Introduction…

Introduction

According to Purchas, Mr Edward Terry was master of arts, and a student of Christ Church in Oxford, and went out to India as chaplain to Sir Thomas Roe. In the first subdivision of this narrative, we have combined the observations of Captain Alexander Childe, who was commander of the ship James, during the same voyage, under Captain Benjamin Joseph, of the ship Charles, who was slain in a sea-fight with a Portuguese carack, off one of the Komoro islands. The notes extracted by Purchas from the journal of Captain Childe,[223] are so short and unsatisfactory, that we have been induced to suppress them, except so far as they serve to elucidate the narrative of Terry, in the first subdivision of this section.--E.

[Footnote 222: Purch. Pilgr. II 1464.]

[Footnote 223: Id. I. 606.]

§1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat.

Apologies often call truth into question, and having nothing but truth to offer in excuse for this narrative, I omit all unnecessary preface, desiring only that the reader may believe what I have faithfully related. Our fleet, consisting of six goodly ships, the Charles, Unicorn, James, Globe, Swan, and Rose, under the supreme command of Captain Benjamin Joseph, who sailed as general in the Charles, our admiral ship, fell down from Gravesend to Tilbury-hope on the 3d of February, 1616.

After long and anxious expectation, it pleased God to send us a fair wind at N.E. on the 9th March, when we departed from that road, and set sail for the East Indies. The wind continued favourable till the 16th, at night, when we were in the bay of Biscay, at which time we were assailed by a most fearful storm, during which we lost sight both of the Globe and the Rose. The Globe rejoined us on the 26th following, but the Rose was no more heard of till six months afterwards, when she arrived at Bantam. The storm continued with violence from the 16th to the 21st. The 28th we got sight of the grand Canary, and of the Peak of Teneriffe, which is so extremely high that it may be seen in a clear day more than forty leagues out at sea, as the mariners report. The 31st, being Easter-day, we passed under the tropic of Cancer, and on the 7th of April had the sun in our zenith. The 16th, we met with these winds called tornadoes, which are so variable and uncertain, as sometimes to blow from all the thirty-two points of the compass within the space of a single hour. These winds are accompanied by much thunder and lightning, and excessive rains, of so noisome a nature, as immediately to cause people's clothes to stink on their backs; and wherever this rain-water stagnates, even for a short space of time, it brings forth many offensive animalcules. The tornadoes began with us when in about 12° of N. latitude, and continued till we were two degrees to the south of the equinoctial line, which we passed on the 28th of April. The 19th of May, being Whitsunday, we passed the tropic of Capricorn, so that we were complete seven weeks under the torrid zone.

Almost every day, while between the tropics, we saw various kinds of fish, in greater abundance than elsewhere. As the whale, or mighty Leviathan, whom God hath created to take his pastime in the seas; Dolphins also, and Albicores, with Bonitoes, flying-fishes, and many others. Some whales were of an exceeding greatness, which, in calm weather, would often rise and shew themselves above the water, appearing like vast rocks; and, while rising, they would spout up a great quantity of water into the air, with much noise, which fell down again around them like heavy rain. The dolphin is called, from the swiftness of its motion, the arrow of the sea. This fish differs from many others, in having teeth on the top of its tongue. It is pleasing to the eye, the smell, and the taste, having a changeable colour, finned like a roach, covered with very small scales, giving out a delightful scent above all other fishes, and is in taste as good as any. These dolphins are very apt to follow our ships, not, so far as I think, from any love they bear for men, as some authors write, but to feed upon what may be thrown overboard. Whence it comes to pass that they often become food to us; for, when they swim close by the ships, they are struck by a broad instrument full of barbed points, called a harping-iron, to which a rope is fastened, by which to pull the instrument and the fish on board. This beautiful dolphin may be taken as an emblem of a race of men, who, under sweet countenances, carry sharp tongues. The bonitoes and albicores are much like our mackerels in colour, shape, and taste, but grow to a very large size. The flying-fishes live the most unhappy lives of all others, as they are persecuted in the water by the dolphins, bonitoes, and albicores, and when they endeavour to escape from their enemies in the water, by rising up in flight, they are assailed by ravenous fowls in the air, somewhat like our kites, which hover over the water in waiting for their appearance in the other element. These flying-fishes are like men who profess two trades and thrive in neither.

Early in the morning of the 12th June, we espied our long-wished-for harbour, the bay of Saldanha, [Table-bay] about twelve leagues short from the Cape of Good Hope, into which we came happily to anchor that same forenoon. We here found one of the Company's ships, the Lion, commanded by Captain Newport, come from Surat, and homeward-bound for England. We made ourselves merry with each other on this happy meeting; and having a fair gale, the Lion sailed on the night of the 14th. We found here water in abundance, but little refreshments for our sick men, except fresh fish, as the natives brought us nothing. We remained in this harbour till the 28th, on which day we departed, the Swan steering her course for Bantam. The 29th we doubled the Cape of Good Hope, in the lat. of 35° S. Off this cape there continually sets a most violent current to the westwards, whence it happens, when it is met by a strong contrary wind, their impetuous opposition occasions so rough a sea that some ships have been swallowed up, and many more endangered among these mountainous waves. Few ships pass this way without encountering a storm.

The 22d of July we got sight of the great island of Madagascar, commonly called of St Lawrence, being between that island and the main, but touched not there. Proceeding on our course, on the 1st of August we fell in with a part of the main land of Africa, called Boobam,[224] in lat. 16° 35' S. the variation being 13° 12'. The 5th we drew near the little islands of Mohelia, Gazidia, and St Juan de Castro, [Moelia, Hinzuan or Johanna, Mayotta or St Christopher, and Augasi,] generally known by the name of the Komoro islands, in about the lat. of 12° S.

[Footnote 224: The head-land of Mosambique is probably here meant.--E.]

Early in the morning of the 6th of August, our men in the tops looking out for land, espied a sail about three or four leagues off directly in our course. About noon, the Globe, which was our smallest ship, and sailed better than the rest of the fleet, came up with her on the broadside to windward, and hailed her according to the custom of the sea, asking whence she came? She answered, indirectly, that she came from the sea, and her people insulted ours most outrageously, calling them thieves, rogues, heretics, and devils; and, in conclusion of their rude compliments, spoke in the loud language of the cannon's roar, discharging seven pieces of large artillery at our Globe, six of the balls piercing her hull, and maiming some of her men, but killing none. Our Globe replied in the same voice, and afterwards fell astern and stood in for our general and the rest of our fleet, now four sail in all, shewing us the discourtesy of the Portuguese.

About three in the afternoon, the Charles, our admiral, came up with the Portuguese ship, which was the admiral of the caracks that sailed this year from Lisbon, but had parted from all the rest of their fleet. When within pistol-shot, Captain Benjamin Joseph, our commander, proceeded deliberately to work, offering treaty before he attempted revenge. So we saluted her with our trumpets, to which she replied with her wind-instruments. Captain Joseph then called out, that their commander might come on board, to make satisfaction for the wrong they had done to our consort. They made answer, that they had no boat; on which our general said he would send them one, and immediately caused his barge to be manned and sent to the carack, which brought back one of their officers and two mean men, with this answer from their commander, that he had resolved never to leave his ship, to which he might be forced, but would not be commanded to leave her.

On receiving this message, Captain Joseph used them civilly who had brought it, and commanded them to be shewn our ship, and how she was prepared to vindicate our honour. This made the poor Portuguese much afraid, and they desired Captain Joseph to write a few words to their commander, which, added to their persuasions, might perchance induce him to come to terms. Willing to preserve his honour, and to prevent the effusion of blood, Captain Joseph caused a few words to be written to the Portuguese commander, to the following effect:--"Whereas the commander of the carack has offered violence to our ship the Globe, while sailing peaceably beside him, he is desired to come aboard immediately, and give satisfaction for that wrong, or else at his peril," &c. He then sent back the Portuguese, accompanied by one of our master's mates, carrying the writing, together with this verbal message, "That if he refused to come, he would force him, or sink by his side." The words of dying men are said to be prophetic, so these his words came to pass, for he was slain not long after by a great shot from the carack.

Notwithstanding this message, the Portuguese commander remained firmly to his resolute answer. Wherefore, on the return of our men, Captain Joseph himself fired the three first shots, which surely did them much mischief; as we conjectured, by the loud outcry we heard among them after these shots were fired. The shot now flew thick from both sides; and our captain, chearing his men to behave gallantly, ascended the half-deck, where he had not been above ten minutes when a great shot from the quarter of the carack deprived him of life in the twinkling of an eye. It hit him fair in the breast, beating his heart and other parts out of his body, which lay round him among his blood. After he was slain, our master continued the fight for about half an hour, when, considering that another person was to succeed in the supreme command, and the night approaching, he thought proper to desist, and having fallen astern, he hung out a flag as a signal of council, to call the captain of the vice-admiral on board, Captain Henry Pepwell, who was to succeed, together with the other masters, that they might consult about the prosecution of this enterprize. As the night was now come, it was resolved not to proceed any farther for the present. So the carack proceeded on her course, putting up a light on her poop, as if in defiance of us to follow, and about midnight came to anchor under the island of Moelia; and when we perceived this island, we too let fall our anchors.

Early in the morning of the 7th, before day began to dawn, we prepared for a new assault, first recommending ourselves to God in prayer. When morning came, we found the carack so close to the shore, and the nearest of our other ships at least a league from us, that we held our hands for that day, waiting till the carack might weigh and stand out to sea, as fitter there to deal with her. In the afternoon, we chested our slain commander, and committed him to the deep, over against the isle of Moelia, omitting any ceremony of firing funeral-guns usual on such occasions, that the enemy might not know our loss.

A little before night the carack put to sea, when we also weighed and made sail after her. The day now left us, and our proud enemy, unwilling, as it seems, to have the appearance of escaping by flight, put forth a light on his poop as before, as if for us to follow him, which we did to some purpose. The night being well spent, we again commended ourselves and our cause to God in prayer. Soon afterwards, the day began to dawn, and appeared as if covered by a red mantle, which proved a bloody one to many who now beheld the light for the last time. It was now resolved that our four ships were to take their turns in succession, to endeavour to force this proud Portuguese either to bend or break. Our ship, the Charles, played her part first;[225] and ere she had been half an hour engaged with her adversary, a shot from the carack hitting one of our iron guns on the half-deck, flew all in pieces, dangerously wounding our new general, and three other mariners who stood beside him. Captain Pepwell's left eye was beaten out, and he received two other wounds in his head, and a third in his leg, a ragged piece of the broken shot sticking fast in the bone, which seemed, by his complaining, to afflict him more than the rest. Thus was our new commander welcomed to his authority, and we all considered his wounds as mortal; but he lived till about fourteen months afterwards, when he died peaceably in his bed, on his way back to England.

[Footnote 225: This account of the battle is chiefly taken from Terry, who is more particular in his narrative; but Childe says that Captain Pepwell, the new general, gave him leave to begin this day's action, as his ship sailed better, and that, after three or four broadsides, he gave place to the general. According to modern naval tactics, all four at once would have assailed the enemy, taking vantage stations on her quarters and bows.--E.]

By the same shot, Mr Richard Hounsell, the master of our ship, had a great piece of the flesh of his arm carried off, which rendered him unserviceable for a time. The captain and master being thus disabled, deputed their authority to the chief master's mate, who behaved with great prudence and resolution. Thus we continued one after the other to fight all day, the vice-admiral and the Globe and James taking their turns in succession. Between three and four in the afternoon, the mainmast of the carack fell overboard, and presently afterwards the foremast and mizen followed, and she had received so many and large wounds in her thick sides, that her case was quite desperate, and she must soon either yield or perish. Her commander, Don Emanuel de Meneses, a brave and resolute person, stood in for the shore in this distressed condition, being not far from the island of Gazidia.[226] We pursued as far as we durst venture, without hazard of shipwreck, but gave over at five o'clock, when about a league from the shore, which is extremely steep, and no ground to be had within less than a cable's length of the rocks, the shore being moreover to leeward.

[Footnote 226: According to Childe, it was the most northern of the islands, named Komoro, or Augasi, not far north from Moelia, where the fight began,--E.]

We now sent off our barge with a flag of truce to speak the carack, and as he waved us with a similar flag, Mr Connock, our chief merchant, who was employed on this occasion, boldly went aboard the carack, and delivered a message to Don Emanuel, stating, that he brought an offer of life and peace if he would accept it; and as he deserved well for his undaunted valour, so he should be honourably and respectfully treated if he would put himself into our hands, and sent to Goa in safety. He, however, as an oak gathering strength from his wounds,[227] and contemning the misery he could not prevent, resolutely answered Mr Connock to the following purpose: "That no misfortune should make him alter his former resolution; for he was determined again to stand out to sea, if possible, and to encounter us again; and then, if forced by fire and sword, he might by bad chance be taken, but he would never yield; and, if taken alive, he hoped to find the respect due to a gentleman, till when we had our answer."

[Footnote 227: Duris, ut ilex tonsa bipennibus-ducit opes animumque ferro.--Terry.]

Our messenger was thus dismissed, and shortly afterwards this sore distressed ship, being entirely unmanageable for want of masts and sails, was forced by the winds and waves upon the adjacent island of Gazidia or Komoro, where she stuck fast between two rocks. Those who remained alive in the carack got ashore by means of their boats; and when all were landed, willing, as it would seem, to consume what they could not keep, they set their carack on fire, that she might not become our prize.[228] After leaving their ill-fated carack, the poor Portuguese were most inhumanly used by the barbarous islanders, who spoiled them of every thing they had brought on shore for their succour, and slew some of them for opposing their cupidity. Doubtless they had been all massacred, had they not been relieved by two small Arab vessels who were there engaged in trade, and which, I suppose in hope of a great reward, took them in, and conveyed them in safety to their own city of Goa.

[Footnote 228: Childe says, he could not say whether she was fired accidentally or on purpose.--E.]

In the morning of the 9th, Mr Alexander Childe, who commanded one of the English ships, sent his mate, Anthony Fugars, ashore in his long-boat, to see if any of the Portuguese were saved, to fetch such away, and to learn how she was set on fire. But the carack was still burning, and not a man belonging to her was to be seen. There were many negro islanders on the coast, over against the carack, who held up a flag of truce to invite the English on shore, but it was impossible to land in that place, or any where within three leagues to the east or west, as the rocks were all extremely high and rugged.

In this long conflict, only five men were lost out of our four ships, three belonging to the admiral, and two out of the James. Besides whom, there were about twenty wounded in our fleet, all of whom afterwards recovered. But, of 700 who sailed in the carack, there came not above 250 to Goa, as we were afterwards credibly informed. In this fearful engagement, our ship, the Charles, discharged 375 great shot against the adversary, as reported by our gunners, besides 100 musqueteers who plied their small arms all the time. Neither were the enemy idle, for our ship received at least 100 great shot from them, many of which dangerously took place in her hull. Our foremast was shot through the middle, our mainmast wounded, the main stay, and many of the main shrouds, cut asunder.

After we had seen the carack set on fire, which was about midnight of the 8th, we stood off and on till morning, to see if we might find any thing in her ashes. Finding this ineffectual, we sought about for some place where we might find succour and refreshment for our sick and wounded on shore. The land was very high, and the sea every where too deep for anchoring, so that it was the 10th before we could find a good harbour, which was in the S.W. part of the island, where we anchored. The James came to anchor in twenty-two fathoms, with one of her anchors, while the other was only in fourteen. This harbour was over against a town called Mattoma.

This island seemed very pleasant, full of goodly trees, covered all over with green pasture, and abounding in beeves, goats, poultry, sugar-canes, rice, plantains, lemons, oranges, and cocoa-nuts, with many other wholesome things; of all which we procured sufficient to relieve our whole company for a small quantity of white paper, a few glass beads, and penny knives. For instance, we bought as many oranges as would fill a hat for half a quarter of a sheet of white paper, and all other kinds of provision in the same proportion. The islanders brought much of their fruits to us in their little canoes, which are long and narrow boats, like troughs, hollowed out of single trees; but their cattle we bought on shore. I observed the people to be straight, well-limbed, and able-bodied men, of a very dark tawny colour. Most of the men, and all the women, were entirely naked, except merely enough to hide their parts of shame. Some few of the men wore long garments, after the fashion of the Arabs, whose language they spoke, and were likewise of the Mahometan religion, and so rigid, that they would not suffer us to come near their places of worship. They have good convenient dwellings, and fair sepulchres for their dead.

They scorned to live under strict obedience to a king, whose residence was some miles up the country, as they required to have his leave, which was sent for, before they would sell us any provisions. When informed of our arrival, their king sent a message of welcome to our commander, together with a present of beeves, goats, and choice fruits; in return for which, he was well recompensed and contented, by a present of paper, and other English toys. We saw some Spanish money among them, of which they made so small account, that some of our men got rials of eight, in exchange for a little paper, or a few beads. What use they made of the paper, we could not guess. The cocoa-nut tree, of which this island has abundance, may have the pre-eminence of all trees, in my opinion, by its universal usefulness. Without the help of any other, one may build and furnish out a ship for sea, with every thing requisite. Of the body of this tree may be made timbers, planks, and masts; its gum may serve for paying the bottom; the rind of the same tree will make sails and cordage; and the large nut, being full of kernel and pleasant liquor, will serve those who navigate the ship both for meat and drink, as also for merchandize.

Being well stored with these nuts, and other good provisions, after six days abode here, the breaches in our ships received in fight being all repaired, and our men well refreshed, we put again to sea on the 16th of August, with a prosperous wind. On the 24th, we passed under the line, without any heat to offend us, bending our course for Socotora, near the mouth of the Red Sea, an island whence comes our Socotorine aloes. But an adverse wind from the coast of Arabia prevented us from being able to fetch that island, which we passed on the 1st September.

In the year before, our English fleet touched at this island, on which occasion the petty king came to the water-side, and hearing some of our wind-instruments, asked if they ever played David's Psalms, which he had heard of, being a Mahometan. He was answered by one who stood by, that they did. On which he observed, that it was an evil invention of him who first mingled music with religion; as God, before that, was worshipped in heart, but by this only in sound. I mean not by this story to condemn the use of music in churches; leaving it to him who bids us praise the Lord with stringed instruments and organs, to plead that cause.

Missing our port of Socotora, we proceeded on our voyage; and, on the 4th of September, we celebrated a solemn funeral in memory of our slain commander; when, after sermon, the great guns and small arms gave a loud peal to his honourable remembrance. At night on the 6th September, to our great admiration and fear, the water of the sea seemed as white as milk. Others of our nation since, passing in the same course, have observed the same phenomenon, of which I am yet to learn the cause, as it was far from any shore, and we could find no ground.

On the 21st of September we discovered the main land of India; and on the 22d had sight of Diu and Damaun, cities inhabited by the Portuguese. The 25th we came safely to anchor in Swally roads, within the bay of Cambay, which is the harbour for our fleet while in this part of India, when we were visited by the merchants of the Surat factory, the principal of whom was Mr Thomas Kerridge.

§2. Description of the Mogul Empire

Although this account of Hindoostan, or the Mogul empire in India, be very incorrect, and in some places hardly intelligible, it is here retained, as a curious record of the knowledge possessed on that subject by the English about 200 years ago. We have two editions of this account in Purchas, one appended to his narrative of Sir Thomas Roe, and the other in this relation by Terry, which he acknowledges to be the most correct, and which therefore is alone retained. On the present occasion, instead of encumbering the bottoms of our pages with the display of numerous explanatory notes on this topographical list of places and provinces, a running commentary has been introduced into the text, so far as seemed necessary, yet distinguished sufficiently from the original notices by Terry. The observations, by way of commentary, are marked, as this paragraph.--E.

