of New Orleans, 332; the moral and political consequences of usurping this power, 332; what is this liberty of which so much is said? 333; no fear of analyzing the nature of this love of our Union, 333; this bill, if passed is a death-blow to the constitution, 334; the bill will neither justify a dissolution of the Union nor lead any citizen attached to it to contemplate it, 334; our authority to erect new States is proved by theory and practice, 334; the articles of confederation are evidence, 334; similarity of the constitution and the articles of confederation in many sections, 324; further debate, 324; indefinite postponement lost, 335; bill passed, 335.

Territories.--See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Territory, Missouri, report relative to amending the act for the government of, 707.

THOMAS, JESSE B., Delegate from Indiana Territory, 53; moves the appointment of a committee relative to a division of the Indiana Territory, 87; makes a report relative to a division of the Indiana Territory, 96.

THOMPSON, JOHN, Representative from New York, 36, 124, 187, 315. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

THURSTON, BUCKNER, Senator from Kentucky, 3, 116, 166. See Index, vol. 3.

TIFFIN, EDWARD, Senator from Ohio, 3; reports engrossed bill on non-intercourse with Great Britain, 28. See Index, vol. 3.

Tippecanoe, Battle of, message communicating, 466.

Title of President.--See Index, vol. 1.

Torpedo Experiments.--In the House, letter from Robert Fulton, 213; the author a man of science and successful experiment, 214; letter referred, 214; report on do., 214; resolution to grant Mr. Fulton use of the Hall for a public lecture, 214; the Hall is exclusively appropriated to legislative purposes, 214; an injurious precedent, 214; hold out the idea that the House sanctioned it, 214; words "public lecture" struck out and "explaining" inserted, 215; bill making an appropriation for an experiment on the practical use of the Torpedo, or submarine explosion, 218; is this such a proposition that we can step out of the ordinary course of encouragement given to inventors? 218; is the experiment worthy to be made? 218; this resolution appropriates money for an experiment, 219; nothing new in it, 219; the invention of David Bushnell, 219; difference between the two, 219; all-important to defend our ports and harbors, 219; Mr. Fulton has little merit in originating this thing, 220; alarm occasioned to the British during the Revolutionary war, 220; verses of Hopkinson, 220; if one of these machines in a hundred should take effect, the object would be perfectly gained, 220; nothing result from it of service to the country, 220; if a fair experiment is intended, the appropriation is totally inefficient, 220; why has not the invention been patronized by the French, 221; an actual experiment should be made on an enemy's vessel, 221; experience during the war, 221; the experiment should not be made, 221; bill passed, 222.

TOULMIN, Judge, report relative to the conduct of, 533.

TRACY, URI, Representative from New York, 124, 191, 315, 424, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

Treason and Sedition, bill to define. See Index, vol. 2.

Treasury Notes, issue authorized, 421; bill to authorize the issue of, 706.

Treaty with Great Britain.--See Index, vol. 1.

TRIGG, ABRAM, Representative from Virginia, 36. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

TROUP, GEORGE M., Representative from Georgia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577; opposes immediate engrossment of the bill relative to the power of territorial governments, 39, 40; on the ordinance of 1787, 44, 46; moves to postpone the bill relative to the ordinance of 1786, 46; in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, 98; on the petition relative to the Mississippi Territory, 141; on the Batture at New Orleans, 149; on violation of neutral rights, 189; on the British intrigues, 517, 519; on pay of the army, 583. See Index, vol. 3.

TURNER, CHARLES, jr., Representative from Massachusetts, 187, 315, 424, 577.

TURNER, JAMES, Senator from North Carolina, 3, 116, 166, 264, 403, 566.

Two-thirds vote. See Index, vol. 3.

U

UPHAM, JABEZ, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187. See Index, vol. 3.

Union, dissolution of, 327.

Ursuline Nuns of New Orleans, petition of, 476.

V

VAN ALLEN, JAMES I., Representative from New York, 36 See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

VAN CORTLANDT, PHILIP, Representative from New York, 47. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

VAN CORTLANDT, PIERRE, jr., Representative from New York, 424, 577.

VAN DYKE, NICHOLAS, Representative from Delaware, 141, 212, 330. See Index, vol. 3.

VAN HORNE, ARCHIBALD, Representative from Maryland, 36, 125, 187, 315. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

VAN RENSSELAER, KILLIAN K., Representative from New York, 36, 124, 187, 315. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

VARNUM, JOSEPH B., Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315; on measures of non-intercourse, 114; acknowledges the thanks of the House, 114; elected Speaker, 125, 126; remarks, 126; against petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; acknowledges the thanks of the House to him as Speaker, 399; Senator from Massachusetts, 400, 566. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Vermont, vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

VERPLANCK, DANIEL C., Representative from New York, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

Vessels Registering and clearing.--See Index, vol. 1.

Veto, Executive, on the bill providing for the trial of small causes in the District Courts, 410.

Vice President CLINTON, decease of, 531.

Virginia Bounty Lands, resolution relative to, 527, 710.

Virginia, vote for President in 1808, 27; in 1812, 573, 711.

Vote of Approbation.--In the House, to approve the conduct of the President, considered, 127; an alteration has taken place in the manner of doing business at the commencement of Congress, 127; message of Jefferson to Congress, 127; wisdom of suspending the speech of the President to Congress, 127; an answer to the address was in fact the greatest opportunity which the opposition to the measures of the administration had of sifting and canvassing those measures, 127; whatever goes to take away this opportunity, goes to narrow down the minority, or opposition, 127; the present is an occasion which behoves this House to express its opinion on public affairs, 128; it is due to the executive, 128; resolution moved, 128; this proposition contemplates a novelty in our legislative proceedings, 128; where would it end if the House were now to make a solemn resolution, approving the conduct of the President, 128; to adopt the resolution at this time would not comport with the object of the mover, 128; the conduct of the last administration in this respect met the approbation of the country, 129; postponement moved, 129; in his proclamation the President has deserved well of his country, 127; is this an abstract proposition? 128; is this House to have no influence on the conduct of the Executive? 130; the President is condemned by some for his proclamation, 130; how the non-importation act was repealed, 131; prospect of good terms with Great Britain, 132; this act of duty which the President has done is only an ordinary one, 132; why then give him our approbation? 133; indefinitely postponed, 133.

