Introduction
There are two editions of this journal in our older Collections of Voyages and Travels, but both exceeding defective and imperfect. The first of these is in the Pilgrims of Purchas, which is said to have been "Collected out of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord Ambassador from his Majesty of Great Britain, to the Great Mogul." It is evidently to be considered as an abridgement made by Purchas, which, indeed, he fully acknowledges in a postscript, in the following terms:--"Some readers may perhaps wish they had the whole journal, and not thus contracted into extracts of those things out of it which I conceived more fit for the public. And for the whole, myself would have wished it; but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could I learn of it, the worthy knight himself being now employed in like honourable embassage from his majesty to the Great Turk." Besides that it is a mere abridgement, often most confusedly, and almost unintelligibly tacked together, this article in The Pilgrims breaks off abruptly in a most interesting part of the narrative, which we have now no means to supply. The full title of this article in The Pilgrims is as follows:--"Observations collected out of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord Ambassador from his Majesty the King of Great Britain, to the Great Mogul. Consisting of Occurrences worthy of Memory, in the way, and at the Court of the Mogul; together with an Account of his Customs, Cities, Countries, Subjects, and other Circumstances relating to India."
[Footnote 183: Purch. Pilgr. I. 535. Churchill's Collect. I. 617.]
The other edition of this journal is in the collection published by the Churchills, of which we quote from the third edition of 1744, reprinted by Lintot and Osburn, booksellers in London. Of this edition the editor of that collection gives the following account:--"Sir Thomas Roe has before appeared in print, in part at least, in the collection of Purchas, since translated into French, and published in the first volume of the collection by Thevenot. He now comes again abroad with considerable additions, not foisted in, but taken from his own original manuscript, of which it would appear that Purchas only had an imperfect copy. These additions, it is true, are not great in bulk, but they are valuable for the subject; and several matters, which in the other collection are brought in abruptly, are here continued in a more methodical manner."
After an attentive comparison of these two former editions, it obviously appears that the edition by Purchas, in 1625, is in general more circumstantial and more satisfactory than that of Churchill, in 1744, notwithstanding its superior pretensions, as above stated. Yet, on several occasions, the edition in Churchill gives a more intelligible account of particulars, and has enabled us, on these occasions, to restore what Purchas, by careless abbreviation, had left an obscure and almost unintelligible jumble of words. The present edition, therefore, is formed upon a careful collation of these two former, supplying from each what was defective in the other. On the present occasion, the nautical and other observations made by Sir Thomas Roe during the voyage from England to Surat, are omitted, having been already inserted into the account of that voyage by Captain Peyton.
It were much to be desired that this first account of the political intercourse between Britain and Hindoostan could have been given at full length, more especially as that extensive, rich, populous, and fertile country is now almost entirely reduced under the dominion of the British crown; and as Sir Thomas Roe, even in the garbled state in which we are forced to present his observations, clearly shews the inherent vices of the Mogul government, through which it so rapidly fell into anarchy, and was torn in pieces by its own cumbrous and ill-managed strength. Perhaps the archives of the East India Company are still able to supply this deficiency in the history of its original establishment; and it were surely worthy of the more than princely grandeur of that great commercial company, to patronise the publication of a collection of the voyages, travels, negotiations, and events which have conduced to raise it to a degree of splendour unexampled in the history of the world. The importance of this first embassy from Great Britain to the Great Mogul, and the vast consequences, both commercial and political, which have since arisen from that early intercourse, have induced us to give the following additional information respecting the mission of Sir Thomas Roe, from the Annals of the East India Company, vol. I. p. 174, et sequ., which will in some measure supply the defects in this journal, as published by Purchas and Churchill.--E.
* * * * *
"The information which the Court [of Committees or Directors of the East India Company] had received, in the preceding season, [1613-14] induced them to apply to the king to grant his royal authority that an ambassador should proceed in his name to the Great Mogul. King James, in compliance with the wishes of the Company, on the 14th January, 1614-15, granted his commission to the celebrated Sir Thomas Roe, "to be ambassador to the Great Mogul, or king of India," the company agreeing to defray the expence, in consideration, that, under their exclusive privileges, they were to acquire such benefits as might result from this mission.
"Sir Thomas Roe sailed from England in March 1615, on board the Lion, Captain Newport, and arrived at Surat, whence he proceeded to the Mogul's court at Agimere, which he reached in December, 1615; and on the 10th January, 1616, was presented to the Mogul as ambassador from the king of England, when he delivered the king's letter and presents. Of these, an English coach was the chief article, and with it the Mogul was pleased to express his satisfaction, and to give the ambassador a gracious reception. From the company's agents having already been too profuse in their presents to the ministers and favourites, Sir Thomas found that the articles which he carried out as presents were not so highly estimated as he expected; he therefore informed the court that nothing less than valuable jewels would be deemed worthy of acceptance; and at the same time he advised that 'four or five cases of red wine' should be sent as presents to the king and prince, as, in his own words, 'never were men more enamoured of that drinke as these two, and which they would more highly esteem than all the jewels in Chepeside.'
"In describing his own situation, he stated that the natives could not comprehend what was meant in Europe by the rank or quality of an ambassador, and that in future it would be preferable to employ an agent only, who could bear these affronts without dishonour, which an ambassador, from, his rank, could not encounter. He complains also, that, from want of an interpreter, he had experienced much difficulty in explaining to the Mogul, and to his ministers, the object of his mission; in particular, the grievances which the English had suffered from the governor of Ahmedabad, because the native brokers, whom he was obliged to employ, were afraid to interpret literally, lest they should either incur the king's displeasure, or be disgraced by his ministers. In his application for redress from the governor of Ahmedabad, he discovered that this officer was supported by sultan Churrum, the Mogul's eldest-son,[184] and Asaph Khan, the favourite. By perseverance and firmness, however, the ambassador at length obtained the relief he solicited.