* * * * *

The large empire of the Great Mogul is bounded on the east by the kingdom of Maug;[229] on the west by Persia; on the north by the mountains of Caucasus [Hindoo-Kho] and Tartary; and on the south by the ocean, the Deccan, and the bay of Bengal. The Deccan is divided among three Mahometan kings and some Indian rajahs. This extensive monarchy of the Mogul is called, in the Persian language, by the Mahometan inhabitants, Indostan or Hindoostan, meaning the land of the Hindoos, and is divided into thirty-seven distinct and large provinces, which were anciently separate kingdoms. Their several names, with their principal cities, their rivers, situations, and borders, together with their length and breadth, I shall now enumerate, beginning at the north-west.

[Footnote 229: Meckely, now a province of the Birman empire; perhaps called Maug in the text, from a barbarous tribe called the Muggs, or Maugs, who inhabit, or did inhabit, the mountains east of Bengal, and who are said to have laid waste and depopulated the Sunderbunds, or Delta of the Ganges.--E.] 1. Candahar, the chief city of which is of the same name, lies N.W. from the heart or centre of the Mogul territory, bordering upon Persia, of which kingdom it was formerly a province.

2. Cabul, with its chief city of the same name, lies in the extremest north-west corner of this empire, bordering to the north on Tartary for a great way. The river Nilab takes its rise in this country, and runs to the southwards, till it discharges its waters into the Indus.--This is a material error. The Nilab is the main stream of the Indus, and rises far to the north in Little Thibet, a great way N.E. of Cabul. The river of Cabul is the Kameh, which runs S.E. and joins the Nilab, Sinde, or Indus, a few miles above Attock. Another river, in the south of Cabul, called the Cow, or Coumul, follows a similar direction, and falls into the western side of the Indus, about forty miles below the Kameh.--E.

3. Multan, Moultan or Mooltan, having its chief city of the same name, is south [south-east] from Cabul and Candahar, and on the west joins with Persia.--This is an error, as Hajykan, to be noticed next in order, is interposed.--E.

4. Hajacan, or Hajykan, the kingdom of the Baloches, who are a stout warlike people, has no renowned city. The famous river Indus, called Skind [Sind or Sindeh] by the inhabitants, borders it on the east, and Lar, or Laristan, meets it on the west, a province belonging to Shah Abbas, the present king of Persia.--In modern geography, the country of the Ballogees, or Baloches, is placed considerably more to the north-west, bordering on the south-east of Candahar; and the Sewees are placed more immediately west of this province. The seats, however, of barbarous hordes, in a waste and almost desert country, are seldom stationary for any continuance; and the Ballogees and Sewees are probably congeneric tribes, much intermixed, and having no fixed boundaries. We have formerly seen the Baloches, or a tribe of that nation, inhabiting the oceanic coast of Persia about Guadel, and one of their tribes may have been in possession of Hajykan, which perhaps derived its name from their chief or khan having made the Haji, or pilgrimage of Mecca. The assertion that Hajykan joins with Lar, or Laristan, is grossly erroneous, as the eastern provinces of Persia which confine with Hindoostan, are Segistan in the north, bordering with Candahar, and Mekran in the south, bordering with the provinces of Hindoostan which are to the west of the Indus. Lar or Laristan is a Persian province within the gulf of Persia, at least 850 English miles from the most westerly part of Hindoostan.--E.

5. Buckor, or Backar, its chief city being Buckor-Suckor. The river Indus pervades this province, which it greatly enriches.--In modern maps, the city of Backar is placed in a small island in the middle of the Indus, at the junction of the Dummoddy from the N.E. Suckar, whence probably our word sugar is derived, is given as a distinct place, on the western side of the Indus. Indeed, in the map of India given in the Pilgrims, Backar and Suckar are made distinct places, but their situations are reversed.--E.

6. Tatta, with its chief city of the same name. This province is exceedingly fertile and pleasant, being divided into many islands by the Indus, the chief arm of which meets the sea at Synde, a place very famous for curious handicrafts.--The most western branch of the Indus, called the Pitty river, from a place of that name on its western shore near the mouth, is probably that here meant. That branch leads to Larry-bunder, the sea-port of Tatta; and the Synde of Terry is probably the Diul-sinde of other authors, a place situated somewhat in this neighbourhood, but which is not to be found in modern maps.--E.

7. Soret, the chief city of which is called Janagur, is a small, but rich province, which lies west from Guzerat, having the ocean to the south.--Soret is not now recognized as a distinct province or district, but seems the modern Werrear, the western district of Guzerat, Rhadunpoor appearing to be its chief town. Janagur, in this district, is on the west side of the river Butlass, or Banass, which runs into the head of the gulf of Cutch.--E.

8. Jesselmere, of which the chief city has the same name, joins with Soret Backar and Tatta, being to the south of Soret and Tatta, and having Backar on the west.

9. Attock, the chief city being of the same name, lies on the east side of the Indus, which parts it from Hajykan.--This account is erroneous, as Attock-Benares is much farther up the river Indus than Hajykan, having the eastern extremity of Cabul on the opposite side of the Indus.--E.

10. Punjab, which signifies the five waters, because it is seated among five rivers, all tributaries to the Indus, which, somewhat to the south of Lahore, form only one river. This is a great kingdom, and extremely rich and fertile. Lahore, the chief city, is well built, very large, populous, and rich, being the chief mart of trade in all India.

11. Chishmeere, Kyshmir, Cachmir, or Cashmere, its chief city being Siranakar. The river Phat passes through this country, and, after creeping about many islands, falls into the Indus.--The rivers of Cashmere, here called the Phat, are the Chota-sing, or Jellum, in the N. and the Jellium, or Colhumah, in the S. which unite in the W. to form the Jhylum or Babut, the Phat or Bhat of Terry and Purchas, and the Hydaspes of the ancients, one of the five rivers of the Indus. The present capital of Cashmere is likewise named Cashmere; but has in its close neighbourhood a town or fortress called Sheergur, the Siranakar of Terry.--E.

12. Banchish, with its chief city named Bishur. It lies east southerly from Cashmere, from which it is divided by the river Indus.--No such province or city is to be found in the modern geography of Hindoostan, neither any names in the indicated direction that have any resemblance to these. In the map of the Mogul empire in the Pilgrims, appended to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Banchish and Bishar are placed on a river named the Kaul, being the fourth of the Punjab or five rivers, counting from the west, and therefore probably the Ravey, or Hydraotes of the ancients. Near the head of that river, and to the east of Cashmere, is a town, called Kishtewar, which may possibly have been the Bishur of Terry: But there is a little-known district near the head of the Jumna, S.S.E. from Cashmere, named Besseer, that has considerable resemblance in sound to Bishur, and is in the indicated direction.--E.

13. Jeugapor, with its chief city likewise so named, lies on the Kaul, one of the five rivers that water the Punjab.--The only place upon the Ravey, which answers to the Kaul, which has the smallest resemblance with Jengapor, or Jenupur, as it is likewise called by Purchas, is Shawpoor, N.E. from Agra. Yet Jaypoor, otherwise called Jyenagur, in Ajmeer, is more probably the district and city here meant, though not in the Punjab.--E.

14. Jenba, its chief city so called, lies east of the Punjab.--This may possibly be Jambae, north of Lahore.--E.

15. Delli, or Delhi, its chief city being of the same name, lies between Jenba and Agra, the river Jemni, which runs through Agra and falls into the Ganges, begins in this province. Delhi is a great and ancient city, the seat of the Mogul's ancestors, and where most of them are interred.--The Jumnah, or Jemni of Terry, rises far to the north of Delhi, in the high-peaked mountain of Cantal to the east of Cashmere.--E.

16. Bando, its chief city so called, borders with Agra on the west.--No such name is to be found in modern maps.--E.

17. Malwa is a very fertile province, of which Rantipore is the chief city.--In the other edition of this list in the Pilgrims, Ugen, Nar, and Sering, or Oojain, Indore, and Serong, are said to have been the capitals of Malwa. The Rantipore of Terry may have been that now called Ramypoor.--E.

18. Chitor, an ancient and great kingdom, its chief city being of the same name.--Chitore is in the south of Ajmeer. In the edition of this list given by Purchas at the end of the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, he gives the following account of Chitore: "Chitore stands upon a mighty hill, and is walled round in a circuit of ten English miles. There still remain at this place above an hundred temples, the palace of the ancient kings, and many brave pillars of carved stone. There is but one ascent to the place, cut out of the solid rock, and passing through four magnificent gateways. Within the walls are the ruins of 100,000 houses of stone, but it is now uninhabited. This was doubtless one of the residences of Porus, and was won from the Ranna, his descendant, by Akbar shah, the father of the reigning Mogul. The Ranna fled into the fastnesses of his mountains, and took up his residence at Odeypoor; but was at length induced, in 1614, to acknowledge the Mogul as his superior lord, by Sultan Churrum, third son of the present emperor Shah Jehanguire. This kingdom lies N.W. from Candeish, N.E. from Guzerat, and in the way between Agra and Surat; the Ranna keeping among the hills to the west of Ahmedabad.--"Purch.

19. Guzerat is a goodly and mighty kingdom, and exceedingly rich, which incloses the bay of Cambay. The river Taptee waters the city of Surat, which trades to the Red Sea, to Acheen, and to divers other places.

20. Khamdesh, the chief city of which is Brampore, [Boorhanpoor, or Burhampore,] which is large and populous. Adjoining to this province is a petty prince called Partap-shah, tributary to the Mogul; and this is the most southerly part of the Mogul dominions.

21. Berar, the chief city of which is called Shahpoor. The southernmost part of this province likewise bounds the Mogul empire.--The Shahpoor of Terry may possibly be Saipoor in the north of Berar. In modern days, the chief cities of the great province or kingdom of Berar, now belonging to a Mahratta chief; are Nagpoor, Ruthunpoor, and Sonepoor.--E.

22. Narwar, its chief city being Gohud, is watered by a fair river that falls into the Ganges.--This province of Narwar, now called Gohud, from its chief city, is to be carefully distinguished from Marwar to the westwards.--E.

22. Gualior, with its chief city of the same name, in which the Mogul has a great treasury in bullion. In this city likewise there is an exceedingly strong castle, in which state prisoners are kept.--Gualior is, properly speaking, in the same province or district with Gohud.--E.

24. Agra is a principal and great province, its chief city being of the same name. From Agra to Lahore, the two chief cities of this empire, the distance is about 400 English miles, the country in all that distance being without a hill, and the road being planted the whole way with trees on both sides, forming a beautiful avenue.

25. Sanbal, with its chief city of the same name. The river Jumna parts this province from that called Narwar.--This province and city are not to be traced in modern maps.--E.

26. Bakar, the chief city of which is Bikaneer, lies on the west side of the Ganges.--Nothing resembling either name can now be found in the indicated situation in modern maps. Bicaneer is a district and town in the desert, far west of the Ganges.--E.

27. Nagracutt, or Nakarkut, with its chief city of the same name, in which there is a temple most richly adorned, the ceiling and pavement being of plates of pure gold. In this place they have an idol called Matta, visited yearly by many thousands of the Indians, who, from devotion, cut out part of their tongues, which they sacrifice at his altar. In this province likewise, there is another famous place of pilgrimage, Jallamaka, where there are daily to be seen incessant eruptions of fire, out of cold springs and hard rocks, before which the idolaters fall down and worship.--In the edition of this list, appended by Purchas to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, this district and city are said to be in the northeasternmost confines of the Mogul dominions, N.E. from the head of the bay of Bengal. This description is however entirely at variance with the accompanying map in the Pilgrims, in which Nagracutt and its capital are placed east from the Punjab; the capital being on the easternmost of the five rivers of the Setlege, and towards its head. In the edition of this list given by Churchill, as an appendix likewise to Sir Thomas Roe, Nagracutt is said to lie to the north, between the Punjab and Jamboe. In our best modern maps, no district or place, having the smallest resemblance in name, is to be found in any of these indicated situations. Terry gives no reference as to situation; so that we may conjecture that Nagracutt may refer to Nucker-gaut, the passage of the Ganges through the Sewalick mountains, between Serinagur and Hindoostan.--E.

28. Siba, the chief city of which is Hardwair, or Hurdwar, where the famous river Ganges seems to begin, and issues out of a rock, which the superstitious Gentiles imagine resembles a cow's head, which animal they hold in the highest veneration; and to this place they resort daily in great numbers to wash themselves.

29. Kakares, the principal cities being Dankalec and Purhola. This country is very mountainous, and is divided from Tartary by the mountains of Caucasus, being the farthest north of any part of the Mogul dominions.--In the map of Purchas, this province or kingdom is called Kares, and is placed directly to the north of where the Ganges breaks through the Sewalick mountains, above Hurdwar, at the Cow's-mouth. In that direction are the little-known districts of Serinagur, Badry-cazram, and others; but no names either of towns or districts that in the least resemble those given by Terry.--E.

30. Gor, its chief city of the same name. This province is full of mountains, and in it begins the river Persilis, which discharges its waters into the Ganges.--In the other copy of this list in Purchas, so often already referred to, Gor is said to lie in the northern part of the Mogul dominions. From this, and the mountainous nature of the country, as stated by Terry, it may possibly be Gorcah, one of the little-known twenty-four rajahs, to the west of Napaul; and the Persilis of Terry may be the Sursutty or the Marshandy, both head streams of the Gunduck.--E.

31. Pitan, and its chief city so named. The river Kanda waters this province, and falls into the Ganges on its confines.--This is probably one of the twenty-four rajahs, called Peytahn, in the mountainous country to the north of Oude, which is watered by several of the head streams of the Gunduck and Booree or Rapty rivers.--E.

32. Kanduana, the chief city of which is called Karhakatenka. The river Sersili parts it from Pitan; and this province, with Pitan and Gor, are the north-east boundaries of this great monarchy.--The indicated connection with Gor and Pitan, or Gorcah and Peytahn, would lead to suppose that Napaul is here meant. Karhakatenka may possibly be some name of Catmandoo, or may have some reference to Kyraut, a district in the east of Napaul, bordering on Bootan. The river Sersili of this district is evidently the Persilis mentioned in Gor, and may refer to the Sursutty.--E.

33. Patna, the chief city of which has the same name. The river Ganges bounds this province on the west, and the Sersilis on the east. It is a very fertile province.--In the former edition of this list by Purchas, this province is said to be watered by four rivers, the Ganges, Jumna, Sersili, and Kanda, all of which rivers here unite. Patna is seated on the south side of the Ganges, which is joined a little way higher up by the Jumna. Opposite to Patna the Gunduck falls into the Ganges, probably the Kanda of Purchas, of which the Sursutty, formerly supposed to be the same with the Sersili, or Persilis, is one of the feeders. Patna is well known as a principal city of Bahar.--E.

34. Jesual, the chief city of which is called Rajapore, lies east of Patna.--This may possibly refer to the district and city of Hajipoor in Bahar, to the N.E. of Patna.--E.

35. Mevat, the chief city of which province is Narnol, is a very mountainous country.--In the map of the Pilgrims, Mevat and Narnol are placed to the east of Jesual, but the geography of this part of Hindoostan in that map is utterly unintelligible, and no conjecture can be hazarded respecting either Mevat or Narnol.--E.

36. Udessa, the chief city of which is called Jokanat, is the most easterly territory in the kingdom of the Mogul.--In the other edition of this list given by Purchas, Udessa, or Udeza, is said to border on the kingdom of Maug, a savage people dwelling between this province and the kingdom of Pegu. Its eastern situation would lead to the province of Chittagong or Islambabad. The Maugs, or Mugs, are probably the barbarous mountaineers of Meckley to the north of Aracan; but no names in modern maps have any reference to Udessa, Udeza, or Jokanat, unless Jokanat be some strange corruption of Chittagong.--E.

37. Bengal, a mighty and fertile kingdom, bounded by the gulf or bay of the same name, into which the river Ganges discharges itself by four great branches, into which it divides.--In the other edition of this list, by Purchas, so often referred to, Ragamahall and Dakaka, or Rajemal and Dacca, are mentioned as the chief cities of Bengal. It would require far too long a commentary, to explain some farther ignorant indications of the havens and provinces of Bengal, contained in that former list, and in the map of the Pilgrims; both being so faulty in positions, and so corrupted in the names, as to be useless and unintelligible. By the labours of Rennel, as since extended and improved by Arrowsmith, the geography of Bengal is now as completely elucidated as that of Britain.--E.

Here I must take notice of a material error in our geographers, who, in their globes and maps, make Hindoostan and China neighbours, though many large countries are interposed between them. Their great distance may appear, from the long travels of the Indian merchants, who are usually more than two years in their journey and return, between Agra and the wall of China. The length of these before-named provinces, from N.W. to S.E. is at least 1000 cosses, every Indian coss being two English miles. From N. to S. the extent is about 1400 miles. The greatest breadth, from N.E. to S.W. is about 1500 miles. The northernmost part is in 43° of north latitude.[230]

[Footnote 230: The northern mountains of Cashmere, are only in lat. 35° 30' N. so that the 43° of the text is probably a mistake for 34°.--E.]

To give an exact account of all these provinces, were more than I am able to undertake; yet, from what I have observed of a few, I may venture to conjecture concerning the rest, and I am convinced that the Great Mogul, considering the extent of his territories, his wealth, and the rich commodities of his dominions, is the greatest known monarch of the east, if not in the whole world. This widely extended sovereignty is so rich and fertile, and so abounding in all things for the use of man, that it is able to subsist and flourish of itself, without the help of any neighbour. To speak first of food, which nature requires most. This land abounds in singularly good wheat, rice, barley, and various other grains, from which to make bread, the staff of life. Their wheat grows like ours, but the grain is somewhat larger and whiter, of which the inhabitants make most pure and well-relished bread. The common people make their bread in cakes, which they bake or fire on portable iron hearths or plates, which they carry with them on their journeys, using them in their tents. This seems to be an ancient custom, as appears from the instance of Sarah in our bible, when she entertained the angels.

To their bread, they have great abundance of other excellent provisions, as butter and cheese in great plenty, made from the milk of their numerous cows, sheep, and goats. They have likewise a large animal, called a buffalo, having a thick smooth skin without hair, the females of which give excellent milk. Their flesh resembles beef, but is not so sweet or wholesome. They have plenty of venison of several kinds, as red and fallow deer, elks, and antelopes. These are not any where kept in parks, the whole empire being as it were a forest, so that they are seen every where in travelling through the country; and they are free game for all men, except within a certain distance of where the king happens to reside. They have also plenty of hares, with a variety of land and water fowl, and abundance of fish, which it were too tedious to enumerate. Of fowls, they have geese, ducks, pigeons, partridges, quails, pheasants, and many other good sorts, all to be had at low rates. I have seen a good sheep bought for about the value of our shilling: four couple of hens for the same price; a hare for a penny; three partridges for the same money; and so in proportion for other things.

The cattle of this country differ from ours, in having a great bunch of grisly flesh on the meeting of their shoulders. Their sheep have great bob-tails of considerable weight, and their flesh is as good as our English mutton, but their wool is very coarse. They have also abundance of salt, and sugar is so plentiful, that it sells, when well refined, for two-pence a pound, or less. Their fruits are numerous, excellent, abundant, and cheap; as musk-melons, water-melons, pomegranates, pomecitrons, lemons, oranges, dates, figs, grapes, plantains, which are long round yellow fruits, which taste like our Norwich pears; mangoes, in shape and colour like our apricots, but more luscious, and ananas or pine-apples, to crown all, which taste like a pleasing compound of strawberries, claret-wine, rose-water, and sugar. In the northern parts of the empire, they have plenty of apples and pears. They have every where abundance of excellent roots, as carrots, potatoes, and others; also garlic and onions, and choice herbs for sallads. In the southern parts, ginger grows almost every where.