W

War, Declaration of, against Great Britain.--Confidential message sent to the Senate by the President, 415; do. from the House, 415; the act declaring war as passed by the House, 415; read twice and referred, 415; debated in committee, 415; amendment proposed, 416; motion to postpone to the first Monday in November, 416; a general view of the situation of the country--of its means to carry on offensive operations, as well as to defend itself, and of the situation and relative strength of the country we are required to make war upon, 416, 417; our situation upon the lakes to Detroit and Fort Malden, 418; motion lost, 418; amended to authorize privateering on Great Britain and France, 418; bill passed on committee, 418; reported to the Senate, correctly engrossed, 418; moved to postpone to October thirty-first, 418; not a time to declare war, 418; the Senate should not act from passion or any considerations which do not arise out of an extended and distinct view of the interests of the country, 418; neither the government nor the people had expected or were prepared for war, 418; you have an immense property abroad, a great portion in England, and part on the ocean, hastening home, 419; the question of war had been doubtful till the present moment, 419; it was supposed they were obliged to advance, or become the object of reproach and scorn to friends and foes, 419; if we were doubtful as to war, how could, how was it to be known by merchants and others that the nation would be wantonly plunged in war, 419; we should select the time when the first shock should be least disastrous and best resisted, 419; what should hurry us into war, 420; question on postponement lost, 420; motion to adjourn carried, 420.

In the House.--Bill to declare war against Great Britain reported, 55; read first time, 558; opposed, 558; question on the rejection of the bill lost, 558; amendment moved, 559; lost, 559; moved to recommit the bill and amendment, 559; ordered to be engrossed and passed, 559; returned from the Senate with amendments, 560; moved to lay on the table, 560; lost, 560; moved to postpone indefinitely, 560; lost, 560; moved to postpone until October, 560; lost, 560; moved to postpone to July, 560; lost, 560; Senate amendments concurred in by the House, 560; signed by the President, 561.

WATERHOUSE, BENJAMIN, petition relative to inoculation of the army, 709.

WEAKLEY, ROBERT, Representative from Tennessee, 127, 187, 315.

WELLESLEY, LORD, extracts from his letters to Mr. Pinkney, 361.

West Point or Washington as a location for a military academy, 531.

WHARTON, JESSE, Representative from Tennessee, 36; presents petitions from the officers of the revolutionary army, 56. See Index, vol. 3.

WHEATON, LABAN, Representative from Massachusetts, 124, 187, 316, 424, 577; on the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a State, 321; on pay of the army, 582; on the policy of the war, 652.

WHITE, LEONARD, Representative from Massachusetts, 424, 577.

WHITE, SAMUEL, Senator from Delaware, 3, 27, 116. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

WHITEHILL, ROBERT, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577. See Index, vol. 3.

WHITMAN EZEKIEL, Representative from Massachusetts, 141, 188.

WHITESIDE, JENKIN, Senator from Tennessee, 118, 176, 325.

Whitney's Patent Right to the Cotton Gin; renewal of.--In the bill for the relief of Eli Whitney considered, 533; moved to strike out so much as related to a renewal, 533; although the bill assumed the character of a private act, it involved considerations of great national importance, 533; source of authority over the subject, 534; here is a delegation of power to promote science and art, and a description of the mean authorized to be employed, 534; the distinction between the mean and the object should be kept constantly in view, 534; this renewal is not intended or calculated to promote science or useful arts, 534; the object of the constitution is attained by granting monopolies for a limited time to future and not to past inventions, 534; the passage of the bill is a departure from the intent of the constitution, 534; the operation of this bill will levy a tax on Georgia and Mississippi and Louisiana Territories only, which is not a uniform tax throughout the country, 534; the right of using has been purchased by the Legislatures of some of the States, 535; the patent expired four years ago, and an unqualified right then vested in the people of the United States, 535; the famous case of Miller vs. Taylor, 536; English decisions, 536; has Congress the right to divest the people of their right? 536; the passage of this bill will render justice to Whitney, 537; he has received but trifling compensation, 537; case of Whitney vs. Carter, 537; absolute necessity of the gin to bring the cotton of the United States to market, 538; extract from Edwards' History of the West Indies, 538; the case of Arkwright, 538; committee rose, 538.

WIDGERY, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 426, 577; on the temporary embargo bill, 547; on the imprisonment of American seamen, 597; on an increase of the navy, 602.

WILBOUR, ISAAC, Representative from Rhode Island, 36; supports the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95. See Index, vol. 3.

WILKINSON, GEN. JAMES, letter to Speaker of the House, 227; claim of, report on, 312. See Index, vol. 3.

WILLIAMS, DAVID R., Representative from South Carolina, 36, 425, 577; on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 75; opposes the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95; against immediate arming of the public vessels, 99; on an extra session of Congress, 102; on establishing a quartermasters department, 477; against a naval establishment, 499; on the temporary embargo bill, 547; on increased pay of the army, 581; on pay of the army, 586; on an additional military force, 611. See Index, vol. 3.

WILLIAMS, MARMADUKE, Representative from North Carolina, 111. See Index, vol. 3.

WILSON, ALEXANDER, Representative from Vermont, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

WILSON, JAMES, Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187, 315.

WILSON, NATHAN, Representative from New York, 36.

WILSON, THOMAS, Representative from Virginia, 425, 577.

WINTERS, ELISHA, petitions for the reward for destroying Mason, the Mississippi river pirate, 184.

