Introduction

Introduction

The fleet appointed for this voyage consisted of five ships; the James Royal of 1000 tons, Rowland Coytmore master; the Ann Royal of 900 tons, Andrew Shilling master; the Gift of 800 tons, Nathaniel Salmon master; the Bull of 400 tons, Robert Adams master; and the Bee of 150 tons, John Hatch master; the whole under the supreme command of Martin Pring, general, who sailed in the James Royal.--Purch.

[Footnote 260: Purch. Pilgr. I. 63.]

§1. Occurrences on the Voyage out, and at Surat, Bantam, and Jacatra.

On Tuesday the 4th February, 1617, our fleet dropt down from Gravesend. Thursday the 6th, Mr deputy Maurice Abbot, with several of the commissioners, came aboard and mustered all our men, paying their harbour wages. These gentlemen left us next day, when all our men were entered upon whole pay. After much foul weather, we departed from the Downs on the 5th March. The 22d of June we Lad sight of Saldanha point, and anchored that same afternoon in the bay, whence we departed on the 13th July. The moon was totally eclipsed at night of the 6th August; it began at eight o'clock and continued till past eleven, being totally eclipsed for an hour and half. On the 25th August at night, between seven and eight o'clock, being in latitude 4° 20' S. the water of the sea seemed almost as white as milk, and so continued till morning, when it began to alter. Next night we found the water similar, but not altogether so white. Before day on the 30th, the water was again white, and likewise the next night; but on all these occasions we could find no ground.

On the night of the 8th September at twelve o'clock, our ship sprung a leak, which, when discovered, had raised the water in our hold six feet and a half. In four hours, with both pumps, the ship was freed, but we afterwards found that the water increased at the rate of a foot in the half hour. In the morning of the 9th, I summoned the chief commanders of the fleet on board, desiring them to send their carpenters to assist in searching for the leak, and some of each of their companies to aid our men in pumping. Some were set to rummage the hold in search of the leak, and others to stick our sprit-sail full of oakum, with which we made several trials under the ship's bilge, but could not find the leak. We at length found, by divers trials within board, that the leak was before the main-mast; and we, next morning, fitted the sprit-sail again, letting it down at the stern, and brought it forwards by degrees, and at length, by God's blessing, our leak was partly stopped, as the water only rose about six inches in a glass, which had before risen twelve inches. Bat within three glasses, the oakum being washed out, the leak increased as before. This night we got an additional pump from the Bull, to free the water from the fore part of our ship, where it stood eighteen inches deeper than in our well. The 11th, we again fitted our sprit-sail with oakum and let it down again, when it pleased God so to favour us, that in an hour after our ship was tighter than ever.

On the morning of the 12th we espied a sail, which the Gift came up with in the afternoon, being a Portuguese ship belonging to Don Pedro de Almeyda, from Mozambique bound for Diu, laden principally with about fifty quintals of elephants teeth. In the morning of the 20th the Bee rejoined us from Swally roads, informing us that the rest of our fleet was safe in that anchorage. They had brought in with them a junk and two other ships, which they had chased on the 16th. The junk was a great ship of Surat, belonging to the mother of the Great Mogul, burden about 1200 or 1400 tons, having in her above 1000 persons, and twenty-nine tons of silver, though some said a great deal more. The other two were English interlopers, called the Francis and the Lion: the former of 160 tons, belonging to-----, and commanded by Captain Neuce; and the latter of 120 tons, fitted out by Philip Bernardy, an Italian merchant in London, commanded by Thomas Jones, who had formerly been boatswain of the Hector.

This evening we anchored in the road of Swally, where we found the rest of our fleet, with the foresaid junk and the two English privateers. On oar arrival, we heard of two Dutch ships having been cast away at Gowdever;[261] the Rotterdam of 1000 tons, and a small pinnace. The 9th October, I sent up twenty-one chests of coral to Surat, which were landed two days before from the Ann; and at night I sent up eight tons and four hundredweight of elephants teeth, taken out of our Portuguese prize. This afternoon twenty sail of frigates from Goa arrived at the bar of Surat, commanded by the Captain-major Don Pedro de Asadedo, [Asovedo?] From one of these, five of the country people came ashore among our men, two of whom were taken by our guard, and confessed they came from Goa a month before, having orders from the viceroy to range the coast, to discover the English, when they were to return; but if the English were not on the coast, they were to proceed for Cambay, to capture the caffila, or convoy of country vessels.

[Footnote 261: This name is inexplicably corrupt.--E.]

In the morning of the 14th October, seventeen of the frigates departed for Cambay, passing fairly by us. This day likewise I sent fourteen tons of elephants teeth to Surat, under a guard of thirty-six men, who likewise conveyed our treasure to Ahmedabad; and, on the 17th, I sent other twelve tons four hundredweight of elephants teeth. This day the Portuguese frigates returned again, and passed in our sight to the southwards. Next day we sent off all the rest for our ivory; and on the 22d we landed sixteen chests of coral, and two of sea-horse teeth, out of the Bull.

The 14th November, a month's pay was distributed to all the ships companies, except the chief commanders and merchants, amounting to 3302 Spanish dollars. After this, the Bee was sent off for Jasques; and we landed from the other ships cloth, tin, cases of wine and strong waters, and all the rest of the presents that were in the cabin.

The 17th January, 1618, the Bee returned from Persia. This day seven Malabar junks were seen in the offing, two of which were brought in by the Francis, and two by the Bee. We departed from Swally roads on the 12th March, and anchored that same evening near the bar of Surat. The 17th, in the morning, the wind coming about northerly, the Ann departed for the Red Sea, and on the 18th I dispatched the Bull. At noon of this day, standing to the southward, we were in lat. 11° 25' N. the wind, as for four or five days before, being, at night, a slight breath from the land, and, by day, in the afternoon, a fresh breeze from the sea. In the forenoon of this day, we saw eight sail to the southward of us, and three between us and the land, besides two sallies and ten frigates. In the afternoon of the 28th, the Francis and the Bee being near the shore abreast of Calicut, the Zamorin sent off a boat desiring to speak with me, but I was too far shot to the southwards before the message reached me.

The 2d April we got in the morning into the bay of Brinjan, where we anchored in fourteen fathoms, within half a league of the town, a high peaked hill, like a sugar-loaf; bearing N.E. by E. by the compass, which is the best mark to know this place by, when the weather is clear. This is a good place for refreshments, having hens, cocoa-nuts, and goats in abundance, and plenty offish, together with excellent water springing from the rock; but we had to pay seventy dollars, a cloth vest, a fowling-piece, a mirror, and a sword, for leave to provide ourselves with water, and all too little to satisfy the governor, who, after receiving our money and giving us leave, came down with seven or eight hundred men, demanding more money, and if we had not kept a strong guard at the spring, would have put us from it after our money was paid. The 5th, the wind being fair off shore, we weighed anchor and departed, and in the evening were abreast of a headland eight leagues S.E. by E. from Brinjan, from which to Cape Comorin it is seven leagues E. two-thirds S. At six in the evening of the 7th, we had Cape Comorin N.N.E. one-third N. five leagues off, and had soundings in thirty fathoms. And on the 19th June we were in Bantam roads, when Captain Ball and Mr Pickham came on board.

On the 24th I visited the pangran, to accommodate matters for Captain Ball, who had arrested a Chinese junk for certain debts they owed our factory, making offer to restore the junk, if the pangran would give us justice, which he gave me his word to do. I went to him again on 6th July, accompanied by Mr Ball, Mr Rich, Mr Pickham, and several other merchants, when he was so inveterate against Mr Ball, that he refused to see him. On which I sent him word, that Mr Ball had brought the bills of our debt due by the Chinese, and was the only person among us who could explain the transactions between our factory and the Chinese, of which I was entirely ignorant. The messenger returned, saying that Mr Ball could not be received, on which we all left the court.

The 1st September, having the wind off the land, we weighed in the morning, and stood for point Ayre, keeping in seven fathoms till within three miles of the point, where one cast we had a quarter less seven, and the next cast only three fathoms. Some supposed we here touched, but it was not perceived by me. Off this point there is a shoal almost even with the surface of the water, but having seven fathoms within two cables length of its edge. This afternoon, while standing towards three Dutch ships that rode right in the fair-way, and when within a mile of them, our ship grounded; but, God be praised, we got her off again without any hurt, and so into the bay, where we again fell in with a shoal, of which we came within two cables length, which lies one and a half league from the Flemish islands. We got safely into the road of Jacatra, [now Batavia road] in the afternoon of the 2d September, having been providentially delivered from three several dangers the day before, of which may we be ever thankful.

The 19th, the Angel, a Dutch ship of 500 tons, came in from Amboina, laden with nutmegs and cloves, and departed again on the 25th. Early in the morning of the 26th, I went to visit the king, and found him in a good humour, and conferring with him upon some former business, we came to a conclusion before I left him, to the following purpose: That he was to give us a convenient piece of ground for building upon, for which we were to pay 1500 dollars, and were to be free from all customs on exports and imports on payment of 800 dollars yearly.

§2. Dutch Injustice, and Sea-fight between them and Sir Thomas Dale.

The 27th of September, Mr Bishop arrived from Jappara in the roads in a proa, in which was a Cogee, bringing a letter from the Matron to Captain Ball, wherefore I sent him away to Bantam that night. He left two English behind him at Jappara, one of whom had fled from the Dutch. He likewise brought letters from several of our people who were prisoners in the Moluccas, and one of these was directed to me, from Mr Richard Tatten, in which he complained much of the gross usage of the Dutch, who would hardly allow them a sufficiency of rice to subsist upon, and who constantly clapped them in irons, on every idle rumour of the coming of our ships.

On the evening of the 30th October, Cornelius Marthen, who commanded the French ship taken by the Dutch, came into the roads, and came aboard my ship that same night. After some discourse, he told me we had six ships coming from England for these seas, commanded by Sir Thomas Dale, for some special business at the Moluccas, whither he was bound with the Stathouder, the Neptune, and this French prize, to wait the coming of good friends. The 27th, in the evening, we had four feet and a half water in our hold, which we freed in two hours with both our pumps, and kept under afterwards with one pump, till next morning about ten o'clock, when we let down a sail wadded with oakum, which fortunately stopped our leak. The 31st, I found an excellent place for putting our ship on the careen, on a small island within Taniam point, in the bay of Bantam, on which we made all preparations to remove to that place.

The Rose arrived from Tecoo on the 15th of November, bringing news that the Hollanders had established a Factory there soon after ours was dissolved. The 19th, the Moon, Clove, Samson, and Peppercorn arrived from England, and anchored between Vium point and Pulo Paniang. Perceiving the Clove to be admiral, I went first on board her, taking such fresh victuals as we could spare. I here found Sir Thomas Dale admiral, and Mr Jordain president, and learnt that they had lost company of the Globe to the westward of the Cape, and, what was far worse, they had left the Sun, the flag ship, in great danger of being cast away on the isle of Engano, the whole fleet having much difficulty to double that island. They had afterwards waited two days for the Sun, but she had been bilged on the rocks, as we afterwards learnt, to our great regret. In the morning of the 22d, these ships sailed into Bantam roads, and on passing the island where our ship lay, we saluted them with fifteen guns we had planted on the shore, and struck my flag in compliment to Sir Thomas Dale, who was admiral of that fleet.

Two boats arrived on the 28th from Engano, with sixty-eight men belonging to the Sun, bringing the lamentable news of the loss of that ship, with many of her company, on, that island. The 29th, the Globe arrived in the morning, and this day our leak broke out afresh, but was quickly stopped by removing the bonnet.[262] The 30th, our ship being entirely cleared from stem to stem, the carpenters went below to search for the leak; and as they passed forwards, removing the lining as they went, they found an auger hole left open in the middle of the keel, in the foremost room save one, which hole was four inches and three quarters about, and, had it sprung upon us while at sea and alone, would have tired out our whole company in twenty-four hours. In this the great mercy of God was manifest, that it never broke out upon us but when we had a fleet along with us for our aid.

[Footnote 262: Perhaps this means by shifting the wadded sail.--E.]

A fast being proclaimed to be held on board the fleet, and the exercise to be in the James on Sunday the 3d December, Mr Wren, the chaplain of the Sun, preached in the morning, and our own minister, Mr Copland, in the afternoon. This day the Bee sailed for Engano, in hopes to recover some money and goods belonging to the Swan, from the inhabitants of that island. The 4th, a Dutch ship, called the Black Lion, arrived from Patania, and rode to the westward of Pulo Paniang. As Mr Denton was well acquainted among the Dutch, he was sent aboard in the barge to enquire whence she came. On coming aboard, he met an old acquaintance, Hendrick Janson, who had been a long time chief factor for the Dutch in Patania. He, and another inferior factor, came aboard the Moon along with Mr Denton, where they were well entertained till Sir Thomas Dale came on board, and were soon after set ashore at Bantam. That same night we held a council, when it was determined to proceed before day with four ships, the Moon, Clove, Globe, and Samson, against the Black Lion, the better to prevent her escape. At break of day on the 6th, we were close around her, and after a short parley, they yielded their ship, on condition of being allowed to land with all their private property; and we brought her that same day near the island, among the rest of our fleet.

The Bee returned on the 14th, having been forced back by contrary wind, and unable to get through the straits. On the 16th, twenty Portuguese came on board the James Royal, who had fled from the Dutch at Jacatra, and whom we received kindly. This evening we were ready to sail, having eleven ships, great and small, and being in hopes to drive the Dutch from Jacatra. Our fleet consisted of the following ships:--The Moon, in which Sir Thomas Dale sailed as admiral; the Gift, in which I sailed as vice-admiral; the Unicorn, Clove, Globe, Samson, Pepper-corn, Thomas, Bee, Rose, and Black Lion. We left behind us the James Royal, the Advice, and our prize, because the James was not ready, and the other two had most of her provisions and stores on board.

We sailed in the morning of the 19th, and anchored that evening between Pulo Paniang and Pulo Tunda. In the evening of the 20th, we anchored with our whole fleet about a league to the northward of Hector island. This night we sent a barge to the Flemish islands, where they found no persons on the southern island: but there lay there a Dutch galley, which they set on fire, and so returned on board. That same evening we saw seven Dutch vessels in the bay of Jacatra. Early in the morning of the 21st, they all stood out towards us till near the islands, when they anchored all together, and we stood towards them in the afternoon, coming to anchor about a mile to windward of their fleet. In the evening, we held a consultation on board the Moon, when it was resolved to assault the Butch fleet in the following manner:--The Globe and Samson were appointed to assail the Sun, and the Thomas was to pass in between them, filled with combustible matter as a fire-ship, to set the Sun on fire. The Moon and Clove were to attempt the Golden Lion; the Gift and Bee were to assail the Angel; the Unicorn and Rose were to attack the Devil of Delft; and the Pepper-corn was ordered to surprise the burger-boat come from Jambee, which rode about three leagues from the rest, and whose boat, with thirteen men, had been intercepted by our barge, while making for the Dutch fleet, about seven this evening. This arrangement being written down, we departed, every man to his own particular charge.

After we were gone, the admiral, Sir Thomas Dale, sent his boat to the Thomas for three sackers, which kept them at work till next morning at eight o'clock, so that the Hollanders were all away before these guns were got on board the Moon. We were then all in a Burly-burly to weigh and get out to sea, that we might have sea-room, and the advantage of the turn of the tide, which we at length attained, getting without the isles of Point Aire. In the mean time, the Dutch fleet passing between these isles and the main of Java, anchored that night on the coast of Java, and our fleet in the offing, without the islands. On the 23d, in the morning, the Dutch fleet stood off to the westwards, close under Anti-Lackie, in which course the Devil of Delft borrowed so near, that she got aground, and remained fast for a quarter of an hour. On seeing this, we made towards them, but she was got off before we could get any thing near, when she and all the rest of their fleet stood to the northwards. As our fleet had the weather-gage, we paid room upon them[263] till we came within shot, and then the Moon, commanded by our admiral, Sir Thomas Dale, began the fight with the headmost ship of the enemy, called the San. The battle continued for the space of three hours, during which time we spent upon them some 1200 cannon-shot, when we left them for the night, they standing so for to the northwards, that they got the burger-boat again into their company, and then anchored about half a league from us to the westwards, where they remained all night.

[Footnote 263: This antiquated expression evidently means bearing down upon them to leewards.--E.]

Both fleets weighed anchor on the 24th, ours plying to the westwards to gain the wind, and the Hollanders ran in shore towards Point Aire. In the mean time, we descried three sail coming before the wind from the westwards, which at length we perceived to be the Little James, the Hound, and the Francis. By and bye we joined altogether, and chased the Dutch fleet through the bay of Jacatra, to its eastern point, where we all came to anchor for the night. During the night, the Dutch from Jacatra sent a junk filled with combustible matter, and on fire, which came so near our fleet that we were fain to weigh our anchors and get out of her way. The 25th, being Christmas-day, we again saw the Dutch fleet standing to the eastwards, and we sent our barge to follow them all night, to see what course they took, because we had left the James Royal in the bay of Bantam, with the Advice and our prize, which they might have surprised, if they got to Bantam before us, as there was no ship of force but the James, and she was unprepared, being busied in taking in her goods and stores, after being emptied to find her leak.

The 27th of December, after midnight, the Black Lion, our Dutch prize, was set on fire by the carelessness of three wicked fellows, and burnt to the water's edge. The president went ashore on the morning of the 30th, to wait upon the king of Jacatra, accompanied by Mr Henry Jackson, when an unfortunate shot carried away his leg, of which wound he died.[264]

[Footnote 264: It appears in the sequel that it was Jackson who lost his leg and life though the text leaves it dubious whether he or the president.--E.]

The 1st of January, 1619, the James Royal, the Advice, and the prize, joined us from Bantam. The 2d, Sir Thomas Dale went ashore to Jacatra to visit the king, and to learn what were his intentions respecting the Dutch fort. The king gave to both him and the president much satisfaction, in words at least, promising to grant the English any reasonable conditions, if they would assist him to surprise the Dutch castle. This morning, before day, the Francis departed for Puloroon, with provisions for the relief of Mr Nathaniel Courthop and his companions. The 6th we held a council of war aboard the Moon, when it was determined that we should land from our greater ships six pieces of large cannon, three culverines, and three demi-culverines, with a proportional store of powder and shot, to assist the king of Jacatra against the Dutch; that Sir Thomas Dale was to remain in that road with eight sail, to cover this business, while five ships, under my command, were to ply up for the straits of Sunda, to lie in wait for the Dutch ships.

The 25th, we got into the road of Becee, and anchored in fifteen fathoms, about two miles from the shore; the S. point of Becee bearing S.W. 1/4 W. and the N. point Sabaicas, which shut in the western isle of Pirio Tigs, bearing N. by W. three leagues off. We watered our ships on the 27th and 28th, and cut wood. I and Mr Coytmore, with several other masters, went twice ashore to view the harbour, which we found to be an excellent place of refuge for a small fleet against a superior enemy. The 31st, by order of the president, we repaired with our fleet into Bantam roads.

The 1st February, Captain John Jourdan the president came on board, who acquainted me with all that had taken place between them and the Dutch, in regard to the castle of Jacatra, during my absence, the Dutch having agreed to deliver up that fort to the English, on condition of being allowed to depart with bag and baggage, and a ship, for two thousand rials of eight, to carry them to the coast of Coromandel.[265] Sir Thomas Dale arrived in Bantam roads on the 4th, with the Moon, Clove, James, Pepper-corn, Hound, and Advice. As the pangran of Bantam had practised underhandedly with the Dutch to have the castle of Jacatra delivered into his hands, by which we had been unjustly deprived of that acquisition, we agreed, in a general consultation, that the president, and all the rest of the principal persons of our factory at Bantam, should repair on board, and get all our goods and provisions put aboard the ships. Accordingly, we were occupied from the 10th to 16th, both inclusive, in getting all the money and goods belonging to the honourable Company on board. During this time, the pangran sent several obscure persons to the president, as of their own accord, to enquire the reason of his departure, pretending that the pangran had given no just cause for leaving the country. Upon this the president drew up a memorial, enumerating the several grievances and wrongs which the English had suffered from him, meaning to have it translated into the Javan language, and then to be transmitted to the pangran.

[Footnote 265: This agreement was crossed by the Pangran of Bantam, who gave us leave to beat the bush, and thought to have caught the birds himself, but was deceived in the end.--Purch.]

The 17th, advice was received from Mr Ufflet, at Jacatra, that the Dutch were daily occupied in repairing and strengthening their fortifications; and that, when the messengers of the pangran demanded the surrender of their fort, with part of their money, goods, and ordnance, they gave for answer, That all these things were the property of their masters, which therefore they could not give away. We this day received news of two Dutch ships in the road of Jacatra, and that same night Sir Thomas Dale set sail with eight ships in quest of them, while I remained with four to attend upon the president. The 26th, having certain intelligence that four Holland ships were at anchor in the mouth of the Straits of Sunda, I went out that same evening to look for them, with the James, Gift, Unicorn, and the Little James. Next morning we anchored near Pulo Paniang, to take in water, and to put our ships into order, by taking aboard some planks that were alongside.

We weighed again in the morning of the 1st March, making sail towards the mouth of the Straits, where we observed the two Dutch ships at anchor near the island of Tamporan, about three leagues to the westwards of Viun, or Palambangan point. We immediately made all sail towards them, while they, as in a careless manner, plied to and fro, having their topsails half mast down. At length, as we drew nigh, the Dutch admiral and all the rest of his ships bore up with my ship, which was most to windward, and gave us two shots, one of which went through the ship's side under the half-deck, and the other through the steerage. They had no sooner begun than they were as quickly answered from my ship, and in such measure, that, in the space of two hours, they became as quiet as lambs; their admiral, who gave the onset with so much arrogance, being the first to run away, followed by all the rest. We chased them till night, and then finding them too swift of foot, we gave over the chase, standing over towards Pulo Tunda. We came to anchor again on the 2d of March in the road of Bantam, on which day we had intelligence that one of the two ships lately come to Jacatra had got aground near the castle, and had been set on fire by themselves on seeing Sir Thomas Dale. The other ship, which had taken in a valuable loading from the castle, was also cast away on some rocks, ten leagues east of Jacatra.

On the 4th, we had a letter from John Powell, residing at Jacatra, stating that Sir Thomas Dale had sailed on the 1st, with the Moon, Hound, Rose, and Bee, in search of the stranded Dutch ship. The 14th we heard from Sir Thomas that he had got almost within shot of the four Dutch ships we met with, but had been taken by a dead calm for twelve hours, succeeded in the night by a tempest, which scattered them so far asunder by next morning, that they lost all hopes of the chase, and had therefore returned to Point Ayre, whence he proposed bringing the Moon immediately to Bantam, leaving the rest of his ships to take in provisions at Jacatra. In a consultation as to the best course to be taken with the fleet, it was resolved to go to the coast of Coromandel, which we were informed was a good country for recovering the health of our men, and abounding in rice, wheat, butter, and other, provisions, which could not be procured here for any money.

§3. Departure for Coromandel, with Occurrences there, and the Death of Sir Thomas Dale,--Capture of English Ships by the Dutch; and Occurrences at Tecoo.

On Monday the 19th of April, 1619, all our ships being together in Bantam roads, with three Chinese junks riding among us, it was resolved in council to execute the commission given us by the Honourable Company, by appropriating to them the goods in these junks, in payment of former debts due by the Chinese. Next day Kewee came aboard to the president, accompanied by the three nockhadas, or captains of the junks, to know his intentions. He gave him the following answer:--If the young king of Bantam would displace the pangran, who had treated us with so much injustice, he would then return on shore and bichar[266] with him, and restore the junks. The 28th, being ready to sail, intending to go for Morrogh to take in water and unload the junks, we descried a sail coming from the westwards round Palinbangan point, which turned out to be a Portuguese frigate, captured at Jasques, manned by twenty Englishmen, and sent by Captain Bonnar with advice to the president at Bantam. We learnt from these men that Sir Thomas Roe, the lord ambassador to the Mogul, was gone for England in the Ann Royal, having left the country with great honour and reputation to himself, and much advantage of the Honourable Company. Bodman, who was the cause of setting the Black Lion on fire, was hanged on the 22d of May, and that same night we set sail.

[Footnote 266: This unexplained term probably means to make peace.--E.]

The 30th May, Sir Thomas Roe stood in with his fleet under the island, while we held on our course for Masulipatam, having the Unicorn, Gift, and Bee in our company. The 30th June we anchored in nine fathoms, about two leagues from the coast of Coromandel, where we rode four days, being hardly able to visit each other in all that time, owing to W.S.W. winds, and a continual current setting to E.N.E. The surf also broke so lofty on the beach, that we durst not attempt landing with any of our boats. We were at length able to communicate together, when Mr Roberts, the master of the Unicorn, gave us notice of a bay on this coast in the latitude of 17° N. about five leagues to the eastwards of Nassapore, [Narsipore] where there was good riding during the westerly monsoon. This was exactly what I wanted, having no hope to recover Masulipatam against wind and current. We accordingly set sail on the 4th, in the morning, and stood to the eastwards, the coast trending W.S.W. and E.N.E. And having run about nine leagues by estimation, with the wind and current, we found the land to turn away N. and N. by W.[267] giving me hopes of a good road. At this point of land there cometh put a great river,[268] by the stream of which there has been raised a reef or shoal, extending half a mile into the sea from the point, and occasioning a smoother road. Bringing that sand to bear S.S.W. there is good and safe anchorage in six and a half fathoms, two miles from the land. Two leagues north from this point, which, for distinction, I name Cape Comfort, there issues forth another branch of the same river, by which the headland is made an island, and off the mouth of this river there is likewise a long spit of sand, which is dry at low water.

[Footnote 267: Obviously rounding Cape Godawery, in lat. 16° 83' N.]

[Footnote 268: One of the two main branches forming the Delta of the Godawery.--E.]

The 4th of July I sent the boat belonging to the Unicorn into the second branch of the river, which we called Mullet Sound, to see if they could discover any town where a guide might be procured, to conduct Robert Pickering and William Clarke to Masulipatam, by whom we proposed sending a letter to Mr Methwould. Our boat returned on the morning of the 6th, reporting that a guide had been procured at a little village three leagues up the river. They likewise brought aboard twenty hens, which they had bought for two shillings. The 8th, the barge returned from Captain Ball with seventy-one sheep and goats, and thirty-nine hens, having left Captain Ball and others at a town called Narsapela, six leagues up in the country. The 12th, Mr Methwould came from Masulipatam in one of the country boats, and brought with him twenty hogs, two large jars of arrack, six goats, and two baskets of bread. He also brought us news of a Dutch ship richly laden, then in the port of Masulipatam, and ready to depart for Holland.