I must here mention a pleasant clear liquor called taddy, which issues from a spungy tree, growing straight and tall without boughs to the top, and there spreads out in branches resembling our English colewarts. They make their incisions, under which they hang small earthenware pots; and the liquor which flows out in the night is as pleasant to the taste as any white wine, if drank in the morning early, but it alters in the day by the sun's heat, becoming heady, ill-tasted and unwholesome. It is a most penetrating medicinal drink, if taken early and in moderation, as some have experienced to their great happiness, by relieving them from the tortures of the stone, that tyrant of maladies and opprobrium of the doctors.

At Surat, and thence to Agra and beyond, it only rains during one season of the year, which begins when the sun comes to the northern tropic, and continues till he returns again to the line. These violent rains are ushered in, and take their leave, by most fearful tempests of thunder and lightning, more terrible than I can express, but which seldom do any harm. The reason of this may be the subtile nature of the air, breeding fewer thunder-stones, than where the air is grosser and more cloudy. In these three months, it rains every day more or less, and sometimes for a whole quarter of the moon without intermission. Which abundance of rain, together with the heat of the sun, so enriches the soil, which they never force by manure, that it becomes fruitful for all the rest of the year, as that of Egypt is by the inundations of the Nile. After this season of rain is over, the sky becomes so clear, that scarcely is a single cloud to be seen for the other nine months. The goodness of the soil is evident from this circumstance, that though the ground, after the nine months of dry weather, looks altogether like barren sands, it puts on an universal coat of green within seven days after the rains begin to fall. Farther to confirm this, among the many hundreds of acres I have seen in corn in India, I never saw any that did not grow up as thick as it could well stand. Their ground is tilled by ploughs drawn by oxen; the seed-time being in May or the beginning of June, and the harvest in November and December, the most temperate months in all the year. The ground is not inclosed, except near towns and villages, which stand very thick. They do not mow their grass for hay as we do; but cut it either green or withered, when wanted. They sow abundance of tobacco, but know not the way to cure it and make it strong, as is done in America.

The country is beautified by many woods, in which are a great variety of goodly trees; but I never saw any there of the kinds we have in England. In general their trees are full of sap, which I ascribe to the fatness of the soil. Some have leaves as broad as bucklers; others are much divided into small portions, like the leaves of ferns. Such are those of the tamarind tree, which bears an acid fruit in a pod somewhat like our beans, and is most wholesome to cool and purify the blood. One of their trees is worthy of being particularly noticed: Out of its branches there grow certain sprigs or fibres, which hang downwards, and extend till they touch the ground, in which they strike roots, and become afterwards new trunks and firm supporters to the boughs and arms; whence these trees come in time to grow to a great height, and extend to an incredible breadth.[231] All trees in the southern parts of India are perpetually clothed in verdure Their flowers rather delight the eye than please the sense of smelling, having beautiful colours, but few of them, except roses and one or two other kinds, are any way fragrant.

[Footnote 231: The Banian tree, a species of Indian fig.--E.]

India is watered by many goodly rivers, the two chief of which are the Indus and the Ganges. There is this remarkable in the water of the Ganges, that a pint of it weighs less by an ounce than that of any other river in the empire; and therefore, wherever the Mogul happens to reside, it is brought to him for his drinking. Besides rivers, there are abundance of well-fed springs, on which they bestow great cost in many places, constructing many stone-buildings in the form of ponds, which they call tanks, some of which exceed a mile or two in circuit, made round or square or polygonal, girt all round with handsome stone-walls, within which are steps of well-dressed stone encompassing the water, for people to go down on every aide to procure supplies. These tanks are filled during the rainy season, and contain water for the supply of those who dwell far from springs or rivers, till the wet season again returns. Water, the most ancient beverage in the world, is the common drink of India, being more sweet and pleasant than ours, and agrees better with the constitution in this hot country than any other liquor. Some small quantity of wine is made among them, which they call arrack, but is not common, being distilled from sugar, and the spicy rind of a tree, which they call jagra. This is very wholesome, if used in moderation. Many of the people, who are strict in their religion, use no wine at all. They use a liquor which is more wholesome than pleasant, called cohha; being a black seed boiled in water, which does not much alter the taste of the water, but is an excellent helper of digestion, serving to quicken the spirits, and to purify the blood.[232] There is also another help for digestion and to comfort the stomach, used by those who refrain from wine. This is an herb called betel, or paune, its leaf resembling that of our ivy. They chew this leaf along with a hard nut, called areka, somewhat like a nutmeg, mixing a little pure white lime among the leaves; and when they have extracted the juice, they throw away the remains. This has many rare qualities: It preserves the teeth, comforts the brain, strengthens the stomach, and prevents a bad breath.

[Footnote 232: The author here describes coffee, now so universally known in Europe.--E.]

Their houses are generally very mean, except in the cities, where I have seen many fair buildings. Many of the houses in these are high, with flat roofs, where, in the cool of the mornings and evenings, they enjoy the fresh air. Their houses have no chimneys, as they use no fires, except for dressing their victuals. In their upper rooms, they have many windows and doors, for admitting light and air, but use no glass. The materials of their best houses are bricks and stone, well squared and built, as I have observed in Ahmedabad, which may serve as an instance for all. This is an extensive and rich city, compassed about with a strong stone-wall, and entered by twelve handsome gates. Both in their towns and villages, they have usually many fair trees among the houses, being a great defence against the violence of the sun. These trees are commonly so numerous and thick, that a city or town, when seen at a distance from some commanding eminence, seems a wood or thicket.

The staple commodities of this empire are indigo and cotton. To produce cotton, they sow seeds, which grow up into bushes like our rose-trees. These produce first a yellow blossom, which falls off, and leaves a pod about the size of a man's thumb, in which the substance at first is moist and yellow. As this ripens, it swells larger, till at length it bursts the covering, the cotton being then as white as snow. It is then gathered. These shrubs continue to bear for three or four years, when they have to be rooted out, and new ones substituted. Of this vegetable wool, or cotton, they fabricate various kinds of pure white cloth, some of which I have seen as fine as our best lawns, if not finer. Some of the coarser sorts they dye in various colours, or stain with a variety of curious figures.

The ships that go usually from Surat to Mokha, are of exceeding great burden, some of them, as I believe, exceeding 1400 or 1600 tons; but they are ill built, and though they have good ordnance, they are unable for any defence. In these ships there are yearly a vast number of passengers: As, for instance, in that year in which we left India, there came 1700 persons, most of whom went not for profit, but out of devotion, to visit the sepulchre of Mahomet at Medina near Mecca, about 150 leagues from Mokha. Those who have been upon this pilgrimage are ever after called hoggeis, [hajim] or holy men. This ship, from Surat for the Red Sea, begins her voyage about the 20th of March and returns to Surat about the end of September following. The voyage is short, and might easily be made in two months; but during the long season of the rains, and a little before and after, the winds are mostly so violent that there is no putting to sea without extreme hazard. The cargo of this ship, on its return, is usually worth £200,000 sterling, mostly in gold and silver. Besides this, and the quantities of money which come yearly out of Europe, which I do not pretend to calculate, many streams of silver flow continually thither, and there abide. It is lawful for all to bring in silver, and to carry away commodities, but it is a capital crime to carry away any great sums.

All the coin or bullion that comes to this country is presently melted down and refined, and coined with the stamp of the Mogul, being his name and title in Persian characters. This coin is purer silver than any other that I know, being of virgin silver without alloy, so that in the Spanish dollar, the purest money in Europe, there is some loss. Their money is called rupees, which are of divers values, the meanest being worth two shillings, and the best about two shillings and nine-pence. This is their general money of account. There is in Guzerat a coin of inferior value, called mamoodies, worth about twelve-pence each. Both these and the rupees are likewise coined in halves and quarters; so that three-pence is the smallest piece of current silver in the country. That which passes current for small change is brass money, which they call pices, of which three, or thereabout, are worth an English penny. These are made so massy, that the brass in them, when put to other uses, is well worth the quantity of silver at which they are rated. Their silver money is made both square and round; but so thick, that it never breaks or wears out.

For farther commodities; India yields great store of silk, which they weave very ingeniously, sometimes mixed with gold or silver. They make velvets, sattins, and taffetas, but not so rich as those of Italy. This country also produces many drugs and gums, and particularly the gum-lac, from which hard sealing-wax is made. The earth also yields abundant minerals, as lead, iron, copper, and brass, and, as they say, silver; yet, though this be true, they need not work their silver mines, being already so abundantly supplied with that metal from other nations. They have spices from other countries, and especially from Sumatra, Java, and the Molucca islands. They have curious pleasure gardens, planted with fruit-trees and delightful flowers, to which nature lends daily such ample supply, that they seem never to fade. In these places they have pleasant fountains, in which to bathe, and other delights by various conveyances of water, whose silent murmurs sooth their senses to sleep, in the hot season of the day.

Lest this remote country might seem an earthly paradise, without any inconveniences, I must notice that it contains many lions, tigers, wolves, and jackals, which are a kind of wild dogs, besides many other noxious and hurtful animals. In their rivers they have many crocodiles, and on the land many overgrown snakes and serpents, with other venomous and pernicious creatures. In the houses we often meet with scorpions, whose stinging is most painful and even deadly, unless the part be immediately anointed with an oil made of scorpions.[233] The abundance of flies in those parts is likewise an extreme annoyance; as, in the heat of the day, their numbers are so prodigious, that we cannot have peace or rest for them in any part. They cover our meat the moment it is set on the table, wherefore we are obliged to have men standing ready to drive them away with napkins, while we are eating. In the night, likewise, we are much disquieted with musquetos, like our gnats, but somewhat less; and, in the cities, there are such numbers of large hungry rats, that they often bite people as they sleep in their beds.

[Footnote 233: This is a mere fancy, as any bland oil is equally efficacious.--E.]

In this country the winds, which are called monsoons, blow constantly, or altering only a few points, for six months from the south, and other six months from the north. The months of April and May, and the beginning of June, till the rains come, are extremely hot; and the wind, which then sometimes blows gently over the parched ground, becomes so heated, as much oppresses all who are exposed to it: Yet God so mercifully provides for our relief, that most commonly he sends so strong a gale as greatly tempers the sultry air. Sometimes the wind blows very high during the hot and dry season, raising up vast quantities of dust and sand, like dark clouds pregnant with rain, and which often prodigiously annoy the people among whom they fall. But there is no country without its inconveniences; for the wise Disposer of all events hath attempered bitter things with sweet, to teach mankind that there is no true or perfect contentment to be found, but only in the kingdom of God.

This country has many excellent horses, which the inhabitants know well how to manage. Besides those bred in the country, they have many of the Tartarian, Persian, and Arabian breeds, which last is considered as the best in the world. They are about as large as ours, and are valued among them at as dear a rate as we usually esteem ours, perhaps higher. They are kept very daintily, every good horse being allowed one man to dress and feed him. Their provender is a species of grain called donna, somewhat like our pease, which are boiled, and then given cold to the horses, mixed with coarse sugar; and twice or thrice a week they have butter given them to scour their bodies. There are likewise in this country a great number of camels, dromedaries, mules, asses, and some rhinoceroses. These are huge beasts, bigger than the fattest oxen to be seen in England, and their skins lie upon their bodies in plaits or wrinkles.

They have many elephants, the Great Mogul having not fewer than 1400 for his own use, and all the nobles of the country have more or less, some having to the number of an hundred. Though the largest of all terrestrial animals, the elephants are wonderfully tractable, except that they are mad at times; but at all other times, a little boy is able to rule the largest of them. I have seen some thirteen feet high; but I have been often told that some are fifteen feet in height at the least. Their colour is universally black, their skins very thick and smooth, and without hair. They take much delight to bathe themselves in water, and they swim better than any beast I know. They lie down and rise again at pleasure, as other beasts do. Their pace is not swift, being only about three miles an hour; but they are the surest footed beasts in the world, as they never endanger their riders by stumbling. They are the most docile of all creatures, and of those we account merely possessed of instinct, they come nearest to reason. Lipsius, Cent. 1, Epist. 50, in his observations, taken from others, writes more concerning them than I can confirm, or than any can credit, as I conceive; yet I can vouch for many things which seem to be acts of reason rather than of mere brute sense, which we call instinct. For instance, an elephant will do almost any thing which his keeper commands. If he would have him terrify a man, he will make towards him as if he meant to tread him in pieces, yet does him no hurt. If he would have him to abuse a man, he will take up dirt, or kennel water, in his trunk, and dash it in his face. Their trunks are long grisly snouts, hanging down betwixt their tusks, by some called their hand, which they use very dexterously on all occasions.

An English merchant, of good credit, told me the following story of an elephant, as having happened to his own knowledge at Ajimeer, the place where the Mogul then resided:--This elephant used often to pass through the bazar, or market-place, where a woman who there sold herbs used to give him a handful as he passed her stall. This elephant afterwards went mad,[234] and, having broken his fetters, took his way furiously through the market-place, whence all the people fled as quickly as possible to get out of his way. Among these was his old friend the herb-woman, who, in her haste and terror, forgot to take away her little child. On coming to the place where this woman was in use to sit, the elephant stopped, and seeing the child among the herbs, he took it up gently in his trunk, and laid it carefully on a stall under the projecting roof of a house hard by, without doing it the smallest injury, and then continued his furious course. A travelling Jesuit, named Acosta, relates a similar story of an elephant at Goa, as from his own experience.--The king keeps certain elephants for the execution of malefactors. When one of these is brought forth to dispatch a criminal, if his keeper desires that the offender be destroyed speedily, this vast creature will instantly crush him to atoms under his foot; but if desired to torture him, will break his limbs successively, as men are broken on the wheel.

[Footnote 234: This temporary madness of the male elephants is usual in the rutting season.--E.]

The Mogul takes great delight in these stately animals, and often, when he sits in state, calls for some of the finest and largest to be brought, which are taught to bend before him, as in reverence, when they come into his presence. They often fight before him, beginning their combats like rams, by running furiously against each other, and butting with their foreheads. They afterwards use their tusks and teeth, fighting with the utmost fury, yet are they most careful to preserve their keepers, so that few of them receive any hurt in these rencounters. They are governed by a hooked instrument of steel, made like the iron end of a boat-hook, with which their keepers, who sit on their necks, put them back, or goad them on, at pleasure.

The king has many of his elephants trained up for war; each of which carries an iron gun about six feet long, which is fastened to a strong square frame of wood on his back, made fast by strong girths or ropes round his body. This gun carries a bullet about the size of a small tennis-ball, and is let into the timber with a loop of iron. The four corners of the wooden frame have each a silken banner on a short pole, and a gunner sits within, to shoot as occasion serves, managing the gun like a harquebuss, or large wall-piece. When the king travels, he is attended by many elephants armed in this manner, as part of his guard. He keeps many of them likewise, merely for state, which go before him, and are adorned with bosses of brass, and some have their bosses made of silver, or even of gold; having likewise many bells jingling about them, in the sound of which the animal delights. They have handsome housings, of cloth, or velvet, or of cloth of silver, or cloth of gold; and, for the greater state, have large royal banners of silk carried before them, on which the king's ensign is depicted, being a lion in the sun. These state-elephants are each allowed three or four men at least to wait upon them. Other elephants are appointed for carrying his women, who sit in pretty convenient receptacles fastened on their backs, made of slight turned pillars, richly covered, each holding four persons, who sit within. These are represented by our painters as resembling castles. Others again are employed to carry his baggage. He has one very fine elephant that has submitted, like the rest, to wear feathers, but could never be brought to endure a man, or any other burden, on his back.

Although the country be very fertile, and all kinds of provisions cheap, yet these animals, because of their vast bulk, are very chargeable in keeping; such as are well fed costing four or five shillings each, daily. They are kept out of doors, being fastened with a strong chain by one of their hind legs to a tree, or a strong post. Thus standing out in the sun, the flies are often extremely troublesome to them; on which occasions they tread the dry ground into dust with their feet, and throw it over their bodies with their trunks, to drive away the flies. The males are usually mad once a year after the females, at which time they are extremely mischievous, and will strike any one who comes in their way, except their own keeper; and such is their vast strength, that they will kill a horse or a camel with one blow of their trunks. This fury lasts only a few days; when they return to their usual docility. At these times they are kept apart from all company, and fettered with strong chains to prevent mischief. If by chance they get loose in their state of phrenzy, they run at everything they see in motion; and, in this case, the only possible means of stopping them is by lighting a kind of artificial fire-works called wild-fire, the sparkling and cracking of which make them stand still and tremble.

The king allows four females to each of his great elephants, which are called their wives. The testes of the males are said to lie about his forehead, and the teats of the female are between her fore-legs. She goes twelve months with young. The elephant is thirty years old before he attains his full growth, and they live to seventy or eighty years of age. Although very numerous, elephants are yet so highly prized in India, that some of the best are valued at a thousand pounds or more.

§3. Of the People of Hindoostan, and their Manners and Customs.

The whole inhabitants of Hindoostan were anciently Gentiles, or notorious idolaters, generally denominated Hindoos, hot ever since the time of Tamerlane they have been mixed with Mahometans.[235] There are, besides, many Persians, Tartars, Abyssinians, and Arminians, and some few of almost every nation in Asia, if not in Europe, that reside here. Among these are some Jews, but not esteemed, for their very name is proverbial, as a term of reproach. In stature, the natives of Hindoostan are equal to ourselves, being in general very straight and well-made, for I never saw any deformed person in that country. They are of a dark tawny or olive colour, having their hair as black as a raven, but not curled. They love not to see either a man or a woman very fair, as they say that is the colour of lepers, which are common among them. Most of the Mahometans, except their molahs or priests, or such as are old and retired, keep their chins shaved, but allow the hair on their upper-lips to grow long. They usually shave all the hair from their heads, leaving only one lock on their crowns for Mahomet to pull them by up to heaven. Both among the Gentiles and Mahometans they have excellent barbers. The people often bathe and wash their bodies, and anoint themselves with perfumed oils.

[Footnote 235: The Mahomedans made extensive conquests in India long before the era of Timor.--E.]

The dresses of the men and women differ very little from each other, and are mostly made of white cotton cloth. In fashion, they sit close to the shape to the middle, and from thence hang loose to below the knee. Under this they wear long close breeches down to their ancles, crumpled about the small of their legs like boots. Their feet are put bare into their shoes, which are made like slippers, that they may be readily put off on entering their houses, the floors of which are covered with excellent carpets of the country manufacture, as good as any made in Turkey or Persia. Instead of these carpets, some have other floor-cloths, according to the quality of the owner. On these they sit when conversing or eating, like tailors on the shop-board. The men's heads are covered by turbans, being sashes, or long webs of thin cloth, white or coloured, wreathed many times about. They do not uncover their heads in making reverence, instead of which they bow their bodies, placing the right hand on the top of the head, after which they touch the earth with that hand, as if indicating that the party saluted may tread upon them if he please. Those who are equals take each other by the chin or beard, as Joab did Amasa; but salute in love, not in treachery.

The Mahometan women, except such as are poor or dishonest, never appear abroad. Though not fair, they are all well favoured, have their heads covered with veils, and their hair hanging down behind, twisted with silk. Those of quality are decorated with many jewels hung around their necks, and about their wrists and arms; and they have several holes round their ears in which they hang pendents, besides that every woman has a hole in her nostrils, in which to wear a ring, which seems to have been an ancient ornament, being mentioned in the Old Testament. Their women are happy above all others I have ever heard of; in the ease with which they bear their children, being one day able to ride with their infants unborn, and to ride again the next with their child in their arms.