WITHERSPOON, ROBERT, Representative from South Carolina, 125, 188, 315; reports on the claim for Indian depredations, 217.

Witnesses, payment of in impeachment cases.--See Index, vol. 3.

WORTHINGTON, THOMAS, Senator from Ohio, 264, 400, 566. See Index, vol. 3.

WRIGHT, ROBERT, Representative from Maryland, 315, 424, 577; on the ratio of representation, 318; on the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a State, 334; on an amendment to the constitution relative to the removal of federal judges, 351; in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352; on Indian affairs, 428; on foreign relations, 446; on rules and orders of the House, 469; on the British intrigues, 516. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

WYNN, RICHARD, Representative from South Carolina, 47, 141, 212, 316, 425, 586. See Index, vols. 1, 3.

Y

Yeas and Nays in the Senate.--On the bill for the enforcement of the embargo act, 26; on bill to prohibit commercial intercourse with Great Britain, 31; on postponement of the bill for additional duties, 32; on bill to provide for the support of public credit, 122; on resolution relative to the conduct of the British Minister, 176; on the bill relative to non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 179; on the adherence of the Senate to amendments to the bill respecting non-intercourse with Great Britain, 182; on striking out first section of the bill to establish a National Bank, 184; on the resolution relative to publishing the laws of Louisiana in the English language, 184; on motion to postpone further consideration of bill to establish a National Bank, 184; on bill to authorize the Territory of Orleans to form a State constitution, 185; relative to the admission of Orleans territory, 265; on striking out first section of bill to incorporate a United States Bank, 311; on resolution relative to secrecy, 312; on bill to raise an additional military force, 404; on the bill relative to the limits of Louisiana, 409; on removing the injunction of secrecy relative to a temporary embargo, 410; on a temporary embargo, 410; on House bill relative to temporary non-exportation, 411; on a recess of Congress, 413; in committee on the declaration of war, 416; on the declaration of war with Great Britain passing to third reading, 418; on the issue of Treasury notes, 421; on the bill to authorize the President to accept volunteers, 421; on resolutions relative to the Canadas, 422.

In the House.--On the motion to postpone the bill relative to the ordinance of 1787, 46; on the bill to authorize the President to employ additional revenue cutters, 74; on the resolution prohibiting the admission of British vessels into American ports, 94; on bill relative to non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 163; on the resolution relative to the conduct of the British Minister, 211; relative to the bill respecting the convoy system, 226; on the bill to continue the charter of the Bank of the United States, 351; note, 351; on the bill relative to commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 398; in committee on resolution to raise additional troops, 464; on the bill to enable the people of Mississippi to form a State government, 522; on the admission of Louisiana, 526; on the bill declaring war with Great Britain, 559; do. on the amendments of the Senate to the bill declaring war, &c., 560; in committee on the bill to authorize the President to take possession of territory south of Mississippi, 561; on an additional military force, 613; on the bill for an additional military force, 702.

A LIST OF

NEW WORKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE,

=Published by D. APPLETON & CO., 346 & 348 Broadway, New York.=

* * * * *

_Complete Catalogues, containing full descriptions, to be had on application to the Publishers._

=Agriculture and Rural Affairs.=

Boussingault's Rural Economy, 1 25 The Poultry Book, illustrated, 5 00 Waring's Elements of Agriculture, 75

=Arts, Manufactures, and Architecture.=

Appleton's Dictionary of Mechanics. 2 vols. 12 00 Appleton's Mechanics' Magazine. 3 vols. each, 3 50 Allen's Philosophy of Mechanics, 3 50 Arnot's Gothic Architecture, 4 00 Bassnett's Theory of Storms, 1 00 Bourne on the Steam Engine, 0 75 Byrne on Logarithms, 1 00 Chapman on the American Rifle, 1 25 Coming's Preservation of Health, 75 Cullum on Military Bridges, 2 00 Downing's Country Houses, 4 00 Field's City Architecture, 2 00 Griffith's Marine Architecture, 10 00 Gillespie's Treatise on Surveying, Haupt's Theory of Bridge Construction, 3 00 Henck's Field-Book for R. R. Engineers, 1 75 Hoblyn's Dictionary of Scientific Terms, 1 50 Huff's Manual of Electro-Physiology, 1 25 Jeffers' Practice of Naval Gunnery, 2 50 Knapen's Mechanics' Assistant, 1 00 Lafever's Modern Architecture, 4 00 Lyell's Manual of Geology, 1 75 " Principles of Geology, 2 25 Reynold's Treatise on Handrailing, 2 00 Templeton's Mechanic's Companion, 1 00 Ure's Dict'ry of Arts, Manufactures, &c. 2 vols. 5 00 Youmans' Class-Book of Chemistry, 75 " Atlas of Chemistry, cloth, 2 00 " Alcohol, 50

=Biography.=

Arnold's Life and Correspondence, 2 00 Capt. Canot, or Twenty Years of a Slaver, 1 25 Cousin's De Longueville, 1 00 Croswell's Memoirs, 2 00 Evelyn's Life of Godolphin, 50 Garland's Life of Randolph, 1 50 Gilfillan's Gallery of Portraits. 2d Series, 1 00 Hernan Cortez's Life, 38 Hull's Civil and Military Life, 2 00 Life and Adventures of Daniel Boone, 38 Life of Henry Hudson, 38 Life of Capt. John Smith, 38 Moore's Life of George Castriot, 1 00 Napoleon's Memoirs. By Duchess D'Abrantes, 4 00 Napoleon. By Laurent L'Ardèche, 3 00 Pinkney (W.) Life. By his Nephew, 2 00 Party Leaders: Lives of Jefferson, &c. 1 00 Southey's Life of Oliver Cromwell, 38 Wynne's Lives of Eminent Men, 1 00 Webster's Life and Memorials. 2 vols. 1 00