In the evening of the 26th, I went in the barge to seek out some bar or creek by which we might reach Coringa, the principal town in these parts near the sea side. That same night, I got over the bar of Coringa, which place I came to about two miles up the river, and was well received by the principal persons of the place, who were very ready to trade with us, and sent notice that same night of my arrival to the governor of Vingeron. Next morning, having rowed about three miles up the main river, and two miles up a little creek, we had sight of Vingeron, about twelve miles off.[269] I now landed, and walked towards Vingeron; but, before I reached it, the governor sent his horse for me, with all the music the place afforded; and among these instruments there were two great brass horns instead of trumpets. The governor received me very kindly, but more kindly my present, which consisted of two pieces of China velvet, and six pieces of China taffeta. Our compliments ended. I took leave of him, when he caused me to be conveyed in his own palanquin to a house near at hand, which he had appointed for my lodging.

[Footnote 269: The town of Rajahmundry exactly answers to these circumstances, in reference to Coringa, and is in fact the head town of the province in which Coringa is situated.--E.]

I returned on board the James on the 1st of August, when I learnt, to my sorrow, that the shallop belonging to the Unicorn had been cast away three days before, near Ponara, on which occasion Mr Harris was drowned, together with two of the coxwain's crew, and a black; Captain Spaulding, Mr Yard, and others, escaping with much difficulty. In the morning of the 2d, the governor of Vingeron came aboard to see our ship, expecting some great present; on which occasion I gave him a piece of China damask, and four pieces of taffeta, which gave him more delight than the sight of a thousand ships, and he departed when he found he got nothing more by begging. The 23d I caused all the men to come on board, intending to proceed for Masulipatam, and this evening we got on board 150 goats, to serve us for fresh provisions at sea. The 24th there arrived a ballegat from Narsepore, bringing twenty-six candees of garavances, a candee of butter, and an hundred gallons of arrack.[270] I also, had letters from Masulipatam, announcing the melancholy news that Sir Thomas Dale had died at that place on the 9th of August.

[Footnote 270: Though not so expressed, these seem to have been intended for the use of the English ships.--E.]

In the morning of the 6th September, having rode most part of the preceding night in nineteen fathoms, about three leagues S.S.E. from the bar of Narispore, and having the wind at N.W. we again set sail toward Masulipatam,[271] and anchored at night four leagues to the eastward of that place. Off the river of Narsipore we found the current to set by day to the S.S.E. and N.N.E. in the night, at the rate of half a league an hour. In the morning of the 7th we could see the English ships in the road of Masulipatam, in which road we came to anchor in the evening, finding here the Moon, Clove, Globe, and Advice, which last being found unserviceable, was here cast off, and her stores and provisions put on board the Moon and Clove. Next day, Mr Spaulding, Mr Ball, and Mr Methwould came aboard the James, giving me a report of all matters that had passed in my absence, as also a state of the Company's business. I accompanied them ashore in the afternoon, that we might the better consult together how to proceed in the important concerns committed to our charge. The first thing proposed was the union of both fleets, which was thought adviseable, and I was made choice of as admiral and chief commander of the whole ships and men thus united, according to the direction of the Honourable Company.

[Footnote 271: The true name of this place is Mutchelipatnam; in Purchas it is called Messulapitan and Masulpatam.--E.]

The 18th of October, a ship belonging to Masulipatam arrived from Mokha, by which we had news of the Lion being at Mokha, having a small frigate or bark in her company. The same day the Bee arrived from Narsipore-pete, with provisions for the fleet. The 19th, the Dragon's Claw came from Narsipore-pete[272] almost laden with rice and paddy.[273] On Thursday the 9th December, Mr Ball, Mr Methwould, and the other merchants who were to remain in the country, went ashore in the afternoon. In the morning of Friday the 10th, we left the road of Masulipatam, and anchored in the afternoon off the headland, to wait for the Pepper-corn, which came to us in the evening. By my estimation, the difference of longitude between the island of Engano and Masulipatam is 19° 30' of a great circle; and, although this does not give the true longitude in these parts near the equator, as custom has so called it, I do, that I may not savour of innovation.

[Footnote 272: This may designate the road of Narsipore; but petah usually signifies in India the suburb or town connected with a fortress.--E.]

[Footnote 273: Paddy is rice in its natural state as it comes from the plant on which it grows; rice is paddy deprived by art of its coarse husk.--E.]

Next morning, very early, we descried the land of Sumatra, the hill of Passaman bearing E.N.E 1/2 N. twelve leagues distant,[274] and the high land of Priaman E. 1/2 S. fourteen leagues off. We here met with two shoals, within a mile of each other, E. and W. The Gift came over the eastermost, and had not less than four and a half fathoms. I sent the Claw over the other, on which were four fathoms where she first crossed, but only two fathoms in returning, a little more to the northward. About nine this morning the wind came to the S.E. and so continued till three in the afternoon, by which time we had got to the southward of all the shoals; and so, with little wind, we spent the night between these shoals and the island of Battoo, [Batoa.] In this situation, a sagging current bore us to the northwards near the shoals, which, if it had set S.E. as formerly experienced, it ought to have carried us near to Tecoo.

[Footnote 274: Purchas must here have omitted a part of the text, particularly the series of dates between Masulipatam and Passaman in Sumatra. As the text now stands, it would seem as if they had gone from Masulipatam to the coast of Sumatra, a run of about 1600 miles, in one night, an utter impossibility. But from the context, instead of the 11th December, 1619, the day after leaving Masulipatam, it would appear they reached the coast of Sumatra on the 23d January, 1620, giving forty-four days for the run across the bay of Bengal.--E.]

The 24th, in the evening, we had sight of the isles of Tecoo, and came to anchor about eight o'clock, in forty-four fathoms, these isles bearing E. by N. seven leagues off. The 25th, with the first of the tide, we again weighed and steered for Tecoo; and, as we drew near, we espied three sail standing to the northwards, which came to anchor near the coast that night, while we anchored with our whole fleet about a league without them. Next morning they weighed anchor and joined us, when we found them to be the Palsgrave, Elizabeth, and Hope. From them we had the doleful news of the Dragon, Bear, Expedition, and Rose, having been taken by six Dutch ships, while at anchor, within the isles of Tecoo; as also that the Star had been taken by the Dutch in the straits of Sunda. They also said that the Hollanders had sent four great ships, doubly manned, in quest of the Samson and Hound, and that they were exceedingly doubtful as to the safety of these ships. Thus the English ships now taken by the Hollanders were almost equal in number to our three fleets now joined in one under my command.

On Monday the 31st January, 1620, we held a consultation aboard the James Royal as to our future proceedings, when it was unanimously agreed to go to Acheen, in hopes to meet our ships from Surat, that we might keep our force together, according to the instructions of the Honourable Company. Our chief reasons for this proceeding were the want of rice and other provisions, which could not at this time be had at Bantam; secondly, the strong naval force of the Hollanders, as we did not think it prudent to risk the entire property now belonging to the Company in India upon such desperate terms, as the Dutch had four ships for every one of ours; and, lastly, which was an imperious necessity, that we might careen three of our ships, the James, the Gift, and the Unicorn, which could not be much longer deferred without imminent hazard. For all these reasons, we resolved to proceed for Japan, where, as we were given to understand, all things necessary for careening our ships, and abundance of provisions for our relief, were to be had.

The 11th, Mr Mills arrived in the Bee from Priaman, with 300 sacks of very good rice, and eleven hogsheads of oil, giving us great encouragement to send there again. The 12th, the Claw was sent off for Pedang and Cuttatinga, to procure rice and other provisions; and, on the 15th, the Bee was sent back to Priaman for more rice and oil. The 19th the Claw returned with thirty-four bags of rice, 16,000 cocoa-nuts, and ten goats; and the same night the Bee came back with 980 sacks of rice, procured with much difficulty by Mr Mills, merchant of the Elizabeth.

The 3d March we departed from the road of Tecoo, intending first to touch at Mintaon, on purpose to dispatch the Bee for England, and thence to go for Acheen, in hopes of meeting the Charles and the Ruby from Surat. The 30th March we all anchored in the bay of Samanca, about a mile from shore, where we took in wood, water, and other necessaries. Next day we sent to recall the Bee from Balembeen. The 1st April we sent the shallop belonging to the Unicorn for Anniar, to enquire concerning the Dutch force, and how the pangran stood affected towards us.[275] At eleven this night, twenty-two of our men ran away with our barge. Next morning the shallop returned from Anniar, and brought news that there were fifteen sail of Dutch ships at Bantam and Jacatra, upon which we resolved to proceed to Bantam, to treat with the pangram, hoping that the Dutch might not venture to attack us. The Bee arrived in the afternoon from Ballambeen, [Palimbangan.] The 6th we set sail for Bantam, and on the 7th, between Crackastaw and Becee, we met a proa with some of our people coming from Anniar.

[Footnote 275: The intended voyage to Acheen seems to hate been laid aside; perhaps the monsoon had become adverse, and forced them to the S.E. towards Bantam.--E.]

§4. News of Peace between the English and Dutch.

At four in the morning of Saturday the 8th April, 1620, we met the Bull, newly come from England, bringing the joyful news of peace having been concluded between us and the Dutch. She was accompanied by a small ship, called the Flying Hart, with letters of advice for us, or any other of the English ships, giving notice of the agreement and union that had taken place between the two Honourable East India Companies of England and Holland. We came to anchor with all our fleet in the afternoon, near the point of Palimbangan. In the morning of the 11th, we descried the Dutch fleet coming from Jacatra to meet us, and to congratulate with us on the joyful intelligence of peace. General Coen was there in person, and as soon as he came to anchor, the Holland fleet and ours began to salute each other with peals of ordnance, to communicate the intelligence to the natives, and to express our own joy of the happy news of peace.

The 12th, we came altogether into Bantam roads, the Dutch fleet consisting of fifteen sail, besides two others of their nation which we found already in the roads, and ours of twelve sail. This day, Mr Janson, commander of the Dutch fleet, accompanied by their fiscal, and divers others, came to visit me, and invited Mr Brockendon, Mr Spalding, and myself on board the Dutch admiral's ship, where we conferred with General Coen concerning our future conjunct arrangements. After we had compared the articles and letters, the Dutch general agreed that we should jointly proceed in conformity with the instructions we had received from our Honourable Company; but he declined publishing the articles till the arrival of some ship from Holland, with the articles and instructions from their Company. On the 14th, in the morning, by mutual concert between us and the Hollanders, we sent Mr Beaumont and Philip Baduge on, shore, with one Dutch merchant, to communicate the news of our peace and agreement to the pangran, and to inform him, as we were now united, we only desired to have a reasonable composition with him, through which we might remain quietly in his country, enjoying a free trade on just and equitable conditions, as in other parts of India. But the pangran was so much dissatisfied with the news, that he would give no answer to their message, often times asking them why we had become friends with the Hollanders, so that they had to return without any answer. We sent the same message to him next day, but our messengers were not allowed to land.

* * * * *

"The differences and maritime warfare which took place between the Dutch and English East India Companies, of which some notice has been taken; and the peace and union which are announced, as having been communicated to their respective commanders at this time, would lead to historical discussions and deductions, which do not properly belong to the object of a Collection of Voyages and Travels; but which, if altogether passed over, would leave much of the foregoing circumstances, and some that have to be noticed in the sequel, abrupt, isolated, and almost unintelligible. It has therefore been deemed proper to give a brief account of these differences, and of the singular so called union, which took place in consequence, extracted from the Annals of the East India Company, vol. I. p. 201, et seq.[276]

[Footnote 276: This addition to §4. of the present voyage, is made by the Editor; but almost entirely derived from the historiographer of the East India Company.--E.]

"When the differences and aggressions which had occurred in the spice islands were reported in Europe, the English and Dutch Companies presented memorials and remonstrances to their respective governments, each complaining against the servants of the other, as guilty of unwarrantable aggressions. In Holland, calculating on the pacific character of King James, it was expected that the opposition to the projects of the English for participating in the trade of the spice islands, although of at least a tendency towards warlike aggression, would not lead to national hostilities, but might be discussed by means of remonstrances and negociation.

"After long conferences between English and Dutch commissioners, for settling the disputes between the two Companies, a treaty was concluded at London on the 17th July, 1619; by which, after specifying an amnesty for all past excesses, and a mutual restitution of ships and property, the trade of the two nations in the East was declared to be free;--That the pepper trade at Java should be equally divided;--That the English should have a free trade at Pullicat, on paying half the expences of the garrison;--That the English were to enjoy one third of the export and import trade, at the Molucca and Banda islands, commonly called the spice islands; commissioners to be appointed for regulating the trade, and the charges of the garrisons, under their inspection, to be defrayed in that proportion by the two Companies;--That each Company should furnish ten ships of war for the common defence; which ships were not to be employed to bring cargoes to Europe, but only in the carrying trade, between one port and another in the East Indies.--The whole proceedings arising out of this treaty, were to be under the regulation of a Council of Defence, composed of four members appointed by each Company, who were to reside in India; and this treaty was to subsist in force for twenty years.

"It would lead far beyond any due bounds that could be afforded in this work, to follow out this compact, singularly weak on the part of King James, and assuredly either contrived by his boasted king craft, or devised by some wily Dutch politician, who was acquainted with his majesty's wonderful sagacity. This union and the council of defence, turned out a most fruitful source of advantage to the Dutch, who had completely duped the king and government of England, and totally expelled the English Company from any share whatever in the trade of the spice islands; after contriving to make them pay more than two thirds of the expence of fortifications and garrisons, instead of one third, all of which were effectually converted to their injury and exclusion. In the sequel of these voyages, several instances will be found, completely illustrative of these positions; and from the year 1625, or thereabout, the Dutch enjoyed the entire profits of the spice trade, including the whole island of Java, till within these very few years; when, as subjects of Buonaparte, they have been driven from every foreign possession, and entirely excluded from all participation in the trade of the East."--E.

§5. Voyage of Captain Pring from Bantam, to Patania and Japan, and return to Jacatra.[277]

The 26th of April, 1620, we sailed from Bantam roads, with the James Royal and Unicorn in company, intending, by the grace of God, to go for Japan, there to careen and trim our ships. Mr Brockendon departed at the same time for Jacatra with six ships; proposing, about a month after our departure, to send five good English ships after us to Japan, that we might have the fittest season of the year to go from thence to the Manillas. The 27th, we took leave of this fleet, and steered towards the north, borrowing within half a league of the eastern point of Pulo-Tunda; and came to anchor in the evening about a league off the N.E. point of that island, in twenty-three fathoms upon ooze, waiting till the western stream of the tide began to return to the eastwards which was about ten at night, when we proceeded on our course.

[Footnote 277: Purchas gives two relations of this voyage, one brief, "lest the longer one might interrupt the more delicate muses of some readers with sea-sickness, the other for those that are more studious of nautical knowledge." On the present occasion, we have preferred the more extended narrative, and have therefore united both accounts as given by Purchas, being the remainder of §4. joined to the whole of §5. giving one instance of minute nautical remarks of our earlier navigators.--E.]

The 28th at night, we anchored in 18 f. on ooze, Pulo Antekero bearing N.E. three leagues off. Pulo Antekero bears N.N.E. 1/2 E. from Pulo Tunda, about eight leagues distant. The depth of water between the two islands, runs-from 16 f. to 26, and so to 22, 20, 18, 16, 14, and 12 f. all ooze. Pulo Antekero is westernmost of the islands which extend in a row from the bay of Jacatra, [or Batavia,] to the westward. Continuing our course, we anchored, in the evening of the 29th, in 15 f, Pulo Kero bearing N. by E. 1/2 E. 2-1/2 leagues off. Pulo Kero bears N.N.E. nearly from Antekero, six leagues off. After passing halfway between these islands we had 20, 18, 16, 14, 12 f. on ooze. At noon on the 30th we had Pulo Kero six leagues off, S. 1/2 E. our depth continuing 13,12,11 f. all ooze.

At noon on the 1st May, Pulo Kero bore S. 1/2 W nine leagues, and the depth 12 f. being just able to see that island from our top-mast head. By observation of the sun, we were then in lat. 4° 45' S. From noon till five p.m. our course was N.N.E. four leagues. We then anchored in 11 f. on ooze, having Pulo Kero by estimation thirteen league S by W. This night at nine, being still at anchor in the same place, I made the ship, by observation of the Crozies, in lat. 4° 40' S. allowing 29° for the complement of declination. We set sail at four a.m. of the 2d, and by noon had run about six leagues N.N.E. the depths continuing as before, 13, 12, 11 f. By noon of the 3d our course was S. by E. five leagues, the soundings as before, all the ground from Bantam roads hitherto being ooze. From Bantam for the first two days, we had land and sea breezes; afterwards, till the afternoon of the 2d, the wind was constant between E. and S.E. when the wind came northerly, and so continued till the 3d at noon. From Pulo Paniang to Pulo Antekero, the current set to the westwards, somewhat strong; but from thence we found the currents more gentle, and changing into every direction in the course of the twenty-four hours.

Our course from noon of the 3d till noon of the 4th was N.N.E. eleven leagues, the depths from 12 to 10-1/2 f. From noon this day till seven at night, we made 5-1/2 leagues N. and then anchored in 9-1/2 f. We weighed in the morning of the 5th. having but little wind and that variable, till half an hour after six, when it sprung up fresh at S.W. From four to nine a.m. we made three leagues N.E. 1/2 E. and from nine till noon only half a league N.W. by N. This day at noon we were in lat. 3° 30' S. when we descried a small island N.N.E. 1/2 E. four leagues off, which appeared at first like a great tree rising out of the see. From noon till six p.m. our course was five leagues N.W. We here saw two or three hummocks like islands, N. by W. seven leagues off. From thence till three a.m. of the 6th, we sailed W. six leagues. At six in the evening of the 5th we had 9 f. which increased as we stood westwards in the night, to 10, 11, and l2 f. and afterwards decreased to 8 f. where we came to anchor. The stream by night set S.E. and by day N.W. We weighed again at six a.m. of the 6th, and steered W.N.W. 1-1/2 league, when we had sight of many hummocks rising like so many islands, but which at length we perceived to be all one land. Coming now into 6-1/2 f. we altered our course to the N.E. making our course N.N.E. till noon, about 2-1/2 leagues; at which time, by an observation of the sun, we were in lat. 3° 20' S. We were now in 8 f. and found the current to set N.W. by W. About noon of this day, a junk belonging to Johor came up with us, which had been at Cheribon in Java, and was returning to Johor. The afternoon, we steered in with the eastern part of the hummocky land of Banka, making our course N.N.E. 1/2 N. in which we came again to 8 f. afterwards increasing regularly to 24 f. and then decreasing again to a quarter less 7 f. when we came to anchor against the E. point of that land, which bore from us N.N.E. 1/3 N. four leagues off.

We weighed in the morning of the 7th, and stood in nearer the point, in hopes of being able to pass through between that island and one which lay three leagues to the E. But in our way, we found the soundings, after increasing from 7 to 17 f. to decrease again to 6 and to one-half less 4 f. and about two miles off the point in the fair way we had only six feet water in the fair way, or mid-channel. To the eastwards, there appeared many islands, and by the report of the people in the junk, the sea is full of islands between the S.E. end of Banka and the island of Borneo. The S.E. end of Banka now bore N.N.E. 1/2 N. about two leagues off; and the land from this point to the entrance of the straits of Banka, lay W. by S. the straits being thirteen leagues from us. Where we lay at anchor, the before-mentioned point bearing N. by E. 1/2 E. 2-1/2 leagues off, we had an observation of the sun, giving the latitude of the ship 3° 8' S. Having little hope of finding a passage between Banka and Borneo among these islands, by reason of the fearful shoalings we had already met with, we resolved on the 8th to go through the straits between the island of Banka and Sumatra, called the Straits of Banka; wherefore we set sail, retracing as nearly as we could the course by which we came into the present shoal water; in which course we found still more dangerous shoalings than in our in-coming. After we had got about eight leagues off, S.S.W. from the before-mentioned point of Banka, we steered S.W. by W. the current setting N.W. which made our course nearest W. by S. In this course we proceeded five leagues, and anchored in 8 f. on ooze, about nine at night.

In the morning of the 9th, we descried Lucepara, N.N.W. seven leagues off, and steered towards it, till we had it N. two leagues. In this course we passed over a spit, where we had only 4-1/2 f. and 4-3/4. But on nearing Lucepara, we had 5-1/4 f. all ooze. We then steered N.W. by N. till Lucepara was N.E. of us, having 5 f. and the same ground. We then, went W.N.W. having always ooze, till we were within two leagues of the Sumatra shore in 6 f. The isle of Lucepara bore then E.S.E. 3-1/2 leagues off; and a hill on Banka with a deep swamp, N. by W. being about a sail's breadth open of the point of Sumatra, which bore N. by W. 1/2 W. from us, about three leagues off. We steered thence away with the said point N. by W. Having 6-1/2 and 7 f. soft ground, till we came within a league of the point, where edging too near we had but 5-1/2, and only 4-1/2 in the boat hard by us: But, if we had kept a little farther from the point, we might have gone in 7, 8, 9, and 10 f. all through the strait, borrowing carefully with the lead upon the Sumatra shore; whereas by keeping nearer to Banka than Sumatra, the soundings are very variable, sometimes deep, and sometimes shallow, and mostly foul ground. On the Sumatra shore, even if coming into shoal water, the ground is mostly soft ooze, and the soundings far more regular and certain.

In the evening of the 12th May, having brought the N.W. point of Banka to bear N.E. we opened two smooth hills with a little hummock between them; one of these hills being the northermost land of Banka, and bearing N.E. nine leagues, from the N.W. point of that island. This night we steered N.N.E. to get through the channel between Lingan and the N. end of Banka, having 23, 22, 20, 18, and 16 f. all ooze, till we came near the entrance, and afterwards 15, 14, 13 f. in going through the passage. Lingan rises at first in three islands, the northermost being larger than both the other two, being near two leagues long and full of hummocks. Among these three islands there are certain fragments of isles intermixed, like so many hay-cocks, which is a good mark whereby to know these islands. From the smooth hill which is the north end of Banka, to the south-westermost isle of Lingan, it is N. by W. ten leagues. From the middle of the largest isle of Lingan, which is the north-eastermost, there is another smooth island nine leagues off, E.N.E. 1/2 N. From that there is another flat island, and off the north point of the round smooth island, there is a little fragment like a rock. In the fair way between this island and Lingan, there are 14 and 13 f. the course being midway between, and to the N. to pass along by the E. side of Bintang. This day at noon, being the 12th May, our latitude was 1° S.[278] the greatest isle of the Lingan group being S.W. from us five leagues, whence we estimated its latitude to be 1° 10' nearly.

[Footnote 278: This is an evident error, as the northern side of the largest island of the Lingan group is exactly on the equator, and Bintam, or Bintang, is in lat. 1° N.--E.]

At noon of the 14th, having made way twenty-four leagues to the northward, by aid of the wind and a current setting to the north, we had sight of the high land of Bintang, rising with two hills and a deep swamp or hollow between, and, as we judged, twelve leagues from us. At this time, likewise, we had sight of three or four hummocks, S.W. by W. eight leagues off, which seemed separate islands. We had here 20 f. our soundings from Lingan being 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, and 20 f. From noon of the 14th till noon of the 15th, we made twenty-seven leagues N. 1/3 W. our soundings in these twenty-four hours being 21, 22, 23, and 24 f. From noon till three p.m. of the 15th we made 3 1/2 leagues, and then had sight of Pulo Laor, N.W. 1/2 N. about twelve leagues off, having then 27 f. the ground resembling fuller's earth. At night, Pulo Laor being N.W. by W. eight leagues off, we had 39 f. on ooze. From noon of the 15th till eight a.m. of the 16th, we made our course N.N.W. 1/2 W. fifteen leagues. At night of the 16th, Pulo Laor bore S.W. by S. five leagues; the body of the island of Hermano de Layo W.S.W. 1/2 W. seven leagues; and the S. end of Pulo Timon W. 1/2 N. ten leagues, its N.E. end being W.N.W. 1/2 W. ten leagues. We anchored this evening within four leagues of the N. point of Pulo Timon, in 24 f. streamy ground, that point bearing W. by S. 1/2 S. In the evening I sent my boat round the point, where they observed a town, with a junk riding close by the shore, and several proas fishing. One of these came to enquire what nation our people were of, and told them there was good fresh water at the town, with plenty of buffaloes, goats, and poultry.

In the morning of the 17th, we sent the Unicorn's longboat along with ours to the town, whence they came back in the evening with four butts of water each, not willing to fill more, as it was brackish. They found at the watering-place a junk belonging to Johor, fitted out for war, having twenty men armed with fire-arms, besides lances and javelins. They reported that they had taken a Chinese junk, which they had sold on the coast of Johor; the nokhada sending me word, that he would assist me against the Portuguese at the hazard of his life. In the bay next to the southwards of Pulo Timon, we found excellent fresh water, but could not conveniently take it in by means of our long-boat, which drew five feet water when loaded. Having thus spent the day to little purpose, we set sail at the beginning of the night, directing our course for Patane, and steering N. all night with little wind.

At noon of the 18th, we were in the latitude of 3° 40' N. At four p.m. we had sight of Pulo Tingoran, N.N.W. fifteen leagues off. At night we passed by Tingoran, about six leagues to the eastwards, having 28, 30, and 32 f. on soft ground. At six a.m. of the 19th, Tigoran bore W.S.W. seven leagues from us, when we had thirty-six f. soft ground. At noon of this day we were in lat. 5° 30' N. Tingoran bearing S. 1/3 E. fourteen leagues off, by which we estimated the latitude of that island to be 4° 50 N. We had likewise, at noon, the south isle of Pulo Rowdon, [Ridang,] N.W. by W. seven leagues off. The same night at eight, I observed the croziers, making the latitude of the ship 5° 48' N. At this time, the largest of the Ridang isles, which is the eastermost, bore from us due W. four leagues distant. From eight this night, till noon of the 20th, our course was nearly N.W. by W. nine leagues, our sounding being from 28 to 17 f. The northermost of the Pulo Ridang isles was then S. 1/3 E. four leagues off, being a round hummock, much like Pomo in the gulf of Venice, but somewhat higher and more complete. These isles consist of good high land, having fair depth all along their eastern side to seawards, and I am told have a free and safe channel between them and the main land. There are thirteen or fourteen islands in this group, great and small.