The language of the common people of this country, called Hindoostanee, is smooth, and easily pronounced, and is written from left to right, as we do. The learned tongues are the Persian and Arabic, which are written backwards, from right to left, like the Hebrew. There is but little learning among them, which may be owing to the scarcity of books, which are all in manuscript, and therefore few and dear; but they are a people of good capacity, and were they to cultivate literature among them, would assuredly produce many excellent works. They have heard of Aristotle, whom they name Aplis, and have some of his writings translated into Arabic. The noble physician, Avicenna, was a native of Samarcandia, the country of Tamerlane, and in this science they possess good skill. The most prevalent diseases of this country are dysenteries, hot fevers, and calentures, in all which they prescribe abstinence as a principal remedy. The filthy disease produced by incontinence is likewise common among them. They delight much in music, having many instruments, both stringed and wind; but, to my ears, their music seemed all discordant. They write many pretty poems, and compose histories and annals of their own country. They profess great skill in astrology, and the king places great confidence in men of that profession, so that he will not undertake a journey, nor do any thing whatever of importance, unless after his wizard has indicated a prosperous hour for the undertaking.

The idolaters begin their year on the 1st of March, and the Mahometans at the instant when the sun enters Aries, as calculated by their astrologers. From which time the king keeps a festival, called the norose, or nine days, for which time it continues, like that made by Ahasuerus in the third year of his reign. On this occasion, all his nobles assemble, bringing great gifts, which he repays with princely rewards. Being myself present on this occasion, I beheld most incredible riches, to my amazement, in gold, pearls, precious stones, and many brilliant vanities. I saw this festival celebrated at Mandoa, where the Mogul has a most spacious house or palace, larger than any I ever beheld, in which the many beautiful vaults and arches evince the exquisite skill of his artists in architecture. At Agra he has a palace, in which are two large towers, at least ten feet square, covered with plates of pure gold.

The walls of his houses have no hangings, on account of the heat, but are either painted or beautified with a white lime, purer even than that we term Spanish. The floors are either paved with stone or are made of lime and sand, like our Paris plaster, and are spread with rich carpets. None lodge within the King's house but his women and eunuchs, and some little boys, whom he always keeps about him for a wicked use. He always eats in private among his women, being served with a great variety of exquisitely dressed meats, which being proved by his taster, are put into golden vessels, as they say, covered and sealed up, and brought in by the eunuchs. He has meats made ready at all hours, and calls for them at pleasure. These people do not feed freely, as we do, on full dishes of beef or mutton, but use much rice, boiled up along with pieces of flesh, or dressed in a variety of ways. They have not many roasted or baked meats, but stew most of their meat. Among their many dishes, I shall only notice one, called by them deupario. This is made of venison cut into slices, to which are put onions and sweet herbs, with some roots, and a little spice and butter, forming the most savoury dish I ever tasted; and I almost think it is the same dish that Jacob made ready for his father Isaac when he got his blessing.

In this kingdom there are no inns or houses of entertainment for travellers and strangers. But, in the cities and large towns, there are handsome buildings for their reception, called serais, which are not inhabited, in which any passengers may have rooms freely, but must bring with them their bedding, cooks, and all other necessaries for dressing their victuals. These things are usually carried by travellers on camels, or in carts drawn by oxen; taking likewise tents along with them, to use when they do not find serais. The inferior people ride on oxen, horses, mules, camels, or dromedaries, the women riding in the same manner as the men; or else they use a kind of slight coaches on two wheels, covered at top, and close behind, but open before and at the sides, unless when they contain women, in which case they are close all round. These coaches will conveniently hold two persons, besides the driver, and are drawn by a pair of oxen, matched in colour, many of them being white, and not large. The oxen are guided by cords which go through the middle cartilage of the nose, and so between the horns into the hand of the driver. The oxen are dressed and harnessed like horses, and being naturally nimble, use makes them so expert, that they will go twenty miles a-day or more, at a good pace. The better sort ride on elephants, or are carried singly on men's shoulders, in a slight thing called a palanquin, like a couch, but covered by a canopy. This would appear to have been an ancient effeminacy used in Rome, as Juvenal describes a fat lawyer who filled one of them:

Causidici nova, cam venial lectica Mathonis; plena ipso--

They delight much in hawking, and in hunting hares, deer, and other wild animals. Their dogs of chase somewhat resemble our greyhounds, but are much less, and do not open when in pursuit of their game. They use leopards also in hunting, which attain the game they pursue by leaping. They have a very cunning device for catching wild-fowl, in the following manner:--A fellow goes into the water, having the skin of any kind of fowl he wishes to catch, so artificially stuffed, that it seems alive. Keeping his whole body under water except his face, which is covered by this counterfeit, he goes among the wild-fowl which swim in the water, and pulls them under by the legs. They shoot much for their amusement with bows, which are curiously made of buffaloe's horn, glewed together, their arrows being made of small canes, excellently headed and feathered, and are so expert in archery, that they will kill birds flying. Others take great delight in managing their horses. Though they have not a quarter of a mile to go, they will either ride on horseback or be carried, as men of any quality hold it dishonourable to go on foot any where.

In their houses, they play much at that most ingenious game which we call chess, or else at draughts. They have likewise cards, but quite different from ours. Sometimes they are amused by cunning jugglers, or mountebanks, who allow themselves to be bitten by snakes which they carry about in baskets, immediately curing themselves by means of certain powders which they smell to. They are likewise often amused by the tricks of apes and monkeys. In the southern parts of Hindoostan, there are great numbers of large white apes, some of which are as tall as our largest greyhounds. Some of those birds which make their nests on trees are much afraid of the apes, and nature has instructed them in a subtle device to secure themselves, by building their nests on the most extreme twigs, and hanging them there like purse-nets, so that the apes cannot possibly come to them.

Every city or great town in India has markets twice a-day, in the cool of the morning just after sun-rise, and again in the evening a little before it sets; and in these they sell almost every thing by weight. In the heat of the day, every one keeps within doors, where those of any rank lie on couches, or sit cross-legged on carpets, having servants about them, who beat the air with fans of stiffened leather, or the like, to cool them. While thus taking their ease, they often call their barbers, who tenderly grip and beat upon their arms and other parts of their bodies, instead of exercise, to stir the blood. This is a most gratifying thing, and is much used in this hot climate.

The Mahometans and Hindoos are much to be commended for their truthfulness as servants; for a stranger may safely travel alone among them with a great charge of money or goods, all through the country, having them for his guard, and will never be neglected or injured by them. They follow their masters on foot, carrying swords and bucklers, or bows and arrows, for their defence; and so plentiful are provisions in this country, that one may hire them on very easy terms, as they do not desire more than five shillings each moon, paid the day after the change, to provide themselves in all necessaries; and for this small pittance give diligent and faithful service. Such is their filial piety, that they will often give the half of these pitiful wages to their parents, to relieve their necessities, preferring almost to famish themselves rather than see them want.

Both among the Mahometans and Hindoos there are many men of most undaunted courage. The Baloches are of great note on this account among the Mahometans, being the inhabitants of Hjykan, adjoining to the kingdom of Persia; as also the Patans, taking their denomination from a province in the kingdom of Bengal.[236] These tribes dare look their enemies in the face, and maintain the reputation of valour at the hazard of their lives. Among the many sects of the Hindoos, there is but one race of warriors, called Rashbootes, or Rajaputs, many of whom subsist by plunder, laying in wait in great troops to surprise poor passengers, and butchering all who have the misfortune to fall into their hands. These excepted, all the rest of the natives are in general pusillanimous, and had rather quarrel than fight, being so poor in spirit, in comparison with Europeans, that the Mogul often says, proverbially, That one Portuguese will beat three of them, and one Englishman three Portuguese.

[Footnote 236: This is a strange mistake, confounding the city of Patna, in Bengal, in the east of Hindoostan, with the Patans, a race of mountaineers between Cabul and Candahar, far to the west of India, called likewise Afgans, and their country Afghanistan.--E.]

In regard to arms for war, they have good ordnance, which, so far as I could learn, were very anciently used in this country.[237] I have already described the iron pieces carried on elephants. They have smaller guns for the use of their foot-soldiers, who are somewhat long in taking aim, but come as near the mark as any I ever saw. All their pieces are fired with match, and they make excellent gun-powder. They use also lances, swords, and targets, and bows and arrows. Their swords are made crooked like faulchions, and very sharp; but, for want of skill in tempering, will break rather than bend; wherefore our sword-blades, which will bend and become straight again, are often sold at high prices. I have seen horsemen in this country, thus accoutered, carrying as it were a whole armory at once; a good sword by their sides, under which a sheaf of arrows; on their back a gun fastened with belts, a buckler on their shoulders; a bow in a case hanging on their left side, and a good lance in their hand, two yards and a half long, with an excellent steel head. Yet, for all these weapons, dare he not resist a man of true courage, armed only with the worst of all these. The armies in these eastern wars often consist of incredible multitudes, and they talk of some which have exceeded that we read of in the Bible, which Zerah, king of Ethiopia, brought against Asia. Their martial music consists of kettle-drums and long wind-instruments. In their battles, both sides usually begin with most furious onsets; but, in a short time, for want of good discipline, they fall into disorder, and one side is routed with much slaughter.

[Footnote 237: Vertoman says the Portuguese who deserted at the first discovery of India, and entered into the service of the native princes, taught them this art.--Purch.

I have somewhere read, many years ago, but cannot recollect the authority, "That, when Alexander besieged a certain city in India, the Brachmans, by the power of magic, raised a cloud of smoke around the walls, whence broke frequent flashes of lightning, with thunder, and the thunderbolts slew many of his soldiers." This would infer the very ancient use of fire-arms of some kind in India.--E.]

The Mahometans have fair places of worship, which they call mesquits, well built of stone. That side which looks to the westwards is a close-built wall, while that towards the east is erected on pillars, the length being from north to south. At the corners of their great mosques, in the cities, there are high turrets or pinnacles, called minarets, to the tops of which their molahs or priests resort at certain times of day, proclaiming their prophet in Arabic, in these words,--Alla illa Alla, Mahomet resul Alla; that is, There is no God but God, and Mahomet is the ambassador of God. This is used instead of bells, which they cannot endure in their temples, to put religious persons in mind of their duty. On one occasion, while Mr Coryat was residing in Agra, he got up into a turret over against the priest, and on hearing these words, he contradicted him, calling out, in a loud voice,--La Alla illa Alla, Hazaret Esa Ebn-Alla; there is no God but God, and Christ, the Son of God, is his prophet. He farther added, that Mahomet was an impostor, in any other country of Asia, in which Mahomet is zealously followed, this bold attempt had surely forfeited his life, with all the tortures which cruelty could invent, or tyranny inflict; but in this country every one is permitted to follow his own religion, and may even dispute against theirs with impunity.

In regard to their burials, every Mahometan of quality provides a fair sepulchre for himself and his family, in his life-time, surrounding a considerable space of ground with a high wall, and generally in the neighbourhood of some tank, or else near springs of water, that they may make pleasant fountains. Within the enclosure, he erects a round or square tomb, either on pillars or of closed walls, with a door for entrance. The rest of the enclosure is planted with trees and flowers, as if they would make the elysian fields of the poets, in which their souls may repose in delight. They have many such goodly monuments built in memory of those they esteem as saints, of whom they have an ample calendar, in these there are lamps continually burning, and thither many resort in blind devotion, to contemplate the happiness enjoyed by these peires, as they call the holy men. Among many sumptuous piles dedicated to this use, the most splendid of them all is to be seen at Secuadra, a village three miles from Agra. This was begun by Akbar Shah, the father of the present king, and finished by his son, the reigning Mogul. Akbar lies here interred, and Jehanguire Shah means to be here buried when he dies.

The molahs, or priests of the Mahometans, employ much of their time as scribes, doing business for other men, having liberty to marry as well as the laity, from whom they are no way distinguished by their dress. Some live retiredly, spending their time in meditation, or in delivering precepts of morality to the people. They are in roach esteem, as are another set called Seids, who derive their pedigree from Mahomet. The priests neither read nor preach in the mosques; yet there is a set form of prayers in Arabic, not understood by most of the people, but which they repeat as fluently as the molahs. They likewise repeat the name of God, and that of Mahomet, a certain number of times every day, telling over their beads, like the misled papists, who seem to regard the number of prayers more than their sincerity. Before going into their mosques they wash their feet, and, in entering, put off their shoes. On beginning their devotions, they stop their ears, and fix their eyes, that no extraneous circumstances may divert their thoughts, and then utter their prayers in a soft and still voice, using many words significantly expressive of the omnipotence, goodness, eternity, and other attributes of God. Likewise many words full of humility, confessing their unworthiness with many submissive gestures. While praying, they frequently prostrate themselves on their faces, acknowledging that they are burdens upon the earth, poisonous to the air, and the like, and therefore dare not look up to heaven, but comfort themselves in the mercy of God, through the intercession of their false prophet. Many among them, to the shame of us Christians, pray five tunes a-day, whatever may happen to be their interruptions of pleasure or profit. Their set times are at the hours of six, nine, twelve, three, and six, respectively.

The manner in which they divide the day is quite different from us; as they divide the day and the night each into four equal parts, which they denominate pores, and these again are each subdivided into eight smaller parts, called grees. [Hence each pore contains three of our hours, and each gree is equal to 22-1/2 of our minutes.] These are measured, according to an ancient custom, by means of water, dropping from one small vessel into another, beside which there always stand servants appointed for the purpose, who strike with a hammer upon a concave plate of metal, like the inner portion of a plate, hung by a wire, thus denoting the pores and grees successively as they pass.[238] Like the mother and her seven sons, mentioned in the Maccabees, such is the temperance of many, both among the Mahometans and Gentiles, that they will rather die than eat or drink of any thing forbidden by their law. Such meats and drinks as their law allows, they use only in moderation, to satisfy nature, not to please their appetites, hating gluttony, and esteeming drunkenness a sin, as it really is, or a second madness; and indeed their language has only one word, mest, for a drunkard and a madman.

[Footnote 238: This device for measuring time is the same with the clepsydra, or water-clocks, of the ancients.--Purch.]

They keep yearly a solemn feast, or Lent, which they call Ram jan, [Ramadan] about the month of August, which continues a whole moon; during which time, those who are strict in their religious observances, avoid the embraces of their women, and abstain from meat or drink so long as the sun is above the horizon, but eat after it sets, at their pleasure. Towards the close of this Lent, or ramadan, they consecrate one day of mourning, in memory of their departed friends; on which occasions, I have seen many of the meaner people making bitter lamentations. Besides this ordinary and stated time of sadness, many foolish women are in use, oft times in the year, so long as they survive, to water the graves of their husbands or children with the tears of affectionate regret. On the night succeeding the day of general mourning, they light up innumerable lamps, and other lights, which they set on the sides and tops of their houses, and all other most conspicuous places, taking no food till these are burnt out. When the ramadan is entirely ended, the most devout Mahometans assemble at some noted mosque, where some portion of the Alcoran is publicly read; this being their holy book, like our Bible, which they never touch without some mark of reverence. They keep a festival in November, which they call Buccaree, signifying the ram-feast; on which occasion they kill and roast a ram, in memory, as they say, of the ram which redeemed Ishmael, when about to be sacrificed by his father Abraham. They have many other feasts or holidays consecrated to Mahomet, and their pieres, or pretended saints.

They have the books of Moses, whom they name Moosa curym Alla, the righteous of God. Abraham they call Ibrahim calim Alla, the faithful of God. Thus Ishmael is called the true sacrifice of God; David is named Dahoode, the prophet of God; Solomon is Seliman, the wisdom of God, and so forth; all neatly expressed, as the former instances, in short Arabic epithets. In honour of these our scripture worthies, they frequently sing songs or ditties of praise; and, besides, all of them, except those of the ruder sort, when at any time they happen to mention our Saviour, always call him Hazaret Eesa, the Lord Jesus; and ever speak of him with respect and reverence, saying, that he was a good and just man, who lived without sin, and did greater miracles than were ever performed before or since. They even call him Rhahew Alla, which signifies the breath of God, but cannot conceive how he could be the Son of God, and therefore deny that. Yet the Mahometans look upon us as unclean, and will neither eat with us, nor of any thing that is cooked in our vessels.

There are many men among the Mahometans called Dervises, who relinquish the world, and spend their days in solitude, expecting a recompence in a better life. The strict and severe penances these men voluntarily endure, far exceed all those so much boasted of by the Romanist monks. Some of these live alone on the tops of hills, remote from all society, spending their lives in contemplation, and will rather die of famine than move from their cells, being relieved from devotion by those who dwell nearest them. Some again impose long fasts upon themselves, till nature be almost exhausted. Many of those whom they call religious men, wear no garments beyond a mere clout to cover their shame, and beg for all their provisions, like the mendicant friars of Europe. These men usually dwell about the outskirts of the cities and towns, like the man mentioned by our blessed Saviour at the city of the Gadarens, who had devils, and wore no clothes, neither abode in any house, but dwelt among the tombs. They make little fires during the day, sleeping at night among the warm ashes, with which they besmear their bodies. These men never suffer a razor to come upon their heads, and some of them let their nails grow like to bird's claws, as it is written of Nebuchadnezzar, when driven out from among the society of men. There is also a sort of men among them called mendee, who often cut and slash their flesh with knives, like the priests of Baal. I have seen others, who, from supposed devotion, put such massy fetters of iron on their legs, that they are hardly able to move, yet walk in that manner many miles upon pilgrimages, barefooted, upon the parching ground, to visit the sepulchres of their deluding saints; thus, tantum religio potuit suadere malorum, taking more pains to go to hell than any Christian that I know does to attain heaven. These do not marry. Such Mahometans as choose to marry, are allowed four wives by the law of Mahomet, but they keep as many concubines as they can maintain. The priests content themselves with one wife.

Notwithstanding their polygamy, such is the violent jealousy of these lustful Mahometans, that they will scarcely allow even the fathers and brothers of their beloved wives or concubines to converse with them, except in their own presence. Owing to this restraint, it has become odious for such women as have the reputation of virtue, to be seen at any time by strangers. If any of them dishonour their husbands beds, or, being unmarried, are found incontinent, even their own brothers will put them to death rather than they should escape punishment; and for such unnatural actions they shall be commended, rather than called in question. Yet is there full toleration for harlots, who are as little ashamed of receiving visits as the men are of frequenting their houses. The women of any fashion are waited upon by eunuchs instead of women-servants; and these eunuchs are deprived in their youth of every thing that can provoke jealousy. Their marriages are solemnised in great pomp. After the molah has joined their hands, with certain ceremonies and words of benediction, they begin their revels at the first watch of the night. Whether the man be poor or rich, he mounts on horseback, attended by his friends, having many oressets, or great lights, carried before him, and accompanied by drums, and wind-instruments of music, and various pageantry. The woman follows with her friends, in covered coaches. And having thus paraded through the principal places of the city or town, they return home and partake of a banquet, the men and women being in separate apartments. They are mostly married at the age of twelve or thirteen, the matches being made by their mothers.

§4. Of the Sects, Opinions, Rites, Priests, and other Circumstances of the Hindoo Religion; with other Observations.

The Hindoos[239] are distributed into eighty and four several sects, all of which differ materially in opinions. This has often filled me with wonder; but I know that they are all deluded by Satan, who is the father of division. Their illiterate priests are called Bramins, being the same with the Brachmanni of the ancients; and, for aught I could learn, are so sottishly ignorant and unsteady, that they know not what they believe. They have little round-built temples, which they call pagodas, in which are images in most monstrous shapes, which they worship. Some of them dream, of Elysian fields, to which their souls pass over a Styx or Acheron, and there assume new bodies. Others hold that ere long, this world shall have an end, after which they shall live here again, upon a new earth. They talk of four books which were sent them about 6000 years ago by their prophet Ram, two of which were sealed up and might not be opened, the other two being read by the Bramins only. They say that there are seven orbs, above which is the seat of God; and they hold that God knoweth not of petty things, or, if he doth, regardeth them not. They circumscribe God in place or dimensions, alleging that he may be seen, but far off as in a mist, and not near or clearly. They believe in the existence of devils or evil spirits; but that they are so bound in chains, as to be incapable of doing hurt. They call man Adam, from the first man of that name; whose wife, as they say, when tempted with the forbidden fruit, swallowed it down; but, as her husband was about to do the same, it was stopped in his throat by the hand of God: Whence men have a protuberance in that part, which we call the pomum adami, which women have not.