=Books of General Utility.=

Appletons' Southern and Western Guide, 1 00 " Northern and Eastern Guide, 1 25 Appletons' Complete U. S. Guide, 2 00 " Map of N. Y. City, 25 American Practical Cook Book, A Treatise on Artificial Fish-Breeding, 75 Chemistry of Common Life. 2 vols. 12mo. Cooley's Book of Useful Knowledge, 1 25 Cust's Invalid's Own Book, 50 Delisser's Interest Tables, 4 00 The English Cyclopaedia, per vol. 2 50 Miles on the Horse's Foot, 25 The Nursery Basket. A Book for Young Mothers, 38 Pell's Guide for the Young, 38 Reid's New English Dictionary, 1 00 Stewart's Stable Economy, 1 00 Spalding's Hist. of English Literature, 1 00 Soyer's Modern Cookery, 1 00 The Successful Merchant, 1 00 Thomson on Food of Animals, 50

=Commerce and Mercantile Affairs.=

Anderson's Mercantile Correspondence, 1 00 Delisser's Interest Tables, 4 00 Merchants' Reference Book, 4 00 Oates' (Geo.) Interest Tables at 6 Per Cent. per Annum. 8vo. 2 00 " " Do. do. Abridged ed. 1 25 " " 7 Per Cent. In'st. Tables, 2 00 " " Abridged, 1 25 Smith's Mercantile Law, 4 00

=Geography and Atlases.=

Appleton's Modern Atlas. 34 Maps, 3 50 " Complete Atlas. 61 Maps, 9 00 Atlas of the Middle Ages. By Koeppen, 4 50 Black's General Atlas. 71 Maps, 12 00 Cornell's Primary Geography, 50 " Intermediate Geography, " High School Geography,

=History.=

Arnold's History of Rome, 3 00 " Later Commonwealth, 2 50 " Lectures on Modern History, 1 25 Dew's Ancient and Modern History, 2 00 Koeppen's History of the Middle Ages. 2 vols. 2 50 " The same, folio, with Maps, 4 50 Kohlrausch's History of Germany, 1 50 Mahon's (Lord) History of England, 2 vols. 4 00 Michelet's History of France, 2 vols. 3 50 " History of the Roman Republic, 1 00 Rowan's History of the French Revolution, 63 Sprague's History of the Florida War, 2 50 Taylor's Manual of Ancient History, 1 25 " Manual of Modern History, 1 50 " Manual of History. 1 vol. complete, 2 50 Thiers' French Revolution. 4 vols. Illus. 5 00

=Illustrated Works for Presents.=

Bryant's Poems. 16 Illus. 8vo. cloth, 3 50 " " cloth, gilt, 4 50 " " mor. antique, 6 00 Gems of British Art. 30 Engravings. 1 vol. 4to. morocco, 18 00 Gray's Elegy. Illustrated. 8vo. 1 50 Goldsmith's Deserted Village, 1 50 The Homes of American Authors. With Illustrations, cloth, 4 00 " " cloth, gilt, 5 00 " " mor. antqe. 7 00 The Holy Gospels. With 40 Designs by Overbeck. 1 vol. folio. Antique mor. 20 00 The Land of Bondage. By J. M. Wainwright, D.D. Morocco, 6 00 The Queens of England. By Agnes Strickland. With 29 Portraits. Antique mor. 10 00 The Ornaments of Memory. With 18 Illustrations. 4to. cloth, gilt, 6 00 " " Morocco, 10 00 Royal Gems from the Galleries of Europe. 40 Engravings, 25 00 The Republican Court; or, American Society in the Days of Washington. 21 Portraits. Antique mor. 12 00 The Vernon Gallery. 67 Engr's. 4to. Ant. 25 00 The Women of the Bible. With 18 Engravings. Mor. antique, 10 00 Wilkie Gallery. Containing 60 Splendid Engravings. 4to. Antique mor. 25 00 A Winter Wreath of Summer Flowers. By S. G. Goodrich. Illustrated. Cloth, gilt, 3 00

=Juvenile Books.=

A Poetry Book for Children, 75 Aunt Fanny's Christmas Stories, 50 American Historical Tales, 75

UNCLE AMEREL'S STORY BOOKS.

The Little Gift Book. 18mo. cloth, 25 The Child's Story Book. Illus. 18mo. cl. 25 Summer Holidays. 18mo. cloth, 25 Winter Holidays. Illus. 18mo. cloth, 25 George's Adventures in the Country. Illustrated. 18mo. cloth, 25 Christmas Stories. Illus. 18mo. cloth, 25 Book of Trades, 50 Boys at Home. By the Author of Edgar Clifton, 75 Child's Cheerful Companion, 50 Child's Picture and Verse Book. 100 Engs. 50

COUSIN ALICE'S WORKS.

All's Not Gold that Glitters, 75 Contentment Better than Wealth, 63 Nothing Venture, Nothing Have, 63 No such Word as Fail, 63 Patient Waiting No Loss, 63 Dashwood Priory. By the Author of Edgar Clifton, 75 Edgar Clifton; or Right and Wrong, 75 Fireside Fairies. By Susan Pindar, 63 Good in Every Thing. By Mrs. Barwell, 50 Leisure Moments Improved, 75 Life of Punchinello, 75

LIBRARY FOR MY YOUNG COUNTRYMEN.

Adventures of Capt. John Smith. By the Author of Uncle Philip, 38 Adventures of Daniel Boone. By do. 38 Dawnings of Genius. By Anne Pratt, 38 Life and Adventures of Henry Hudson. By the Author of Uncle Philip, 38 Life and Adventures of Hernan Cortez. By do. 38 Philip Randolph. A Tale of Virginia. By Mary Gertrude, 38 Rowan's History of the French Revolution. 2 vols. 75 Southey's Life of Oliver Cromwell, 38 Louis' School-Days. By E. J. May, 75 Louise; or, The Beauty of Integrity, 25 Maryatt's Settlers in Canada, 62 " Masterman Ready, 63 " Scenes in Africa, 63 Midsummer Fays. By Susan Pindar, 63

MISS McINTOSH'S WORKS.