From noon of the 20th till eight in the morning of the 21st, our course was W.N.W. nine leagues. We saw two hills by the water-side, bearing W. and five leagues off, resembling two great tortoises. From Pulo Tingoran all the way to Patani, the land up the country is very high, while that just within the coast is low, with a sandy beach. This is the case for at least twenty leagues south of Patani, but how much farther I know not. In the afternoon of the 20th, while standing towards the two hills just mentioned as resembling tortoises, we came from 17 into 14 and 13 f. with hard ground; and as we drew nearer these hills, the depth again increased to 19 f. on ooze, and then shoaled again to 18 and 17 f. on ooze.

The 21st of May, being Sunday, from eight a.m. to seven p.m. our course was N.W. 3/4 W. thirteen leagues, keeping mostly within four leagues of the low sandy shore, the depth all the way being 15, 14, and 13 f. We then anchored in 13-3/4 f. streamy ground, the northermost point in sight, falling down from a reasonably high land at the far end of the low land, bore from us W.N.W. 1/2 N. near 3-1/2 leagues off. S.E. by S. from this point, six leagues off, there is a rock, as high above water as the hull of a small ship, which we passed about 1-1/2 league on its E. side, finding no alteration in the soundings. This point I named the Gurnet's Head. From this point, the land trends W.N.W. and W. by N. all the way to the entrance into Patani roads, being all low land from the Gurnet's Head to the point of the road, this point being the lowest of all. The distance from the Gurnet's Head to that low point is six leagues, all the way of fair depth till coming near the low point of the road, to which a good birth must be given, as there lies a shoal from it half-way over to the western shore, wherefore it must not be approached too near, till you find in the first place the shoaling of the western shore, which is the softest ground. From the low point, in going across the bay to the western shore there are only from 5 f. to 4 1/2 when in the road; and then the low point bears from the anchorage, E.N.E. 1/3 E. the highest mountains in the western side of the bay bearing S.S.W. 1/3 W.

We anchored in the road of Patani on Thursday the 25th of May, when we found the Sampson and a Dutch pinnace there at anchor. I went ashore the day before to the English factory, where I found Mr Adam Denton and Mr Richard Welding, lately come from Jambee in Sumatra in a proa, with several of the Sampson's people, who were all rejoiced to see our ships coming into the port. On getting to the English house, I told Mr Denton that my chief purpose for coming here was for arrack and fresh victuals, of which we were in great need, upon which he gave immediate orders to procure every thing we needed, so that in six days we were supplied with sixteen butts of arrack and arrack-apee; three butts of which last we had from the Dutch, for which courtesy we were chiefly obliged by their anxiety to have us away. We had also beeves, goats, and poultry, in abundance. We also bought here dammar and oil, for the purpose of repairing our ships, as I understood these things were dear at Japan. I here found a small frigate or country bark, which had been bought by the English; and as she was of no great use there, it was agreed that she, with most of the English sailors, should attend upon us to Japan.

We departed from Patani on the 31st May; and at seven a.m. of the 1st June, we saw a small rock, just above water, being very dangerous for ships bound from Patani for the point of Camboja. When this rock bore N.N.E. 1/2 E. at the distance of a league, the high land over Gurnet Head was S.S.W. 1/4 W. eighteen leagues off; and by computation, the low point of Patani road was then eighteen leagues off, W.S.W. 1/2 S. After getting out of Patani road into 7 f. the depth increased regularly to 9, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22, and 24 f. till we got sight of the rock; and two leagues from it we had 25 f. on ooze, as was the ground all the way over from Patani. This day at noon, we found the latitude of the ship to be 7° 20' N. the rock bearing W. about four leagues off.

From that time till the 3d, at noon, our course was E. 1/2 N. forty-five leagues, when we had sight of Pulo Hube, bearing E.N.E. 1/2 N. eight leagues off, having 14 f. on ooze, as we constantly had for the last forty-eight hours, the sounding being from 27 to 36 f. and thence decreasing again to 14 f. Pulo Hube rises at first as one round hill, and on coming nearer some high land is seen rising in hummocks, but not above two-thirds so high as the round hill, being all one land with it. Then another and smaller island is seen to rise, nearly of the same height with the hummocks, and close to the larger island. At the east end of this lesser round island, there are two little isles very near, and a mile east of them there is a long rock like the hull of a galley. This night we anchored in 13 1/2 f. on ooze, about three leagues from the largest and highest isle. In the morning of the 4th we weighed, and stood E. by S. with little wind. At six p.m. we had the body of Pulo Hube W. by N. four leagues off. From thence we steered E. by S. and E. till six next morning, but were so opposed by the current, that we made our course to the northward of east. From six a.m. of the 5th till six p.m. we ran fifteen leagues in the before-mentioned course, when we saw a very small round isle about four leagues to the southward, having a long flat rock S. from it about a mile, a good height above water. From Pulo Hube till three leagues from this island, our soundings were 13, 14, 15 f. and then 15, 14, 13 f. again, all ooze. When within two leagues of this small island, we had 13 f. on sand.

Here we descried Pulo Condor, its N. end bearing E. by N. from this small island about seven leagues off. This day at noon, we made our latitude 8° 42' N. the highest land on Pulo Condor bearing from us E. six leagues off. From Patani till we were in sight of Pulo Condor, the wind was mostly S.S.W. This day at noon, we steered away N.E. then N.E. by N. and in the night N.N.E. so that we made our course on the whole, till next day at noon, N.E. by N. about twenty-four leagues, the depths being 13 and 14 f. on ooze. At noon of the 6th, we had sight of two hummocks on the coast of Camboja, bearing N. by E. nine leagues off, with low land to the westwards. From Pulo Condor till we had sight of this coast, the current set E. by N. At this time we had 12 f. on streamy ground. The 7th at noon, we were in lat. 10° 42' N. having run from the former noon twenty-five leagues N.E. 1/2 N. and found that the current had carried us ten leagues to the N. of our computation. Our depths were in these twenty-four hours, from 12, to 16, 20, and 24 f. and then back to 20, 18, 16, 14, on sandy ground.

From the before-mentioned two hummocks, as we coasted along, about eight leagues from the land, sometimes more, and sometimes less, we saw high land all the way in the inland country, and a smooth land in most places by the sea side, about the height of the Lizard, with many plots upon it resembling white sand, as well as the sea side. The first of these white spots was on a point ten leagues W. of Cape Cessier, which we at first thought had been a town with fair white houses and white walls. This day, at noon, being the 7th, when in the lat. of 10° 48' N. that Cape bore from us about six leagues W.N.W. 1/2 W. At noon of the 8th, we were in lat. 11° 30' N. having gone twenty leagues N.E. 1/2 N. from noon of the 7th. From the 8th, till noon of the 9th, we steered along shore N.N.E. sixteen leagues, N. by E. six leagues, N. six leagues, and N. by W. nine leagues, making our course in all N. by E. 1/3 E. thirty-six leagues. We now had Cape Varella[279] W.S.W. eight leagues off, and were in the lat. of 13° 13' N. This cape is called Jentam by the Chinese, signifying a chimney in their language, because it has a sharp hummock on the top of the hill, much like a chimney on the top of a house. From noon of the 9th, till noon of the 10th, our course was N. two-thirds W. twenty-six leagues; our latitude on the 10th being 14° 30' N. when we were about ten leagues from the land.

[Footnote 279: Cape Verelly is in lat. 12° 40' N. on the coast of Cochin China--E.]

The 11th, at noon, we were in lat. 16° 10' N. having run, from the foregoing noon, thirty-three one-third leagues due N. Next noon, the 12th, we had made other twenty-six leagues, N.N.E. 1/2 N. and were in latitude 17° 40' N. the current having set us six leagues to the N. of our computation. This evening, at six, we descried the island of Aynam, [Hainan] its high land bearing N.W. by N. twelve leagues, and we had run from noon seven leagues N.E. From hence, till noon of the 13th, our course was N.E. by E. twenty-two leagues, and we were then in lat. 18° 30' N. We this morning chased a Portuguese frigate, but she was so light that we could not get near her. The 14th, at noon, we were in 19° 35' N. our course having been these twenty-four hours N.E. twenty-six leagues, the current having carried us four leagues to the N. of our reckoning; and yet this day at noon, in seventy-three f. on ooze, our boats found no current at all. We here saw many ripplings, like the overfalls of some rapid tide, yet found none. At six this evening, we again anchored our boat in sixty-eight f. on oozy sand, and found a slight current to the southwards. By the 15th, at noon, we had ran seventeen leagues N.E. by N. and our latitude was 28° 30' N. the current having carried us seven leagues to the north of our reckoning. We had here forty-five f. sandy ooze. The 16th, at noon, in 21° 20' N. we had sight of three islands, the eastermost N.N.W. the westermost N.W. and the nearest land nine leagues off. We had here twenty-two f. on oosy sand, the wind being E.S.E. and very fresh; but, from Cape Verelly till now, the wind had always blown from S.S.E. to S.W. Next morning, at eight, we had twenty-eight f. on ooze, having run, from noon of the 16th, eleven leagues S.W. Finding the wind to increase, we thought it better to come here to anchor than to run back again.

In the morning of the 18th June, the weather being somewhat fair, we endeavoured to weigh our anchor; but when it was right apeak, the cable gave way, though a new one, never before wetted, by which we lost our anchor. Just at this time the Unicorn fired a gun, on which I sent immediately to know what was amiss, and was informed she had sprung a great leak, by which all her men were tired out with bailing. I then sent thirty men to her aid, to ease her crew, till it might please God they should find the leak. This day we had the wind at S.E. and stood E. making our course N.E. till six p.m. when we again saw the former high island ten leagues from us, bearing N.N.E. one-third E. This evening our men returned from the Unicorn with the joyful news that the great leak was firmly stopped. From six p.m. till midnight, we made fourteen leagues N.E. when we had twenty f. in ooze. From that time, till five next morning, we stood to the southwards, making a S.W. course three and a half leagues.

From five in the morning of the 19th, we cast about towards the land, with the wind at S.E. making a course N.E. and at six o'clock were within eight leagues of the before-mentioned high island, bearing from as N. by E. At eight this morning, Mr Roberts, the master of the Unicorn, came on board the James, to inform me that another great leak had broke out in that ship, and that it was necessary to seek out for some smooth place to ride in at anchor, to enable them to search out the leak, and fit their foremast better into the step. Upon this intelligence, I resolved to bear up under the lee of the great island, which bore now from us N. by E. in hope to find there a smooth anchorage for the purposes of the Unicorn. There were many more islands in sight, both to the eastwards and westwards of us, but that being the nearest, and the likeliest for our purpose, and only three leagues from us, we steered for it. The night approaching, and the wind becoming dull, we plied off and on till morning of the 20th, when the wind had come round so much to the northwards, that we could not fetch our intended place of anchorage. I went aboard the Unicorn this day to enquire into their intentions and situation, when I found them all willing to stand on our original course, as the wind was fair, and they were hopeful of being able to overcome their leak. I therefore sent all my Lascars on board the Unicorn, in aid of her crew, after which we stood on our course all that day till midnight, with a fair wind and favourable weather.

Towards midnight of the 20th June, the wind increased so much, that we had to lay our ship a-try all night under her main-course. In the morning of the 21st, we saw the Unicorn a league and a half astern of us, having a foresail and spritsail out, which I afterwards perceived was for the purpose of floating her about towards the shore. I immediately caused our fore-courses to be made ready to float our ship about after the Unicorn, though we had little hope of being able to assist her in any thing, as the sea was become very rough. While our men were throwing loose the forecourse, there came so violent a gust, that they were obliged to furl it again, otherwise it had been blown away. After the gust was over, we set our foresail, and, to make her wear better round, we brailed up our main-course, part of it being blown out of the bolt rope before the men could furl it. After that was up, we put our helm hard a-weather, thinking the ship would come round, but all in vain, for our ship would not wear beyond two or three points, and then came to again. The sea was now so much grown that we durst not let fall our spritsail, and the wind so violent that we could not loosen our fore-topsail; and by this time the Unicorn had gone out of sight.[280] Finding we could not wear ship, we steered away as near as we could lie S. by E. till noon, having by that time made a course S. by E. thirteen leagues from the southermost island we had seen over night, which I called the Morocco Saddle, or Saddle island, because of a high hill having a deep swamp or hollow between two peaked tops. This Saddle island is in lat. 21° 45' N.[281] There are four or five small islands close to its western side, and three on its eastern side. Besides which, there are many other islands in different directions, some N.W. others W.N.W. and W. by N. the southermost of all the islands in sight bearing from Saddle island to the W. about fifteen leagues off.

[Footnote 280: It will be seen in the sequel that she was lost on the coast of China, probably run on shore to save the men's lives from the effects of the increasing leak.--E.]

[Footnote 281: The indicated latitude leads to one of the numerous islands on the coast of China, at the month of the bay of Canton, about the longitude of 113° E. from Greenwich.--E.]

This afternoon our ship became very leaky, having suddenly four and a half feet water in the hold, which kept both pumps going a long while before we could free her. Towards evening, it pleased God that we discovered three or four great leaks between wind and water; and after our carpenters had stopped them, we had great comfort, as we could then let the pumps stop half an hour, and afterwards free the ship in a quarter of an hour. From this day, the 21st, at noon, till noon of the 22d, we made five leagues S.S.W. with a pair of courses, and nine leagues S.W. by W. a-hull, having twenty-seven and a half f. in ooze. In the afternoon of the 22d, the violence of the wind and waves began to abate, and our ship became tighter, which plainly shewed that most of our leaks were between wind and water, wherefore, on the first fair weather, I caused our carpenters to search the ship's sides, where they found and stopped many bad places, some a yard long, where the oakum was all rotten in the seams.

The 24th, we had sight of a great island to the N. about seven leagues off; having a high hill on its southern end, being the island formerly mentioned as about fifteen leagues W. from Saddle island. From thence, till the evening of the 26th, our course was S. by W. twenty-four leagues, the depths increasing from nineteen to thirty-six f. on ooze. We had here a small round island S.W. by N. two leagues off, nearly in latitude 20° 20' N.[282] This island has four small islands on its S.W. side, but all of them considerably lower, for we saw this from the distance of at least ten leagues, rising in the shape of a Chinese hat. From hence, till noon of the 27th, our course was E. by N. two-thirds N. twelve leagues. This morning at two o'clock the wind veered round to S.S.E. and at noon was due S. From noon of the 27th, to noon of the 28th, we stood E.N.E. eighteen leagues, and had then almost forty-one f. on ooze. Till noon of the 29th, we made other eighteen leagues E.N.E. when we were in 21° 10' N. To the 30th, at noon, other eighteen leagues E.N.E. To noon of 1st July, our course was E.N.E. 1/2 N. twenty-two leagues, our latitude being then 22° 10' N. Here, from the topmast-head we saw land N.N.W. 1/2 N. From noon this day, till seven p.m. we sailed N.E. by N. six leagues. At six this evening we saw three Chinese fishing-boats.

[Footnote 282: There must be a material error here, as the latitude in the text would carry us back to the peninsula to the north of Hainan, more than two degrees of longitude backwards. Indeed, the text seems corrupted in many respects, even the bearings being extremely suspicious.--E.]

This evening the wind came up at E.S.E. with which we stood to the southwards; and having sprung our main topmast only a little before, we could only bear a course and bonnet, and therefore made our way no better than S.W. From noon of the 2d, till eight p.m. our way was S. four leagues. Till noon of the 3d, we sailed N.N.W. 1/4 W. seven leagues. We here saw land twelve leagues off, from N. to N.E. rising in certain hummocks, which land I estimated to be nearly in 22° 45' N. On the 8th, I had an observation of the Scorpion's Heart, by which I made our latitude 22° 35' N. Next day, at noon, on observation of the sun gave the latitude 23° 6' N. At this time we had sight of the high land of Logosse, eleven leagues off, N.W. by N.[283] This morning we saw eight or more fishing boats, and came within hail of one, but could not persuade the people to come on board.

[Footnote 283: The latitude of the text points to the coast of China in about the longitude of 117°E. but no such name as Logosse occurs in these parts.--E.]

On the 10th we had sight of some small islands, one of which, rising in form of a sugar-loaf, bore from us W.N.N. about eight leagues off.[284] We this day hoisted out a small boat, built by our carpenters upon the forecastle, by which we made trial of the current, and found it to set E.N.E. At eight this evening, we anchored in 28 f. having made no way at all this afternoon but with the current, which went at the rate of about a mile an hour N.E. The 11th we weighed, and drove away with the current to the N.E. having no wind. This day at noon we had sight of the high land of Formosa above the clouds, the highest part bearing S.E. by E. about eighteen leagues off, the nearest island on the coast of China bearing seven leagues from us N.W. We here saw great numbers of fishing boats all round about us, which sent little boats to us with fish, for which we gave them double the value to encourage them to come back. At six this evening, the wind sprung up at N.N.E. by which, and some help of the current setting N.E. by E. we made our way nine leagues E. to the 12th at noon. Our latitude was then 25° 20' N. The high land of Formosa being S.E. and the nearest port eight leagues off; the northern point ten leagues E. by N. and the depth 46 fathoms on ooze. The 13th the northern point of Formosa bore E.S.E. ten leagues off, being then in lat. 25° 40' N.

[Footnote 284: These appear to have been the Poughoy, or Pescadores islands, off the western coast of Tai-ouan, or Formosa.--E.]

The 22d of July at noon, we were in lat. 32° 40' N. the great sound of Langasaque, [Nangasaki,] being E. nine leagues off, and the S.E. of the Gotto isles W. by N. ten leagues off. The 23d, we arrived in a port of the island of Firando named Cochee, [Coetch,] which is about 4 1/2 English miles to the southwards of Firando haven.[285] On the 25th, Captain Cox sent a great number of funnies, or toe boats, to our assistance, by the help of which we got safe in the afternoon into the harbour of Firando, where we found the Swan and Expedition, sent hither, as I suppose, by the Dutch, for the disgrace of our nation in this remote part of the world. This day, before we got in, the Elizabeth brought in with her into Coetch, a frigate, containing silks and hides, and some sugar, her mariners being Japanese with some Portuguese, a part of whom were friars. Captain Adams, the admiral of the united fleet, arrived in the same place about three hours after me in the Moon, as likewise William Johnson in the Trow.

[Footnote 285: Coetch, about 17 miles W. by N. from Firando, the former on the western, and the latter on the eastern side of the island.--E.]

The 26th, a general council was held of all the English and Dutch, in the English house at Firando, when it was resolved to call in the ships that lay nearest the coast of Sashma, because we were certainly informed that the Portuguese frigates were just arrived from Macao at Nangasaki. The 30th, the king of Crats came aboard the James, appearing much delighted to see such a ship, demanding of the jurabassa if this were one of the English frigates; whence we concluded the Dutch had reported we had only small ships like frigates. The 1st of August we held another council at the English factory, to make choice of two men, an Englishman and a Hollander, to carry a present to the emperor. As I could not be spared so long from the James, nor Captain Adams from his fleet, we made choice of Mr Charles Cleavengar, commander of the Palsgrave, and Mr Joseph Cockram, Cape merchant of the fleet, to go on the part of the English, and Jasques le Febre of the Harlaem, and Mathias de Brooke, were chosen on the part of the Dutch.

On the 6th the Palsgrave arrived in Coetch roads. The Bull arrived there on the 7th, having cut away all her masts by the board, as they said to save the ship and goods. This day Captain Adams and I paid a visit to the king of Firando, carrying a small present, which was well received, and we were courteously entertained. On the 9th the king invited the English and Dutch to dine with him, shewing respect to our nation by placing us on his right hand, while the Dutch sat on his left, and the first dish of every course was offered to us.

The 4th September we had a great tuffoon from the north, which forced the Moon on shore, and overset the Expedition, which instantly went down. The Trow had likewise been overset, had not her master veered out the cable, and allowed her to go on shore, stern foremost. The 5th I sent all my men aboard the Moon to help her off when we all strove a long time to no purpose; but she was again got off on the 13th, having fortunately received no damage by lying so long ashore. Having every thing taken out of the James Royal, except some bars of lead to help in trimming her over, she was hove down on the 19th almost halfway to the keel. The 21st we brought her down so low as to see part of her keel, and then began to sheath her with all expedition, and in four days the carpenters sheathed the whole of one side, from the keel up to her lower bends. The 27th I sent a cooper, two quarter-masters, and a butcher, to Nangasaki, to kill and salt such meat as was provided for us.

On the 12th October, we got the James hove down on the other side to the keel, and on this side we found four very dangerous places, where the main plank was eaten quite through by the worms. Into each of these we graved a piece of plank, and in one of them we drove a trunnel where none had been before. We also nailed a piece of lead on the end of the bolt, which had been formerly driven through the keel to stop our great leak. Our ship was then righted, both sides being finished up to the lower bends. The Moon was likewise finished on the 21st on both sides. The 24th we had news that Nangasaki was greatly injured by a fire which began in the Portuguese street, and consumed four or five of the richest streets in the city.

The 7th of December we departed from Firando, and anchored the same evening in the bay of Coetch. The 16th, Captain Cleavengar and Captain Le Febre returned to Firando from the court of the emperor, bringing the joyful news of having succeeded in their business. I took my leave of them on the 17th; and the wind being fair, with favourable weather, I set sail from the road of Coetch.

§6. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence Home to England.[286]

The 18th December at noon, the islands of Mexuma bore from us N.W. four leagues off, our course from Pomo being S.S.W. twenty-five leagues. At noon on the 19th, our latitude was 31° 32'N. the isles of Mexuma bearing N.E. by N. nine leagues off. The 12th January, 1621, we stood in for the coast of Sumatra, and anchored at midnight in the river of Palembangan in twelve fathoms. We weighed again in the morning of the 13th, steering along the Sumatra shore through the straits of Banka; and past midnight of the 14th we got to anchor near Pulo Paniang. The 16th, seeing four ships in Bantam roads, we weighed and stood a little way within Pulo Paniang, when the Pepper-corn's boat came to us with the master, Mr Morton, who told me there were two Dutch ships in the road and one French ship, the pangran having consented to grant trade, and that it had been agreed to share the pepper in thirds among them. I also learnt from him, that most part of our loading was already prepared for us at Jacatra. I set sail, therefore, in the morning of the 17th, and arrived that evening near Antilaky; and in the evening of the 18th we arrived in the bay of Jacatra, [now Batavia bay,] where we found the Charles, the Gift, and the Clove, as also two Dutch ships, the Leyden and the Sun. The Globe and the Bee were at Hector island.

[Footnote 286: In the former subdivision of this voyage a sufficient sample has been given of dry nautical detail of courses, bearings, winds, and soundings, and it does not seem necessary to insert the minute uninteresting detail of the return voyage to Bantam, which was along the coast of China, Cochinchina and Camboja, nearly retracing the former course.--E.]

I here found the master of the Unicorn with several of his ship's company, having come over in a junk, after losing his ship on the coast of China.[287] The James here discharged her lading, and was ready to reload for England, there being here at this time, in the Charles, Clove, and Gift, about 600 tons of pepper and other goods, and the Bear daily expected from Jambee with 200 more, so that we had good hope of soon making up our loading with pepper, benzoin, cloves, and silk. Having taken in our whole loading of pepper, except fifty-five pekuls, and a few sapetas of silk and some cloves, I departed in the morning of the 26th February from the road of Jacatra, and set sail for England.

[Footnote 287: Purchas, II. 1700, informs us, that the Unicorn being wrecked on the coast of China, the company saved themselves and part of their goods on shore. At first the rude Chinese would have assaulted and rifled them; but they stood on their defence, till a magistrate came and rescued them from the hands of the vulgar, after which they had kind usage and just dealing. They were allowed to purchase two vessels, with all necessary provisions, for their departure, and in these, part of the company went to Japan, and the other to Malacca.--Purch.]

In the afternoon of the 20th May, we arrived in the road of Saldanha, [Table-bay,] at the Cape of Good Hope. We here found the Ann Royal and the Fortune, two ships belonging to the honourable Company, and three Dutch ships, the Gowda, Black Bear, and the Herring, all bound for Bantam and Jacatra. We trimmed our ship on the 21st, and on the 22d we sent some water-casks on shore, and set up a tent for our sick men and coopers, landing twenty-five men as a guard for their protection. This night I sent out sixty men, along with sixty Dutchmen, in quest of cattle, but they returned without procuring any.

We left Saldanha bay in the morning of the 6th June, with the wind at S.S.E. The 21st, at six in the morning, we got sight of St Helena, and about ten in the forenoon of the 22d, we anchored in Chappel Bay, half a mile from the shore, in twenty-six fathoms. The 25th, we changed to the valley leading to the lemon-trees, being the best in all the island for refreshments. Having remained seven days at this island, where we filled our water-casks, and got at least fifty goats and hogs, and above 4000 lemons, we weighed anchor on the 29th, at nine a.m. The 16th of August we saw the high land of Pico, E.N.E. about 15 leagues off. The 15th September we got sight of the land's end of England; and on Tuesday the 18th of that month we arrived in the Downs, having been absent on this voyage, four years, seven months, and fourteen days.

SECTION XI.

VOYAGE OF THE ANN ROYAL, FROM SURAT TO MOKHA, IN 1618.[288]

The Ann Royal belonged to the fleet commanded by Martin Pring, of which an ample relation has been given in the foregoing section. The present section gives an account of a subordinate voyage, arising out of the former, and intended for settling a trade in the Red Sea. The Ann Royal was commanded by Captain Andrew Shilling, and this narrative is said by Purchas, to have been extracted from the journal of Edward Heynes, who appears to have been second merchant in the Ann.--E.

[Footnote 288: Purch. Pilgr. I. 622.]

* * * * *

Sir Thomas Roe, lord ambassador from his majesty to the Great Mogul, having given certain articles of instruction to Captain Andrew Shilling, commander of the Ann Royal, and Joseph Salbank, Edward Heynes, and Richard Barber, merchants in that ship, for establishing and conducting trade at Dabul or other places in the Red Sea, as they might see convenient, it was thought meet by Captain Martin Pring the general, Thomas Kerridge, and Thomas Rastell, on the 12th March, in a consultation on board the James Royal, that we should sail direct for the Red Sea, as the season was already too far gone for going to Dabul.