[Footnote 239: By Terry, the Hindoos are uniformly denominated the Gentiles, a word of vague and general meaning, merely signifying idolaters, or unbelievers, literally the nations, as contradistinguished from the Jews. By some authors, the natives of Hindoostan are called Gentoos, a word of uncertain origin. The term of Hindoo seems the more appropriate name; at least it has now become universal.--E.]

As anciently among the Jews, the priesthood is hereditary with this people; every son of a Bramin being a priest, and marries with the daughter of a Bramin. So also among all the Hindoos, the men take their wives among the daughters of those who are of the same tribe, sect, and occupation, with their own fathers. Thus the son of a merchant marries a merchant's daughter, and every man's son that lives by his labour, marries the daughter of one of the same profession with himself, so that they never advance themselves to higher situations. The Hindoos take but one wife, of whom they are not so fearful as are the Mahometans of their numerous women, for they are suffered to go abroad. They are always married very young, at six or seven years of age, their parents making the contracts, and they come together when twelve years old. Their nuptials are celebrated with as much pomp and jollity as those of the Mahometans. The habits of the Hindoos differ little from those of the Mahometans, already described; but many of their women wear rings on their toes, and therefore go barefooted. They have likewise broad rings of brass, or of more valuable metal, according to their rank and wealth, which they wear about the small of their legs, being made to put off and on. These seem to resemble the tinkling ornaments about the feet, mentioned by the prophet Isaiah, or the ornaments of the legs, anciently in use among the Jewish women. They have also such on their arms. The laps of their ears are pierced when young, and the hole is daily stretched and widened, by things put in on purpose, so that it at length becomes large enough to hold a ring as broad as a little saucer, made hollow in its edges to contain the flesh. Both men and women wash their bodies every day before they eat, and they sit entirely naked at their food, excepting only the covering of modesty. This outward washing, as they think, tends to cleanse them from sin, not unlike the Pharisees in scripture, who would not eat with unwashed hands. Hence, they ascribe a certain divine influence to rivers, but above all to the Ganges, daily flocking thither in great companies, and throwing in pieces of gold and silver, according to their devotion or abilities, after which they wash themselves in the sacred stream. Both men and women paint their foreheads, or other parts of their faces, with red or yellow spots.

In regard to their grosser opinions, they do not believe in the resurrection of the flesh, and therefore burn the bodies of their dead, near some river if they can, into which they strew the ashes. Their widows never marry again; but, after the loss of their husbands, cut their hair close off, and spend all their remaining life in neglect; whence it happens, that many young women are ambitious to die with honour, as they esteem it, throwing themselves for lore of their departed husbands into the flames, as they think, of martyrdom. Following their dead husband to the pile, and there embracing his corpse, they are there consumed in the same fire. This they do voluntarily, and without compulsion, their parents, relations, and friends joyfully accompanying them; and, when the pile of this hellish sacrifice begins to burn, all the assembled multitude shout and make a noise, that the screams of the tortured living victims may not be heard. This abominable custom is not very much unlike the custom of the Ammonites, who made their children pass through the fire to Moloch, during which they caused certain tabrets or drums to sound, whence the place was called Tophet, signifying a tabret. There is one sect among the Hindoos, called Parsees, who neither burn nor inter their dead. They surround certain pieces of ground with high walls, remote from houses or public roads, and there deposit their dead, wrapped in sheets, which thus have no other tombs but the maws of ravenous fowls.[240]

[Footnote 240: These Parsees, called Parcees in the Pilgrims, and Guebres by other writers, are a remnant of the ancient Persians, who are fire-worshippers, or followers of Zerdust, the Zoroaster of the Greeks.--E.]

The Hindoos are, generally speaking, an industrious race; being either cultivators of the ground, or otherwise diligently employed in various occupations. Among them there are many curious artificers, who are the best imitators in the world, as they will make any thing new very exactly after a pattern. The Mahometans, on the contrary, are generally idle, being all for to morrow, a common saying among them, and live by the labours of the Hindoos. Some of these poor deluded idolaters will eat of nothing which has had life, feeding on grain, herbs, milk, butter, cheese, and sweet-meats, of which last they have various kinds, the best and most wholesome of which is green ginger remarkably well preserved. Some tribes eat fish, and of no other living thing. The Rajaput tribe eat swine's flesh, which is held in abomination by the Mahometans. Some will eat of one kind of flesh, and some of another; but all the Hindoos universally abstain from beef owing to the reverence they entertain for cows; and therefore give large sums yearly to the Mogul, besides his other exactions, as a ransom for the lives of these sacred animals. Whence, though they have other and good provisions in abundance, we meet with very little meat in that country.

The most tender-hearted among the idolaters are called Banians, who hold the metempsychosis of Pythagoras as a prime article of their faith, believing that the souls of the best men and women, when freed from the prison of their human bodies, transmigrate into the bodies of cows, which they consider as the best of all creatures. They hold that the souls of the wicked go into the bodies of viler beasts; as the souls of gluttons into swine, those of the voluptuous and incontinent into apes and monkies; the souls of the cruel, furious, and revengeful, into lions, tigers, and wolves; the souls of the envious into serpents; and so forth, according to their qualities and dispositions; transmigrating successively from one to another of the same kind, ad infinitum; and, by consequence, believing in the eternal duration of the world. Thus, according to them, there does not exist even a silly fly but is actuated by a soul formerly human, considering these to have formerly belonged to light women; and so incorrigible are their sottish opinions, that they cannot be persuaded out of them by any reasoning. Owing to these opinions, they will not put to death the most offensive animals, not even the most venemous snakes, saying, that it is their nature to do harm, and that man is gifted with reason to shun these noxious creatures, but not at liberty to destroy them.

Many men devote their fortunes to works of charity, as in building serais, or lodging-houses for travellers, digging wells, or constructing tanks near highways, that the travellers may have water; and where such cannot be had, they will hire poor men to sit by the way-sides, and offer water to the passengers. The day of rest among the Hindoos is Thursday, as Friday is among the Mahometans, Saturday with the Jews, and Sunday with the Christians.[241] They have many solemn festivals, and they make pilgrimages, among which the most famous are Nagracut and Syba, formerly mentioned; where, if Mr Coryat may be believed, who says he carefully observed the same, people cut off part of their tongues out of devotion. It were easy to enlarge on this subject, but I will not any farther describe their stupid idolatry. The sum of the whole is, that both the Hindoos and Mahometans ground all their opinions on tradition, not on reason, and are content to perish with their fore-fathers, out of preposterous zeal and fond perverseness, never rightly considering the grounds of their belief.

[Footnote 241: Monday is the day of rest with the people of Pegu. In Java, each individual keeps that day holy on which he has begun some great work.--Purch.]

Both the Mahometans and Hindoos are under subjection to the Great Mogul, the term Mogul signifying a circumcised man, so that Great Mogul means the Chief of the Circumcision. The present king is the ninth in lineal descent from that famous eastern conqueror, whom we name Tamerlane, and who in their histories is named Timor. Towards the close of his life, he had the misfortune to fall from his horse, which made him halt during the remainder of his days, whence he was called Timur-lang, or Timur the lame. The emperor styles himself The King of Justice, the Light of the Law of Mahomet, and the Conqueror of the World. He himself judges and determines on all matters of importance which occur near his residence, judging according to allegations and proofs, by his own sense of right. The trials are conducted quickly, and the sentences speedily executed, culprits being hanged, beheaded, impaled, torn by dogs, destroyed by elephants, bitten by serpents, or other devices, according to the nature of the crimes; the executions being generally in the public market-place. The governors of provinces and cities administer justice in a similar manner. I could never hear of any written law, the will of the king and his substitutes being the law. His vicegerents are not allowed to continue long in one place, lest they acquire popularity, and are therefore usually removed yearly. They receive the letters of the king with every possible indication of respect. They look to receive presents from all who have occasion to apply to them; and, if not often gratified with these, will ask for them, and will even send back such as they do not approve, demanding better to be substituted. The cadi has power to imprison debtors and sureties, who are bound by written deeds; and men in power, for payment of debts due to them, will often sell the persons, wives, and children of their debtors, which is warranted by the customs of the land.

The king appears in public three times every day. His first appearance is at sun-rise, from a bow-window looking; towards the east, where great multitudes assemble to salute him, or give him the salam, calling out padishah salamet, which signifies Live, O King! At noon he again sits in public seeing his elephants fight, or some other pastimes. A little before sun-set, he shews himself a third time, at a window looking to the west, whence he retires amid the sound of drums and wind-instruments of music, the acclamations of the people adding to the noise. At any of these three appearances, all who have any suit to him hold up their petitions to be seen, and are heard in their own causes. Between seven and nine in the evening, he again sits in private, attended by his nobles.

No subject of this empire holds any lands by inheritance, neither have they any titles but such as depend on the will of the king. Owing to this, many of the grandees live up fully to the extent of their means. Merchants also, and others, are very careful to conceal their wealth, lest they be made spunges. Some small means of living are allowed by the king to the sons of his great men, which they can never make better, unless they succeed to the favour enjoyed by their fathers. His pensions are reckoned by the numbers of horsemen allotted to each; and of these he pays a million in the whole extent of his empire, to the amount of twenty-five pounds being yearly allowed for each horseman, which are drawn from lands, specified in the particular grants or commissions. There are about twenty of his courtiers who have each the pay of 5000 horse; others of 4000, 3000, 2000, and so downwards. He who has the pay of 5000, is bound to have 2000 always on foot ready for service, and so in like proportion for all others. This absolute dependence renders them dissolute parasites. When the Mogul gives advancement to any one, he adds a new name or title, as Pharaoh did to Joseph. These names or titles are very significant; as Mahobet Khan, the beloved lord; Khan Jahaun, the lord of my heart; Khan Allum, the lord of the world, &c.

The principal officers of state are, the treasurer, the master of the eunuchs, who is steward and comptroller of the household, the secretary, the master of the elephants, the tent-master, and the keeper of the wardrobe. The subordinate titles of honour are Khan, Mirza, Omrah or Captain, Haddee, which last is a soldier or horseman. Gorgeous apparel is in a great measure prohibited, owing to the great heat of the sun; even the Great Mogul himself being usually clothed in a garment of pure white calico or fine muslin. Blue, being the colour of mourning, may not be worn in his presence, neither the name of death pronounced in his hearing. This circumstance is usually expressed by some circumlocution, as that such a person has sacrificed himself at the feet of his majesty.

Owing to the great heat of this country, there is but little demand for English cloth, which is almost only employed for the housings of elephants and horses, and the linings of coaches. This sovereign assuredly exceeds all others in the splendour of his thrones, and the variety and richness of his jewels. In his palace at Agra, he has a throne upon a raised platform, to which he ascends by several steps, on the top of which are four figures of lions of massy silver, gilded and set with precious stones, and supporting a dome or canopy of pure gold. I may mention, that when I was at his court, he had a tame lion which went up and down at liberty, as harmless as a dog. The jewels with which he daily adorns his head, neck, and arms, and the hilts of his sword and dagger, are rich and valuable beyond all computation. On his birthday, which happens on the 1st of September, he being now sixty years of age, he is weighed, and an account thereof carefully noted down by his physicians, who thereby guess at his bodily condition.[242]

[Footnote 242: See of these and other things, formerly stated, in the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, and therefore here omitted. Purch.]

The following are parts of two letters from the Great Mogul to his majesty King James I. translated out of Persian, and sent through Sir Thomas Roe, one written a year before the other. What followed in both letters, was merely complimentary assurances of his love for the English. These letters were rolled up and covered with cloth of gold, the covering being sealed up at both ends, which is the fashion in that country. Copies were sent to the lord ambassador, from which these specimens were translated out of the Persian language.

* * * * *

"When your majesty shall open this letter, let your royal heart be fresh as a sweet garden. Let all people make lowly reverence at your gate, and may your throne be exalted among the kings of the prophet Jesus. May your majesty be the greatest of all monarchs; and may others draw counsel and wisdom from you, as from a fountain, that the law of the divine Jesus may revive and flourish under your protection. Your letters of love and friendship, and the tokens of your affection towards me, I have received by the hands of your ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, who well deserves to be your trusted servant, and who delivered them to me in a happy hour. Upon them mine eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily remove them to any other object, and have accepted them with much joy," &c.--The other began as follows:

* * * * *

"How gracious is your majesty, whose greatness God preserve and prosper. As upon a rose in a garden of pleasure, so are mine eyes fixed upon your majesty. May God maintain your greatness, so that your monarchy may prosper and increase, that you may obtain all your desires, worthy the greatness of your renown. As your heart is noble and upright, so may God give you a prosperous reign, because you powerfully defend the majesty of Jesus, which may God render yet more flourishing, having been confirmed by miracles," &c.

* * * * *

We travelled two years with the Great Mogul, who was in progress through his dominions, moving only during the temperate months, between October and April. On this occasion, I am confident that the leskar, or camp, contained not less than 300,000 persons, including men, women, and children, besides elephants, horses, and other beasts, that were fed upon grain; yet we never experienced any scarcity of provisions, not even in our nineteen days journey through a wilderness, between Mandoa and Amadavar, [Ahmedabad.] On this occasion, a road was cut for us through the forest. The tents of the leskar were of various colours, being regularly arranged, and represented a large and splendid city. The king's tents were red, and raised on poles to a great height, being placed in the middle of the camp, and covering a great extent of ground; the whole of the royal quarter being encircled by canats, or walls, made of red calico, held up by canes at every breadth, and standing upright about nine feet high, which was guarded all round by soldiers every night.

The king removed ten or twelve miles every day, more or less according to the convenience of procuring water. His wives and women of all sorts, which are not less than a thousand, all lodged and provided for in his tents, were carried along with the leskar, some in palanquins, others upon elephants, or in cradles or panniers slung upon dromedaries, all closely covered up that they might not be seen, and attended upon by eunuchs. In the choice of his wives, the Great Mogul respects fancy more than honour, not seeking affinity with neighbouring princes, but to please his eye at home. Noormahal, the best beloved among his wives, whose name signifies the Light of the Court, was of mean origin, but has since advanced her friends to high rank and employments, and in a manner commands the commander of the empire, by engrossing his whole affections. The king and his great men continue to maintain their women, but little affect them after thirty years old.

Notwithstanding the multitude of his women, the Great Mogul has only six children, five sons and a daughter. All his sons are styled sultans, or princes. The eldest is Sultan Cursero, the second, Sultan Parrveis, the third, Sultan Caroon, the fourth, Sultan Shahar, and the youngest, Sultan Tauct.[243] The name of this last signifies a Throne; and he was so named by the king, because he was informed of his birth at the time when he got quiet possession of the throne. The eldest-born son of one of his legitimate wives has right to inherit the throne, and has a title signifying the Great Brother. Although the others are not put to death as with the Turks, yet it is observed that they seldom long survive their fathers, being commonly employed on some dangerous expedition.

[Footnote 243: These names seem to have been written by Terry from the ear. By others, they are respectively named Cusero, Parvis, Churrum, Shahar, and Taucht.--E.]

Akbar Shah, the father of the reigning Mogul, had threatened to disinherit him, for some abuse to Anar-Kalee, his most beloved wife, whose name signifies pomegranate kernel; but on his death-bed he restored him to the succession. Akbar was wont, upon taking any displeasure at one of his grandees, to give them pills to purge their souls from their bodies, and is said to have come by his death in the following manner. Intending to give one of these pills to a nobleman who had incurred his displeasure, and meaning to take at the same time a cordial pill himself, while he was cajoling the destined victim with flattering speeches, he, by mistake, took the poisoned pill himself, and gave the cordial to the nobleman. This carried him off in a few days, by a mortal flux of blood.[244]

[Footnote 244: Neque enim lex justior ulla est, quam necis artifices arte perire sua.--Purch.]

The character of Jehanguire, the reigning Mogul, seems strangely compounded of opposite extremes. He is at times excessively cruel, and at other times extremely mild. He is himself much given to excess in wine, yet severely punishes that fault in others. His subjects know not what it is to disobey his commands, forgetting the natural bonds of private life, even those between father and son, in the fulfilment of their public duty. He daily relieves numbers of the poor; and often, as a mark of his filial piety, is in use to carry the palanquin of his mother on his own shoulders. He speaks with much reverence of our Saviour, but is offended by his cross and poverty, deeming them incompatible with his divine Majesty, though told that his humility was on purpose to subdue the pride of the world.

All religions are tolerated, and even their priests are held in good esteem. I used often to receive from the Mogul the appellation of Father, with many other gracious words, and had a place assigned me among his nobles. The jesuits are not only admitted into his presence, but encouraged by many gifts, and are permitted to convert the subjects, who do not on that event lose their favour at court. On one occasion, the Mogul put the sincerity of a convert to a severe trial. Having used many threatenings to induce him to abandon his new faith, and finding him undaunted, he tried by flatteries and high promises to draw him back; but these also being unavailing, he bade him continue a Christian, and dismissed him with a reward; saying, if he had been able to terrify or cajole him from his religion, he would have made him a terrible example for all waverers.

When I was in this country, the chief jesuit residing at the court of the Mogul, was Francisco Corsi, a Florentine by birth, who acted likewise as agent for the Portuguese. I wish I could confirm the reports they have made of conversions; but the real truth is, that they have merely spilt the water of baptism on the faces of a few, working on the necessities of some poor men, who from want of means to live, with which the jesuits supplied them, have been persuaded to wear crucifixes, but who, for want of instruction, are only Christians in name. Of these few mendicants, or so called by Christians, I noticed that five of them would beg in the name of Maria, for one who asked in the name of Jesus. I also desired to have put my hands to the holy work, but found extreme difficulty in the way, owing both to the Mahometan laxity in regard to the use of women, and the debauched lives of some unchristian Christians.--May he who hath the key of David open their eyes, and in his good time send labourers into this vineyard. Amen.

SECTION VIII.

JOURNEY OF THOMAS CORYAT BY LAND, FROM JERUSALEM TO THE COURT OF THE GREAT MOGUL.[245]

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Introduction

Without proposing to follow this singularly bold English traveller and whimsical writer, in all his crudities, as he has quaintly termed his own writings, it has seemed proper to give some abbreviated extracts of his observations, which may serve in some measure to illustrate those of Sir Tomas Roe and the Reverend Edward Terry.--E.

[Footnote 245: Purch. Pilgr. I. 607. In regard to this short article, see introduction to the immediately preceding Section.--E.]

§1. Letter from Ajimeer, the Court of the Great Mogul, to Mr L. Whitaker, dated in the Year 1615.

My last letter to you was from Zobah, as it is called by the prophet Samuel, B. II. ch. viii. v. 3. now named Aleppo, the principal emporium of all Syria, or rather of the eastern world; which was, I think, about fifteen months ago. I returned from Jerusalem to Aleppo, where I remained three months afterwards, and then departed in a caravan bound for Persia. Passing the river Euphrates, the chiefest of the rivers which irrigated the terrestrial paradise, when about four days journey from Aleppo, I entered into Mesopotamia, or Chaldea. Hence, in two days journey, I reached Ur of the Chaldees, where Abraham was born, a very delicate and pleasant city.[246] I remained here four days; and in other four days journey reached the Tigris, which I also passed, at a place where it was so shallow that it only reached to the calf of my leg, so that I waded over a-foot. I then entered into the greater Armenia; and thence into lower Media, and resided six days in its metropolis, formerly called Ecbatana, the summer residence of Cyrus the Great, now called Tauris. More woeful ruins of a city I never beheld, excepting those of Troy and of Cyzicum in Natolia.