Aunt Kitty's Tales, 12mo. 75 Blind Alice; A Tale for Good Children, 38 Ellen Leslie; or, The Reward of Self-Control, 38 Florence Arnott; or, Is She Generous? 38 Grace and Clara; or, Be Just as well as Generous, 38 Jessie Graham; or, Friends Dear, but Truth Dearer, 38 Emily Herbert; or, The Happy Home, 37 Rose and Lillie Stanhope, 37 Mamma's Story Book, 75 Pebbles from the Sea-Shore, 37 Puss in Boots. Illus. By Otto Specter, 25

PETER PARLEY'S WORKS.

Faggots for the Fireside, 1 13 Parley's Present for all Seasons, 1 00 Wanderers by Sea and Land, 1 13 Winter Wreath of Summer Flowers, 3 00

TALES FOR THE PEOPLE AND THEIR CHILDREN.

Alice Franklin. By Mary Howitt, 38 Crofton Boys (The). By Harriet Martineau, 38 Dangers of Dining Out. By Mrs. Ellis, 38 Domestic Tales. By Hannah More. 2 vols. 75 Early Friendship. By Mrs. Copley, 38 Farmer's Daughter (The). By Mrs. Cameron, 38 First Impressions. By Mrs. Ellis, 38 Hope On, Hope Ever! By Mary Howitt, 38 Little Coin, Much Care. By do. 38 Looking-Glass for the Mind. Many plates, 38 Love and Money. By Mary Howitt, 38 Minister's Family. By Mrs. Ellis, 38 My Own Story. By Mary Howitt, 38 My Uncle, the Clockmaker. By do. 38 No Sense Like Common Sense. By do. 38 Peasant and the Prince. By H. Martineau, 28 Poplar Grove. By Mrs. Copley, 38 Somerville Hall. By Mrs. Ellis, 38 Sowing and Reaping. By Mary Howitt, 38 Story of a Genius. 38 Strive and Thrive. By do. 38 The Two Apprentices. By do. 38 Tired of Housekeeping. By T. S. Arthur, 38 Twin Sisters (The). By Mrs. Sandham, 38 Which is the Wiser! By Mary Howitt, 38 Who Shall be Greatest? By do. 38 Work and Wages. By do. 38

SECOND SERIES.

Chances and Changes. By Charles Burdett, 38 Goldmaker's Village. By H. Zschokke, 38 Never Too Late. By Charles Burdett, 38 Ocean Work, Ancient and Modern. By J. H. Wright, 38 Picture Pleasure Book, 1st Series, 1 25 " " " 2d Series, 1 25 Robinson Crusoe. 300 Plates, 1 50 Susan Pindar's Story Book, 75 Sunshine of Greystone, 75 Travels of Bob the Squirrel, 37 Wonderful Story Book, 50 Willy's First Present, 75 Week's Delight; or, Games and Stories for the Parlor, 75 William Tell, the Hero of Switzerland, 50 Young Student. By Madame Guizot, 75

=Miscellaneous and General Literature.=

An Attic Philosopher in Paris, 25 Appletons' Library Manual, 1 25 Agnell's Book of Chess, 1 25 Arnold's Miscellaneous Works, 3 0 Arthur. The Successful Merchant, A Book for Summer Time in the Country, 50 Baldwin's Flush Times in Alabama, 1 25 Calhoun (J. C.), Works of. 4 vols. publ. each, 2 00 Clark's (W. G.) Knick-Knacks, 1 25 Cornwall's Music as it Was, and as it Is, 63 Essays from the London Times. 1st & 2d Series, each, 50 Ewbanks' World in a Workshop, 75 Ellis' Women of England, 50 " Hearts and Homes, 1 50 " Prevention Better than Cure, 75 Foster's Essays on Christian Morals, 50 Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield, 75 Grant's Memoirs of an American Lady, 75 Gaieties and Gravities. By Horace Smith, 50 Guizot's History of Civilization, 1 00 Hearth-Stone. By Rev. S. Osgood, 1 00 Hobson. My Uncle and I, 75 Ingoldsby Legends, 50 Isham's Mud Cabin, 1 00 Johnson's Meaning of Words, 1 00 Kavanagh's Women of Christianity, 75 Leger's Animal Magnetism, 1 00 Life's Discipline. A Tale of Hungary, 63 Letters from Rome. A. D. 138, 1 90 Margaret Maitland, 75 Maiden and Married Life of Mary Powell, 50 Morton Montague; or a Young Christian's Choice, 75 Macaulay's Miscellanies. 5 vols. 5 00 Maxims of Washington. By J. F. Schroeder, 1 00 Mile Stones in our Life Journey, 1 00

MINIATURE CLASSICAL LIBRARY.

Poetic Lacon; or, Aphorisms from the Poets, 38 Bond's Golden Maxims, 31 Clarke's Scripture Promises. Complete, 38 Elizabeth; or, The Exiles of Siberia, 31 Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield, 38 " Essays, 38 Gems from American Poets, 38 Hannah More's Private Devotions, 31 " " Practical Piety. 2 vols. 75 Hemans' Domestic Affections, 31 Hoffman's Lays of the Hudson, &c. 38 Johnson's History of Rasselas, 38 Manual of Matrimony, 31 Moore's Lalla Rookh, 38 " Melodies. Complete, 38 Paul and Virginia, 31 Pollok's Course of Time, 38 Pure Gold from the Rivers of Wisdom, 38 Thomson's Seasons, 38 Token of the Heart. Do. of Affection. Do. of Remembrance. Do. of Friendship. Do. of Love. Each, 31 Useful Letter-Writer, 38 Wilson's Sacra Privata, 31 Young's Night Thoughts, 38 Little Pedlington and the Pedlingtonians, 50 Prismatics. Tales and Poems, 1 25 Papers from the Quarterly Review, 50 Republic of the United States. Its Duties, &c. 1 00 Preservation of Health and Prevention of Disease, 75 School for Politics. By Chas. Gayerre, 75 Select Italian Comedies. Translated, 75 Shakespeare's Scholar. By R. G. White, 2 50 Spectator (The). New ed. 6 vols. cloth, 9 00 Swett's Treatise on Diseases of the Chest, 3 00 Stories from Blackwood, 50

THACKERAY'S WORKS.