Sailing therefore from the road of Swally, we got sight of Aden on the 10th of April. The 13th, about seven in the morning, we passed the Bab, or straits of Bab-al-Mandub, so named from an island at the entrance, or mouth, of the Red Sea, and forming one side of the straits. About five in the evening we came in sight of Mokha; and as night was coming on, we cast anchor. Shortly after, a canoe came on board, sent by the governor to enquire who we were, and what were our intentions; and having given them an answer, they departed, having first begged a few biscuits. Next morning we weighed, and came again to anchor a league and half from the shore, when we saluted the town with nine guns. The water-bailey, or shahbander, brought off, as a present from the governor, a young bullock, two goats, with mangoes, limes, cucumbers, and water-melons. He welcomed us in the name of the governor, and desired us to send some persons on shore to inform the governor of the purpose of our arrival. About three in the afternoon, there came aboard a Jew born in Lisbon, together with an old renegado Venetian, who was in great favour with the governor, and in his name assured us of meeting with good usage to our content.

The 15th, Ali Asgee, the chief scrivano, sent a present of goats and fruits, with a message of welcome, by two old men of good condition, who were sent by the governor to remain aboard in pledge for such of us as were to go on shore, with many protestations of good usage. Accordingly, Mr Salbank and I went ashore, accompanied by two linguists and an attendant, carrying as a present for the governor, six yards of stammel broad cloth, six yards of green, a fowling-piece and a looking-glass. Above a thousand people were on the shore expecting our arrival, and several officers were in waiting to conduct us to the governor. His house was large and handsome, built of brick and stone, having a fair gate of entrance with a porter's lodge, and several servants in waiting. From the gate, we went into a great court, whence a winding stair of thirty steps led to a square terrace, from which we were conducted into a large room, at one end of which was a great bow-window looking towards the sea. The governor sat in this window, and there were others on the sides of the room, which looked to the wharf or landing-place. The floor of this room was all covered with fine mats, and towards where the governor sat, with fine Turkey carpets and Persian felts. Where he sat, there lay a party-coloured sattin quilt, with several rich cushions of damask and others of velvet. He was dressed in a violet-coloured vest of sattin, under which were garments of fine India muslin or calico, having on his head a sattin cap, wreathed round by a white sash. He was attended by the chief scrivano, the principal officers of the customs, some Turks of importance, many Indian merchants, and about an hundred servants. He seemed about fifty years of age, and his name was Mahomet Aga.

On our approach, and doing reverence, he bowed to us, and desired us to sit down, demanding who we were, and what was our business. We answered that we were Englishmen and merchants from London, who, by command of the ambassador of the king of England to the Great Mogul, with whom we had a league of peace and amity, had come to this place to treat for liberty of trade. That we were in friendship with the Grand Signior, and had free trade at Constantinople, Aleppo, and other places in the Turkish dominions, and hoped to enjoy the same here; for which purpose we were come to desire his and the pacha's phirmauns, giving us such privileges as we already had in other parts of the dominions of the Grand Signior, both for the present time and in future, as we meant to visit his port yearly with plenty of English and Indian commodities. We said likewise that we were commanded to say by the lord ambassador, that hearing there were sundry pirates, English, Dutch, French, Portuguese, Malabars and others, who infested the trade of this port, and principally that carried on by the Guzerats, who were our friends, we had his orders to free the seas of all such incumbrances, protecting all honest merchant ships and junks from injury. These, we said, were the true causes of our coming here.

The governor then rose up and bid us welcome, applauding our declared purposes, but asked why we were so fearful as not to come on shore without pledges. We answered, that about six years before, some of our countrymen being here, were enticed on shore by fair promises of good usage, who were betrayed and imprisoned by the then governor, and several of them murdered. For these reasons, we were under the necessity of being careful of our safety. We said moreover, that he would shortly be certified we were exactly what we professed, by means of two junks of Guzerat, one of which had not come this year, but for the pass and promise of the ambassador that they were to be protected in the voyage home by our ship, against the enterprizes of any pirates who might be in these seas, as one had been last year by some of our ships, which came opportunely to their rescue, and conducted her safely to their port, and had sent the chief commanders to England, to be tried and punished for their wrongs against the friends of our sovereign.

The governor acknowledged the friendly conduct of our nation in that affair, promising that we should live as safely on shore, and conduct our business with as much freedom and security, as in our own country, for which we should have his phirmauns, which he would procure to be confirmed by the pacha to our entire contentment. He said likewise that the former governor was a bad man, long since deposed, and now living at Constantinople in disgrace; and swore by his beard, and by Mahomet, that not a hair of our heads should be diminished, nor any wrong offered to us, as he should make proclamation of our liberties, that no one might pretend ignorance and do us harm or discourtesy. He desired us, therefore, to look out for a house for ourselves and our goods, commanding two of his chiauses to attend upon us, and recommended us to lodge with the Jew merchant till we could fit ourselves better, desiring him to assist us in all things.

After giving many thanks for his kindness, and delivering the present as from our captain, we went, by the advice of the Jew, to visit the scrivano, who is likewise chief customer or shahbander; and as he was not at home, his servant received and entertained us with much civility. They conducted us into an handsome room, not much inferior in building and furniture to that of the governor, where we had left their master, who soon came home and welcomed us with much politeness, assuring us that all the governor had promised should be faithfully performed, as he himself should see all executed, and had also power to see us righted. We were informed that this man's power was as great in Mokha as that of the governor, who was directed by him in all matters of importance. This officer seemed a hearty old man. After making us drink coffee and sherbet, we took our leaves, and remained all night with the Jew.

Next morning we spent an hour in viewing the town, and observing the countenances of the people towards us, whom we found gentle and courteous, especially the Banians and Guzerats, many of whom reside here as merchants, shopkeepers, and mechanics, having neatly-built shops and warehouses. Their market or bazar seemed well furnished with all manner of necessaries, among which were plenty of fruits, which are brought daily from the country. Most of the town is built of brick and stone, neatly plastered over with Paris plaster, some of the houses being two stories high, and all flat-roofed, with terraces on the top, on which in summer they construct lodges of canes and mats, in which they sleep and spend the first quarter of the day, having at that time a fresh breeze from the sea. All the rest of the day at that season is so hot that they can hardly endure even a shirt. Mokha lies quite level along the sea-shore, being about two miles from north to south, and contains many good-looking houses, with three principal mosques. The streets are kept clean, every person having to sweep and water before his door every morning and evening, so that they resemble sandy alleys for bowling, more than streets. No filth is allowed to be thrown into the streets, but must all be carried to an appointed place, where it is scoured out by the sea. In fine, I have never seen a sweeter, cleaner, or better ordered town any where.

The wharf is situated between the governor's house and that of the scrivano, and is about twelve score square.[289] Near this, and adjoining the governor's house, there is a platform or fort, built of hewn stones, having battlements towards the sea, being about forty paces square, in which there are thirteen or fourteen pieces of ordnance of little value. Over against the landing-place two fair brass cannons are planted, above five feet long. At the other end, is the Alfandica, where there is a brass gun six feet long, carrying a large ball. Besides these defences, there is a stone house at the north end of the town, built like a sconce or redoubt, with a few pieces of ordnance; but they trust little in their ordnance, relying mostly on their soldiers, of whom they have always 200 in the town, and about 300 more in the country, within a day or two days march, who are all constantly in readiness for service.

[Footnote 289: This is obscure, as it is not said whether it be 240 feet, yards, or paces.--E.]

The son of Cojah Nassan, the principal India merchant of the town, whom we waited upon at his house, promised us all kindness, and regaled us with tobacco and coffee, as is usual among these people. We went afterwards to wait upon the governor before we returned on board. He rose up at our entry to meet us, causing us to sit down by him, and repeated all the fair promises of free trade he had given the day before, declaring that he would deny us nothing that was reasonable. He then told us there was another governor shortly to succeed him, who was as his brother, and honester even than himself, who would faithfully perform every thing he had promised. At our request, the governor ordered the water-bailiff to furnish us at all times with boats, either for our conveyance, or to carry water to the ship. From the governor, we again went to visit the scrivano, who received us with much civility, promising to come aboard to visit our ship, and compliment our captain. After treating us with coffee, we took leave, and returned to the ship, when the pledges were dismissed, acknowledging the good treatment they had received, and were saluted on going ashore with five guns.

On the 17th, the scrivano, with our two pledges, our Jew friend, and twenty other persons, came aboard, bringing a bullock, with bread, quinces, and other fruits, a great round cake or pasty, like puff-paste, in which were several fowls and chickens, well seasoned and baked, and most excellent eating. We also, with a large quince pye, and many crabs, together with sack and cordials, added our best welcome. The scrivano was so well pleased with his reception, that he insisted upon becoming the sworn brother of our captain, which was accordingly celebrated with a cup of sack; and, after much mirth, and having taken a view of our ship, he departed highly gratified.

We were well supplied with water by several poor people of Mokha, who brought it off to the ship at a reasonable rate. Also, with the concurrence of the governor and scrivano, we made every junk that arrived anchor under our guns, and to ride in that situation till they discharged their cargo; which indeed the governor wished us to do, because some junks passed by that port to trade at others, to the injury of Mokha At six in the evening of the 21st of April, we had a violent storm of wind off the land, accompanied by much thunder and lightning, but no rain, which continued for half an hour, all the rest of the night being extremely hot. Although we rode above a league from the shore, this tempest brought great quantities of dust, and even sand on board. The 25th, we had a message from the scrivano, saying that the governor and he had received letters from the pacha at Sinan, commanding them to entertain us with all manner of kindness, and to give us free trade, with liberty to reside among them in all quietness and security.

On the 27th the new governor arrived, when the ordnance of the town, and of our ship and the several junks in the road, all fired to welcome his arrival. He sent the former pledges on board to return thanks for our salute, accompanied by a present of plantains, limes, mangoes, melons, and bread, with one bullock, promising, in the name of the pacha, as free trade as our nation had in Constantinople. The pledges remained all night aboard, and went ashore with us next day, when we found the new and the old governors sitting together at the end of a large room, much in the same way as we had found the old one at our first arrival. The new governor was named Regib Aga, and was accompanied by several principal Turks, and by all the principal merchants from Surat, Diu, Dabul, Scindy, Calicut, and Cananore. On our approach, he and the other Turks only moved their bodies, but all the merchants rose up to salute us. He made us sit down beside him, and told us that the pacha had commanded him to give us satisfaction in all things; and that he knew besides, we were of a nation in friendship with the Grand Signior, and had free trade in Constantinople, Aleppo, and other parts of the Turkish empire, being a nation of a friendly and honest disposition, and we should therefore always find him disposed to give us free trade, and every other courtesy In reply, we told him we proposed, at our next coming to Mokha, if our reasonable requests of a free trade were granted, to settle a permanent factory at this place, and to come yearly to the port, with plenty of English and India goods, and should defend the trade against pirates. We even distantly hinted, that it was needless to deny us a free trade, being in a condition to force it if refused, and to hinder all others from coming hither, the fear of which had already caused some junks to pass by Mokha to Jidda, the port of Mecca, a town of great trade, 150 leagues farther up the Red Sea, and to other places.

The new governor replied, that we should be made as welcome as in any place of our own country; and swore by God, and Mahomet, and by his own beard, that we should live as free from all injury as in our own land. We asked what security he would give us besides his word, when he said we should have his phirmaun under his chop, or seal, and would procure us the same from the pacha. With this we seemed satisfied, and gave him many thanks; and indeed they all seemed perfectly willing to give us every satisfaction, yet, in my opinion, not from good-will or justice, but from fear, as they knew we were able to intercept their whole trade. After some conversation about our ambassador, who now resided at Constantinople, and about the Portuguese and Spaniards, whom Rajib said were proud and faithless nations, we spoke of Sir Henry Middleton, asking the cause of their treacherous conduct to him and his people. He answered, that the then Vizier was a bloody, cruel, and ill-minded man, and made worse by the instigation of the Turks and Arabs of Mokha, who were enraged by the uncivil behaviour of our people, who made water at the gates of their mosques, forced their way into the houses after the citizens wives, and being daily drunk in the streets, would fight and quarrel with the people,[290] things hateful in their eyes. These were only in part the cause, for the covetousness of the governor, hoping to have got their ship and goods, was the main cause of that scandalous conduct, for which he was soon afterwards sent to Constantinople to answer for his crimes.

[Footnote 290: Let English Christians read, blush, and amend--Purch.]

We dined that day with the scrivano, and hired a house of Hassan Aga, one of our pledges, at seventy dollars the monsoon, or yearly rent, it being all the same. The scrivano insisted to swear himself our friend on his Koran, yet denied the present governor to be the person who captured Sir Henry Middleton, which we afterwards found to be Turkish faith, or absolute falsehood. We now agreed to pay at the rate of three in the hundred, ad valorem, both inwards and outwards, though the scrivano swore that all others paid five; all money, with silver and gold in bullion, to pass free of duty. We remained this night with the scrivano to supper, and gave him a present.

On the 29th of April we expected to have had our phirmaun publicly read before all the merchants, and proclaimed to the people; but most part of the day was spent in ceremony by the governor and other chiefs at the mosque, on account of the death of Sultan Achmet, the Grand signior, and the accession of his brother to the throne. They came riding past our house while we were sitting at a window which opened to the street, whence we made our obeisance to them, and they bowed in return. They were all in grand gala, having their horses richly caparisoned. At four in the afternoon we were sent for, but our linguist had got to a Jew house and was drunk with arrack, so we sent an apology, under pretence that Mr Salbank was indisposed, and promised attendance next day. On the 31st, the governor sent for us, and made our welcome known to all the merchants, causing his scrivano draw up a phirmaun as full as we could have wished, which he signed with his chop or seal in the afternoon at the house of the principal scrivano, entirely according to what was before agreed upon, by which we were to pay three per cent. for all we landed, excepting money, and the same for all we took on board, except victuals. We got afterwards a similar phirmaun from Mahomet, the pacha of Sinan: and Rejib Aga gave us a particular safe conduct for Mr Salbank and the rest.[291]

[Footnote 291: Copies, or translations rather, from the Arabic, are given in the Pilgrims of all these three phirmauns, which it was not thought necessary to insert.--E]

It was now agreed among ourselves that Mr Salbank and I were to remain ashore to conduct the business of sales and purchases, while Mr Barber staid on board to prepare and send such goods as we required. The 5th of May we went to the scrivano to get leave to make arrack for the use of our sick men; because, since our linguist and several of our people had got drunk in the house of a Jew, we had complained, and procured an order prohibiting the Jews from selling them any, and the governor had even strictly enjoined the Jews and Turks not to sell any more arrack or wine in the town. At our request through the scrivano, the governor granted leave for a Jew, nominated for the purpose to brew arrack at our house, but forbid any to be made elsewhere.

In the afternoon of the 8th, learning that the governor and principal men were sitting in form at the Alfandica, to receive the Surat captain who was then coming on shore, we went also to see the ceremonial of his reception. We found the governor at the upper end of a long room, sitting on a stone bench spread with carpets, having on the same bench with him various merchants and Turks of quality, to the number of about twenty. Opposite to him sat about as many in chairs, forming a lane down the room to a square platform raised three steps from the floor, railed in and matted, in which the scrivano and other officers of the customs sat on carpets. The governor bid us welcome, saying he had given orders to the chief broker to examine our goods and promote their sale. He then desired us to sit down, two merchants offering us their places, and called for coffee and tobacco to regale us.

About half an hour after, the nokhada, or captain of the Surat ship, came ashore. His boat was curiously painted, having a tilt of red silk, with many streamers, and sails of fine white calico. He was rowed by twenty of his servants, all dressed in fine white calico, and he was accompanied by a wretched band of music, consisting of drums, waits, and bad trumpets, the noise from which was augmented by the discharge of guns from his own great junk and those belonging to the town. Attended by a few slaves, decked out in silks and coarse sattins, he entered the lone room where we were, when the governor rose and saluted him, and placed him next himself on the stone bench. Many compliments of welcome passed between the nokhada and the other merchants; but in the height of his pride he overlooked us, and we him accordingly. Yet we thought he might have shewn us more respect, considering that Captain Shilling had sent his long-boat and men to free his junk of 400 or 500 tons, when aground, and had entertained him with much civility aboard our ship.

After some time spent in compliments, coffee was again brought in for all the company; after which six vests were produced, two of which were given to the Surat captain, and one each to his four principal merchants. When these were put on, and mutual salams or reverences given, they again sat down, like so many painted images, dressed up in coats of coarse gold and silver velvet. We here observed one usual custom of this town, at the arrival of any junk, and the landing of her nokhada or captain, that free liberty is given to all the mariners and passengers to bring ashore as much goods as each man can carry on his back, without payment of any duty; accordingly, at this time, about 300 persons belonging to this junk passed with their luggage to the captain's residence, unmolested.

On the 9th, our landlord and the scrivano told us that three junks from Diu, and four Malabar vessels, were at Aden, whence they were afraid to proceed without our pass or licence. Accordingly we sent them a free pass, signed by our captain and three merchants. In this, after reciting that we had found good usage from the governor and merchants at Mokha, we engaged to give them all freedom to pass quietly, assuring them of kind usage, provided they were not enemies to our sovereign or his subjects. A more general pass was afterwards granted by us for the quiet and free departure of all junks and other vessels, with their cargoes, mariners, and passengers.

On the 10th, the captain of the Dabul junk invited us to a banquet at his house, where we found the governor with about fifty principal persons, besides attendants, all of whom rose up to bid us welcome. Coffee, sherbet, and tobacco, were served round, with various fruits, as plums, apricots, and mangoes, and thinking these had been the feast, we were about to depart; but the governor and the Dabul captain desired us to remain, that we might eat bread and salt with them, which we did. The feast at last made its appearance, though late, being about sixty dishes of meats, baked, roasted, broiled, stewed, and boiled, but all mingled with rice and various kinds of sallads, in the fashion of India.

Our cargo consisted mostly of bad wares, which had lain in India till they were nearly spoiled, and so hung long upon our hands; wherefore we importuned the governor to dispeed our sales, which he charged the broker to do with all expedition. We also had leave granted to come and go between the ship and the shore at our pleasure, without demanding leave, contrary to the usual custom of the port, the water bailiff being ordered to give us no molestation. On the 20th, it was noticed that the monsoon had changed. The 24th, the scrivano observed to us that our sailors, on coming ashore, were in the custom of selling baftas and sword-blades in the bazar. He said the governor had promised liberty for the goods of these poor fellows to pass free of custom, and therefore they might freely bring them ashore for sale, but must sell them at our house, and not in the public bazar, which was a disgrace to us and our nation.

On the 31st, our ship was in great danger of being burnt. Some one happened to be smoking on the spritsail yardarm, when the burning tobacco fell out unobserved into a fold of the sail, where it burnt through two or three breadths, and was long smelt before it could be found. After this, smoking was strictly prohibited, except in the cook-room or the captain's cabin. At this time, for the recovery of our sick men, the exploration of the coast, and procuring ballast instead of lead taken out of the ship for sale, it was concluded to send the ship over to Assab; on the African coast, on which occasion Mr Baffen, the master's mate, was sent before to sound and discover the passage.

On the 10th of June we had a conference with the governor, and, among other discourse, he told us that he was governor of Aden when the Ascension was there, when he imprisoned the captain and Mr Joseph Salbank for two days, suspecting them to be freebooters, and not merchants, as he alleged. He said also that he was governor here at Mokha when Sir Henry Middleton was apprehended, but laid the whole blame of that transaction on the then pacha, whose servant he was, and who had given orders for that and much more, which he called God to witness was much contrary to his inclination, and declared that these things were past, and we had now nothing to fear. By this avowal, we had a clear evidence how far he and the scrivano were to be trusted. The governor sent for us again on the 13th, saying that he had acquainted the pacha with our purpose of sending to him for his phirmaun, and that he had promised a hearty welcome and full contentment, whether we went personally or sent a messenger; but the governor advised that one of us should go up to Sinan, for which purpose he would provide us with horses, camels, and attendants, and should write in our behalf to the pacha.

The 19th a junk arrived from Jiddah, with many passengers from Mecca, bringing camblets, bad coral, amber beads, and much silver, to invest in spices and India cotton goods. She brought news of a ship, laden last year from Mokha for Grand Cairo, which had lost her monsoon, and was forced to wait till next year, at a place only a little way beyond Jiddah. By this ship, the governor had letters informing him that the Grand Signior had sent various state ornaments to the pacha of Sinan, whom he had confirmed in his government for seven years longer, and appointing himself to continue governor of Mokha for the like time, of which he seemed not a little proud.

As I was constantly indisposed, it was thought fit that Mr Salbank should go up to Sinan to wait upon the pacha with a present, and to carry up some goods also with him for sale at that place. On this occasion, the scrivano offered him his own mule to ride upon, which he thankfully accepted. He was furnished with two camels, a cook, a horsekeeper, and three servants belonging to the governor, all of whose wages he agreed to pay at certain fixed rates, and was also accompanied by a linguist named Alberto. Taking leave of the governor, who gave him letters for the pacha, he departed from Mokha about six in the evening of the 23d June, the nights being the accustomed time of travelling.

In the morning of the 23d, we had a letter from our captain; then at Assab, informing of his safe arrival there, and the good health of the people, and that he had procured ballast and provisions to his satisfaction. On the 26th, the governor sent me a horse by one of his servants, inviting me to accompany him to his banqueting house, about half a mile out of town, there to spend the day in mirth along with other merchants. About half an hour after, the chief scrivano came to accompany me, with whom I went, joining the governor by the way, and rode with him to the place. It was a fair house, in the middle of a grove of date trees, beside a large tank or pond, having several rooms handsomely fitted; up for sitting. After a little while, the governor and several others went into the tank to bathe, where they sported themselves for half an hour. Coffee was then handed round to the company, after which grapes, peaches, and both musk and water; melons, were brought in, together with blanched almonds and great quantities of raisins, as there were between fifty and sixty guests, besides, attendants; and always between whiles coffee, sherbet, and tobacco were handed round. Thus, and with indifferent music, we spent the forenoon. After prayers, the governor, went again into the tank, where he spent an hour sporting with his company. In the sequel, the time was spent in cards and chess, and in looking at various; jiggling tricks, till four in the evening. At this time above an hundred dishes were served up, all of good meat, but; cold, and ill dressed, each dish being sufficient to have satisfied four hungry men. He treated me with much kindness, and was earnest to have me go with him into the tank, but I excused myself; on account of my late indisposition. He then said, if at any time I was inclined to bathe, I might come to this place when I pleased, and he would give orders to the keeper to admit me and use me well.

The 12th July, the Surat captain made a fine display of many artificial fire-works before the governor, it being then new moon. The governor sent for me to see them, and placed me in a chair beside himself, telling me he had letters that day from Sinan, informing him that the Pacha had granted a phirmaun for us before the arrival of Mr Salbank, but hearing of his coming, had delayed sending it, and had since granted another, according to his instructions, and had delivered it to Mr Salbank with his own hand.

On the 13th there passed by the roads a junk of four or five hundred tons from Jiddah, bound for Kitchine, a day's sail within the entrance of the Red Sea, which I suppose is not far from Cape Guardafui, on the coast of Africa.[292] She is said to contain great sums in gold and silver, with much valuable merchandize. This ship comes yearly to Mokha at the beginning of the western monsoon, bringing myrrh, and boxes for coho seeds, [coffee] and goes from hence to Jiddah or Aliambo, [Al Yambo] where she sells her coffee and the India goods procured at Kitchine; which last are brought thither by Portuguese barks from Diu and other places. Her outward lading consists of indigo, all manner of India cotton goods, gum-lac; and myrrh.[293] She is freighted by the Portuguese, and the governor of Mokha wished much we had met with her, which we had probably done, had not our ship been absent, which returned into the road of Mokha on the 21st. I went aboard, and was told that the king of Assab and his brother had been aboard, and were kindly entertained, in return for which he promised to supply them with abundance of beeves and goats; but that same evening, in consequence of a signal of fire, he and all his people fled into the mountains, pretending they were threatened by an attack from their enemies, and never even gave thanks for their entertainment.

[Footnote 292: The only place resembling this name is Kissem, on the oceanic coast of Yemen, or Arabia Felix, nearly due N. from Cape Guardafui.--E.]

[Footnote 293: This must refer to her homeward lading, called outward in the text in respect to India.--E.]

Before day of the 27th July, Mr Salbank returned from Sinan in perfect health, and much satisfied with his phirmauns. He gave me an account of his whole journey, having been respectfully treated every where; always before entering any town, being met both by horse and foot to conduct him to the different governors, by whom he was kindly received. All his provisions were provided by their officers, but at his own expence; and the servant of the governor of Mokha caused him every where to be well used. He was met a mile from Sinan by forty or fifty Turks, well mounted, sent by the Pacha to escort him to a well-furnished house prepared for his reception. He was there kindly received and entertained by the xeriffe and the pacha's chief treasurer, who were both deputed to give him welcome in the name of the pacha. Two days afterwards, he had audience of the pacha, from whom he received courteous entertainment, receiving two phirmauns of the same tenor, one of which was much more ornamentally written than the other, and intended for being shown to the Grand Signior, if necessary.

According to his report, the city of Sinan and its neighbourhood will give vent yearly for a good quantity of English cloth, as the weather there is cold for three quarters of the year; and even while he was there, though the height of summer, a person might well endure a furred gown. Besides, there is a court at that place to which belongs forty or fifty thousand gallant Turks,[294] most of whom wore garments of high-priced Venetian cloth. Not far from thence there is a leskar, or camp, of 30,000 soldiers,[295] continually in the field against an Arab king in the adjoining mountains, not yet conquered; all of which soldiers are said to wear coats of quilted India chintzes, which are dear, and of little service to defend them from the cold of that region, which is there excessive. To this I may add the city or Teyes, near which there is a leskar of thirty or forty thousand soldiers, commanded by a German renegado under the pacha of Sinan. That place, though only about five days journey from Mokha, is very cold, and much cloth is worn by the people about that place.

[Footnote 294: This is probably a vast exaggeration, though in words at length in the Pilgrims; and we ought more likely to read four or five thousand Turks.--E.]

[Footnote 295: A similar reduction to 3000 is probably needful for this army.--E.]

On the 2d of August the governor sent a rich vest to our captain by the chief shabander, attended by drums and trumpets, his boat being decked out with flags and streamers. This was delivered with great ceremony, and reverently received. The Dabul nokhada, Melic Marvet, and Roswan, the nokhada of the Chaul ship, sent us letters of recommendation to their kings, on the 11th August, according to our desire, certifying the friendly usage they had experienced from us at Mokha, and our kind offer to protect them on the homeward voyage, from pirates, and entreating therefore for us freedom of trade and friendly usage in their dominions. The 14th, as we had formerly done to others, we gave our passes to two Malabar captains, Amet ben Mahomet of Cananore, under Sultan Ala Rajah, and Aba Beker of Calicut, under the Zamorin.