[Footnote 246: Probably Orfa in Diarbekir is here meant.--E.]

From that place I went to Cashbin, called by Strabo, Arsacia, in higher Media, once the residence of the Tartar prince; four days journey from the Caspian Sea. From Cashbin, I went in twenty-three days to Ispahan in Parthia, the residence of the king of Persia; but while I was there, he was in Gurgistan, [Georgia,] ransacking the poor Christians of that country with fire and sword. I remained two months at Ispahan, whence I travelled with a caravan to the eastern India, passing four months and several days in travelling from that city, through part of Persia proper, and a large extent of the noble and renowned India, to the goodly city of Lahore. This is one of the largest cities in the world, being, at the least, sixteen miles in circuit, and larger even than Constantinople. Twelve days before coming to Lahore, I passed over the famous river Indus, which is as broad again as our Thames at London, having its original from the mountain of Caucassus, so ennobled by ancient poets and historians, both Greek and Latin.

When about midway between Ispahan and Lahore, just about the frontiers between Persia and India, I met Sir Robert Shirley and his lady, travelling from the court of the Mogul to that of Persia. They were gallantly furnished for their journey, and shewed me, to my great satisfaction, both my books, very neatly kept, and promised to shew them, especially my itinerary, to the king of Persia, and to interpret some of the principal contents to him in Turkish, that I may have the more gracious access to him at my return. Besides other rarities which they carried with them, they had two elephants and eight antelopes, being the first of either I had ever seen. But afterwards, when I came to the Mogul's, court, I saw many. They intended to present these animals to the king of Persia. Both Sir Robert and his lady used me with much respect; especially his lady, who presented me with forty shillings in Persian money; and they seemed joyful at meeting me, promising to bring me into good grace with the king of Persia, as I mean, with God's help, to return through Persia to Aleppo.

From Lahore, I travelled in twenty days to another goodly city named Agra, through such a beautiful and level country as I had never seen before. In this way, from the town's end of Lahore to the skirts of Agra, we had a row of trees on both sides of the road, the most incomparable avenue I ever beheld. Some ten days journey from Lahore towards Agra, but about ten miles off the road on the left hand, there is a mountain, the inhabitants of which have a singular custom, all the brothers of one family having but one wife among them, so that one women sometimes has six or seven husbands. The same is related by Strabo concerning the inhabitants of Arabia Felix. Agra is a very great city, but in every respect much inferior to Lahore. Here the Mogul used always to keep his court, till within these two years.

From Agra I went in ten days to the Mogul's court, at a town called Asmere, [Ajimeer,] where I found an English. Cape merchant with nine more of our countrymen, residing there in the way of trade for our East India Company. In. my journey from Jerusalem to the court of the Great Mogul, I spent fifteen months and some days, travelling all the way a-foot, having been so great a propatetic, or walker forwards on foot, as I doubt if you ever heard of the like; for the whole way, from Jerusalem to Ajimeer, contains 2700 English miles. My whole perambulation of the greater Asia is likely to extend almost to 6000 miles, by the time I have returned back through Persia, by Babylon and Nineveh to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to Alexandria, when I propose, with God's blessing, to embark for Christendom.

The reigning Great Mogul is named Selim.[247] He is fifty-three years of age, his birth-day having been celebrated with wonderful magnificence since my arrival. He was that day weighed in a pair of golden scales, which by great chance I saw that same day, the opposite scale being filled with as much gold as counterpoised his weight, and this is afterwards distributed among the poor. This custom is observed every year. His complexion is of an olive colour, something between white and black; being of a seemly stature, but somewhat corpulent. His dominions are very extensive, being about 4000 English miles in circumference, nearly answerable to the compass of the Turkish territories; or, if the Mogul kingdom be any way inferior in size to that empire, it is more than equally endowed with a fertile soil beyond that of any other country, and in having its territory connected together in one goodly continent, within which no other prince possesses one single foot of land. The yearly revenue of the Mogul extends to forty millions of crowns, of six shillings each, while that of the Turk does not exceed fifteen millions, as I was credibly informed in Constantinople, nor that of the Sophy five millions, as I learnt at Ispahan. It is said that the present Great Mogul is not circumcised, in which he differs from all other Mahometan sovereigns.

[Footnote 247: He was Sultan Selim before his accession to the throne, but was afterward known by the new name of Jehunguire.--E.]

The Great Mogul speaks with much revrence of our Saviour, naming him Hazaret Eesa, that is to say, the Great Prophet Jesus.[248] He likewise uses all Christians, and especially the English, with more benevolence than does any other Mahometan prince. He keeps many wild beasts, such as lions, elephants, leopards, bears, antelopes, and unicorns, [rhinoceroses,] of which I saw two at his court, the strangest beasts in the world. They were brought out of Bengal, a kingdom in his dominions of most wonderful fertility, above four months journey from this place, the mid-land parts of which are watered by various channels and branches of the famous river Ganges. I have not yet seen that country, but mean to visit it, God willing, before my departure, the nearest part of it being only about twelve days journey from hence.

[Footnote 248: The Persian word Hasaret, here erroneously rendered Great Prophet, seems to signify literally face or presence, and is metaphorically used as a term of highest dignity, of which an instance occurs in the present section, used by Coryat himself in addressing the Great Mogul--E.]

Twice every week elephants are made to fight before the Mogul, forming the bravest spectacle that can be imagined, many of them being thirteen feet and a half in height, and they jostle together as though they were two little mountains; and were they not separated in the midst of their fighting, by means of certain fire-works, they would exceedingly hurt and gore each other, by their murderous tusks. The Mogul is said to keep 30,000 elephants, at a most enormous expence; and in feeding them, together with his lions and other beasts, he expends an incredible sum of money, being at the least 10,000 pounds sterling daily. I have myself rode upon an elephant since I came to this court, meaning in my next book to have my effigies represented in that form. This king keeps a thousand women for his own use, the chiefest of whom, called Normal, (Noormahal) is his queen.

In my ten months journey between Aleppo and this court, I spent just three pounds sterling, yet fared reasonably every day; victuals being so cheap in some of the countries through which I travelled, that I often lived competently for one penny a-day. Of that three pounds, I was actually cozened out of ten shillings, by certain evil Christians of the Armenian nation; so that in reality I only expended fifty shillings in all that time. I have been in a city of this country called Detee,[249] where Alexander the Great joined battle with Porus king of India, and defeated him; and where, in memory of his victory, he caused erect a brazen pillar, which remains there to this day. At this time I have many irons in the fire, as I am learning the Persian, Turkish, and Arabic languages, having already acquired the Italian. I have been already three months at the court of the Great Mogul, and propose, God willing, to remain here five months longer, till I have got these three languages; after which I propose to visit the river Ganges, and then to return to the court of Persia.

[Footnote 249: This is obviously a misprint for Delee, meaning Delhi; but it is more probable that Alexander never was beyond the Punjab.--E.]

In the course of my journey, I was robbed of my money, but not of all, having some concealed in certain secret corners. This was done at the city of Diarbekir in Mesopotatamia, by a Turkish horse soldier, whom they call a spahee. Since my arrival here, there was sent to this king the richest present I ever heard of. It consisted of various things, the whole amounting to the value of ten of their lacks, a lack being £10,000 sterling. Part of this present consisted of thirty-one elephants, two of which were more gorgeously adorned than any thing I ever saw, or shall see in the course of my life. They had each four massy chains all of beaten gold, around their bodies, with two chains of the same about their legs, furniture for their buttocks of the same rich material, and two golden lions on their heads.

§2. Letter from Agra, the Capital of the Great Mogul, to his Mother, dated 31st October, 1616.

Most dear and well-beloved Mother,

This city is the metropolis of the whole dominions of the Great Mogul, and is at the distance of ten days journey from Ajimeer, whence I departed on the 12th September this year, after having abode there twelve months and sixty days. This my long stay in one place, was for two principal causes; one being to learn the languages of these countries through which I am to pass between this country and Christendom, namely, Persian, Turkish, and Arabic, which I have competently attained to by labour and industry, being as available to me as money, and the chiefest, or rather the only means to get me money if I should happen to be in want; and, secondly, that, by the help of the Persian, I might get myself access to the Mogul, and be able to express my mind unto him about what I proposed to lay before him. During all this time, I abode in the house of the English merchants, my dear countrymen, not expending any money at all for lodging, diet, washing, or any other thing.

I attained to a reasonable skill in the Persian tongue, by earnest study in a few months, so that I made an oration to the king in that language, before many of his nobles; and afterwards discoursed with him very readily. The copy of this speech I have sent you, as a novelty, though the language may seem strange and uncouth to an Englishman; and I have sent you herewith a translation, which you may shew along with the Persian original to some of my learned friends of the clergy, and also of the laity, who may take some pleasure in reading so rare and unusual a tongue. The Persian is this that follows:

Hazaret Aallum-pennah, Salamet: fooker Darceish, ce jehaun-gesht hastam; ke mia emadam az wellageti door, yanne as muik Ingliz-stan, ke kessanion pesheen mushacar cardand, ke wellageti mazcoor der akeri magrub bood, ke mader hamma jezzaereti dunia ast, &c.[250]--The English of it is this:

"Lord protector of the world, all hail! I am a poor traveller and world-seer, who am come here from a far country called England, which ancient historians thought to have been situated in the farthest bounds of the west, and which is the queen of all the islands in the world. The causes of my coming hither are four. First, that I might behold the blessed countenance of your majesty, whose great fame has resounded over all Europe, and through all the Mahometan countries. When I heard of the fame of your majesty, I made all possible haste hither, and cheerfully endured the labour of travelling, that I might see your glorious court. Secondly, I was desirous of seeing your majesty's elephants, which kind of beasts I have not seen in any other country. Thirdly, that I might see your famous river the Ganges, the captain of all the rivers in the world. Fourthly, to entreat your majesty, that you would vouchsafe to grant me your most gracious phirmaund, that I may travel into the country of Tartaria to the city of Samarcand, to visit the blessed sepulchre of the Lord of the Corners,[251] whose fame, by reason of his wars and victories, is published over the whole world, so that perhaps he is not altogether so famous in his own country of Tartary as in England. I have a strong desire to see the sepulchre of the Lord of the Corners for this cause, that, when in Constantinople, I saw a notable old building in a pleasant garden near the said city, where the Christian emperor, Emanuel, made a sumptuous banquet to the Lord of the Corners, after he had taken Sultan Bajazet in a great battle near the city of Brusa, when the Lord of the Corners bound Sultan Bajazet in golden fetters, and put him into an iron cage. These causes have induced me to travel thus far from my native country, having come a-foot through Turkey and Persia into this country, my pilgrimage having extended so three thousand miles, with much labour and toil, such as no mortal man hath ever yet performed, to see the blessed countenance of your majesty, since the first day of your being inaugurated in your imperial throne."

[Footnote 250: The whole discourse, of which the following paragraph in the text is the translation, is contained in the Pilgrims: But doubting its accuracy, as that book is most incorrectly printed throughout, the editor requested the favour of the late learned professor of oriental languages in the University of Edinburgh, Dr Alexander Murray, to revise and correct this first sentence, which he most readily did, adding the following literal translation: "Presence, [or face.] of the world--protector, salutation to thee: A poor dervish and world-wanderer I am; that I have come from a kingdom far, to-wit, from the kingdom of Ingliz-stan, which historians ancient, relation have made, that kingdom said, in the end of the west was, which the mother of every island of the world is," &c.]

[Footnote 251: This is the title given to Tamerlane in this country, in the Persian language, meaning that he was lord over the four corners of the earth, that is, the highest and supreme monarch of the world.--Purch.]

When I had ended my speech, I conversed with him for a short space in Persian, when, among other things, he told me that he could do me no service in regard to my proposed journey to Samarcand, as there was no intimacy between him and the princes of the Tartars, so that his commendatory letters would avail me little. He also added, that the Tartars bore so deadly a hate against all Christians, that they would certainly kill any who might venture into their country, wherefore he earnestly dissuaded me from this proposed journey, as I valued my life and welfare. At last, he concluded his discourse by throwing down to me, from a window in which he stood, that looked into the street, an hundred pieces of silver, worth two shillings each or ten pounds in all, which were thrown into a sheet hanging by the four corners.

I had conducted this affair so secretly, by the help of the Persian which I had learnt, that neither our English ambassador, nor any other of my countrymen, excepting one special and private friend, knew any thing at all about the matter till I had thoroughly accomplished my design. For I well knew, if the ambassador had got the smallest notice of my purpose, that he would have counteracted me, as indeed he signified to me after I had effected my purpose, alledging that this might redound to the discredit of our nation, for one of our country to present himself in that poor and beggarly manner before the king, to crave money from him by flattery. But I answered our ambassador so resolutely, that he was glad to let me alone. Indeed, I never had more need of money in all my life than at this time, having only to the value of twenty shillings remaining, owing to my having been stripped of almost all my money by a miscreant Turk, in a city called Imaret, in Mesopotamia.

After my interview with the Mogul, I went to visit a certain noble and generous Christian of the Armenian nation, two days journey from court, to observe certain remarkable matters at that place; and, by means of my knowledge of the Persian language, he made me very welcome, entertaining me with much civility and kindness; and, at my departure, gave me very bountifully twenty pieces of the same coin as the king had done, worth forty shillings of our money. About ten days after this, I departed from Ajimeer, the court of the Great Mogul, to resume my pilgrimage, after my long rest of fourteen months, proposing to go back into Persia. On this occasion, our ambassador gave me a gold piece of this king's coin, worth twenty-four shillings, which I shall save till my arrival in England, if it be possible. I have thus received in benevolences, since I came into this country, twenty marks sterling,[252] bating two shillings and eight-pence, besides £1:13:4 sterling, in Persian money, from Lady Shirley, upon the confines of Persia. At this present, being in Agra, whence I write this letter, I have about twelve pounds, which, according to my manner of living on the way, at two-pence a-day, will very competently maintain me during three years travel, considering the cheapness of all eatables in Asia. Drink costs me nothing, as I hardly ever drink any thing beyond pure water during my pilgrimage.

[Footnote 252: Twenty marks are £15:6:8 sterling.--E.]

I mean to remain in Agra for six weeks longer, waiting an excellent opportunity of going to the famous river Ganges, about five days journey from hence, to see a memorable meeting of the idolatrous people of this country, called Banians, of whom to the number of 400,000 go thither, on purpose to bathe and shave themselves in the river, and to sacrifice a world of gold to that same river, partly in stamped coin, and partly in great massy lumps and wedges, thrown into the river as a sacrifice, besides many other strange ceremonies, worthy of being observed. So notable a spectacle is no where to be seen, neither in this the greater Asia, nor in the lesser, now called Natolia. This shew is made once in every year, on which occasion people flock thither from almost a thousand miles off, worshipping the river as a god and saviour; a most abominable and impious superstition of these brutish heathens, aliens from Christ. As soon as I have seen this ceremony, I propose, by God's help, to repair to Lahore, twenty days journey from hence, and so into Persia, &c.

Your dutiful, loving, and obedient son, Now a desolate pilgrim in the world, THOMAS CORYAT.

§3. Some Observations concerning India, by Thomas Coryat.[253]

Whereas in this country the beggars beg from a Christian in the name of Bibbee Maria, and not of Hazaret Eesa, we may gather that the Jesuits have preached our Lady Mary more than the Lord Jesus.

[Footnote 253: Purchas informs us, that these were taken from certain notes written by Coryat, given him by Sir Thomas Roe; "whence, omitting such things as have been given before from the observations of Sir Thomas Roe himself, I have inserted a few."--Purch.]

A great rajah of the Hindoos, who was a notorious atheist, and a contemner of all diety, and who boasted that he knew of no God except the king, and neither believed nor feared any other, happened one day to sit dallying among his women, when one of them plucked a hair from his breast, which hair being fast-rooted, plucked off along with it a small bit of skin, so that a small spot of blood appeared. This small scar festered and gangrened incurably, so that in a few days his life was despaired of, and being surrounded by all his friends, and several of the courtiers, he broke out into these excellent words:--"Which of you would have thought that I, a warrior, should not have died by the stroke of a sword, a spear, or an arrow? But now am I enforced to confess the power of the great God I have so long despised, who needs no other lance to slay so blasphemous a wretch and contemner of his holy majesty, such as I have been, than a small hair."

Akbar Shah, the former king, had learnt all manner of sorceries; and being once in a strange humour to shew a spectacle to his nobles, he brought forth his favourite Sultana before them, and cut off her head with a sword in their presence. Seeing them struck with horror and amazement at this action, by virtue of his exorcisms and sorceries, he caused her head to fix on again, and no sign remained of any wound.

The same prince, who was very fortunate during his reign, shewed the utmost attention and respect to his mother, of which he one day gave the following striking instance:--Being on a journey between Lahore and Agra, on which occasion his mother accompanied him, being carried in a palanquin, and having to pass a river, he took one of the poles of the palanquin on his own shoulder, commanding his greatest nobles to do the same, and in this manner carried her across the river. He never denied her any request that ever she made, except one, and this was, that our Bible might be hung about the neck of an ass, and so beaten about the town of Agra. The reason of this strange request was, that the Portuguese had taken a ship of theirs, in which they found a copy of the Koran, or bible of the Mahometans, which they tied about the neck of a dog, and beat the dog about the streets of Ormus. But he denied her this request, saying, That if it were evil in the Portuguese to have so done with the Koran, it did not become a king to requite evil with evil, as the contempt of any religion was contempt of God, and he would not be revenged upon an innocent book. The moral of this is, that God would not permit the sacred book of his law and truth to be contemned among the infidels.

One day in every year, for the amusement of the king's women, all the tradesmen's wives are admitted into the Mahal, having each somewhat to sell, after the manner of a fair, and at which the king acts as broker for his wives, no other man being present, and by means of his gains on this occasion, provides his own supper. By this means he attains to a sight of all the pretty women of the city; and at a fair of this kind he got his beloved Noor Mahal.

After Shaof Freed had won the battle of Lahore by a stratagem, all the captains of the rebel army, to the number of two thousand, who had been taken by the king, were hung up upon flesh-hooks, or set upon stakes, forming an avenue for the king's entrance into Lahore. On this occasion, his son Curseroo, [Cusero] who had been made prisoner, rode beside him, bare-footed, on an elephant, and the king asked him how he liked that spectacle? To this the prince answered, That he was sorry to see so much cruelty and injustice in his father, in thus executing those who had only done their duty, as they had lived on his bread and salt: but that his father had done justly if he had pardoned these brave men, and punished him, who was their master, and the author of this rebellion.

Sultan Cusero has only one wife, owing to the following circumstance: During his confinement, the king proposed to make a hunting progress of four months, and consulted how he might keep his son in safe custody during his absence. He at length determined to build a tower in which to immure him, having neither door nor window, and only a few small holes to let in air, and these so high as to be beyond reach. Into this tower were to be put along with the prince all sorts of provisions and necessaries, with a few servants to attend him. While this was building, the wife of Cusero fell at the king's feet, and would not leave him till she obtained his consent to be shut up along with her husband. The king endeavoured to persuade her to enjoy her liberty, but she utterly refused any other comfort than to be the companion of her husband's miseries. Among these, this was the greatest, that if any of those who were to be shut up along with him, to the number of fifty in all, should happen to die during the king's absence, there were no means either to remove or bury the body, as no person was to be allowed to come near the tower.