The Book of Snobs, 50 Mr. Browne's Letters, 50 The Confessions of Fitzboodle, 50 The Fat Contributor, 50 Jeames' Diary. A Legend of the Rhine, 50 The Luck of Barry Lyndon, 1 00 Men's Wives, 50 The Paris Sketch Book. 2 vols. 1 00 The Shabby Genteel Story, 50 The Yellowplush Papers. 1 vol. 16mo. 50 Thackeray's Works. 6 vols, bound in cloth, 6 00 Trescott's Diplomacy of the Revolution, 75 Tuckerman's Artist Life, 75 Up Country Letters, 75 Ward's Letters from Three Continents, 1 00 " English Items, 1 00 Warner's Rudimental Lessons in Music, 50 Woman's Worth, 38

=Philosophical Works.=

Cousin's Course of Modern Philosophy, 3 00 " Philosophy of the Beautiful, 62 " on the True, Beautiful, and Good, 1 50 Comte's Positive Philosophy. 2 vols. 4 00 Hamilton's Philosophy. 1 vol. 8vo. 1 50

=Poetry and the Drama.=

Amelia's Poems. 1 vol. 12mo. 1 25 Brownell's Poems. 12mo. 75 Bryant's Poems. 1 vol. 8vo. Illustrated, 3 50 " " Antique mor. 6 00 Bryant's Poems, 2 vols. 12mo. cloth, 2 00 " " 1 vol. 18mo. 63 Byron's Poetical Works. 1 vol. cloth, 3 00 " " " Antique mor. 6 00 Burns' Poetical Works. Cloth, 1 00 Butler's Hudibras. Cloth, 1 00 Campbell's Poetical Works. Cloth, 1 00 Coleridge's Poetical Works. Cloth, 1 25 Cowper's Poetical Works, 1 00 Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, 1 00 Dante's Poems. Cloth, 1 00 Dryden's Poetical Works. Cloth, 1 00 Fay (J. S.), Ulric; or, The Voices, 75 Goethe's Iphigenia in Tauris. Translated, 75 Gilfillan's Edition of the British Poets. 12 vols. published. Price per vol. cloth, 1 00 Do. do. Calf, per vol. 2 50 Griffith's (Mattie) Poems, 75 Hemans' Poetical Works. 2 vols. 16mo. 2 00 Herbert's Poetical Works. 16mo. cloth, 1 00 Keats' Poetical Works. Cloth, 12mo. 1 25 Kirke White's Poetical Works. Cloth, 1 00 Lord's Poems. 1 vol. 12mo. 75 " Christ in Hades. 12mo. 75 Milton's Paradise Lost. 18mo. 38 " Complete Poetical Works, 1 00 Moore's Poetical Works. 8vo. Illustrated, 3 00 " " " Mor. extra, 6 00 Montgomery's Sacred Poems. 1 vol. 12mo. 75 Pope's Poetical Works. 1 vol. 16mo. 1 00 Southey's Poetical Works. 1 vol. 3 00 Spenser's Faerie Queene. 1 vol. cloth, 1 00 Scott's Poetical Works. 1 vol. 1 00 " Lady of the Lake. 16mo. 38 " Marmion, 37 " Lay of the Last Minstrel, 25 Shakspeare's Dramatic Works, 2 00 Tasso's Jerusalem Delivered. 1 vol. 16mo. 1 00 Wordsworth (W.). The Prelude, 1 00

=Religious Works.=

Arnold's Rugby School Sermons, 50 Anthon's Catechism on the Homilies, 06 " Early Catechism for Children, 06 Burnet's History of the Reformation. 3 vols. 2 50 " Thirty-Nine Articles, 2 00 Bradley's Family and Parish Sermons, 2 00 Cotter's Mass and Rubrics, 38 Coit's Puritanism, 1 00 Evans' Rectory of Valehead, 50 Grayson's True Theory of Christianity, 1 00 Gresley on Preaching, 1 25 Griffin's Gospel its Own Advocate, 1 00 Hecker's Book of the Soul, Hooker's Complete Works. 2 vols. 4 00 James' Happiness, 25 James on the Nature of Evil, 1 00 Jarvis' Reply to Milner, 75 Kingsley's Sacred Choir, 75 Keble's Christian Year, 37 Layman's Letters to a Bishop, 25 Logan's Sermons and Expository Lectures, 1 13 Lyra Apostolica, 50 Marshall's Notes on Episcopacy, 1 00 Newman's Sermons & Subjects of the Day, 1 00 " Essay on Christian Doctrine, 75 Ogilby on Lay Baptism, 50 Pearson on the Creed, 2 00 Pulpit Cyclopædia and Ministers' Companion, 2 50 Sewell's Reading Preparatory to Confirmation, 75 Southard's Mystery of Godliness, 75 Sketches and Skeletons of Sermons, 2 50 Spencer's Christian Instructed, 1 00 Sherlock's Practical Christian, 75 Sutton's Disce Vivere--Learn to Live, 75 Swartz's Letters to my Godchild, 38 Trench's Notes on the Parables, 1 75 " Notes on the Miracles, 1 75 Taylor's Holy Living and Dying, 1 00 " Episcopacy Asserted and Maintained, 75 Tyng's Family Commentary, 2 00 Walker's Sermons on Practical Subjects, 2 00 Watson on Confirmation, 06 Wilberforce's Manual for Communicants, 38 Wilson's Lectures on Colossians, 75 Wyatt's Christian Altar, 38