This day there came a galley into the road from Cairo, having many Turks and Jews as passengers, bringing great store of dollars, chekins, coral, damask, sattin, camblet, opium, velvets, and taffetas. She had come down the whole length of the Red Sea in thirty days. I had a conference with the Jews, one of whom I had formerly known in Barbary. They reported that the brother of the former Grand Signior, on being made emperor, had imprisoned his two nephews, and put to death several of the grandees, and had otherwise given great offence to the great men at Constantinople, whereupon he was deposed and imprisoned, and his eldest nephew made emperor in his stead. They said likewise that an army of 200,000 men was sent against the Persians, for the conquest of Gurgistan, adding various other particulars, some of which turned out true, and others false, like merchants news in general. Some Turks and Jews desired to have passage for themselves and goods in our ship to Surat; and it is likely, when they know us better, much profit may be made in this way, as their junks are usually pestered with rude people.

Having sold and bartered our goods as well as we could have expected, considering our cargo, and dispatched all our business, we visited the governor, and desired to have his testimonials to the lord ambassador, which he gave us. We took leave of him on the 19th of August, and of the scrivano and other chief men of the town, from whom we received protestations of continued kindness on all future occasions. We went aboard that same day, proposing to sail the next day for India, taking the Surat junk under our convoy, according to our instructions.

SECTION XII.

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO SURAT AND JASQUES, IN 1620.[296]

"According to the title of this journal in the Pilgrims, the fleet which sailed on this voyage consisted of the London, of 800 tons, William Baffin master, on board of which was Captain Andrew Shilling, chief in command, or general; the Hart, of 500 tons, Richard Blithe master; the Roebuck, of 300 tons, Richard Swan master; and the Eagle, of 280 tons, Christopher Brown master. The account of the voyage in Purchas is said to consist of extracts from the journal written by Richard Swan, the master or captain of the Roebuck."--E.

[Footnote 296: Purch. Pilgr. 1. 723.]

§1. Voyage from England to Surat.

We sailed from Tilbury-hope on the 26th of February, 1620, and anchored in Saldanha road [Table Bay, at the Cape of Good Hope] on 24th of June, where we found the Lion homewards-bound, and nine Dutch ships bound for Bantam, commanded by a gentleman named Nicolas van Baccum, who Was said to have studied seven years at Oxford. Next morning the Lion and the Dutch fleet departed, each their several way; and in the evening arrived the Schidam belonging to Deft, outward-bound, which being suspected by both admirals, the master was sent for, and producing Us commission, gave satisfaction. On the 3d of July we made a solemn proclamation of the right and title of his majesty King James to Saldania, and on the 7th King James's mount was erected.[297]

[Footnote 297: It thus appears that the first fortified station at the Cape of Good Hope was erected by the English, to whom that colony now belongs. It would surely be a better appellation for this important colony, which may be called the key of India, to restore its old name-of Saldania, than to continue its present awkward denomination, The Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.--E.]

We sailed from the Cape of Good Hope on the 25th of July, and 26th of October we put into Dabul roads, where we remained till the 2d of November to refresh our men, and to provide the two ships bound for Persia. The 6th November, the Hart and Eagle took leave of us and the 9th we anchored in Swally roads, where we found the Wappen van Zeland, of 1000 tons, which at our arrival took in her colours, and saluted the London with three guns, and the Roebuck with two. I was sent on shore, and brought off Mr Thomas Kerridge, the president of the factory at Surat, with Mr James, and Mr Hopkinson. Next day, in a consultation, it was determined to dispatch us speedily after the Hart and Eagle, as we had intelligence that four Portuguese galleons were waiting at Ormus, or in Jasques roads, to intercept them.

§2. Voyage from Surat towards Jasques.

The 19th November, having dispatched our business at Swally with all expedition, we set sail towards Jasques. The 21st we chased a ship, which surrendered without resistance, being the Nostra Sennora de Merces, of 200 tons, bound from Muscat for Chaul, having on board forty-two Arabian horses, her principal loading, and for which trade she was built. The residue of her cargo consisted of dates and raisins. The name of her captain was Francisco de Mirando.

The 5th December, when in latitude 24° 55' N. we met the Hart and Eagle coming from Jasques for Surat, because not of sufficient strength to encounter the Portuguese force which was waiting for them with the intention of ruining our Persian trade. Thus happily rejoined to our former consorts, we shaped our course for Jasques to accomplish our purpose. The 8th, at the earnest desire of the Portuguese and Moors taken in the prize, we set them on shore, except some Moor seamen whom we detained in our service, and the Portuguese pilot, who entreated to stay, as he feared some hard usage from his own people. On the 12th, certain volunteers who had engaged to set fire to our prize, and run her aboard the Portuguese admiral, were put on board of her, and she was fitted as a fire-ship. The 15th we had sight of the east point of Jasques roads, having upon it a tomb or old square flat-roofed house, which bore W.N.W. by compass, twelve miles off. From Diu head to this point, I make the longitude, by the ordinary plain chart, 9° 55' 36" W. but by Mercator's projection, 10° 51'. From where we were, we could see the Portuguese men of war sent from Lisbon to oppose our trade with Persia, consisting of two Portuguese galleons, one of which was larger than the London, and two Dutch ships, one as large as the Hart, while the other was less than the Eagle. Their general was Don Ruy Frere de Andrado; the vice-admiral, Joam Boralio; and the two Dutch ships were commanded by Antonio Musquet and Baltazar de Chaves.[298]

[Footnote 298: According to a special account of this and the succeeding sea-fight, appended to the present relation in Purchas, the Portuguese fleet on the present occasion, besides the four galleons, consisted of two gallions and ten frigates or armed barks, none of which are here mentioned except the four galleons.--E.]

§3. Account of the first Fight with the Portuguese.

In the morning of the 16th December, our admiral and all the masters of our squadron went on board the prize, carrying two barrels of powder, some tar, and other combustible materials, to fit her up as a fire-ship, intending to lay her on board the Portuguese admiral athwart his hawse, that both might burn together. After she was fitted, we bore up for the Portuguese squadron, but it fell calm, and the current set us so near them, that they reached us with their shot. We kept under sail all night, and in the morning of the 17th, being to leeward of them in consequence of the land breeze, they weighed and made toward us, when we waited their approach, although they preserved the advantage of the weather-gage. The fight began about nine in the morning, and continued without intermission for nine hours. In the afternoon, a fine gentle sea-breeze sprung up from the westwards, which gave us the weather-gage; and the Portuguese admiral anchored, either of necessity to repair some defect about his rudder, or of policy to gain some expected advantage. His vice-admiral and the large Dutch ship anchored to the eastwards, and the lesser Dutch ship to leeward of them all, stopping his leaks. We were now in great hopes of putting our fire-ship to a good purpose; but being too soon fired and forsaken by those who had her in charge, she drove clear of them all, to their joy and our disgrace. Seeing them remain at anchor, and keeping to windward of them, we turned to and again close a-head of them as they rode at anchor, raking them as we passed, through and through, fore and aft, especially the admiral, receiving only in return their prow and bow-chases. By these, as I passed to the north, two unfortunate shots cut asunder the weather leech ropes of the Roebuck's foresail and fore-topsail, in the middle depth of both sails; owing to which we could not bring her into stays, and were forced, for repairing these sails, to bear down to leeward, between the enemy and the shore; in which course, the three great ships plied their whole broadsides against us, but with less hurt than I could have imagined, God be praised. Having compassed the three large ships, I luffed up to rejoin our squadron, which still held the advantage of the wind, and plied their great guns on the Portuguese like so many muskets. When I had got to windward of the smaller Dutch ship, which stood off as I did till he had our fire-ship directly between him and me, he turned tail, and steered right before the wind along shore to the eastwards, with all the sail he could carry. The other three now set sail to his rescue, and were now so tame, that as the Hart passed along their broadsides, she received only a few shots great and small from any of them, and from some none at all. The night now coming on, and our people being all wearied by the long continuance of the fight, we all desisted from any farther chase, and came to anchor in our usual road.

In this fight, the London and Hart had very little harm in their hulls and tackling, and less, or rather none, in their men. The main-mast of the Eagle was hurt in five places, four of which were quite through, and one of her men lost his right arm. In the Roebuck, I had one man slain by a cannon ball striking his head. A piece of his skull and some splinters of the ball wounded one of my mates in the forehead, and destroyed his left eye; and two others of my men lost the use of their right hands. God be praised for our good fortune; for I never heard of so small loss in so long a fight as we now sustained. I cannot truly state the loss of the enemy: but, by the report of our merchants, their vice-admiral and another captain were slain, and thirty or forty men in the admiral's ship alone, the rest as yet unknown. As to their Moors, they do not count them among the num her of their men.

In the morning of the 18th, the day after the action, we could see the Portuguese at anchor ten miles to the east of us, having the wind fair to have come down, but they did not. We then held a consultation, whether it were better for us to take the first of the sea breeze, which usually begins about noon, to stand towards them and try it out for the mastery, before they could receive supplies from Ormus, Muskat, or Goa, or else to make sail for Jasques roads, on purpose to land our goods and money, in case of the worst, these being the prize they sought to obtain and we to defend. Accordingly, the London got that night into Jasques road, but the rest could not get in before the 20th, by reason of contrary winds. On the 21st and 22d most of our goods were landed.

§4. Second Sea Fight with the Portuguese.

On the 22d, seeing the Portuguese galleons open the road of Jasques, and supposing they might intend to come in with the sea breeze, we set sail and stood off for them. At first, they made a shew of giving us battle, but soon afterwards made off upon a tack; and till the 28th, they were either to windward, or so favourably placed at anchor, that we could not attempt to attack them without manifest disadvantage. During this time, they were joined by two or three frigates, or barks, from Ormus, bringing them a supply of men and ammunition. We made one attempt on Christmas day, but were forced back by a sudden flaw of wind; on which occasion, some blacks aboard of us, said the Portuguese had brought a witch from Ormus, to supply them with favourable winds.

On Innocents day, 28th December, perceiving the drift of our Portuguese Fabius cunclator, to protract and avoid fighting, that by delays and the advantage of his frigates, he might hinder us from prosecuting your business in Persia, we determined to attempt closing with him. About one o'clock there sprung up a favourable east wind for our purpose, on which we immediately weighed and put every thing in order for battle. The London and Hart came to anchor within a cable's length and half of their broadsides, and so endured the main brunt of this second fight; for, no sooner were they at anchor, but it fell calm and so continued all day, insomuch that the Roebuck and Eagle, which had steered nearer to the shore, with the intention of coming to anchor, one on the bow of their admiral, and the other on the bow of their vice-admiral, got astern, and could not with all our diligence be of any service for a full half hour after the action began. At length we got within point-blank shot of them, and then were forced either to anchor or drive farther off with the current, as there was not a breath of wind.

We now brought our broadsides to bear, and our whole squadron plied their ordnance upon them so fast, that had the knowledge of our men equalled their resolution, not one of them had escaped from us. Not willing to endure such hot entertainment, they cut their cables about three o'clock, and drove from us with the tide to the westwards, till out of our reach. Then came their frigates, which the day before had made a bravado along shore with drums, trumpets, flags, and streamers, and, now employed in a fitter task, towed them away all mangled and torn. Their admiral, in the very hottest of the fight, was under the necesity of giving his ship a heel to stop his leaks, his main-top-mast and the head of his main-mast having fallen overboard. The great Dutch ship had both his top-masts and part of his boltsprit shot away, and the smaller lost all his shrouds and top-masts. Their vice-admiral escaped best this day, having commonly one or other of their own ships between him and us.

We kept them company all night, in hope of being able next morning to give them their passports; but having taken a survey of our shot, which we found scanty, and considering the importance of the voyage we still had to perform, we thought it best to give over the chase and return to Jasques; leaving them glad of our absence, their two great ships towing the two smaller. We have had no account of their loss in this action. All your worships ships remain serviceable, God be praised, and only five men slain outright in these two long and severe engagements. Our worthy admiral and kind commander, Captain Andrew Shilling, received a great and grievous wound by a cannon ball through his left shoulder, which he bore with such wonderful courage and patience, that we were in great hopes of his much-wished-for recovery: But he had likewise two of his uppermost ribs broken on the left side, and died on the 6th January, 1621, shewing himself a resolute commander in the action, and an assured Christian in his death. We intended to have carried his body to Surat, to have there performed his funeral rites according to his great merit, and oar surgeons undertook to preserve his body by means of embalming and cere-cloth, but it became so noisome that we were forced to bury him at Jasques, which was done on the 7th, with all the solemnity and respect in our power.

In this engagement, the London expended 1382 great shot of several sorts, the Hart 1024, the Roebuck 815, and the Eagle 800, in all 4021. In consequence of the death of our worthy admiral, the white box, No. I. was opened; and according to your worships appointment, Captain Richard Blithe succeeded to the supreme command of the London, I was removed into the Hart, Christopher Brown into the Roebuck, and Thomas Taylor was made master of the Eagle.[299]

[Footnote 299: This account does not agree with an accompanying official letter, dated 13th January, 1621, giving a similar account of the two engagements, often in the very identical words used by Swan, in which the name of Thomas Taylor is omitted, instead of whom William Baffin is the last in the list of signatures; and the Christian name of Swan is made Robert instead of Richard.--E.]

§5. Sequel of the Voyage.

The 14th January, 1621, having had forty-eight hours continual and excessive rain, which, or much wind, is usual at Jasques for three or four days at the full and change of the moon, and having finished our business at Jasques, we set sail on our return to Surat, where we arrived on the 1st February. Nothing material occurred on the passage, except that, on the 27th January, between Diu and the sand-heads, we surprised a small ship of war, called Nostra Senaora de Remedio, of 100 tons, commanded by Francisco de Sylva, manned by thirty-five Portuguese and twenty-five Moors, sent out by the governor of Diu to protect their small merchant ships against the Malabar rovers. We dismissed the men and kept the ship for our use, calling her the Andrew, after our late excellent general. She had in her neither meat, money, nor commodities, and scarcely as many poor suits of clothes as there were backs.

The 27th of February we began to take in our loading. The 5th of March, the, Eagle was sent down to keep guard over the junk belonging to the prince, and to hinder her from any farther loading, till they granted free passage for our carts with goods and provisions, which had been restrained for six or seven days by the vexatious procedure of the governor of Olpar, a town near Surat. By this means, no cotton wool was allowed to come down till our ships were fully laden. On the 16th of March, having notice that the Camla, from Agra, had been robbed by the Deccan army, we resolved to seek restitution upon the ships of the Deccan prince and his confederates in this transaction, as we intended wintering in the Red Sea. The 19th, the governor of Surat having given us satisfaction in regard to the carts, and a supply of powder and shot for our money, and promise under his hand for redress of other injuries, we dismissed the junk belonging to the prince from duress.

From the 25th of March to the 6th of April, 1621, the winds have been S. and S.S.W. or W. and blowing so hard from noon till midnight, raising so great a surf on the shore, that no business could be done except on the last quarter of the ebb and first of the flood tide. We sailed on the 7th April. The 9th, the Eagle and a Dutch pinnace, called the Fortune, parted company, being consigned to Acheen and Bantam. The London, Hart, Roebuck, and Andrew, were intended for the Red Sea, if not too late.

The 1st May, the Andrew and our boats surprised a Portuguese ship of 200 tons called the St Antonio, which we named the May-flower. Her principal lading consisted of rice taken in at Barcelor, whence she had gone to Goa, and sailed from thence for Ormus and Muskat on the 8th of April. We learnt from this prize, that Ruy Frere de Andrada was busy in repairing his ships at Ormus, and that Don Emanuel de Azeredo had departed from Gor fifty days before for Ormus, to reinforce Andrada with two galleons, one of these being the same in which the viceroy was personally, when he engaged our fleet under Captain Downton. During a calm on the 7th, we captured a small frigate-built ship called the Jacinth, which we named the Primrose, which had come from Mozambique and was bound for Goa. Thence to the 13th, we had variable winds, with calms and much rain. Finding the May-flower delayed us much, and that our pilots were either ignorant or malicious, we resolved to trust to our own endeavours for finding an anchoring place, for our safe riding till the strength of the adverse monsoon was over, for which purpose we determined upon going to Macera.[300]

[Footnote 300: From the latitude of this place, mentioned afterwards in the text, this seems to refer to Mazica, an island about sixty miles long and fifteen or twenty in breadth, a few miles from the oceanic coast of Arabia, in lat. 20° 48' N. and long. 57° 3O' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

We descried land on the 2d June, and anchored in seventeen fathoms three miles offshore, in lat. 20° 20' N. variation 17° W. We found plenty of water in four or five pits, three quarters of a mile from the shore. I had forty tons from one well, which we rolled in hogsheads to the beach. The people were tractable, but we got little else besides water. A tuft of date trees by the watering place bore N.W. by W. from our anchorage, and the other end of the island N.E. 1/2 E. five leagues off. The 12th we sailed for the N.E. end of the island, and in the afternoon came to anchor in a fair bay, having seven fathoms on clean ground, a black oozy sand, the N.E. point bearing S. 1/2 a league off, the landing place W.S.W. two miles off, and the north part of the bay N. by W. four miles off. The latitude of this bay is 20° 30' N. and the variation 17° W.[301] In this bay you may ride safely in any depth between five and twelve fathoms. It is an excellently healthy place, cold and hungry, affording no refreshments except water, enough of which is to be had by digging pits; but it is ill to boat except at the usual landing place. This place afforded us no better supplies than the former, except that we got a few goats and lambs in exchange for canikens. Though good anchorage, this bay was much troubled by a tumbling rolling sea, yet we resolved to remain here with the Hart and Roebuck till the fury of the monsoon were past.

[Footnote 301: The north end of Mazica is in lat. 21° 12", and its south end in 20° 15', both N.--E.]

Having separated some time before from the London, our admiral, we sent on the 19th of June, one Abdelavie, an inhabitant of this island, as far as Zoar with letters in quest of the London. He returned on the 6th July with letters in answer, informing us that the London was at Zoar, seven leagues within Cape Rasalgat, having watered with difficulty at Teve, where their surgeon, Mr Simons, and the chaplain's servant, were surprised on shore by the Portuguese and Arabs. The Hart and Roebuck sailed from Macera, [Mazica,] on the 6th of August, and anchored in the evening of the 8th beside the admiral in the port of Zoar. This road differs from that in which we were in, being cairn, but the air was so hot as to take away our appetites.

We sailed from Zoar on the 15th of August and returned to Swally roads. The 21st September, our whole fleet sailed from Swally, and on the 27th we took leave of the fleet bound for Jasques, consisting of the London, Jonas, Whale, Dolphin, Lion, Rose, Shilling, Richard, and Robert. The 1st January, 1622, we were between Johanna and Mayotta, two of the Comoro islands. The 29th we anchored in Saldanha roads, [Table Bay,] having come thither from Surat in nine weeks and three days, blessed be God for our safe and speedy passage. We here watered, bathed in the river, caught fish, and buried our letters; purchasing three cows, one calf, and four sheep, all unsavoury meat.

We sailed again on the 3d February, and anchored on the 19th at St Helena, where we found the Wappen and the Hollandia, two Dutch ships, the latter of which caught fire on the 22d, owing to her cloves, which had been taken in too green at Amboina. There was likewise a third small Dutch ship. They arrived eleven days before us, and it will take them at least ten days more to discharge and reload their damaged cloves. We sailed from St Helena on the 28th February, and anchored in the Downs on the 7th June, 1622.

SECTION XIII.

RELATION OF THE WAR OF ORMUS, AND THE TAKING OF THAT PLACE BY THE ENGLISH AND PERSIANS, IN 1622.[302]

"In the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. II. pp. 1785-1805, there is a long confused account of this business, contained in four several sections; to which many letters and certificates on the subject are subjoined. The first is a brief historical memoir of the foundation of Ormus, from a chronicle in the Arabic, said to have been composed by Pacha Turunxa, perhaps Pacha Turun Shah, one of the kings of that petty sovereignty. The second is a relation of the Ormus war, by Mr W. Pinder, who appears to have served under Andrew Shilling, during the preceding voyage, and sailed as master of the Andrew on this occasion. The third is an account of the earlier part of this war of Ormus, written by T. Wilson, a surgeon serving in the expedition. The fourth is a more particular relation of the whole events of this expedition, extracted by Purchas from the journal of Mr Edward Monoxe, agent for the East Indian merchants trading in Persia. This last has been chosen, as best adapted to give a distinct view of the expedition, but some freedoms have been assumed with it, by assisting the narrative from the other documents in Purchas, already specified."--E.

[Footnote 302: Purch. Pilgr. II. 179s.]

* * * * *

At a consultation held in Swally roads on the 14th November, 1621, a commission was given by Mr Thomas Rastell, president, and the rest of the council, of our factory at Surat, to Captains Richard Blithe and John Weddell, who were bound for Jasques, with five good ships and four pinnaces. The ships were the London, Jonas, Whale, Dolphin, and Lion, and the pinnaces the Shilling, Rose, Robert, and Richard. They were directed to sail with the earliest opportunity for Jasques, keeping together for their mutual defence against the enemy; and, as the Portuguese had disturbed the trade, and made sundry assaults on our ships, killing, maiming, and imprisoning our men, they were authorized to chase and capture any vessels belonging to the ports or subjects under the viceroy of Goa; as likewise, if they met any ships belonging to Dabul, Chaul, or other ports of the Deccan, or to the subjects of the Zamorin of Calicut, to arrest them, in replacement of goods robbed and spoiled by these powers, without embezzling any part of their cargoes, that restitution might be made, after due satisfaction rendered on their parts. A sixth part of the goods taken from the Portuguese were to be distributed as prize, the ship and the rest of the goods to remain to the company; and all the prisoners to be retained, that they might be exchanged for our countrymen, held by them in miserable bondage. They were directed to hasten their business and dispatch at Jasques, if possible within thirty days. And as our enemy under Ruy Frere de Andrada, was reinforced to six galleons, with other small vessels, waiting on the coast of Persia in all likelihood to attack our fleet, they were authorized, both defensively and offensively also, to use all opportunities or advantages against the Portuguese fleet, even in their own ports, if approved by a general council of war.

We arrived in Costack roads on the 23d December, about twenty-seven leagues from Jasques, Ormus being in sight about ten leagues W.N.W. by a meridional compass. Our factors here informed us, that after our sea-fight in the former year, the Portuguese governor of Ormus had erected a fort on Kismis, an island within sight of Ormus, to which the Persians had laid siege for seven or eight months ineffectually, and had lost eight or nine thousand men in the siege; wherefore the Khan or prince of Shiras had, by his ministers, demanded the aid of our ships against the common enemy, the Portuguese, otherwise threatening to detain all the goods and money belonging to the company in Persia. In a consultation held on the 26th December on board the Jonas, in which were present, Captain Richard Blithe, John Weddell, Edward Monoxe, William Baffin, and many others, articles of agreement for giving our aid to the Persians against the Portuguese were drawn up, and being translated into the Persian language, were forwarded by the governor of the province of Mogustan to the Khan of Shiras, then on his way towards Mina, near the mouth of the Persian gulf.

In this consultation, it was considered, as it was required of us by the Persians, that we should give them aid with our ships and people in this war, not only for the purpose of vanquishing the Portuguese navy, but for conquering the island and castle of Ormus; and as we were confident they would endeavour to force us into this service, by embargoing our goods, the governors having already refused to give us camels for their carriage from Mina to the ports: Wherefore, the foresaid proposition being maturely considered, together with the commission from the factors at Surat, warranting us to right ourselves for the great losses and hindrances suffered from the Portuguese, by interrupting our trade both in India and Persia, and their attack last year against the fleet under Captain Shilling; we therefore agreed to proffer the following articles to the Khan, for the public benefit and the securing a peaceable and profitable trade.

First.--In case of conquering the island and castle of Ormus by the Persians with our aid, one half of the spoil and purchase of both to belong to the English, and the other half to the Persians. Secondly--The castle of Ormus shall be delivered up to the English, with all the ordnance, arms, and ammunition thereunto belonging; and the Persians to build another fortress there for themselves, at their own charges. Thirdly.--The customs of Ormus shall be equally divided between the English and the Persians, and the English shall be for ever free from customs. Fourthly.--All Christians made prisoners in this war shall be given up to the disposal of the English, and all Mahomedan prisoners to the Persians. Fifthly.--The Persians shall be at half the charges of the ships employed in this enterprize, in victuals, wages, wear-and-tear, and shall furnish all necessary powder and shot at their sole expence.

These were the chief articles, besides which several others were agreed upon, to be proposed to the Khan. After his arrival at Mina, Mr Bell and Mr Monaxe were sent to wait upon him, on the 8th January, 1622, and were entertained at a sumptuous banquet. A great feast and triumph was also made, in consequence of intelligence that the Shah had conquered a great country in Arabia, with its capital Aweiza.[303] Next day, the Khan sent his vizier and two other principal officers to give an answer to our proposed articles. The first was granted. For the second, it was substituted that the castle of Ormuz was to be occupied by both nations till the King's pleasure was known. The third was granted, provided also, that the goods from India belonging to the king and the Khan were to pass free of duty. In regard to the fourth, reservation was made as to the two principal Portuguese captains, Ruy Frere, captain of Kismis Castle, and Simon de Mela, governor of Ormus, till the king's pleasure were known. Other articles were agreed upon; such as that no change was to be made in regard to religion, and the expence of military stores was to be divided. The Khan and Mr Bell signed these articles; and presently our goods were laden upon the Khan's own camels at free cost, which could not be procured before for any money.

[Footnote 303: This assuredly alludes to Ahwas in Khosistan, to the N.W. of the lower Euphrates, opposite to Bussrah, which, though not in Arabia, is in its immediate neighbourhood, and principally inhabited by people of Arabian origin.--E.]

The 10th of January we returned to Costack, and going on board, acquainted our commanders with the success of our mission. When the news of this agreement became known among the several ships companies, they consulted among themselves, and with one voice refused to take any share in the business. This broke out first in the London, in which ship fifty or sixty of her crew took part in refusing to have any thing to do with this warlike measure; but, after taking much pains to reconcile them to the propriety and necessity of joining with the Persians, Captain Blithe at last prevailed with them, and they promised to go with him wherever he chose to lead them. In a day or two, the flame of discontent and opposition spread among the other ships, alleging that it was no mercantile business, and that it might lead to a breach of the peace between our nation and Spain; but formal protests being taken against the crews, what with the fear of forfeiting their wages, and a promised gratification of a month's pay, they all at last yielded.