It is a frequent custom of the present Mogul, when he happens to be awake in the night time, he calls for certain poor old men, making them sit beside him, and passes his time in familiar discourse with them, giving them clothes and bountiful alms when he dismisses them. At one time, when residing at Ajimeer, he went a-foot on pilgrimage to the tomb of a saint or prophet called Haji Mundin, and there kindled a fire with his own hands, under an immense Heidelbergian equipolent brass pot, in which victuals were cooked for five thousand poor persons. When the victuals were ready, he took out the first platter with his own hands, and served the mess to a poor person. Noor Mahal took out and served the second, and the rest was served by the other ladies of his court.--Crack me this nut, all ye papal charity-vaunters.

One day an Armenian procured a nobleman to present him to the king, as one who desired to become an Mahometan; on which the king asked him, if he had been converted from hope of preferment; to which the Armenian answered, that be had no such motive. Some months afterwards, the new convert craved some courtesy from the king, which he denied, saying, "I have already done you the greatest of all favours, in allowing you to save your soul; but you must provide for your own body the best way you can." The king likes not those who change their religion, being himself of none but according to his own fancy, and freely allows therefore of all religions in his dominions. Of which I may give the following notable example:

He had an Armenian in his service, named Scander, whom he one day asked if he thought any of the padres had ever converted a single Mahometan to be a true Christian, for conscience sake, and not for money. Scander answered, with great confidence, that he had one as his servant, who was a sincere Christian, and would not be of any other for any worldly consideration. The king immediately caused this man to be sent for, and bidding Scander depart, he examined the convert as to his reasons for having become a Christian. In reply, he quoted certain feeble jesuitical reasons, declaring his determination to be of no other religion, though the king made him many fair speeches and large offers to return to Mahometism, offering him pensions, and the command of horse. He said he had now only four rupees a month, which was a poor recompense for becoming a Christian, but if he would recant, he would give him high dignities and large means. The fellow answered, that he had not become a Christian for such small wages, as he was able to earn as much in the service of a Mahometan; but was a Christian in his heart, and was determined so to continue. Finding this method ineffectual, the king turned his tune, and tried him with threats of severe punishment, unless he returned to the faith of Mahomet. But the proselyte manfully declared he would suffer any thing, being ready to endure whatever the king was pleased to order. Upon this declaration, when all the by-standers expected present and severe castigation, the king suddenly changed his manner towards him, highly commending his constancy and resolution, bidding him return to his master, and to serve him faithfully, and ordered him an allowance of one rupee a-day for his integrity.

About two months afterwards, the king returned from hunting wild-hogs, an animal which is held in abhorrence by all Mahometans, and which kind of venison, therefore, the king was in use to distribute among the Christians and Rajaputs. On this occasion, the king sent for the converted catechumen above mentioned, and commanded him to take up a hog for his master, which no Mahometan will touch. He did so, but on going out of the court gate, he was so hooted at by the Mahometans, that he threw down his burden in a ditch, and went home; concealing what had passed from his master. Some four days afterwards, the Armenian being on duty in presence of the king, he asked him if the hog he had sent him was good meat. The Armenian replied, that he had not seen or heard of any. The king therefore immediately ordered the convert to be sent for, who confessed that he had not carried home the hog, as being mocked by the Mahometans for touching so great an abomination, he had for shame thrown it away. On this the king observed, "By your Christian law there is no difference of meats. Are you ashamed of your law, or do you outwardly forsake it to flatter the Mahometans? I now see that you are neither a good Christian nor a good Mahometan, but a knave dissembling with both. When I believed you sincere, I gave you a pension, which I now take from you for your dissimulation, and I farther condemn you to receive an hundred stripes." These were presently paid him, instead of his money; and the king desired all to take warning by this example, that, having given liberty of conscience to all religions, he would have all to adhere to what they professed.

SECTION IX.

ACCOUNT OF THE WRONGS DONE TO THE ENGLISH AT BANDA BY THE DUTCH, IN 1617 AND 1618.[254]

Spotted a typo or a problem in this chapter? Tell us

Introduction

This section contains a letter from Mr Thomas Spurway, merchant or factor, addressed from Bantam, "To the Honourable and Right Worshipful the East India Company of England, touching the wrongs done at Banda to the English by the Hollanders; the former unkind disgusts and brabling quarrels now breaking unexpectedly out into a furious and injurious war." Such is the account given of this section by Purchas, who farther informs his readers, "That the beginning of this letter was torn, and therefore imperfect in his edition; but, what is here defective, was to be afterwards supplied from the journals of Nathaniel Courthop, and other continuations of these insolences of the Dutch at Banda, by Mr Hayes, and others." These journals of Courthop and Hayes are so intolerably and confusedly written, and so interlarded with numerous letters about the subject of these differences with the Dutch, that we have been reluctantly under the necessity of omitting them, being so monstrously inarticulate as to render it impossible to make them at all palatable to our readers, without using freedoms that were altogether inadmissible in a work like the present.

[Footnote 254: Purch. Pilgr. I. 608.]

From this letter, and other information of a similar nature, it appears that the attempts to form establishments for trade at Banda and the Molucca islands were found to be difficult or impracticable, owing to the opposition of the Dutch, who were much stronger in that part of India, and had not only conceived the plan of monopolizing the spice trade, but even avowed their determination to exclude the English and all other European nations from participating in any share of it. We do not pretend, in our Collection, to write the history of the English East India Company, but merely to give a series of the voyages which contributed to the establishment of that princely association of merchant adventurers. Yet it seems proper, occasionally at least, in the introductions to leading voyages, like the present, to give some short historical notices of the subject, for the materials of which we are chiefly, if not solely, indebted to the Annals of the Company, a work of meritorious and laborious research, already several times referred to.

Under the difficulties which had long attended the exertions of the English to acquire a share in this peculiarly called spice trade, the agent and commercial council of the English company at Bantam, gave authority to the commanders of the Swan and Defence to endeavour to obtain from the native chiefs of the islands of Puloroon and Puloway, a surrender of these islands to the king of England, with the stipulation of paying annually as a quit-rent, a fruit-bearing branch of the nutmeg tree; yet stipulating that these islanders were to continue entirely under the guidance of their own laws and customs, providing only that they should engage to sell their spices exclusively to the agents of the English company, who were, in return, to supply them with provisions and Hindoostan manufactures at a fair price, in exchange for their peculiar productions, nutmegs and mace. They were likewise authorised, if they procured the consent of the natives, to establish fortified stations, or factories, at Puloroon, Puloway. Pulo-Lantore, and Rosinging, or Rosengin.[255] The views of the Bantam factory on this occasion seem to have been generally judicious, as to the measure they now authorised, but exceedingly ill judged in attempting to execute so very important a purpose with a force entirely inadequate to that with which it had to contend.

[Footnote 255: An. of E.I. Co. I. 187.]

The Dutch had expelled the Portuguese, at that time the subjects of their tyrannical oppressors, the Spaniards, from a great portion of the spice islands, in which warlike measure, and its consequences, they had always to support a considerable force, both naval and military, in these seas, and in various forts upon these islands; and besides, that they felt their preponderance from these circumstances, and used it very naturally for their own exclusive benefit, they alleged, and with no small appearance of equity, that the English had no right to enjoy the advantages of a trade, which they, the Dutch, had conquered from the Portuguese and Spaniards. This opposition of interests proceeded in the sequel to great extremities, in which the greatly superior power of the Hollanders in these seas, enabled them effectually to oppress the English, in what are peculiarly called the spice islands, and even to expel them from all participation in that trade, as will appear in some of the subsequent sections of this chapter.

It would be not only premature in this place, but incompatible with the nature of our work, which is intended as a Collection of Voyages and Travels, to attempt giving a connected history of these dissensions between the Dutch and English in Eastern India, which will be found detailed in the Annals of the English Company. It is hardly possible, however, to refrain from one observation on the subject,--that the Dutch company, and the government of Holland, appear to have mainly proceeded, in their hostile opposition to the English East India trade, on their knowledge of the pusillanimous character of King James, which he vainly thought to veil under the pretensions of loving peace, but which the Dutch, as will be seen in the present section, clearly understood, and openly expressed, as the childhood of St George, the tutelary martial saint of England. Beati pacifici, his favourite adage, is an excellent Christian and moral sentiment, but is incompatible with the unavoidable exigencies of government, at least as they were then situated.--E.

* * * * *

May it please your Worships,

We arrived at Macassar on the 19th of November, 1616, from Bantam, with the Swan and Defence, under the command of Captain Nicholas Courthop, who sailed in the Swan, of which ship Mr Davis was master, the other being commanded by Mr Hinchley. We remained there for the purpose of taking in an hundred quoines[256] of rice. On the 4th December, we saw a large Dutch ship in the offing, which came to anchor about five leagues off, and on the 5th they sent their skiff ashore, which made directly for the English house, having eight men on board. As soon as we perceived this boat coming ashore, we ran to the sea side; but, before we got there, two of her men were landed, whom we acquainted with the danger they were in, as the king of Macassar, and all the other kings thereabouts, were become their mortal enemies, because of the many injuries done them by the Hollanders, who had forcibly carried away a principal sabander, and other persons belonging to Macassar, for which they were determined upon revenge; and, therefore, that they might all expect to be put to death, unless the king could be prevailed upon to spare them. The Dutchmen were so much alarmed at this intelligence, that they wished to have gone back to their boat, but the Macassers had already gathered about us, and laid hands upon them.

[Footnote 256: The amount or quantity of these quoines are no where stated, or even hinted at; but, from circumstances in the sequel, they appear to have been considerable.--E.]

I, and other English, immediately went in all haste to the king, acquainting him with what had happened, lest, if the Dutch had intended any treachery, he might have suspected us as being accessary. The king gave us thanks, and desired us to take the two Dutchmen who had landed to our house, that we might learn from them their intentions in coming here. This we did, and they informed us that they belonged to a fleet lately fitted out from Holland, and had lost company of their consorts. One of these called himself John Staunch, and reported himself to be an under-factor. The other was an English sailor. Perceiving themselves to be in great danger, they earnestly entreated us to stand their friends and procure their liberty. We promised to do every thing we could for them. Soon after this, the kings of Macassar and Talow, together with about 2000 attendants, came to the sands near the sea side, where they held a council upon these men. The king of Talow was clear for putting them to death, but we used our interest so successfully for them, that they were commanded to be gone instantly in their boat; The king of Macassar observing, that these were too few for satisfying his revenge, and that he should wait for one more ample. So they departed and went to their ship.

Next day another boat was observed coming towards the shore from the same ship; and, on the king being informed of this, he gave immediate orders for twenty proas and corracorras to be manned and launched. This was done immediately, and the whole made towards the Dutch boat, which was rowing for the land directly towards our house. On observing the native craft endeavouring to intercept them, the Dutch turned their boat, and rowed back to regain their ship; but the Macassars soon got up, boarded them on both sides, and slew every man of the Hollanders, being sixteen in number. There were at this time near 5000 people at the sea side, and we were commanded to keep the house.

The name of this Dutch ship was the Endraught, and imagining that we were bound for Banda or the Moluccas, she remained at sea waiting for us. We set sail from Macassar road on the 8th December, 1616, and when the Dutchmen, saw us under sail, they also weighed and kept company with us. We would gladly have gone from them, but could not, owing to the bad sailing of the Defence. They sent their boat to us, requesting we would spare them two quoines of rice, four tons of water, and some poultry, all of which we gave them, only taking payment for the rice, being forty dollars, giving the water and poultry freely. We asked why they had attempted to land the second time; when they told us their first boat had not then returned to the ship, so that they believed the Dutch factory had still remained at Macassar. But I believe it proceeded from obstinacy, believing their first boat had been denied access at our instigation, and meaning to make a second trial, when they hoped to have flattered the king to allow them to return, and reinstate their factory. For both their boats passed within musket-shot of our ships on their way to the land, yet did not go aboard to enquire what were the situation of affairs on shore, which if they had done, we should have forewarned them of their danger. They kept company with us till we came near Amboina, for which place they stood in, while we continued our course. We have since learnt that they gave out we had been the cause of their men being slain at Macassar, which is most false: For I solemnly protest that we used our best endeavours to save them, and if it had not been for us, the eight men in their first boat had also been slain.

The Swan and Defence arrived in the road of Puloroon on the 13th December. Next day the people of that island came on board, and conferred with us about surrendering the island to us. We represented that our nation had come often to their island, at great cost, and at their particular request, to settle a factory, and trade with them in a friendly manner, bringing them rice and other provisions, with cloth and sundry commodities, in exchange for their spices; that we had no desire to usurp over them, or to reduce them under bondage, as had been done formerly by the Hollanders and other nations; and that, if they would surrender their island of Puloroon to our sovereign the king of England, by a formal writing, and by the delivery of some earth, with a tree and fruits of the island, as true tokens of their fidelity, and thereafter a nut-tree yearly as an acknowledgment, we should settle a factory, and would furnish them with rice, cloth, and other commodities, both now and yearly afterwards. We also assured them, if we were once settled on the island, that sufficient supplies would come to them yearly, much better than now; and that we would use our utmost efforts, both by means of our men and ships, to defend them and ourselves from all enemies. We also demanded, whether they had come under any contract with the Hollanders, or had made them any surrender of their island. To this they unanimously replied, that they had made no such engagement, and never would, but held the Hollanders as their mortal enemies. This was earnestly declared to us, both by the men of Puloroon and by divers chiefs from Puloway, who had fled from that island on its forcible reduction by the Hollanders. And they all declared that the island of Puloway had been lawfully surrendered to Richard Hunt, for the king of England, before the Hollanders came into the road, the English colours having been hoisted in the castle, which the Hollanders shot down, using many disgraceful words of his majesty. They farther declared, that they defended their island for his majesty's use, as long as they possibly could; and, being constrained by force, they had fled to Puloroon, Lantor, and Serran.

After this conference had continued the whole day, the writings of surrender were drawn up, and confirmed by all the chief men of Puloroon and Puloway, and so delivered by their own hands to us, Nathaniel Cowthorp, Thomas Spurway, and Sophonie Cozocke, for his majesty's use. They also that same instant delivered to us a nutmeg-tree, with its fruit growing thereon, having the earth about its root, together with oilier fruits, and a live goat, in symbolical surrender of the sovereignty of the island, desiring us to hoist the English colours, and to fire a salute of ordnance. Accordingly, the colours were set up, and we fired thirty pieces of ordnance, as a mark of taking possession; and at night all the chiefs went ashore, parting from us on the most friendly terms.

On Christmas-day we descried two large Dutch ships edging towards Puloroon. On seeing our ships in the road, they bore away to leeward for Nero, and next day another of their ships hove in sight, which went to the same place. The 28th, a Dutch pinnace stood right over for Puloroon, and came bravadoing within gun-shot of our fort, having the Dutch colours flying at her poop; but presently tacked about, lowered her colours, and hoisted a bloody ensign instead, as if in defiance, and then stood over for Nero. By this bravado, we daily looked for their coming against us, according to their old injurious custom. We landed four pieces of ordnance on the 30th, besides two others formerly landed on the 25th, and set to work to construct fortifications for our defence. By the assistance of the Bandanese, we erected two forts, which were named the Swan and Defence, after our two ships, each mounted with three guns; the fort called the Swan being within caliver shot of the ships, and entirely commanding the road on the eastern side, where is the principal anchorage for the westerly monsoon.

The 3d of January, 1617, the three Dutch ships came from Nero into the road of Puloroon, being the Horne, of 800 tons, the Star, of 500 tons, and the Yaugar, of 160 tons. The Home anchored close by our ship the Swan, the Star close beside the Defence, and the Yaugar a-head of all, to cut off our intercourse with the shore. Our commission directed us, on receiving the surrender of Puloroon, and forming a settlement there, to give due notice thereof in writing to the Hollanders, warning them not to come there to molest us under the pretence of ignorance, as they had been formerly accustomed to do. We had accordingly a letter written to that effect, but knew not how to have it sent, not daring to dispatch it either by Englishmen or natives, for tear of being detained. On coming into the road, however, we sent George Muschamp aboard their admiral, the Star, to deliver the before-mentioned letter to Mynheer Dedall, the Dutch commander; and with a message desiring them to depart from the road of Puloroon before six glasses were run, as the islanders would not allow them to remain in the roads, or to come near their island, and would even have already fired upon them, if we had not prevailed upon them to forbear.

Soon afterwards, the Dutch commander, Dedall, came on board the Swan, attended by their chaplain, to enquire the reason of our message; when we told him that we suspected they came to injure us, as they had formerly done at Paloway, Cambella, and other places; and, as they had formerly turned the glass to Mr Ball, when in their power, threatening to hang him if he did not immediately cause the English to quit the land, we had now in like manner appointed a time for them to quit the roads. We also shewed him the instrument by which Puloroon was surrendered to us, and our consequent right to keep possession for the king of England, which we were determined upon doing to the utmost of our power, wishing them to be well advised in their proceedings, as they might expect to be shortly called to answer for their abusive words and injurious conduct to the English. We also demanded the restoration of Puloway, which had likewise been lawfully surrendered to the king of England. After this, we enquired if they had received any previous surrender at Puloroon, but they could not say they had any; and, when we shewed the formal surrender made to our king, which their chaplain perused, he acknowledged that it was a true surrender.

All this while the glass was running in the great cabin before their eyes, putting them in mind to be gone. We also told them plainly, that we believed their only purpose in coming here was to betray us, and to drive us from the island by treachery or force, of which scandalous conduct our nation had already had divers experience from theirs; wherefore we neither could nor would trust them any more, and we must insist upon their departure; as, when the glass was six times run out, they must expect to be shot at from the shore; and, if they fired in return against the islanders, or shewed any discourtesy or wrong to them, we should consider it as hostility to us, and would defend them, being now the subjects of our king. They desired to remain till next day, which we would not agree to, doubting that more of their ships might come to join them. They then desired to stay till midnight; which we agreed to, on condition that we saw them preparing to weigh their anchors, in which case we said that notice should be sent ashore to the Bandanese, not to fire upon them.

I also demanded to know from Dedall, what was their purpose in thus coming into the road of Puloroon, unless to molest us. He pretended that it was their usual custom in passing that island. But I told them that was not true, as the islanders had declared there never was any christian ship in their roads till we came. So he remained silent. They came to anchor in the roads this day about three in the afternoon, and departed about eleven at night. We have been since certainly informed, that their purpose was to have taken possession of our ships by treachery, or to have driven us out of the roads, and only gave up their intentions on seeing that we were fortified on shore. Had they then assailed us, we had little doubt of being able to have defended ourselves against them, as we had both forts in readiness, the cannon charged, and the gunners prepared to give fire, on the first signal from our ships.

A Dutch ship and pinnace came from Nero on the 10th January; the pinnace edging near the small island or high sand, called Nylacka. This island is uninhabited, but full of trees and bushes, being daily resorted to by the men of Puloroon for fishing; and as belonging to Puloroon, belonged now to the English. On coming near the island, the people in the pinnace were observed continually sounding, wherefore we made four shots towards her from Fort Defence; but, not intending to strike her, shot wide. At every shot, the pinnace answered with a base, or some such piece, firing into the small island among the trees and bushes, where were some Englishmen and Bandanese of Puloroon, who were in no small danger from the shot. Seeing they braved us in this manner, the gunner was desired to do his best, and his next shot fell close over the stern of the pinnace or frigate, which made her presently go away. Their purpose of coming thus to sound about the small island, seemed to be to look out for a landing-place; meaning to come there with their forces, and there to fortify themselves, on purpose to compel us to quit the large island.

On the 13th, Mr Davey complained that he was in want of water, and proposed to go over for that purpose to Wayre upon Lantore; but on the people of Puloroon being informed of this, they would by no means consent to his going out of the roads, and indeed neither would we, fearing the Hollanders might do us some injury in his absence. The people of Puloroon, said they would rather bring him water from Lantore, in their proas. I went on board Mr Davey to acquaint him with this; but he and his people would not consent, saying the Bandanese would bring them rain water, or such other as was unwholesome, and that they would only be six days absent, or eight at most.