=Voyages and Travels.=

Africa and the American Flag, 1 25 Appletons' Southern and Western Guide, 1 00 " Northern and Eastern Guide, 1 25 " Complete U. S. Guide Book, 2 00 " N. Y. City Map, 25 Bartlett's New Mexico, &c. 2 vols. Illus., 5 00 Burnet's N. Western Territory, 2 00 Bryant's What I Saw in California, 1 25 Coggeshall's Voyages. 2 vols. 2 50 Dix's Winter in Madeira, 1 00 Huc's Travels in Tartary and Thibet. 2 vols 1 00 Layard's Nineveh. 1 vol. 8vo. 1 25 Notes of a Theological Student. 12mo. 1 00 Oliphant's Journey to Katmundu, 50 Parkyns' Abyssinia. 2 vols. 2 50 Russia as it Is. By Gurowski, 1 00 " By Count de Custine, 1 25 Squier's Nicaragua. 2 vols. 5 00 Tappan's Step from the New World to the Old, 1 75 Wanderings and Fortunes of Germ. Emigrants, 75 Williams' Isthmus of Tehuantepec. 2 vols. 8vo. 3 50

=Works of Fiction.=

GRACE AGUILAR'S WORKS.

The Days of Bruce. 2 vols. 12mo. 1 55 Home Scenes and Heart Studies. 12mo. 75 The Mother's Recompense. 12mo. 75 Woman's Friendship. 12mo. 75 Women of Israel. 2 vols. 12mo. 1 50 Basil. A Story of Modern Life, 12mo. 75 Brace's Fawn of the Pale Faces, 12mo. 75 Busy Moments of an Idle Woman, 75 Chestnut Wood. A Tale. 2 vols. 1 75 Don Quixotte, Translated. Illustrated, 1 25 Drury (A. H.). Light and Shade, 75 Dupuy (A. E.). The Conspirator, 75 Ellen Parry; or, Trials of the Heart, 63

MRS. ELLIS' WORKS.

Hearts and Homes; or, Social Distinctions, 1 50 Prevention Better than Cure, 75 Women of England, 50 Emmanuel Phillibert. By Dumas, 1 25 Farmingdale. By Caroline Thomas, 1 00 Fullerton (Lady G.). Ellen Middleton, 75 " " Grantley Manor. 1 vol. 12mo. 75 " " Lady Bird. 1 vol. 12mo. 75 The Foresters. By Alex. Dumas, 75 Gore (Mrs.). The Dean's Daughter. 1 vol. 12mo. 75 Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield. 12mo. 75 Gil Blas. With 500 Engr's. Cloth, gt. edg. 2 50 Harry Muir. A Tale of Scottish Life, 75 Hearts Unveiled; or, I Knew You Would Like Him, 75 Heartsease; or, My Brother's Wife. 2 vols. 1 50 Heir of Redclyffe. 2 vols, cloth, 1 50 Heloise; or, The Unrevealed Secret. 12mo. 75 Hobson. My Uncle and I. 12mo. 75 Holmes' Tempest and Sunshine. 12mo. 1 00 Home is Home. A Domestic Story, 75 Howitt (Mary). The Heir of West Wayland, 50 Io. A Tale of the Ancient Fane. 12mo. 75 The Iron Cousin. By Mary Cowden Clarke, 1 25 James (G. P. R.). Adrian; or, Clouds of the Mind, 75 John; or, Is a Cousin in the Hand Worth Two in the Bush, 25

JULIA KAVANAGH'S WORKS.

Nathalie. A Tale. 12mo. 1 00 Madeline. 12mo. 75 Daisy Burns. 12mo. 1 00 Life's Discipline. A Tale of Hungary, 63 Lone Dove (The). A Legend, Linny Lockwood. By Catherine Crowe, 53

MISS McINTOSH'S WORKS.

Two Lives; or, To Seem and To Be. 12mo. 75 Aunt Kitty's Tales. 12mo. 75 Charms and Counter-Charms. 12mo. 1 00 Evenings at Donaldson Manor, 75 The Lofty and the Lowly. 2 vols. 1 50 Margaret's Home. By Cousin Alice, Marie Louise; or, The Opposite Neighbors, 50 Maiden Aunt (The). A Story, 75 Manzoni. The Betrothed Lovers. 2 vols. 1 50 Margaret Cecil; or, I Can Because I Ought, 75 Morton Montague; or, The Christian's Choice, 75 Norman Leslie. By G. C. H. 75 Prismatics. Tales and Poems. By Haywarde, 1 25 Roe (A. S.). James Montjoy. 12mo. 75 " To Love and to Be Loved. 12mo. 75 " Time and Tide. 12mo. 75 Reuben Medlicott; or, The Coming Man, 75 Rose Douglass. By S. R. W. 75

MISS SEWELL'S WORKS.

Amy Herbert. A Tale. 12mo. 75 Experience of Life. 12mo. 75 Gertrude. A Tale. 12mo. 75 Katherine Ashton. 2 vols. 12mo. 1 50 Laneton Parsonage. A Tale. 3 vols. 12mo. 2 25 Margaret Percival. 2 vols. 1 50 Walter Lorimer, and Other Tales. 12mo. 75 A Journal Kept for Children of a Village School, 1 00 Sunbeams and Shadows. Cloth, 75 Thorpe's Hive of the Bee Hunter, 1 00 Thackeray's Works. 6 vols. 12mo. 6 00 The Virginia Comedians. 2 vols. 12mo. 1 50 Use of Sunshine. By S. M. 12mo. 75 Wight's Romance of Abelard & Heloise. 12mo. 75

~Standard Historical Works.~

I.