We set sail for Ormus on the 19th of January, and anchored on the night of the 22d before the town, about two leagues from the castle, expecting that the enemy's armada would come out to fight us, consisting of five galleons, and some fifteen or twenty frigates, or armed barks; but they hauled in so near the castle, that we could not get nigh them. For which reason, and because our avowed enemy, Ruy Frere de Andrada, was in his newly-erected castle of Kismis, we sailed to that place, where we arrived the next day, and were just in time to save the lives of the Portuguese, who were no longer able to hold out against the Persians, and were willing rather to yield to us than them. After many meetings and treaties, they yielded up both themselves and their castle into our hands on the 1st February, it being concluded that the whole garrison was to depart with their private property to any place except Ormus, their commander only remaining in our hands as a pledge for the fulfilment of the capitulation. In this service two of our people were slain, one of whom was Mr Baffin.[304]

[Footnote 304: Mr Baffin was a mathematician and mariner, to whom our northern and north-western voyages are much indebted.--Purch.

Hence almost certainly the person to whom Baffin's bay, in the north-east of America, owes its name.--E.]

There were about a thousand persons of all sorts in this castle, of whom the Portuguese and some Mahometans were sent away: But the Khan required certain Mahometans to be given up, who he pretended had revolted from him. They were accordingly delivered up, and, though he had formerly promised them mercy, he put them all to death. This castle had seventeen pieces of ordnance, one of which was a brass pedro, two iron demiculverins, four brass sackers, two iron minions, and six iron falcons.[305]

[Footnote 305: On a former occasion, we have given an account of the various kinds of ordnance used about the 17th century. The pedro was probably a gun of large calibre for throwing stone bullets. In modern times, cannon are designated by the weights of their respective balls, in combination with their being long or short, land or sea, field or garrison, single or double fortified, iron or brass.--E.]

Leaving some Englishmen to assist in keeping possession of this fortress along with the Persians, according to agreement, we set sail on the 4th February for Gambroon, on the mainland of Persia, within three leagues of Ormus, and directly opposite. Ruy Frere de Andrada, the late commander of Kismis, was sent off for Surat, in the Lion, accompanied by the Rose and Richard. The London, Jonas, Whale, and Dolphin, with the two prizes of 250 tons each, remained to transport the Persians in safety to Ormus. We were royally feasted at Gambroon by the Khan, who was much dissatisfied that Andrada and some of the Moors had not been delivered up to him, yet dissembled his discontent, in regard of his farther need for our ships in the enterprise against Ormus. After the feast, all the English gentlemen present were presented with vests, each according to his rank.

On the 9th of February we set sail for Ormus, having about two hundred Persian boats of all sizes, besides two frigates or barks, and our ships, having in them about 2500 or 3000 Persian soldiers, of various sorts. We anchored that night about two leagues from the castle; and next forenoon all the Persians were landed on the island of Ormus, a little way from the town, to which they marched in a confused manner, penetrating as far as the Meidan, or market-place, without resistance. The market-place was barricadoed and defended for some time by the Portuguese with shot and pikes; but the Persians soon made way, with small loss, and drove the Portuguese before them into the castle, like so many sheep. One Persian only, who first entered, was slain by a pike, and he who slew him soon lost his head, his heels being too heavy to carry it away.

On first entering the city, the Persian general, named Einam Culi Beg, placed captains with detachments of soldiers in various quarters, proclaiming that each officer was to be answerable for the safety of the quarter assigned to him, and threatening death to all who were found pillaging. Some infringing these orders were severely punished, some being hanged, others having their ears or noses cut off, and others bastinadoed even for trifles. Yet, in two or three days after, the shops and houses were forced open, and every man so wearied with carrying away plunder all day long, and sleeping so securely at night without any proper military precautions, that the Portuguese might easily have slain many, if they had ventured upon making a sally.

On the night of our landing, I took possession of a very commodious house for a factory, which, for convenience and goodness of its rooms, exceeded, as I think, any factory belonging to the Honourable Company. But it proved too hot for me on the 13th, in the night, as one of the master's mates of the Whale, with others of his companions, after I was in bed, by carelessness of candles, while searching for plunder, set a room on fire in which were some goods given me in charge by the general. Fortunately the wind favoured us, so that the house was not consumed. Considering the strength of this city, and that every house was as it were a little castle, I was astonished the Portuguese should have abandoned it so soon. But it seems they were afraid of being intercepted by the Persians in their retreat to the castle, and dreaded that the Mahometan inhabitants might have betrayed them.

The Persians began presently to throw up trenches, and daily approached nearer the castle, and, with our help, erected batteries for ordnance, and sconces or redoubts for securing their men, and protecting the trenches. With the cannon from our ships, we sore galled the Portuguese ships, forcing them to haul in as close as possible to the castle. On the 24th of February, four of our boats set fire to the San Pedro, formerly admiral of Andrada's fleet, which put all the rest in great danger, but the tide carried her out to sea, and her relics were towed on shore at Gambroon by the Arab and other country boats, some iron ordnance and shot being got out of her burnt carkass. The Khan was much rejoiced at this exploit.

The Persians having succeeded in constructing a mine under one of the bastions, which was charged with upwards of forty barrels of powder, it was exploded on the 17th of March, by which a practicable breach was made in the salient angle of the bastion. The Persians made immediately a fierce assault, and Shah Culi Beg got possession of the bastion with 200 of his bravest men, and maintained himself there for at least three hours; but the Portuguese made a brave defence, and with powder-pots, scalding lead, and other devices of fire, did much hurt to the assailants, burning, scalding, and slaying many of them, so that the Persians were at last driven out with considerable loss, most of them being wounded, scalded, or scorched. On the same day, the city was set on fire in several places, by the command of the Persian general, as was reported, because his Arab soldiers lurked among the houses, and could not be got forth to do any service in the siege.

To the number of four or five thousand men, we were now cooped up in a barren island without shelter, producing nothing in itself except salt; and I know not by what mistaken policy the general had been induced to send away all the rice and other victuals, by which means we were reduced to depend upon the continent for a daily supply of provisions, and even water; so that, if a fleet of Portuguese frigates had come, as was expected, we must have been famished, as the country boats durst not have ventured to us from the main. The rain water in the open cisterns was daily wasted, and became brackish, no care being taken to fill the jars and private cisterns in almost every house, while it remained good. The Persians are quite ignorant in the art of war, for they entered the breach without fear, precaution, or means of establishing themselves; and they lost with shame what they might have defended with honour. I observed other defects in their management, even of the very sinews of war; and I am astonished that Shah Abbas, the wonder of our age, should have sent his army on this expedition so weakly provided with money, arms, ammunition, ships, and all other necessaries. I am even satisfied that all the money belonging to the khan was consumed in one month's pay to our ships, and I fear we shall have to wait for the rest till the plunder is converted into money. In regard to arms and ammunition, they have only small pieces, with bows and arrows, and swords, some of their chiefs having coats of mail. They were so scarce of powder, that after blowing their mine, they had hardly enough to supply the small arms for entering the breach, though furnished with twenty or twenty-five barrels from our ships. They had not a single scaling-ladder to assist their entry. Were we to forsake them, they would soon be completely at a stand, yet they have already broken conditions with us in several things, and I much fear, when all is done, we shall be paid with reversions, and what else they themselves please.

Our ordnance so galled the Portuguese ships from the shore, that a galleon was sunk on the 19th of March, and two more on the 20th and 23d. The last come ship from Goa, which was their admiral, and one of the others, were, I think, sacrificed by the policy of the governor, that the garrison might have no means of escape, and might therefore defend themselves manfully to the last, in hopes of relief from Goa, though some thought they went down in consequence of injuries from sunken rocks, in hauling them so near the castle to get them out of the range of our battery.

On the 27th, news was brought me that some of the Portuguese were come from the castle to treat of peace, upon which I repaired to the general's tent, where I could well perceive, by the countenances of our two English commanders, that I was by no means welcome: But, to requite them in their own coin, both they and I soon saw that none of us were acceptable to the Persians, for they long delayed bringing in the Portuguese messenger, in hopes we would have gone away, but at length, seeing we remained, he was brought in. The drift of his speech was to the following effect:--"His captain had sent him to kiss the hands of the general, and to ask the reason of making war upon the Portuguese, who were friends to the Persians, and thought it strange, considering their ancient league and friendship, that so great a war should be made only for one or two wells of water. Besides, that the governor and people of Ormus were not to blame for what had been done at Kismis by Ruy Frere de Andrada; yet were they willing, so far as might consist with the honour of their sovereign, to purchase peace, which they needed not to do either from fear or weakness, having above a thousand able-bodied men in the castle, with provisions and water for many months; besides which, they were in daily expectation of succours from Goa. He concluded by saying, that the Persians would find it a hard matter to win the castle, as they were resolved to defend themselves to the last man."

The latter part of this speech, consisting of bravado, was by no means pleasing to the Persian general, who desired the messenger to declare the purpose of his coming. On which he said, the governor wished to know what the Persian general would have? To this the general answered, that he would have the castle; and with that answer the messenger was dismissed, without even the offer of a cup of wine, if I had not caused one to be given him. I suspect he brought a more substantial message, which was omitted on account of our presence, having been so instructed by Shah Culi Beg, in whose house he was at least for an hour before he was brought before the general. I fear therefore some sinister designs of the Persians, which a few days will discover.

Our captains, by means of their interpreters, now moved their own affairs with the general, to which he gave no great heed, but desired that business might be deferred for some time; yet had he that very day earnestly entreated them to send him a quantity of powder from the ships, meaning that night to attempt blowing up the castle, for which the mines were all ready, and he wanted nothing but powder. They had accordingly sent him thirty-four barrels, for which forwardness I fear the Company at home will give them little thanks.

The 28th March, understanding that two chief men of the Portuguese garrison were in Shah Culi Beg's house, where they had been four or five hours in conference with the Persian general, without sending to us, which increased our suspicions that the Persians meant to deal fraudulently with us; the two English commanders and I went together to the tent of the Persian general, and expressed our dislike of this underhand manner of proceeding. We stated, that we were partakers with them in this war, in which we had hazarded ourselves, our ships, and our goods, besides the hindrance we sustained by losing the monsoon, and that we ought to be equal participators in all treaties and proceedings, as well as in the war, and desired therefore to know what they had concluded, or meant to conclude, with the Portuguese. To this he answered, that nothing had been done, neither should any thing be concluded without acquainting us. This was a mere empty compliment, which all his actions belied. We must, however, be content to suffer all with patience: Yet, were it not for our merchants and woods in Persia, we could easily have remedied this affair, and have brought the Portuguese to such terms as we pleased. As matters stand, however, we are so tied down, we must be patient, and I fear things will turn out very ill, though they pretend all things shall be done to our contentment.

About noon this day, seeing many Arabs in the Meidan armed with pikes and guns, whom I did not usually see so armed, I at length observed them ranged upon both sides of the market-place, and presently afterwards two Portuguese gentlemen passed, attended by six or eight pages and servants, one of whom carried an umbrella over their heads. They were accompanied by Shah Culi Beg, and other chief Persians, who conducted them to the house of Agariza of Dabul. Though uninvited, I went there also, and intruded into their company, where I found the Persian general and other chiefs, his assistants and counsellors. The general gave me a kind welcome, and made me sit down next himself, which I did not refuse, that the Portuguese might see we were in grace and favour. Having made my obeisance to the Persians, I then saluted the Portuguese officers, who returned the compliment, after which I had some general conversation with them, not pertaining to the great purpose in hand, of which I did not presume to speak, till the general gave me occasion, which was not until after a collation of pilaw, and other dishes, after the fashion of Persia.

The collation being ended, the general asked them what was now their desire. They answered, that the captain of the castle had given them written instructions, but had desired them to make their proposals to the Khan himself, who now resided at Gombroon, if they might be permitted to wait upon him. To this the general answered, that he durst not allow them, unless the Khan were first made acquainted with their desire. I could plainly perceive that this proceeded only from affected delays on both sides, to give time for attaining their several purposes. The Portuguese then proceeded to complain, as formerly, against Ruy Frere, as if he durst have presumed to seize and fortify Kismis without orders from the king his master. They alleged also that the affair was in itself of no moment, being only a barren island with a well or two. To this the Persian general replied, it was of no matter what might be its value, but they had gone to war against the king of Persia and his subjects, for which their castle of Ormus must make satisfaction; wherefore, if they would surrender the castle without any more bloodshed, they should have good quarter and kind usage. The Portuguese said they had no commission to treat of any such matter, and so the conference ended, and they were dismissed.

Notwithstanding of the Portuguese being refused leave to go to the Khan, they had licence that same night, and were sent over to treat with him at Gambroon. I could never know the certainty of the proposed treaty, but shall here insert what I heard reported on the subject. They proposed, in the first place, to the Khan, to raise the siege, and permit them to enjoy their city and castle of Ormus as formerly, in consideration of which, they offered to pay 200,000 tomans in hand, and the yearly rent they had formerly paid to the king of Ormus, from the revenue of the custom-house, which, as I have heard, was 140,000 rials of eight or Spanish dollars yearly. But some said, besides the 200,000 tomans in hand, they offered as much yearly. [306] It was reported that the Khan demanded 500,000 tomans in hand, equal to £172,418:10:7 sterling,[307] and an yearly rent of 200,000 tomans.

[Footnote 306: A toman, by the data in the text immediately following, is about seven shillings; hence 200,000 tomans are equal to £70,000 sterling.--E.]

[Footnote 307: At the former computation, this sum is equal to £175,000; and the conversion in the text gives 6s. 11-3/4d, and a small fraction more for each toman, being very near 7s. which is more convenient.--E.]

The 2d April, with the aid of the English, the Persians blew up two other mines, by which a fair and practicable breach was opened, through which the besiegers might have entered without much difficulty, yet was there no assault made. Having noticed this carefully, Captain Weddell went to the Persian general to learn his purposes; when, to excuse the backwardness of his people, he pretended that the breach was too difficult to be assaulted with any hope of success. Yet we knew the contrary, as an English youth, who was servant to the master of the Jonas, bolder than any of the Persians, had gone up the breach to the very top of the castle wall, and told us it was as easily ascendible as a pair of stairs, and broad enough for many men to go abreast. In representing this to the general, and asking what were his future plans of proceeding, he told us he would be ready with another mine in three days. This I believed to be true, for his mining is to procure gold, not to make breaches, unless breach of promise to us, which he can easily do; for of late they have not performed any of their engagements, yet will not this teach us to look to ourselves.

The greatest hurt done by the Portuguese to the Persians in the assault on the castle, was by means of powder-pots, by which many of the assailants were scorched and severely burned. To guard against this, the Khan has now sent over many coats and jackets of leather, as not so liable to catch fire as their calico coats, quilted or stuffed with cotton wool. Yet, according to the English proverb, The burnt child dreads the fire; notwithstanding their leathern coats, none of them are hardy enough to attempt this new breach, though much easier to enter than the former, any farther than to pillage certain bales of bastas and other stuffs which have fallen down from a barricade or breast-work, thrown up by the Portuguese for defending the top of the breach from the fire of the Persians.

On the 5th of April the Persian general had news that 100,000 maunds of powder were arrived from Bahrein. On the 12th, a Portuguese came to the Persian general, having escaped from the castle, and gave accounts of the great wants and weaknesses of the garrison, insomuch, that six or eight died daily of the flux, chiefly owing to their having nothing to drink, but corrupted brackish water, of which even they have so little as to be put on short allowance, so that several have died of thirst. Their only food consists of rice and salt fish, both of which would require a good allowance of drink. Notwithstanding all this, the Persian general wastes his time in constructing new mines, of which he has no less than three in hand at this time, as if he proposed to blow up the wall all round about, before making any fresh assault. On the night of the 12th, one of our frigates or barks, which belonged to the London, being on guard alone, to prevent the escape of the Portuguese frigates, was clapped on board by two of these at once, but beat them both off. I know not what might be the loss of the Portuguese on this occasion, but two of our men were slain, and seven wounded; yet, had not our black rowers forsaken them, our people might easily have taken the assailants.

The 14th, the Persians sprung another mine, by which a very assailable breach was made, yet no assault was attempted. On this occasion, the mine had to be sprung before it was quite ready, because the Portuguese had already come so near it with a counter mine, that the Persians were afraid of their mine being rendered useless before they could place their powder. Another deserter came from the castle on the 15th, who confirmed the report given by the former, and told us that the two frigates which had assailed ours had come from Muskat, with the son of the deceased Don Francisco de Sousa, late governor of the castle of Ormus, who had come on purpose to carry away his mother and other women from the castle.

At this time, the Moors who had surrendered to us from the castle of Kismis, were delivered up to the Persian general, at his earnest request, and partly with their own consent, on promise of being pardoned for having served under the Portuguese against their own king and country, and of being provided for and employed in the siege of Ormus. He seemed to ratify this promise, both to them and us, by entertaining some of their chiefs in our presence, with much apparent courtesy, even giving fine new vests to five or six of the principal officers. Yet next morning he caused eighty of their heads to be cut off, and sent the five or six newly-vested chiefs to the Khan at Gambroon, to receive their final doom, which was soon settled, as they were sentenced to the same fate with their fellows. Mir Senadine, their chief captain, was executed by the hands of Shere Alli, governor of Mogustan, who had married his daughter, and yet put his father-in-law to death with as much willingness as if he had been his mortal enemy.

The 17th of April, the Persians sprung another mine, closely adjoining their first. This did not produce the effect expected, as it burst out at the side, carrying part of the wall along with it, yet did little or no harm upwards, which was the point aimed at, on purpose to widen the former breach. Yet it encouraged the Persian general to try another assault, with at least 2000 soldiers. They ran up the breach with great resolution, into part of a bulwark or bastion, which they might easily have gained, had not their haste run their resolution out of breath; insomuch, that eight or ten Portuguese, assisted by a few blacks, armed only with rapiers, made them give ground and retire to the outer skirt of the bulwark, where there was not room for forty men to face the enemy. They here endeavoured, however, to entrench themselves; but, before they could establish a lodgement, the Portuguese plied two or three pieces of ordnance upon them from a flanking battery, which sent some scores of the Persians with news to their prophet Mortus Alli that more of his disciples would shortly be with them. This accordingly was the case, chiefly owing to their own ignorance and cowardice; for, had they not made a stand in that place, but rushed pell-mell along with the Portuguese into the castle, they might have carried it with less than half the loss they sustained that day to little purpose. Had I not been an eye-witness, I could hardly have believed the stupid ignorance of the Persian general on this occasion. He had two breaches, almost equally good, yet applied all his men to the assault of one only, instead of attempting both at one time. Besides, he had at least eighty or an hundred scaling-ladders, yet not one of them was brought near the castle walls. His soldiers hung clustering on the breach, like a swarm of bees, or a flock of sheep at a gap, none having the heart to enter, while the Portuguese gleaned away five or six at a shot, sometimes more, driving forwards their black soldiers to throw powder-pots among the Persians.

The assault was renewed on the 18th, but with more harm to the Persians than the Portuguese. During the intervening night, two blacks made signs to the Persians on the top of the breach, that they wished to come over to them, and were drawn up with ropes. By these it was learned that the captain of the castle had been wounded in the head by a stone; that there were not above an hundred men in the garrison able to handle their arms: and that their water grew daily more scanty and worse in quality, by which the mortality continually increased. They reported also that great difference in opinion prevailed among the Portuguese, some wishing to endeavour to escape by sea, while others held it more honourable to sell their lives at a dear rate, by defending the castle to the last extremity, and proposed, when they could no longer hold out, to put all their women and treasure into a house and blow them up, that the Persians might neither enjoy their wealth nor abuse their wives; and, when this was done, to rush upon the Persians, and so end their days.

In the evening of the 19th, the Persians made another effort to press forwards, and got possession of the entire bulwark, forcing the Portuguese to retire farther within the castle. In this conflict many of the Portuguese were wounded, and sore scalded with fire-pots, in the management of which the Persians had now become expert, though many of them had paid dearly for their instruction. In this conflict four Portuguese were slain, and their heads brought to the Persian general. In this art of cutting off heads, the Persians are particularly cunning, insomuch, that I do not think there is an executioner in all Germany that can excel them. No sooner does a Persian lay hold of an enemy, than off goes his head at one blow of his scymitar.[308] He then makes a hole in the ear or cheek with his dagger, by which he will sometimes bring three or four heads at once to his general. When it is proposed to send these heads taken in war to be seen by the king or the khan, they very adroitly flea off the skin of the head and face, which they stuff up with straw like a foot-ball, and so send them by whole sackfulls.[309]

[Footnote 308: This, however, is to the praise of the Persians, as good swordsmen, on which account the Turks fear coming to hand blows with them.--Purch.]

[Footnote 309: In Turkey they manage this barbarous trophy of success more conveniently, as the Grand Signior is satisfied with a display of the ears of his enemies preserved in salt.--E.]

This night, one of the frigates that came from Muskat for Douna de Sousa, made her escape, no doubt very richly freighted. Her consort, which likewise attempted to get away, was chased in again. That which escaped, being hailed by the Arab boats that lay in wait to intercept the passage, got off by using the watch-word usual between the English and Arabs, Ingres ingresses, which had not been once changed since the commencement of this enterprize, in which oversight both the Persians and English were highly blameable, as, by the continual use of this watch-word, it had come to the knowledge of the Portuguese, who thus used it to their great benefit.

During the night of the 20th April, the other frigate made an effort to escape, but was intercepted and taken by the frigate and pinnace belonging to the London. This frigate was employed to carry away the Portuguese almirante, named Luis de Brito, a kinsman to the viceroy of Goa, but the captain of the castle would not permit him to go away; and the men belonging to this frigate, being seven persons, fearing the capture of the castle and desirous to secure their own lives, stole away without leave.

The 21st, the Persians made a display of making themselves masters of the castle by storm; but, while we expected to see them put this bold measure in execution, I discovered that they and the Portuguese were engaged in a parley. While I was preparing to wait on the Persian general, to enquire the cause of this sudden change of measures, I met a messenger from our English commanders, informing me that a boat had come off to our ships from the castle, bearing a flag of truce, and desiring my presence on board to see what was the purpose of this communication. On my getting on board the London, I found two Portuguese there, with the following letters from the captain of the castle, and the almirante:

"There hath been such ancient friendship between the Portuguese and English nations, that, considering the present war at this place, we ought to come to a mutual good understanding. From what I see of the mines made by the Persians, by which one of my bulwarks is already won, I am of opinion these could not have been constructed without your aid. Wherefore, I request you would be the means of procuring peace for me with the Persians, if the same may be done with your and their good pleasure, yet so that I may not lose my credit, nor you fail to gain honour. Thus, not else, our Lord keep you," &c.

Simon de Mela Pereira.

"This castle is so hard pressed, that the Persians demand us to surrender by capitulation, but which we will not consent to: For, when reduced to that necessity, we will call upon your worships for that purpose, as it were not reasonable for us to capitulate with the infidels when you are present. We hold it more humane to deliver our innocent women, and other unnecessary people, to the rigour of our own weapons, than to the clemency of the Persians; and that you might know this our purpose, I have written these lines to accompany the letter from our captain. What else you may wish to know, you may learn from the bearer of these letters, to whom you may give the same credit as to myself. And so God keep your worships," &c.

Luis de Brito Dar.

Dated 1st May, 1622.[310]

Taking these letters into consideration, and commiserating their situation as Christians, it was resolved to give them a favourable answer, which was done accordingly in a letter to the Captain Simon de Mela, offering to become an intermedium for procuring them such conditions from the Persians as might save the lives of the Christians who still remained in the castle, which we had in our power to warrant, and were willing to shew them such farther courtesy as might tend to their relief, as far as we could see. We desired him therefore to put his demands in writing, and send them to us as soon as possible. A similar answer was written to the almirante, and with these the two messengers were sent back to the castle in one of our own boats. They soon returned with other letters from the captain and almirante, saying, "That they left themselves entirely in our hands, the necessity of their situation not allowing time for farther writing, lest the Persians might in the mean while break in and put them all to the sword."

[Footnote 310: The 1st of May, new style, was the 21st April, old style; the difference being then ten days.--E.]

Upon this we addressed ourselves to the Persian general, requesting him to grant a truce of two days to the distressed Portuguese, in which time we might treat with them for such conditions as might be at the same time beneficial for the Persians and ourselves. At length, a Persian officer and I were deputed to go into the castle to treat with the Portuguese, and they also desired our vice-admiral, Mr Woodcock, might accompany us. We all three went to the castle gate, but could not be allowed to enter; yet were met by Luis de Brito, the Portuguese almirante, and five or six other cavalieros, but did not see the captain, as the inferior officers and soldiers had mutinied against him, and detained him as a prisoner. Our whole conference, therefore, was with the almirante, who chiefly addressed himself to Captain Woodcock, our almirante, or vice-admiral.

Mir Adul Hassan, and Pulot Beg, had been sent for to the ship, where some persons had embezzled a portion of treasure, as we now wished them to be present at the conference on the part of the Khan. They came accordingly to the English house, when one of them made a long speech, saying how kindly the Khan esteemed the services and assistance given by the English in this war, which he should never forget, nor allow to pass unrewarded. They next declared that the Khan intended to proceed, after the surrender of Ormus, to besiege both Muskat and Sware, and therefore that the Portuguese ought on no account to be allowed to go to either of these places. Lastly, they insinuated basely and dishonourably, that we should betray the Portuguese captain, and five or six more of his principal officers, into their hands, as this would tend greatly to the honour and satisfaction of the Khan, by enabling him to present them to Shah Abas. On hearing this vile and dishonourable proposal, I left the room, that my ears might not be contaminated by such abominable conditions; saying, at my departure, to these Persians, that I would not be guilty of consenting to so infamous a business for a whole houseful of gold.

The Portuguese being reduced to such extremity as to be under the necessity of surrendering on any terms that might save their lives from the cruelty of the Persians, sent on the morning of the 23d, offering to put themselves into our hands, on condition that we furnished them with the means of being conveyed either to Muskat or India. We agreed to this proposal, on which Captain Blithe and I went as hostages into the castle, to see them safely set out; the Persian general promising that not one of his soldiers or men should enter the castle till all the Portuguese were gone out, and that only three of his people and three of ours should sit at the gate, to see that they did not carry away any thing of value. This the Persians watched so narrowly, that they most basely searched and abused the women. But the king of Ormus with his rich vizier, together with their women, treasure, and servants, were all conveyed over the breach in the wall, and not a single Englishman called or allowed to see what they carried out with them. Not only they, but all other Mahometans and Banyans, with their treasure and best things, were conveyed out of the castle in the same manner; whole bales of goods, with boxes and caskets full of treasure, to an unknown amount, were carried at the same time over the breaches. No sooner were the gates opened for letting out the Portuguese, but at least forty Persians got in and spread themselves about the castle, besides whom, some of the ruder sort among the English got in likewise, whose coming in I fear was the cause of the Persians doing the same, judging themselves as worthy of this liberty as our people.