At this time, the principal people of Wayre, a free town on the island of Lantore, and of the separate island of Rosinging, came over to us, to enter into a parley respecting the surrender of both to the sovereignty of his majesty; and the formal deed of surrender being agreed upon and drawn up, they desired that some Englishmen might go over to receive the same in a public manner from all their hands, and to witness the ceremonial. As Mr Davey still persisted to go over with his ship, it was resolved upon, that Messrs Sophonie Cozocke, George Muschamp, Robert Fuller, and Thomas Hodges, should go over in the Swan to Wayre and Rosinging, to see that business accomplished, while the Swan was procuring water; after which, it was appointed that Mr Cozocke was to return in the Swan, while the other three were to remain upon the island of Rosinging for possession, till farther orders. All business being there concluded to our satisfaction, several persons in Wayre and Rosinging desired to load nutmegs and mace in the Swan, and to have a passage for Puloroon, there to sell us their spices for rice and cloths. All this was agreed to, and twelve of these persons came on board, with a great quantity of nutmegs and mace.

The Swan then set sail for Geulegola, which is only a little way from Wayre, and there watered, after which she again set sail. When about eight leagues from the land, a Holland ship or two gave them chace. The people of the Swan now asked Mr Davey what he proposed to do. He answered, "They see my colours and I see theirs: I know them to be Dutch, and they know us to be English: I know of no injury I have done them, and I will continue my course for Puloroon." In short time, the Star, for such was the Dutch ship, got up within shot of the Swan, and without hailing, or giving the smallest intimation of her intention, let fly both with great guns and small arms in the most violent manner. The Swan received two or three great shot through and through before she replied, and even had some of her men slain. After this, as Mr Davey writes, the fight continued an hour and a half, during which five men were killed in the Swan, viz. Mr Sophonie Cozocke, merchant, who was driven to pieces by a cannon-ball, Robert Morton, quartermaster and drummer, Christopher Droope, Edward Murtkin, and a Bantianese passenger from Wayre. Three others were maimed, having lost arms or legs, with very little hopes of recovery; and eight others were wounded, most of them mortally. During the engagement, a Dutchman stood upon the poop of the Star with a drawn sword, calling out in the Dutch language, English villains and rogues, we will kill you all.

The people of the Swan were much discouraged, on seeing so many of their companions dead and wounded, insomuch that none of them would stand by the sails to trim the ship to the best advantage so that the Hollander lay upon her quarter pouring in great and small shot, and at last look her by boarding, both with soldiers and others. They immediately broke open and pillaged the cabins, plundered the men basely of their clothes and every thing else worth taking, and throwing overboard whatever did not please their fancies. Even the Spaniards never used more stern cruelty in their professed wars, than did now the Dutch to us, with whom they were in peace and amity. The Star had on board 160 men, mostly soldiers taken from the castles of Nero and Puloway, while the Swan had not above thirty able to stand to quarters, the rest being sick or lame, and all much worn out in toilsome labour at Puloroon, in landing the ordnance and constructing the two forts. Ten also of their complement had been left in Puloroon to defend the two forts, two of whom, Herman Hammond and John Day, were gunners. The Swan being thus taken and sore battered in the action, was carried away under the guns of the castle at Nero. The Dutch gloried much in their victory, boasting of their exploit to the Bandanese, saying, That the king of England was not to be compared with their great king of Holland: That Saint George was now turned a child, and they cared not for the king of England; for one Holland ship was able to take ten English ships. They landed all our men at Nero, and kept them all strict prisoners, many of them in irons.

The Swan left us at Puloroon on the 16th of January, and we expected her back in eight or ten days at farthest, but never heard of her till the 25th of February, when Robert Fuller came over to us from Rosinging and Wayre; to acquaint us that be had heard of an English ship being under the guns of Nero castle. We immediately sent away Robert Hayes, the purser of the Defence, accompanied by some of the chief men of Puloroon, with directions to land on that side of Lantore which was in friendship with us, and to go as near as possible to the Dutch ships with a flag of truce, to enquire into the matter. After staying almost two hours, there came at last a boat to fetch him off, but made him wade to the middle before they would take him in. Being taken on board one of the Dutch ships, the president and assistants of Nero met him, when he demanded to know why they had made prize of the Swan, what was become of her men, and wherefore they detained our ship and goods. They answered, that time should bring all to light. Still urging for an answer, they used many opprobrious words against the English, threatening to come over to Puloroon with their forces, and to drive us from there and other places. To this Hayes replied, that they had already done much more than they could answer for, and was obliged to come away without seeing any one belonging to the Swan. He could however see our poor ship all rent and torn, in view of the natives, as an ill-got and dishonourable trophy of Dutch treachery and ingratitude. In a short time after, they sent over a messenger to us with a letter, which we answered, as we did others afterwards, their messengers frequently coming over with flags of truce, all of which letters, together with the surrenders, I brought over with me to Bantam, and delivered to Captain Ball.

The Dutch continually threatened us, by their letters and messengers, that, as they had now taken tee Swan, they would soon come and take possession of the Defence, and drive us from the island of Puloroon. We always answered, that we expected them, and would defend ourselves to the last. They made many bravados, daily shooting off forty, fifty, or sixty pieces of ordnance at Nero and Puloway, thinking to frighten us. Also the people of Lantore brought us word that they were fitting out their ships, and shipping planks and earth, which we imagined was for land service. They had then seven ships, four gallies and frigates, and a great number of men, with all which force they threatened to come against us. We were told likewise, that they had endeavoured to prevail on their black slaves, by promise of freedom and great rewards, to come over secretly to Puloroon and set fire to the Defence. The Hollanders also, threatened that we should carry no spices from Puloroon or any other of the Banda islands. Thereupon, considering our engagements with the people of Puloroon, Wayre, and Rosinging, to all of whom we had trusted our goods, and that we had ready at Puloroon a good quantity of nutmegs and mace, and the threats of the Hollanders, we resolved to maintain the honour of our king and country, and to defend the interest of our employers, the honourable Company, to the utmost of our power. For this purpose, we determined to land all the guns, provisions, and stores, from the Defence, and to fortify the small island of Nylacka adjoining to Puloroon; which the Hollanders proposed to have fortified formerly; which, if they had done, would have commanded the road, and done us much injury, as the people of Puloroon would have been prevented from fishing, and English ships could not have come into the roads.

Having therefore landed all the ordnance of the Defence, except four pieces of cannon, and being busied in erecting a fortification with the assistance of the Bandanese, Mr Hinshley also, the master of the Defence, being ashore, and every one hard at work landing the things, except a few left on board to keep the ship, a conspiracy was entered into by some of the men on the 20th March, 1617; and that same night they cut the cables and so drove out to sea. Perceiving this from the small island, we immediately sent a boat after them, advising them to return with the ship: But the mutineers would neither listen to them, nor suffer the boat to come near the ship, pointing their pieces at them, and even fired one musket-shot to keep off the boat; which was therefore compelled to return to the small island. There went away in the Defence nine of our men, including John Christmas, the boatswain's mate, and we could distinctly see them next day going into Nero roads under sail, and come to anchor under the guns of the castle. As we afterwards learnt, some of the runaways went immediately on shore to inform the Dutch of their exploit, contending among themselves which of them had piloted the ship. They even brought a can of wine ashore with them, and drank to the Hollanders on landing.

The Dutch took immediate possession of the Defence, and brought all our rascally deserters into their castle, where they examined them as to our proceedings at Puloroon and Nylacka, in regard to our fortifications and means of defence. By this scandalous affair, we were in great danger of being all put to death by the Bandanese of Puloroon, as they suspected the desertion of our ships to have been a concerted matter between us and the Hollanders, on purpose to betray them. By this likewise, as our weakness was made known to the Hollanders, they might be encouraged to attack us. Indeed they made many violent threatenings of so doing, and we daily looked for their appearance; which, if they had so done, must have cost many lives, as we were greatly enraged against them for the capture of the Swan, and the severe usage of her people.

On the 23d of March, we sent a letter to the Hollanders at Nero, by Robert Fuller, who landed upon Lantore; but, owing to some difference between the people of that island and the Dutch, he could not be allowed to pass, so that he had to return. The 25th there came a messenger to us from Lawrence Ryall, the principal commander of the Hollanders, newly come to Nero from the Moluccas, desiring Mr Courthop and I would come in a proa to hold a conference with two of his principal merchants, half-way between Puloroon and Puloway; but we refused this request, being afraid of treachery. By this messenger we had a letter from Mr Davies, then a prisoner at Nero, intimating his disapprobation of our proceedings in keeping possession of Puloroon, alleging that our commission did not warrant us in so doing, and recommending a parley between us and the Dutch general, to prevent the loss of any more lives. It appeared that he was instigated to give us this advice by the Hollanders, who had made him believe that they had authority in writing from our king, to make prize of any English ships they found to the east of Celebes, as we afterwards learnt to our great surprise, since, if they actually had such authority we must have obeyed.

We wrote to Lawrence Ryall, by his messenger, that, if he would send over Henrick de Watterfoord and Peter de Yonge, two of his principal merchants, to remain as pledges in Nylacka, Mr Courthop and another should be sent to confer with him. We got back for answer, that the merchants we demanded as pledges could not be sent, as the one was gone to sea, and the other could not be spared, being their chief book-keeper; but offering us two other principal merchants, whom we agreed to accept. Accordingly, on the 6th April, the Dutch galley brought over these two, whom we lodged in a tent near the landing-place under a guard of twelve Englishmen to protect them from the Bandanese, as we did not think it right to bring them into our fort, that they might not have an opportunity of viewing our fortifications.

Mr Courthop went immediately over to Nero in their galley, and had a long conference with the Dutch, in which they used many threats, and complained of many injuries they pretended to have suffered from the English, but of which I shall only briefly treat, as the letter from Mr Courthop, which I brought over from Banda and delivered to Captain Ball, will certify your worships at large on this matter. They complained, that Sir Henry Middleton had used the Dutch colours, when in the Red Sea, pretending to be Holland ships, to their injury and discredit. To this Mr Courthop replied, that it was false, as he had sailed with Sir Henry, and never knew him to wear Dutch colours; which, moreover, Sir Henry was too much a gentleman to have done. They pretended to have our king's letter, authorizing them to capture any English ship seen to the eastwards of the Celebes. Mr Courthop urged them to produce this letter, on seeing which he declared his readiness to obey the authority of his sovereign, and to evacuate Puloroon; but they had none such to produce. They alleged many other things, equally false, and used many arguments to induce us to quit Puleroon. All this time, neither Mr Davies nor any other of the English in their hands were permitted to come near Mr Courthop.

Finding he could not prevail, Lawrence Ryall, the Dutch general, grew much discontented, throwing his hat on the ground and pulling his beard for sheer anger. At length Mr Courthop told him, that he could conclude nothing of his own authority, being joined with a council, but should relate every thing that had passed at Puloroon, which should be taken into consideration and an answer sent. I had advised him to say this, to get the easier away. Mr Courthop also urged them to restore our ship the Defence, with her men and goods; but they would not, unless we agreed to surrender Puloroon: offering, if we would deliver up Nylacka and our fort, in which we had twelve pieces of ordnance, that they would then restore both the Swan and Defence, with all our men and goods. Ryall then desired Mr Courthop to sign a note which he had drawn, acknowledging the proffers he had made, but this Mr Courthop refused.

They had so wrought upon Mr Davies, that they expected he might be able to prevail upon Mr Courthop to come into their terms, and now therefore brought him to Mr Courthop, with whom he had much discourse, and particularly urged the truth of the letter they pretended to have from the king of England, as before mentioned. When Mr Courthop told him what he had offered, in case that letter were produced, Mr Davies distinctly saw he had been imposed upon, and broke out into a rage against them, for having told so many falsehoods;[257] adding, that they had promised him and his men good treatment, but that his men complained of being in great want of food and clothing, and of general hard usage. They had sat in judgment upon him and his men, condemning them to remain as prisoners till they had orders from Holland as to their ultimate destination. He even said, that he was willing to continue in durance, provided we could keep them out of Puloroon. The conference being ended, Mr Courthop came back to Nylacka in the galley, and the pledges were restored.

[Footnote 257: Purchas, in a side note at this place, quaintly converts the name of the Dutch general into Lawrence Ly-all.--E.]

The eastern monsoon being now come, we fitted out a proa to send with dispatches to Bantam, giving an account of what had passed; and it was agreed that Mr Hinchley and I were to go, accompanied by four Englishmen and fourteen natives of Puloroon, of whom five were chiefs, or orancays, one of them being son to the sabander, who is the principal man of the island. We set sail from Puloroon on the 17th April, 1617, and when in sight of Bottone on our way for Macassar, we descried a large ship and a pinnace, which gave us chase under a press of sail, so that we had no means of escape, except by standing in for Bottone. After being chased half a day, we got near the town of Bottone by night, thinking the ships could not have got so far up the river; but seeing the ship and pinnace almost within musket-shot of us next morning, we presently landed most of what we had in the proa, taking refuge in the woods. Having so done, we went immediately to the king, to whom we gave a present of such things as we had, to the value of about thirty dollars, desiring his protection, which he promised in the kindest manner, and faithfully performed. He sent his servants along with us, to put all our things into a house, giving us also two houses for our lodging, desiring us to remain within, that we might not be discovered by our enemies.

Almost immediately afterwards, the Hollanders went to the king, giving him a present three times the value of ours, and enquired who we were that had landed. To which the king answered that he knew not who we were. On being asked by the king how long they meant to stay, the Dutch said they proposed remaining six days; of which the king sent us notice, advising us to keep close for that time, that we might proceed in greater security after they were gone. But at the end of these six days the Dutch said they would stay six days longer, pretending they had to repair one of their masts. Seeing their intention, and because our proa lay in view of the Dutch, we bought another proa, into which the king made all our things be carried by his slaves, causing them to navigate that proa past the Hollanders, and to carry her to the back of the island, whither he sent us over land under the protection of fifty men. We went immediately aboard, but remained under the island till near night, when we stood our course for Macassar, and saw no more of the Hollanders.

We arrived at Macassar on the 7th May, where we found the Attendance intending for Banda, but was unable to beat up, owing to the change of the monsoon. Having shipped in the Attendance 180 suckles of mace, purchased at Macassar, we sent the proa to Banjarmassen and Succadanea in Borneo, with advice that a supply of goods could not be sent there as expected, owing to the non-arrival of the Solomon, which had been long expected at Bantam. The 3d June we arrived at Bantam. As Captain George Barkley was dead, to whom Mr Ball succeeded as chief of the factory, I have delivered all the papers to him, and doubt not that your worships may receive them by the first conveyance. Those are, two surrenders, the letters from the Hollanders with our answers, and every thing relative to our proceedings in Banda.

When I left Puloroon, it was agreed that another proa was to be dispatched for Bantam in twenty days after our departure, lest we might have been pursued and taken by the Hollanders. Accordingly a proa[258] was sent, in which was laden 170 suckles of mace, containing 3366 cattees, each cattee being six English pounds and nearly two ounces, costing at the rate of one dollar the cattee;[259] which, had it gone safe, might have sold in England for £5000. In this proa there were eight Englishmen and thirty Bandanese, under the charge of Walter Stacie, who had been mate under Mr Hinchley in the Defence. His knowledge and care, however, did not answer expectation, for he ran the proa on the rocky shoals near the island of Bottone, where she bilged and lost all the mace, the men getting ashore. Stacie is much blamed by the rest, some of whom told him they saw land on the lee-bow, but he was peevish and headstrong, calling them all fools, and would not listen to them.

[Footnote 258: In a marginal note, this is called a junk.--E.]

[Footnote 259: From the statement in the text, the suckle appears to have been about 122 English pounds, and the quantity of mace accordingly, shipped on this occasion, about 185 cwt. or 9 1/4 tons.--E.]

May it please your worships to understand, that the Hollanders replied, when told that their vile abuses to us would lie heavy on them when known in Europe, "That they can make as good friends in the court of England as your worships; that this which they have done will oblige your worships and them to join, so that a gold chain will recompence all, and they have dollars enough in Holland to pay for a ship or two, providing they can hinder us from trading at Banda."

In regard to the trade of the Banda islands, Puloroon is reported to be the worst island. It is about eight English miles in circuit, and the small adjoining island of Nylacka is about a mile round. There is a tolerable quantity of nutmegs and mace grown on Puloroon, and considerably more might be got there if the island were well cultivated. Rosengin is a fine island, producing the largest nutmegs and best mace of all the Banda islands; and, if we hold possession of Puloroon, abundance of nutmegs and mace could be had from Rosengin, Lantore, and other places; as the natives would come over to us with their spices, provided we supply them with rice, cloth, salt, pepper, molasses, and other necessaries, and some Macassar gold, which passes as current in Banda as Spanish rials of eight, and at the same rate, though only worth at Bantam two shillings and fourpence or two and sixpence, for the piece called mass. Our cargo was small, having only 100 quoines of rice, and our cloth was much decayed, having lain two or three years at Macassar. If we had had three times as much, we could have sold it all at Puloroon for mace and nutmegs, being entreated for cloth and rice by people from Lantore, Rosengin and other places, but had it not, so that some returned home again with part of their spices. They came over to Puloroon in the night with proas and corracorras. The mace and nuts were very good, but must be injured by lying so long, owing to the molestations of the Hollanders, while we had no lime for preserving the nuts. The trade will turn out very profitable, if we may quietly possess the island of Puloroon; but we must buy rice at a lower rate than in Macassar, and I understand it can be had in Japan for about half the price.

In regard to our right to the Banda islands, especially Puloway, Captain Castleton might have made that secure, as I have often been told; and at all events, we have a much better right than the Hollanders, who by force of arms have dispossessed us. Except Puloroon be supplied this year, and the possession maintained, the English name will be utterly disgraced, with little chance of our ever being received there again. If we are able to hold it until your worships have determined what to do in the matter, we shall soon be able to procure there as much mace and nutmegs as the Hollanders; and it may also serve as an entrance into the Moluccas for cloves. The Hollanders pretend an exclusive right to the Bandas and Moluccas, in consequence of having the son of the king of Ternate in their hands as a prisoner. But the Bandanese deny that the king of Ternate has any right of dominion in their islands, every one of their islands being free, and governed by sabanders and orancays of their own appointment.

It is indispensible, that supplies of rice and other victuals, and cloth, should be sent for the English and Bandanese, and to bring away the nutmegs and mace we have there in godowns or warehouses. The Hollanders give out that they will take all your ships that go to those parts, so as to famish both the English and Bandanese; wherefore it requires earnest and speedy attention, that we may quietly enjoy our trade to these islands, which have been surrendered to us, and desire our trade. These are Puloway, Puloroon, Rosengin, and Wayre, which last is a town in Lantore. Puloway is reported to be a paradise, and the Hollanders allege that it is as much worth to them as Scotland is to his majesty. Even should your worships not be able to get Puloway restored, yet, if you enjoy the other three, we shall be able to procure enough of nutmegs and mace for the supply of England, and also for the trade of Surat and other places in India. Now is the time or never, considering the vile abuses and murders committed upon us by the Hollanders. At this time, the Charles and the Hope are bound home from Bantam, and I pray God to send them safe to London. I have sent your worships a brief abstract of our cargo for Banda, and of the sales made there. If I seem tedious, I humbly crave pardon; and, with my humble duty, beseeching the Almighty to prosper and give good success to all your designs, I humbly take leave,

being your worships most humble servant in all duty,

Thomas Spurway.

SECTION X.

FIFTH VOYAGE THE JOINT STOCK BY THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY, IN 1617, UNDER THE COMMAND OF CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING.[260]

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