THE HISTORY OF ROME.

By THOMAS ARNOLD, D. D.,

LATE REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, AND HEAD MASTER RUGBY SCHOOL.

1 large vol. 8vo. pp. 686. Price, $3.

II.

HISTORY OF FRANCE, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME.

By M. MICHELET, PROFESSEUR A LA FACULTE DES LETTRES, PROFESSEUR A L'ECOLE NORMALE, &c.

Translated by G. H. SMITH, F. G. S.

2 vols. 8vo. pp., 480 and 400. Price, $3 50.

III.

HISTORY OF GERMANY, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME.

By FREDERICK KOHLRAUSCH.

TRANSLATED FROM THE LAST GERMAN EDITION. By JAMES D. HAAS.

With a complete index prepared expressly for the American edition. 1 vol. 8vo., pp. 487. Price $1 50; or, an Illustrated Edition, neatly bound, $2 50.

IV.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT TO THE PEACE OF PARIS.

By LORD MAHON.

2 large vols. 8vo. pp., 590, 609, well printed, $4.

V.

A DIGEST OF THE LAWS, CUSTOMS, MANNERS, AND INSTITUTIONS OF THE ANCIENT AND MODERN NATIONS.

By THOMAS DEW, LATE PRESIDENT OF THE COLLEGE OF WILLIAM AND MARY.

1 vol. 8vo. pp. 670, well printed, price, $2.

VI.

A MANUAL OF ANCIENT AND MODERN HISTORY.

By W. C. TAYLOR, LL.D., &c.

1 large volume, 8vo., pp. 866. Price, $2 25.

VII.

THE HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION, FROM THE FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

By F. GUIZOT.

TRANSLATED BY W. HAZLITT.

4 vols. 12mo., $3 50.

~Important Philosophical Works.~

I.

PHILOSOPHY OF SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON, BART.,

PROFESSOR OF LOGIC AND METAPHYSICS IN EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY.

Arranged and Edited by

O. W. WIGHT, Translator of Cousin's "History of Modern Philosophy."

One vol. 8vo., pp. 530, well printed. $1 50.

"Sir William Hamilton has attained to the very highest distinction as a philosopher, and in some respects he is decidedly superior to any of his illustrious predecessors--Reid, Stuart or Brown. With a remarkable power of analysis and discrimination, he combines great decision and elegance of style, and a degree of erudition that is almost without a parallel."--Edinburgh Review.

II.

COURSE OF THE HISTORY OF MODERN PHILOSOPHY.

By M. VICTOR COUSIN.

TRANSLATED BY O. W. WIGHT.

Two volumes 8vo., well printed. Price, $3.

"M. Cousin is the greatest philosopher of France."--_Sir William Hamilton._

"A writer, whose pointed periods have touched the chords of modern society, and thrilled through the minds of thousands in almost every quarter of the civilized world."--Edinburgh Review.

III.

THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE BEAUTIFUL.

FROM THE FRENCH OF VICTOR COUSIN.

TRANSLATED, WITH NOTES, BY J. O. DANIEL.

One neat vol. 12mo. Price, 63 cts.

IV.

THE POSITIVE PHILOSOPHY OF AUGUSTE COMTE.

FREELY TRANSLATED AND CONDENSED

BY HARRIET MARTINEAU.

Two volumes 8vo., pp. 516, 577, well printed. Price, $4.

V.

LECTURES ON THE TRUE, THE BEAUTIFUL, AND THE GOOD.

BY VICTOR COUSIN.

TRANSLATED BY O. W. WIGHT.

One neat volume 8vo. (Nearly ready.)

~Interesting American Biographies.~

I.

THE LIFE OF JOHN RANDOLPH, OF ROANOKE.

BY HUGH A. GARLAND.

Complete in 1 volume 8vo., pp. 698, with 2 portraits. $1 50.

II.

THE LIFE OF WILLIAM PINKNEY,

BY HIS NEPHEW,

THE REV. WILLIAM PINKNEY, D. D.

One volume 8vo., pp. 407, with fine portrait. $2.

"Mr. Pinkney is certainly one of the historical men of this country: having filled some very important positions in her councils and representations, and occupied an interesting period of her history. His character has been marked, both as the subject of admiration by his friends, and of aspersion and suspicion by his enemies. This book comes forth to defend and justify, and make more clear what was 'obviously misunderstood or seemingly misrepresented.' The spirit of the book is commendable, and gives us much to admire in the life of one 'who adorned the republic of letters, and illustrated the virtues that belong to the enlightened American citizen.'"--Cincin. Times.

III.

LIFE AND MEMORIALS OF DANIEL WEBSTER.

BY GEN. S. P. LYMAN.

Two neat volumes 16mo., well printed. $1.

"These sketches have been re-written. They are from the pen of Gen. S. P. Lyman, whose general character, as well as his intimate relations with the family of the deceased statesman, sufficiently guarantee their authenticity. A number of anecdotes are interspersed, which show forth Mr. Webster's inner man in the most engaging light. None can desire a better portraiture of his life and character than is here presented."--N. Y. Courier.

IV.

A MEMOIR OF THE LATE REV. WM. CROSWELL, D. D.,

RECTOR OF THE CHURCH OF THE ADVENT, BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS.

BY HIS FATHER.

One handsome volume 8vo., pp. 528, portrait. $2.

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V.

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One neat volume 12mo. pp., 356, well printed. $1.

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Transcriber's Notes:

Simple spelling, grammar, and typographical errors were silently corrected.

Punctuation normalized.

Anachronistic and non-standard spellings retained as printed.

Bold markup is enclosed in =equals=.

Fancy or unusual font markup is enclosed in ~tildes~.

On page 24 the printer appears to have dropped a line just after "This is not possi-." Footnote added by transcriber.

White Right Pointing Index symbol is denoted by =>.

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