Before mid-day of the 24th, both the Persians and English began to pillage in a most shameful manner, so that I was both grieved and ashamed, yet could see no means of remedy. The Persians drove out the poor sick, wounded, and scorched Christians, who were not able to help themselves, so that my heart yearned with compassion to see their woeful plight. In the evening, the Khan of Shiras came over, as if in triumph, to view the castle and its great ordnance, of which there were near three hundred pieces,[311] part of which belonged to the galleons, and the rest to the castle. This evening, the commanders and I, wishing to retain possession of the church in which we had placed a quantity of plate and treasure, for its better security against being embezzled, our design was utterly denied by Pulot Beg, who told our commanders, in plain terms, that they might lie out of doors. Being justly incensed at this, we all three left the castle, the two captains going on board their ships, while I went to the city; but, as the tide was up, and I could not get a boat, I had to remain at the castle wall till near midnight. At this time there came about sixty Persians, by their own report, sent by the Khan to prevent the Arabs from conveying away any of the ordnance which lay by the shore, but I suspect their real object was to cut the throats of the poor Christians who lay at the shore, for want of boats to carry them on board; but fortunately they were protected by an English guard. Our chief business the whole of this day was to see the poor Portuguese sent safely out of the castle, most of them so weakened by divers maladies, but chiefly by famine, and many of them so noisome by their putrified wounds, and scorchings with gunpowder, that their pitiful cries and complaints might have moved pity in a heart of stone; yet such was the cruel disposition of the Persians, that they drove them out of the castle like so many dogs, stripping many of them even of their shirts.

[Footnote 311: In a shorter relation of this siege, by Mr W. Pinder, the ordnance in the castle of Ormus are thus enumerated:--Fifty-three pieces mounted, of the following descriptions,--four brass cannons, six brass demi-cannons, sixteen brass cannons-pedro, nine brass culverins, two brass demi-culverins, three iron demi-culverins, ten brass basses, one iron minion, one iron culverin, one iron cannon-pedro. Besides ninety-two brass pieces not mounted, and seven brass bastels which they had landed from the ships that were sunk. In all, 152 pieces.--E.]

On the evening of the 27th, we allowed the Portuguese to depart for Goa, to the number of 2500 persons, including men, women, and children, to whom we gave our two prizes, the Robert and Shilling, for their transport, with victuals and water necessary for the voyage, and a pass to free them from any molestation, in case they met with any of our ships at sea. Besides these, there were upwards of an hundred persons, so maimed or sick as to be incapable of being sent off at this time, for want of room in these two ships.

The king of Ormus was very poor, and lived chiefly on a pension or allowance of 140,000 rees, allowed him by the king of Spain, with some small reserved petty customs. In rummaging among his papers, we found the copy of a letter from him to the king of Spain, complaining loudly of the injustice of the Portuguese, and charging them with the entire overthrow of the kingdom of Ormus.[312]

[Footnote 312: Besides this letter, too long and uninteresting for insertion, there are several other letters and documents in the Pilgrims at this place, so much in the same predicament as to be here omitted.--E.]

When we expected to have received 1200 tomans[313] from Pulot Beg, who was chief commissioner under the Khan of Shiras, as our pay for the time occupied in this enterprize, he contrived to make us a larger sum in their debt, under pretence of embezzling the plunder in the castle; while we, on the other hand, made counter demands of a much larger sum due to us from the Persians, in the same manner. At length, three months pay were allowed, and our other demands were shifted off, as he pretended to have no power to liquidate them without an order from the Khan. After business was ended, our misery began, occasioned by the insufferable heat of Ormus, and the disorders of our own people in drinking arrack, and other excesses no less injurious; through which such diseases arose among our people, that three-fourths of them were dangerously sick, and many died so suddenly, that the plague was feared to have got among them, although no symptoms of that dreadful malady as yet appeared. This extremity lasted for fourteen days, during which time, six or seven of our men died every day; but after this, it pleased God to stay the mortality, and the rest recovered. Ten pieces of ordnance belonging to the Portuguese, were taken into our ships, to replace that number of our own which had been broken or otherwise spoiled during the siege. Our fleet was detained till the 1st September, owing to the shifting of the monsoon, and waiting its return. Leaving Ormus on that day, we arrived in Swally roads on the 24th of that month, where the London, Jonas, and Lion, loaded for England, and sailed homewards bound on the 30th December. Before setting sail, news was brought of sinking three Portuguese carracks off the port of Masulipatam, by the English and Dutch in conjunction.

[Footnote 313: This must be a gross error, as by the value of the toman formerly given, the sum in the text very little exceeds £400. Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that he had heard the English received £20,000 for this service from the Persians.--E.]

* * * * *

In the Annals of the East India Company,[314] the English are said on this occasion to have received a proportion of the plunder acquired at Ormus, and a grant of the moiety of the customs at Gambroon, which place, in the sequel, became the principal station of their trade with Persia and other places in the Persian gulf. The treaty made in 1615 by Mr Connock was also renewed, and an additional phirmaund granted by the Sophi, allowing them to purchase whatever quantity of Persian silks they might think proper, in any part of his dominions, with the privilege of bringing their goods from Gambroon to Ispahan free of duties.

[Footnote 314: Vol. I. p. 236. The historiographer makes, however, a small mistake, naming Ruy Frere de Andrada as chief commander of the Portuguese at Ormus, who only commanded in a subordinate fortress at Kismis.--E.]

In consequence of the war of Ormus, a claim was set up in 1624 by the crown and the Duke of Buckingham, as lord high admiral of England, by which the Company was demanded to pay a proportion of the prize-money, which their ships were supposed to have obtained in the seas bordering on the countries within the limits of their exclusive charter. In order to substantiate these claims, Captains Weddell, Blithe, Clevenger, Beversham, and other officers of the Company's ships were examined, and particularly those who had been employed against Ormus. According to their statements, it appeared that the amount of this prize-money was calculated at £100,000 and 240,000 rials of eight, but without taking into view the charges and losses incurred by the Company on this occasion, and by their ships being called off from commercial engagements, to act as ships of war for the protection of their trade against the Portuguese, and in the assistance of the government of Persia, by which they had been compelled, either to engage in this war, or to relinquish a trade in which they had expended large sums, together with the loss of all their goods then in Persia. At last the Company was obliged to compound, by payment of £10,000 to the Duke of Buckingham in discharge of his claim, and received an order from the secretary of state, Sir Edward Conway, to pay a similar sum also to the crown.--E.

SECTION XIV.

ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACRE OF AMBOINA, IN 1623.[315]

In the preceding sections of this chapter, the early commercial voyages of the English East India Company have been detailed; and it is now proposed to conclude this part of our arrangement, by a brief narrative of the unjustifiable conduct of the Dutch at Amboina, in cruelly torturing and executing several Englishmen and others on false pretences of a conspiracy, but the real purpose of which was to appropriate to themselves the entire trade of the spice islands, Amboina, Banda, and the Moluccas. They effectually succeeded in this nefarious attempt, and preserved that rich, but ill-got source of wealth, for almost two hundred years; till recently expelled from thence, and from every other commercial or colonial possession in Asia, Africa, and America. A just retribution for submitting to, or seconding rather, the revolutionary phrenzy of French democracy; for which they now deservedly suffer, under the iron sceptre of the modern Atilla.

[Footnote 315: Purch. Pilgr. II. 1853. Harris, I. 877.]

In giving a short narrative of this infamous transaction, besides the original account of Purchas, abridged from a more extended relation published at the time by the East India Company, advantage has been taken of the account given by Harris of the same event, which is fuller and better connected than that of Purchas, who most negligently garbled this story, under pretence of abbreviation. Harris appears evidently to have used the authorised narrative published by the Company, in drawing up his account of the event. There are other documents, relative to this tragical event, both in the Pilgrims of Purchas and the Collection by Harris, particularly the Dutch justificatory memorial, in which they endeavour to vindicate their conduct, and to shew that the English merited the lingering tortures and capital punishments to which they were condemned; to which is added a reply or refutation, published by order of the English Company. But the abridged narrative contained in this section seems quite sufficient on so disgusting a subject, especially so long after the events which it records.--E.

* * * * *

After the fruitless issue of two several treaties, for arranging the differences that had taken place in eastern India, between the English and Hollanders respecting the trade of the spice islands, the first at London in 1613, and the second at the Hague in 1616, a third negociation was entered into at London in 1619, by which a solemn compact was concluded upon for settling these disputes, and full and fair arrangement made for the future proceedings of the servants of both Companies in the Indies, as well in regard to their trade and commerce, as to other matters. Among other points, it was agreed, in consideration of the great losses the Dutch pretended to have sustained, both in men and expence, in conquering the trade of the isles, namely, the Moluccas, Banda, and Amboina, from the Spaniards and Portuguese, and in the erection of forts for securing the same, that the Hollanders were to enjoy two-third parts of that trade, and the English one-third; the expences of the forts and garrisons to be maintained by taxes and impositions, to be levied ratably on the merchandize. In consequence of this agreement, the English East India Company established certain factories, for managing their share of this trade, some at the Moluccas, some at Banda, and others at Amboina.

The island of Amboina, near Ceram, is about forty leagues in circuit, and gives its name also to some other small adjacent isles. This island produces cloves, for the purpose of procuring which valuable spice, the English had five several factories, the head and rendezvous of all being at the town of Amboina, in which at the first, Mr George Muschamp was chief factor, who was succeeded by Mr Gabriel Towerson; having authority over the subordinate factories of Hitto and Larica on the same island, and at Loho and Cambello on a point of the neighbouring island of Ceram. On the island of Amboina and the point of Ceram, the Hollanders have four forts, the chief of all being at the town of Amboina, which is very strong, having four bastions or bulwarks, on each of which there are six great cannons, most of them brass. One side of this castle is washed by the sea, and the other is protected on the land side by a very deep ditch, four or five fathoms broad, always filled by the sea. The garrison of this castle consists of about 200 Dutch soldiers, and one company of free burghers; besides which there are three or four hundred mardykers, by which name the free natives are known, who reside in the town, and are always ready to serve in the castle at an hour's warning. There are likewise, for the most part, several good Dutch ships in the roads, both for the protection of this place by sea, and for the purposes of trade, as this is the central rendezvous of trade for the Banda islands, as well as for Amboina. At this place, the English factory was established in the town, under the protection of the castle, in a house of their own, where they lived as they thought in security, both in consideration of the ancient league of amity between the two nations, and in virtue of the firm compact of union, made by the late treaty of 1619, already mentioned.

The English factory continued here for about two years, trading conjunctly with the Hollanders under the treaty. During this period there occurred several differences and debates between the servants of the two companies. The English complained that the Hollanders not only lavished much unnecessary charges, in buildings and other needless expences upon the forts and otherwise, but also paid the garrisons in victuals and Coromandel cloths, which they issued to the soldiers at three or four times the value which they cost, yet would not allow the English proportion of the charges to be advanced in like manner, but insisted always on their paying in ready money: Thus drawing from the English, who only were bound to contribute one-third part, more than two-thirds of the just and true charges. Upon this head there arose frequent disputes, and the complaints of the English were conveyed to Jacatra, now called Batavia, in Java, to the council of defence of both nations, there residing. The members of that council not being able to agree upon these points of difference, the complaints were transmitted to Europe, to be settled between the two companies; or, in default of their agreement, by the king and the states general, pursuant to one of the articles of the before-mentioned treaty, providing against such contingencies. In the meantime, these, and other differences and discontents between the English and Dutch, daily continued and increased, till at length this knot, which all the tedious controversies at Amboina and Jacatra were unable to untie, was cut asunder by the sword, in the following manner.

About the 11th February, 1622, old style, or 21st of that month, 1623, new style, a Japanese soldier belonging to the Dutch garrison of Amboina castle, walking one night upon the wall, fell into conversation with a centinel, in the course of which he asked several questions respecting the strength of the fortifications and the number of its garrison. It is to be observed, that most of the Japanese in Amboina were actually soldiers in the Dutch service, yet not in these trusty bands which always lodged within the castle, but only occasionally called in from the town to assist in its defence. This Japanese, in consequence of his conference with the centinel, was soon after apprehended on suspicion of treason, and put to the torture by the Dutch, to extort confession. While suffering under the torture, he was induced to confess, that he and some others of his countrymen had plotted to take possession of the castle. Several other Japanese were consequently apprehended, and examined by torture; as also a Portuguese, who was guardian or superintendent of the slaves belonging to the Dutch. While these examinations were going on, which continued during three or four days, some of the English, then resident at Amboina, were several times in the castle on business, saw the prisoners, and heard of the tortures they had undergone, and of the crime laid to their charge; yet during all this time, never once suspected that this affair had any connection with themselves, being unconscious of any evil intentions, and having held no conversation with the prisoners.

At this time, one Abel Price, surgeon to the English factory at Amboina, was a prisoner in the castle, for having offered or attempted, in a fit of drunkenness, to set a Dutchman's house on fire. The Dutch shewed this man some of the Japanese whom they had tortured, telling him they had confessed that the English were in confederacy with them, in the plot for seizing the castle, and threatened him with similar or worse tortures, if he did not confess the same; and accordingly, on the 15th February, O.S. they gave him the torture, and soon made him confess whatever they were pleased to direct. That same morning, about nine o'clock, they sent for Captain Gabriel Towerson, and the other Englishmen belonging to the factory at Amboina, to come to speak with the governor of the castle; on which they all went, except one, who was left to take care of the house. On their arrival, the governor told Captain Towerson, that he and others of his nation were accused of a conspiracy to surprise the castle, and must therefore remain prisoners, until tried for the same. The Dutch, immediately after this, took into custody the person who had been left in charge of the English factory, sequestrated all the merchandize belonging to the English Company, under an inventory, and seized all the chests, boxes, books, writings, and other things in the English house.

Captain Towerson was committed prisoner to his own chamber in the English house, under a guard of Dutch soldiers. Emanuel Thomson was imprisoned in the castle. All the rest, namely, John Beaumont, Edward Collins, William Webber, Ephraim Ramsay, Timothy Johnson, John Fardo, and Robert Brown, were distributed among the Dutch ships then in the harbour, and secured in irons. The same day, the governor sent to the two other factories in the same island, Hitto and Larica, to apprehend the rest of the English residents, who were all brought prisoners to Amboina on the 16th; Samuel Colson, John Clark, and George Sharrock, from the former, and Edward Collins,[2] William Webber,[2] and John Sadler, from the latter. On the same day, John Pocol, John Wetheral, Thomas Ladbrook, were apprehended at Cambello, and John Beaumont,[2] William Griggs, and Ephraim Ramsay,[316] at Loho; and were all brought in irons to Amboina on the 20th of February.

[Footnote 316: These four persons are already named, as apprehended at Amboina.--E.]

On the 15th of February, the governor and fiscal began to examine the prisoners. John Beaumont and Timothy Johnson were first brought to the castle, John Beaumont being left in a hall under a guard, while Johnson was conducted into another room. Beaumont soon after heard him cry out very pitifully, then become quiet for a while, and afterwards cried out aloud. Abel Price, the surgeon, who was first questioned and put to the torture, was brought in to confront and accuse him; but as Johnson refused to confess any thing laid to his charge, Price was soon taken away, and Johnson again put to the question, when Beaumont heard him repeatedly roar under the torture. At the end of an hour, Johnson was brought out into the hall, weeping and lamenting, all cut and cruelly burnt in many parts of his body, and so laid aside in a corner of the hall, having a soldier to watch him, with strict injunctions not to allow him to speak to any one.

Emanuel Thomson was next brought in for examination, not in the same room where Johnson had been, but in one farther from the hall; yet Beaumont, who still remained in the hall, heard him often roar out most lamentably. After half an hour spent in torturing him, he was led to another place, but not through the hall where Beaumont was. Beaumont was then called in for examination, and asked many questions concerning the alleged conspiracy, all knowledge of which he denied with the most solemn oaths. He was then made fast on purpose to be tortured, having a cloth fastened about his neck, while two men stood ready with jars of water to pour on his head: But the governor ordered him to be set loose again, saying he would spare him for a day or two, being an old man.

Next day, being the 16th, William Webber, Edward Collins, Ephraim Ramsay, and Robert Brown, were brought on shore for examination; and at the same time Samuel Colson, William Griggs, John Clark, George Sharrock, and John Sadler, from Hitto and Larica, were brought into the hall. Robert Brown, a tailor, was first called in, and being subjected to torture by water, confessed all in order, as interrogated by the fiscal. Edward Collins was next called in, and told that those who were formerly examined had accused him as accessory to the conspiracy for taking the castle. Denying all knowledge of or participation in any such plot, with great oaths, his hands and feet were made fast to the rack, and a cloth bound about his throat, ready to administer the water torture, upon which he entreated to be let down, saying that he would confess all. On being loosed, he again protested his entire innocence and ignorance of every thing laid to his charge; yet, as he knew they would make him confess any thing they pleased by means of torture, however false, he said they would do him a great favour by informing him what they wished he should say, which he would speak as they desired, to avoid the torture. The fiscal said he mocked them, ordered him to be fastened up again, and to receive the water torture. After suffering this for some time, he desired to be let down again to make his confession, devising as well as he could what he should say. Accordingly, he said that he, with Thomson, Johnson, Brown, and Fardo, had plotted about ten weeks before, to surprise the castle with the aid of the Japanese.

While making this contrived confession, he was interrupted by the fiscal, who asked whether Captain Towerson were privy to this conspiracy. He protested that Towerson knew nothing of the matter. "You lie," said the fiscal, "did not he call you all before him, telling you that the daily abuses of the Dutch had instigated him to devise a plot, and that he wanted nothing but your consent and secrecy?" Then a Dutch merchant who was present, named Jan Igost, asked him, if they had not all been sworn to secrecy on the Bible? Collins declared with great oaths, that he knew nothing of any such matter. He was again ordered to be seized up again to the torture, on which he said that all was true they had said. Then the fiscal asked, if the English in the other factories were consenting to this plot? To which he answered, no. The fiscal then next asked, if the English president at Jacatra, or Mr Weldon the agent at Banda, were engaged in this plot, or privy to its contrivance? He again answered, no. The fiscal next enquired by what means the Japanese were to have executed their purpose? And, when Collins stood amazed, and devising some probable fictions to satisfy them, the fiscal helped him out, saying, "Were not two Japanese to have gone to each bulwark, and two to the door of the governor's chamber, to have killed him on coming out to enquire into the disturbance you were to have raised without?" Upon this, a person who stood by, desired the fiscal not to put words into the mouth of the witness, but to allow him to speak for himself. After this reproof, without waiting any answer to his former question, the fiscal asked what reward was to have been given the Japanese for their services? Collins answered 1000 dollars each. He was then asked, when this plot was to have been carried into execution? But, although he made no answer to this question, not knowing on the sudden what to say, he was dismissed, glad to get away from the torture, yet certainly believing they would put him to death for his confession.

Samuel Colson was next brought in; and, for fear of the tortures that Collins had endured, whom he saw brought out in a pitiable condition, with his eyes almost starting out of their sockets, he chose rather to confess all they asked, and so was quickly dismissed, yet came out weeping and lamenting, and protesting his innocence. John Clark was then taken in, and tortured with fire and water for two hours, in the same manner as had been done with Johnson and Thomson.[317]

[Footnote 317: The minute description of these tortures, in Purchas, and copied in Harris, are disgusting; insomuch, that Purchas exclaims at one place, I have no heart to proceed. They are here therefore omitted,--E.]

Finding that all their cruelties could not force him to any consistent confession of himself, they helped him along to particular circumstances of their own contrivance, by leading questions. Thus wearied out and overpowered, by terror of the tortures being renewed, he answered, yes, to whatever they asked, by which means they trumped up a body of evidence to this effect:--"That Captain Towerson, on new-year's-day last, had sworn all the English at Amboina to be secret and aiding in a plot he had devised for surprising the castle, by the aid of the Japanese, putting the governor and all the Dutch to death."

On the 17th, William Griggs and John Fardo, with some Japanese, were brought to examination. The Japanese were first cruelly tortured to accuse Griggs, which at last they did; and Griggs, to avoid torture, confessed whatever the fiscal was pleased to demand. The same was next done with Fardo and other Japanese. Fardo endured the torture for some time, but at length confessed all they pleased to ask. That same day, John Beaumont was brought a second time to the fiscal's chamber, when one Captain Newport, the son of a Dutchman, but born and educated in England, acted as interpreter. Griggs was also brought in to accuse Beaumont of being present at the consultation for surprising the castle. Beaumont denied all, with great earnestness, and many oaths; but, on enduring the torture, was constrained to confess every thing laid to his charge.

George Sharrock was then brought in and examined. He fell on his knees, protesting his innocence, telling them he was at Hitto on new-year's-day, when the pretended consultation was held, and had not been at Amboina since the preceding November, as was well known to several Dutchmen who resided at Hitto along with him. Being ordered to the rack, he told them he had often heard John Clark say that the Dutch had done insufferable wrongs to the English, and was resolved to be revenged on them; for which purpose he had proposed to Captain Towerson to allow him to go to Macassar, to consult with the Spaniards about sending some gallies to plunder the small factories of Amboina and Ceram in the absence of the ships. Being asked what Captain Towerson had said to all this? he answered, that Towerson was very much offended with Clark for the proposal, and could never abide him since. The fiscal then called him a rogue and liar, saying, that he wandered idly from the matter, and must go to the torture. He craved favour again, and began another tale, saying, that John Clark had told him at Hitto of a plot to surprise the castle of Amboina, with the participation of Towerson. He was then asked, when this consultation was held? which he said was in November preceding. The fiscal said that could not be, for it was on new-year's-day. The prisoner urged, as before, that he had not been in Amboina since last November, till now that he was brought thither in custody. "Why, then," said the fiscal, "have you belied yourself?" To this he resolutely answered, that all he had confessed respecting a conspiracy was false, and merely feigned to avoid torment.

Sharrock was then remanded to prison, but was brought up again next day, when a formal confession, in writing, of his last-mentioned conference with Clark, respecting the plot for surprising the castle of Amboina, was read over to him, after which, the fiscal asked, if it were all true. To this he answered, that every word of it was false, and that he had confessed it solely to avoid torture. The fiscal and the rest then said, in rage, that he was a false liar, for it was all true, and had been spoken from his own mouth, and therefore he must sign it, which he did accordingly. Having done this, he broke out into a great passion, charging them as guilty of the innocent blood of himself and the rest, which they should have to answer for at the judgment-seat of God. He even grappled with the fiscal, and would have hindered him from carrying in the confession to the governor, but was instantly laid hold of, and carried away to prison.

William Webber was next examined; being told by the fiscal that Clarke accused him of having sworn to Towerson's plot on new-year's-day, with all the other circumstances already mentioned; Webber strenuously denied all this, declaring, that he was then at Larika, and could not possibly be present in Amboina on that day. But, being put to the torture, he was forced to confess having been present at the consultation, with all the other circumstances in regular order, as asked. He also told of having a letter from Clark, in which was a postscript excusing his brief writing at this time, as there was then a great business in hand. But a Dutch merchant, named Kinder, who was present, told the governor that Webber and he were together making merry at Larika, on new-year's-day, the time of this pretended consultation. The governor then went away, but the fiscal held on with him respecting the letter and postscript, promising to save his life if he would produce these.

Captain Towerson was next brought in for examination, and was shewn what the others had confessed concerning him. He deeply professed his innocence, on which Colson was brought in to confront him, being assured he should be again tortured unless he made good his former confession against Towerson. On this he repeated what he had said before, and was then sent away. Griggs and Fardo were next brought in, and desired to justify to his face what they had before confessed. Captain Towerson seriously admonished them, as they should answer at the day of judgment, to speak nothing but the truth. They then fell upon their knees, beseeching him to forgive them for God's sake, and declared openly that all they had formerly said was utterly false, and spoken only to avoid the torture. The fiscal then commanded them to be led to the torture, which they were unable to endure, and again affirmed their former extorted confessions to be true. When Colson was required to subscribe this confession, he asked the fiscal, upon whose head he thought the sin would rest, whether on his who was constrained to confess falsely, or upon the constrainer? After a pause on this home-question, the fiscal went out to speak with the governor, and returned again shortly, commanding him to subscribe. Colson did so, yet with this remark,--"You force me to accuse myself and others of that which is as false as God is true; for I call God to witness that I and they are as innocent as the child unborn."

Having thus examined all the servants of the English company in the several factories of the island of Amboina, they began on the 21st of February to examine John Wetheral, factor at Cambello, in Ceram. He acknowledged being at Amboina on new-year's-day, but declared he knew of no other consultation but about certain cloth belonging to the company, which lay spoiling in the factory, which they considered how best to get sold. The governor said he was not questioned about cloth, but treason; and protesting his innocence, he was dismissed for that day. Next day he was again brought in, and Captain Towerson was produced to confront and accuse him, as he had formerly emitted something in his confessions against him. But Towerson only desired him to speak the truth, and nothing but the truth, as God should put into his heart. Mr Towerson was then removed, and Mr Wetheral tortured by water, with threats of fire being applied if he did not confess. At length, they read over to him the confessions of the others, asking him leading questions from point to point, to all of which he answered affirmatively, to free himself from torture.

John Powel, assistant to Mr Wetheral, was next called; but he proved that he had not been at Amboina since November; and being likewise spoken for by Jan Joost, his old acquaintance, was dismissed without torture. Thomas Ladbrook, servant to Wetheral and Powel at Cambello, was then brought in; but he, too, was speedily dismissed. Ephraim Ramsay, proving that he was not in Amboina on new-year's-day, and being likewise spoken for by Joost, was also dismissed, after hanging up some time ready for being tortured. Lastly, John Sadler, servant to William Griggs at Larika, was brought in for examination; and as he was not in Amboina on new-year's-day, he too was dismissed.

On the 25th of February, all the prisoners, English, Portuguese, and Japanese, were brought into the great hall of the castle, and there solemnly condemned to die, except John Powel, Ephraim Ramsay, John Sadler, and Thomas Ladbrook. Next day, they were again brought into the hall, except Captain Towerson and Emanuel Thomson, to be prepared for death by the Dutch ministers. That same night, Colson and Collins were taken into the room where Emanuel Thomson lay, when they were told the governor was pleased to grant mercy to one of the three, and desired they might draw lots, when the free lot fell to Edward Collins, who was then carried to the chamber of the acquitted persons before-named. John Beaumont was soon after brought to the same place, and told that he owed his life to Peter Johnson, the Dutch merchant of Loho, and the secretary, who had begged his life. The condemned, who still remained in the hall, were afterwards joined by the Dutch ministers, and received the sacrament, protesting their innocence. Samuel Colson, on this occasion, said, in a loud voice, "O Lord, as I am innocent of this treason, do thou pardon all my other sins; and, if in the smallest degree guilty thereof may I never be a partaker in the joys of thy heavenly kingdom." To these words all the rest exclaimed, Amen! for me, Amen! for me, good Lord!

After this, each, knowing whom he had accused, went one to another, craving forgiveness for their false accusations, as wrung from them by the pains or dread of torture. They all freely forgave their comrades; for none had been so falsely accused, but that he also had accused others with equal falseness. In particular, George Sharrock, who survived to relate the scene exhibited at this time, knelt down to John Clark, whom he had accused, as before related, earnestly begging forgiveness. Clark freely forgave him, saying, "How shall I look to be forgiven of God, if I do not forgive you? as I have myself falsely accused Captain Towerson and others!" After this, they spent the rest of this doleful night in prayer and psalm-singing, comforting each other the best they could. The Dutch who guarded them offered them wine, of which they desired them to drink heartily, to drive away sorrow, as is the custom of their country in like situations, but this the English refused.

Next morning, the 27th February, William Webber was again called before the fiscal, and offered his life if he would produce the letter and postscript he confessed to have received from John Clark, which he could not do, as it never had existed: Yet, at last, they pardoned him, and sent him to the rest of those who were freed, and Sharrock with him, whom they also pardoned. That morning, Emanuel Thomson, learning that John Beaumont was pardoned, contrived to have him allowed to visit him, which was allowed with much difficulty. Beaumont found him in a most miserable condition, the wounds or sores occasioned by the torture bound up, but the blood and matter issuing through the bandages. Taking Mr Beaumont by the hand, he conjured him, when he came to England, to offer his duty to the Honourable Company, and others of his friends whom he named, and to assure them he died innocent, as was well known to Beaumont.

It is needless to dwell upon the minute circumstances of the catastrophe of this bloody tragedy: Suffice it to say, that ten Englishmen, one Portuguese, and eleven Japanese, were publicly executed; of whom the following is a list:

English.

Capt. Gabriel Towerson, agent for the English at Amboina. Samuel Colson, factor at Hitto. Emanuel Thomson, assistant at Amboina. Timothy Johnson, assistant at the same place. John Wetheral, assistant at Cambello. John Clark, assistant at Hitto.

William Griggs, factor at Larika. John Fardo, steward of the factory at Amboina. Abel Price, surgeon to that factory. Robert Brown, tailor.

The only Portuguese was Augustine Perez, born in Bengal, who was superintendant of the slaves in the employment of the English at Amboina.

Japanese. Hititso, Tsiosa, and Sinsa, natives of Firando. Sidney Migial, Pedro Congie, Thomas Corea, from Nangasaki. Quinandaya, a native of Coaets. Tsabinda, a native of Tsoncketgo. Zanchae, a native of Fisien.

Besides these, there were two other Japanese tortured, who both confessed a participation in the pretended plot, but were not executed, or even condemned, for reasons which the surviving English did not learn. The executions were all by cutting off the heads of the condemned with a scymitar; and the Dutch prepared a black velvet pall for Captain Towerson's body to fall upon, which they afterwards had the effrontery to charge in account against the English East India Company.

SECTION XV.

OBSERVATIONS DURING A RESIDENCE IN TISLAND OF CHUSAN, IN 1701, BY DOCTOR JAMES CUNNINGHAM; WITH SOME EARLY NOTICES RESPECTING CHINA.[318]

Among the early voyages of the English to the East Indies, none have been preserved that were made to China, nor have we been able to discover any satisfactory account of the commencement of the trade of our East India Company with that distant country, now said to be by far the most profitable branch of the exclusive commerce. In the Annals of the Company,[319] several references are made to the China trade, but more in the nature of notices or memoranda for the purpose of after investigation, than as conveying any actual information on the subject. In this singular paucity of materials, we are reduced to the following short "Observations and Remarks, by Doctor James Cunningham, made during his Residence as Physician to the English Factory at the Island of Chusan, on the Coast of China." Doctor Cunningham is stated by Harris to have been a fellow of the Royal Society, distinguished by his natural talents and acquired accomplishments, well versed in ancient and modern learning, and to have diligently used these advantages in making judicious remarks on the places where he resided in the service of the Company. Yet all that has been recorded by Harris of these remarks, give only a very imperfect account of Chusan and of China. This short article consists of extracts from two letters written by Cunningham from Chusan, and a brief supplement by Harris respecting two unfortunate factories at Pulo Condore and Pulo Laut.--E.

[Footnote 318: Harris. I. 852.]

[Footnote 319: Annals of the E.I. Co. vol. II. and III. passim.]

§1. Voyage to Chusan, and short Notices of that Island.[320]

In my last letter, from the island of Borneo, I gave you an account of our arrival at that island on the 17th July. We only remained there two days, as the season of the year was already far advanced, and made the best of our way from thence through the Straits of Banda,[321] with favourable winds and weather. We got upon the coast of China on the 13th August, when we had variable winds, which carried us abreast of Emoy[322] by the 19th following. The wind then set in fresh at N.E. so that we were in great fear of losing our passage, and were now obliged to beat up all the way against both wind and current; yet the weather remained so favourable that we were never obliged to hand our top-sails, otherwise we must have lost more way in a single day than we could have recovered in eight. On the 31st August we came to anchor under the Crocodile islands,[323] both for shelter from the bad weather, usual on this coast at new and full-moon, which has been fatal to many ships, and also to procure fresh water, now scarce with us, as we had not recruited our store since leaving the Cape of Good Hope. These are three small islands in lat. 26° N. about six leagues from the river of Hokien, [Fo-kien] on two of which we found very good water, with a convenient landing-place on the S.W. side of the innermost island. By the assistance of some Chinese fishers, we procured also some fresh provisions from the main land, not thinking it safe to venture there ourselves, lest we may have been brought into trouble by the governor of that part of the country. While here, on the 5th September, we had a sudden short shift of the monsoon from the S.W. blowing with great fury; which was also experienced by other vessels then coming on the coast of China. We again put to sea on the 18th September, turning to windward night and day on the outside of all the islands, which are very numerous all along this coast, but with which we were unacquainted after passing beyond Emoy. Besides, the hydrography of this coast is hitherto so very imperfect, that we could not trust in any degree to our draughts, owing to which our navigation was both difficult and dangerous.

[Footnote 320: From a letter to a member of the Royal Society, dated in September, 1701.--Harris.]

[Footnote 321: This must have been the straits of Macasser, as Banda is far out of the way between Borneo and China.--E.]

[Footnote 322: Emoy or Amoy, was on the coast of China, opposite to the island of Formosa, and appears, from the Annals, to have been the first port frequented by the ships of the India Company for the Chinese trade.--E.]

[Footnote 323: The islands of Pe-la-yang are, in the indicated latitude, off the estuary of the principal river of the province of Fo-kien.--E.]

On the 1st October, we got into the latitude of 30° N. where we came to anchor near the land, and found our way by boat to Chusan,[324] about twelve leagues within the islands, whence we got a pilot, who brought our ship safely to that place on the 11th of the month. The Chinese government have granted us a settlement on that island, with the liberty of trade; but do not allow us to go up to Ning-po,[325] which is six or eight hours sail to the westwards, all the way among islands, of which this of Chusan is the largest, being eight or nine leagues from E. to W. and four or five from N. to S.

[Footnote 324: Tcheou-chan, an island about twenty English miles in length from E. to W. in lat. 30° 23' N. long. 121° 43' E. off the estuary of Ning-po river, in the province of Che-kiang, is obviously the Chusan of the text--E.]

[Footnote 325: The city of Ning-po stands at the head of a bay, stretching from the S. side of the estuary of the river of the same name, in lat. 30° 10' N. long. 121° E. It appears, from the Annals, that the English had been excluded from trading at Canton, by the influence of the Portuguese in Macao.--E.]

About three leagues from the point of land named Liampo by the Portuguese, and Khi-tu by the Chinese, there is a very safe and convenient harbour at the west end of this island, where the ships ride within call of the factory, which stands close to the shore in a low flat valley, having near two hundred houses built around for the benefit of trade. The town of Chusan, of which the houses are very mean, is about three quarters of a mile farther from the shore, and is surrounded by a fine stone wall, flanked at irregular distances by twenty-two square bastions or towers; and has four great gates, on which a few old iron guns are planted, seldom or never used. The chumpeen, or governor of the island, resides here, and the town contains about three or four thousand beggarly inhabitants, mostly soldiers and fishers; for, as the trade of this island has only been granted of late, it has not hitherto attracted any considerable merchants.

This island abounds in all sorts of provisions, as cows, buffaloes, deer, hogs, both wild and tame, geese, ducks, poultry, rice, wheat, calavanccs, cole-worts, turnips, carrots, potatoes, beets, spinach, and so forth. It has, however, no merchandise, except what comes from Ning-po, Stan-chew,[326] Nankin, and other inland towns and cities. Some of these I hope to see, when I have acquired a little of the Chinese language. Tea grows here in great plenty on the tops of the hills, but is not so much esteemed as that which grows on more mountainous islands. Although tolerably populous, this island is far from being what it was in the time of Father Martini, who describes it under the name of Cheu-xan. The superstitious pilgrimages mentioned by him, must refer to the island of Pou-to,[327] which is nine leagues from this place, and to another island three miles to the eastwards, to which the emperor proposes coming to worship at a pagoda greatly renowned for its sanctity, in the ensuing month of May, being his birth-day, and the fortieth year of his age. One of his bonzes is already come there, to get all things in order.

[Footnote 326: Probably Hang-tcheon, a city about forty miles W. from Ning-po.--E.]

[Footnote 327: Pou-teou, is directly E. from the eastern end of Tcheou-chan.--E.]

§2. Ancient and modern State of the Country, and of the coming of the English to reside there.[328]

In my former letter, I informed you that the emperor designed to have come to worship at Pou-to in May last, being the fortieth year of his age, but I ought to have said of his reign. After every thing was prepared for his reception, he was dissuaded from his purpose by some of his mandarins, who made him believe that the thunder at that place was very dangerous. This Pou-to is a small island, only about five leagues round, and at the east end of Chusan. It has been famous for the space of eleven hundred years, for the superstitious pilgrimages made to it, and is only inhabited by bonzes to the number of three thousand, all of the sect of Heshang, or unmarried bonzes, who live a Pythagorean life. They have built four hundred pagodas, two of which are considerable for their size and splendour, and were lately covered with green and yellow tiles, brought from the emperor's palace at Nankin. They are adorned within by stately idols, finely carved and gilded, the chief of these being an idol named Quonem. To-these two pagodas there are two chief priests, who govern all the rest. They have many walks and avenues cut in different directions through the island, some of which are paved with flag-stones, and overshaded by trees planted on both sides. The dwellings of the bonzes are the best I have seen in these parts, all of which are maintained by charitable donations. All the Chinese junks which sail from Ning-po and Chusan touch at Pou-to, both outwards and homewards-bound, making offerings for the safety of their voyages. There is another island named Kim-Tong,[329] five leagues from hence, on the way towards Ning-po, where a great many mandarins are said to live in retirement, after having given up their employments. On that island there are said to be silver mines, but prohibited from being opened. The rest of the circumjacent islands are either desert, or very meanly inhabited, but all of them abound in deer.

[Footnote 328: The sequel of these observations is said by Harris to have been taken from another letter to the same correspondent with the former, and dated in November, 1701; but, from circumstances in the text, it would appear to have been written in 1702.--E.]

[Footnote 329: Probably that named Silver-island in modern maps.--E.]

It is not long since this island of Chusan began to be inhabited. Yet in the days of Father Martini, about fifty years ago, it was very populous for three or four years; at which time, in the fury of the Tartar conquest, it was laid entirely desolate, not even sparing the mulberry trees, which were then numerous, as they made a great deal of raw silk here. It continued in this desolate condition till about eighteen years ago, when the walls of the present town were built by the governor of Ting-hai, as a strong-hold for a garrison, in order to expel some pirates who had taken shelter on the island. As the island began to grow populous, a chumpeen was sent to govern it for three years, to whom the late chumpeen succeeded, who continued till last April, and procured licence to open this port to strangers. On the last chumpeen being promoted to the government of Tien-ching-wei[330] near Pekin, he was succeeded by the present governor, who is son to the old chumpeen of Emoy. They have no arts or manufactures in this island, except lacquered ware; the particulars of which I cannot as yet send you. They have begun to plant mulberry-trees, in order to breed up silk-worms for the production of raw silk; and they gather and cure some tea, but chiefly for their own use.

[Footnote 330: Probably that called Tien-sing in modern maps, on the river Pay, between Pekin and the sea.--E.]

§3. Of the Manner of cultivating Tea in Chusan.

The three sorts of tea usually carried to England are all from the same plant, their difference being occasioned by the soils in which they grow, and the season of the year at which they are gathered. The bohea, or vo-u-i, so called from certain mountains in the province of Token,[331] where it is chiefly made, is the very bud, gathered in the beginning of March, and dried in the shade. The tea named bing is the second growth, gathered in April, and siriglo is the last growth, gathered in May and June; both of these being gently dried over the fire in taches or pans. The tea shrub is an evergreen, being in flower from October to January, and the seed ripens in the September or October following, so that both flower and seed may be gathered at the same time; but for one fully ripened seed, an hundred are abortive. There are the two sorts of seeds mentioned by Father Le Compte, in his description of tea; and what be describes as a third sort, under the name of slymie pease, consists merely of the young flower-buds, not yet open. The seed vessels of the tea tree are three-capsular, each capsule containing one nut or seed; and though often two or one of these only come to perfection, yet the vestiges of the rest may easily be discerned. It grows naturally in a dry gravelly soil on the sides of hills, without any cultivation, in several places of this island.

[Footnote 331: Fo-kien is almost certainly here meant--E.]

Le Compte is mistaken in saying that the Chinese are ignorant of the art of grafting; for I nave seen many of his paradoxical tallow-trees ingrafted here, besides trees of other sorts. When they ingraft, they do not slit the stock as we do, but slice off the outside of the stock, to which they apply the graft, which is cut sloping on one side, to correspond with the slice on the stock, bringing the bark of the slice up on the outside of the graft, after which the whole is covered up with mud and straw, exactly as we do. The commentator on Magalhen seems doubtful as to the length of the Chinese che or cubit. At this island they have two sorts, one measuring thirteen inches and seven-tenths English, which, is commonly used by merchants; the other is only eleven inches, being used by carpenters, and also in geographical measures. Though Father Martini is censured by Magalhen for spelling a great many Chinese words with ng, which the Portuguese and others express with in, yet his way is more agreeable to our English pronunciation and orthography; only the g may be left out in Pekin, Nankin, and some others.

Having made enquiry about what is mentioned by Father Martini of sowing their fields at Van-cheu with oyster-shells, to make new ones grow, I was told, that after they have taken out the oysters, they sprinkle the empty shells with urine, and throw them into the water, by which means there grow new oysters on the old shells.[332] Martini says he could never find a Latin name for the Tula Mogorin of the Portuguese; but I am sure it is the same with the Syringa arabica, flore pleno albo, of Parkinson. Martini also says that the kieu-yeu, or tallow-tree, bears a white flower, like that of the cherry-tree: But all that I have seen here bear spikes of small yellow flowers, like the julus of the Salix. The bean-broth, or mandarin-broth, so frequently mentioned in the Dutch embassy, and by other authors, is only an emulsion made of the seeds of sesamum with hot water.

[Footnote 332: This strange story may possibly be thus explained. At certain seasons, numerous minute oysters may be seen sticking to the shells of the old ones; and the Chinese may have thrown the emptied shells into the sea, in the highly probable expectation of these minute oysters continuing to live and grow. The circumstances in the text are absurd additions, either from ignorance or imposition.--E.]

The chief employments of the people here are fishing and agriculture. In fishing, they use several sorts of nets and lines as we do; but, as there are great banks of mud in some places, the fishermen have contrived a small frame, three or four feet long, not much larger than a hen-trough, and a little elevated at each end, to enable them to go more easily on these mud banks. Resting with one knee on the middle of one of these frames, and leaning his arms on a cross stick raised breast high, he uses the other foot on the mud to push the frame and himself forwards.

In their agricultural operations, all their fields on which any thing is to be cultivated, whether high or low, are formed into such plots or beds as may admit of retaining water over them when the cultivator thinks proper. The lands are tilled by ploughs drawn by one cow or buffalo; and when it is intended to sow rice, the soil is remarkably well prepared and cleared from all weeds, after which it is moistened into the state of a pulp, and smoothed by a frame drawn across, when the rice is sown very thick, and covered over with water, only to the height of two or three inches. When the seedling plants are six or eight inches long, they are all pulled up, and transplanted in straight lines into other fields, which are overflowed with water; and, when weeds grow up, they destroy them by covering them up in the interstices between the rows of rice, turning the mud over them with their hands. When they are to sow wheat, barley, pulse, or other grain, they grub up the surface of the ground superficially, earth, grass, and rook, and mixing this with some straw, burn all together. This earth, being sifted fine, they mix with the seed, which they sow in holes made in straight lines, so that it grows in tufts or rows like the rice. The field is divided into regular beds, well harrowed both before and after the seed is sown, which makes them resemble gardens. The rice grounds are meliorated merely by letting water into them; but for the other grains, where the soil requires it, they use dung, night-soil, ashes, and the like. For watering their fields, they use the machine mentioned by Martini in the preface to his Atlas, being entirely constructed of wood, and the same in principle with the chain-pump.

In order to procure salt, as all the shores are of mud instead of sand, they pare off in summer the superficial part of this mud, which has been overflowed by the sea-water, and lay it up in heaps, to be used in the following manner: Having first dried it in the sun, and rubbed it into a fine powder, they dig a pit, the bottom of which is covered with straw, and from the bottom a hollow cane leads through the side of the pit to a jar standing below the level of the bottom. They then fill the pit almost full of the dried salt mud, and pour on sea-water till it stands two or three inches above the top of the mud. This sea-water drains through the mud, carrying the salt along with it from the mud as well as its own, and runs out into the jar much-saturated with salt; which is afterwards procured by boiling.

§4. Of the famous Medicinal Root, called Hu-tchu-u.

Having last year seen, in a newspaper, some account of a singular root, brought from China by Father Fontaney, I shall inform you that I have seen this root since my arrival at Chuaan. It is called Hu-tchu-n[333] by the Chinese, and they ascribe to it most wonderful virtues, such as prolonging life, and changing grey hair to black, by using its infusion by way of tea. It is held in such high estimation as to be sold at a great price, as I have been told, from ten tael up to a thousand, or even two thousand tael-for a single root; for the larger it is, so much the greater is its fancied value and efficacy: But the price is too high to allow me to try the experiment. You will find it mentioned in the Medecina Sinica of Cleyer, No. 84; under the name of He-xeu-ti, according to the Portuguese orthography. It is also figured in the 27th table of the plants which Mr Pettier had from me. The following is the story of its discovery, which I will not warrant for gospel.

[Footnote 333: This is probably the ginseng, so famed for its fancied virtues.--E.]

Once upon a time, a certain person went to gather simples among the mountains, and fell by some accident into a vale of which the sides were so steep that he was unable to get out again. In this situation, he had to look about for some means to support life, and discovered this root, of which he made trial, and found that it served him both as food and cloathing; for it preserved his body in such a temperature, that the injuries of the weather had no evil influence upon him during a residence of several hundred years. At length, by means of an earthquake, the mountains were rent, and he found a passage from the vale to his house, whence he had been so long absent. But so many alterations had taken place during his long absence, that nobody would believe his story; till, on consulting the annals of his family, they found that one of them had been lost at the time he mentioned, which confirmed the truth of his relation.--This is a fable, not even credited among the Chinese, invented merely to blazon forth the virtues of this wonderful root.

§5. Removal of Dr Cunningham to Pulo Condore, with an Account of the Rise, Progress, and Ruin of that Factory.[334]

The English factory at Chusan was broken up in the year 1702, so that Dr Cunningham had very little time allowed him for making his proposed observations respecting China. From this place he removed to another new settlement at Pulo Condore, in a small cluster of four or five islands, about fifteen leagues south of the west channel of the river of Camboja, usually called the Japanese river.[335] I am unable to say what were the advantages proposed from this factory; but, from the memoirs I have seen on the subject, this place seems to have been very ill chosen, and much worse managed. The person who had at this time the management and direction of the affairs belonging to the East India Company in this distant part of the world, was one Mr Katchpole, who, according to the usual custom of the Europeans in eastern India at this period, took into the service a certain number of Macassers or native soldiers, by whose assistance he soon constructed a small fort for the protection of the factory. So far as I can learn, the most indispensable necessaries of life, water, wood, and fish, were all that these islands ever afforded.

[Footnote 334: This and the subsequent subdivision of the section are related historically by Harris.--E.]

[Footnote 335: Pulo Condore is in lat. 8° 45' N. long. 106° 5' E. and the object of a factory at this place was evidently to endeavour to secure a portion of the trade of China, from which the English at this time were excluded by the arts of the Portuguese at Macao, as we learn from the Annals; as also to combine some trade with Siam, Camboja, Tsiompa, Cochin-China, and Tonquin.--E.]

The Macassers are a brave, industrious, and faithful people, to such as deal fairly with them; and on this account are highly esteemed in the Eastern Indies, more especially by the Dutch. They are, however, daring, cruel, and revengeful, if once provoked. Mr Katchpole had contracted with these men to serve for three years, at the end of which period, if they pleased, they were to receive their wages and to depart: But he, though they strictly performed their part of the agreement, broke faith with them, keeping them beyond their time against their will. In addition to this great breach in morality, he added as notorious an error in politics; for, after provoking these men so egregiously by refusing to fulfil his engagement, he still confided to them the guard of his own person and the custody of the factory. This gave them ample opportunity of revenging the ill usage they had met with, and with that ferocity which is so natural to untutored barbarians. They rose in mutiny one night, and murdered Mr Katchpole, and all who were at the time along with him in the factory. A few, who happened to lodge on the outside of the fort, hearing the cries of their friends within during the massacre, fled from their beds to the sea-shore; where, by a singular interposition of Providence, they found a bark completely ready for sea, in which they embarked half naked, and put immediately to sea, just in time to escape the rage of the Macassers, who came in search of them to the shore, precisely when they had weighed anchor and pushed off to sea.

Dr Cunningham was one of the number who escaped on this occasion. Their navigation was attended with excessive difficulty, being exposed at the same time to incredible fatigue, and to the utmost extremity of hunger and thirst: But at length, after a tedious and difficult course of an hundred leagues, in the most wretched condition, they reached a small creek in the dominions of the king of Johor, where they were received with kindness.

§6. Some Account of the Factory at Pulo Laut, with the Overthrow of that Factory, and of the English Trade to Borneo.

A year or two after this ruin of the factory at Pulo Condore, the Company thought fit to order the establishment of a new factory on the coast of the great island of Borneo. On the south of that vast island, there is a small isle called Pulo Laut, having an excellent harbour. The country here is but thinly peopled, and yields nothing except rice; but, as it lies near the mouth of the great rivers which come from the pepper countries in the interior; it is extremely well situated for trade. Between this island and the great island of Borneo, there is a channel about two miles wide in most places, narrower in some and broader in others, and having from seven to five fathoms water the whole way through. On the coast of this channel there are several rising grounds fit for building on, and which were therefore extremely proper for the situation of a factory, which, it may be presumed, induced those who had the direction of the Company's affairs, to make choice of this place.

One Captain Barry, who is said to have been a very ingenious gentleman, had the charge of establishing this new factory, in which he is reported to have acted with much skill and prudence. But he died before the works were completed; and the direction of the factory devolved upon Doctor Cunningham, who came to this place after the ruin of the factory at Pulo Condore. He is said to have given himself so entirely up to his studies, that he left the care of the Company's concerns too much to the people who were under him, who were unequal to the trust, and proved the ruin of the factory. Before the fort was half finished, these people began to insult the natives of the country; and, among other wanton acts of folly, they very imprudently chose to search one of the boats belonging to the king, which was carrying a female of rank down the river. This so provoked the Bornean sovereign that he determined upon the utter destruction of the English; for which purpose he collected his forces together, amounting to about three thousand resolute men, which he embarked in above an hundred proas, and sent them down to attack the factory and unfinished fort.

There happened at this time to be two ships belonging to the Company in the river, besides two merchant vessels of inconsiderable force; and as Cunningham and his people had received advice of the preparations making against them, they left their factory, taking refuge aboard the ships, thinking themselves in greater security there than ashore. When all things were in readiness for the intended assault, the native armament came down the river in the night; and, while some landed and destroyed the factory and fortifications, others attacked the ships, which were fortunately prepared for their reception, the English having made fast nettings along both sides of their ships, about two fathoms high above the gunnels, to prevent the enemy from boarding, and were in readiness to use their blunderbusses and pikes, to prevent them from forcing their way to the decks.

On seeing the approach of the proas towards the ships, the English plied their great guns, loaded with double, round, and partridge shot, and made great carnage among the Borneans, yet this did not deter them from pushing forwards and using their utmost endeavours to board. But, having got up to the gunnels, they were unable to get over the netting, and so were slaughtered with great ease by the English from the decks. Some of the assailants got in at the head doors of one of the ships and killed a few of the English on the forecastle, but were soon overpowered and slain. Thus, after a long and sanguinary contest, the two large ships beat off the enemy with small loss; but the two little vessels were both burnt with most of their men, among whom was one Mynheer Hoogh Camber, a Dutch gentleman who had been ambassador of the king of Persia, and had fled from Batavia in one of these small vessels. Some say that the English killed above fifteen hundred of the assailants in two hours, for the heat of the assault continued during that space, besides many others wounded and maimed. But the English were under the necessity of abandoning the settlement at Pulo Laut.

The Bornean king or rajah thought his revenge had gone far enough in driving the English from their factory: And, finding his revenue considerably diminished by the loss of trade with the English, he sent notice to such of them as traded to Johor, and other places in the neighbourhood of Borneo, that he would still admit them to trade in his dominions on the old footing, but would never allow them or any other nation to erect forts in his territories. Several English vessels have been there since to load pepper, and were civilly treated. The Dutch also sent a ship there from Batavia in the year 1712; but the natives refused to have any dealings with them.

END OF THE NINTH VOLUME.

Spotted a typo or a problem in this chapter? Tell us