[Footnote 184: Sultan Chesuro appears to have been the eldest son of Jehanguire, but held in confinement for having endeavoured to supplant his father in the succession, and Churrum seems only to have been the third son.--E.]
"On the 24th January, 1616, Sir Thomas had a second audience of the Mogul, at which he complained of the injuries the English had sustained from the arbitrary conduct of the governor of Surat, and so effectual were his remonstrances, that this officer was dismissed. The ambassador then proposed to renew the articles of the phirmaund, or treaty between the Mogul and the English nation, and solicited to have the treaty ratified by the signatures[185] of the Mogul and Sultan Churrum, which being procured, the treaty was concluded.[186]
[Footnote 185: This expression is rather ambiguous, as the ratifications of such papers in India were by the seals of the princes, and not what we understand by the term used in the text--E.]
[Footnote 186: It has not been thought necessary to insert the substance of this treaty as contained in the Annals, as it is given in the Journal.--E.] "The dispatches of Sir Thomas, of this year, concluded with recommending to the company, as a commercial speculation, to send out annually a large assortment of all kinds of toys, which would find a ready sale at the great festival of Noroose, [the new year] in the month of March.
"In 1616 we discover a jealousy in the factory at Surat, of Sir Thomas Roe, notwithstanding his efforts and success in obtaining phirmaunds from the Mogul favourable to the factories at Surat and Ahmedabad, and in general for the encouragement of English trade in the Mogul dominions; for the factors represented to the court that a merchant or agent would be better qualified for a commercial negociator than a king's ambassador; and, in support of this opinion, referred to the practice of the king of Spain, who on no occasion would send an ambassador, but always a commercial agent; and stated that Sir Thomas Roe, besides, considered himself to be vested with the exercise of a controlling power over the commercial speculations of the Surat factory, and held himself to be better qualified to judge of the English interests by combining the political relations which he wished to introduce between the Mogul and the king of England, than by forwarding any projects for trade which the factory might devise as applicable to the Mogul dominions.
"In this year he reported that he had returned thanks to Sultan Churrum for the protection which he had afforded to the English in relieving them from the extortions of Zulfeccar Khan, the late governor of Surat, and had remonstrated against the partiality which had been shown to the Portuguese; representing to the Mogul that the king of Portugal had assumed the title of king of India, and that the Portuguese trade could never be so beneficial as that of England, as the English annually exported from India calicoes and indigo to the amount of 50,000 rials. To strengthen this remonstrance, Sir Thomas offered to pay to the sultan 12,000 rupees yearly, on condition that the English should be exempted from the payment of customs at the port of Surat; and then gave it as his opinion, that the plan of the agency at Surat, of keeping permanent factories at Surat, and other parts of the Mogul dominions, ought to be abandoned, as it would be preferable to make the purchases of goods inland, by the natives, [particularly the indigo from Agra, and the Bengal goods] who could obtain them at reasonable rates. But if the court were of opinion that English factors ought to be stationed at Agra, he recommended sending the goods in carts rather than on camels. He concludes this part of his report by advising that agents should reside at Cambay and Baroach, because the best cloths in India could be procured at these towns.
"Though Sir Thomas Roe appears to have procured a phirmaund through the means of Noor-Mahal, the favourite sultana or empress, for the general good treatment of the English at Surat, and had desired that an assortment of English goods, perfumes, &c. should be forwarded to him as presents to her and to her brother, Asaph Khan, he yet describes, in 1618, the governor of Surat as reluctant to shew that favour to the English which the phirmaund had enjoined. It therefore became a question with him, as the governor of Surat would not allow the English to strengthen or fortify their factory for the protection of their goods and servants, whether it might not be expedient to remove to some other station, where the means of self-defence might be more practicable. At one time he thought of Goga, and subsequently of Scindy; but, after a review of the whole, decided that it would be more expedient to remain at Surat, though, from the character of the natives, and the instability of the Mogul government, all grants of privileges must be considered as temporary, and any agreement or capitulation which might be procured, ought not to be depended on as permanent. He concludes, that, though a general phirmaund for trade in the Mogul dominions had been obtained, and of course a foundation laid for the English intercourse with the rich provinces of Bengal, yet the attempt to enter on that trade would be unwise, from being in the exclusive possession of the Portuguese.
"Sir Thomas Roe returned from the embassy to Surat in the spring of 1618-19, when it appears that the opposition in opinion between him and the factors at that place had subsided, as the efforts of both were united to establish a distinct system for the trade of the English at Surat. It has been already stated that Sir Thomas Roe had procured a phirmaund to the English from the Mogul, for the establishment of a general trade in his extensive dominions, but that the relaxed situation of the government, which always, under the administration of the Moguls, preceded an expected succession to the throne, had rendered the governor of Surat, at this juncture, less obsequious to the orders of his sovereign than the absolute nature of the constitution would otherwise have prescribed. Under these circumstances, and to improve upon the general treaty already mentioned, Sir Thomas Roe made proposals to Sultan Churrum to enter into an alliance for resisting the pretensions of the Portuguese. After long discussions with that prince, this treaty was concluded, and the following are its leading articles.
"That the governor of Surat should lend ships to the English, to be employed in the defence of that port. The English, however, to be only allowed to land ten armed men at one time; but the resident merchants to be allowed to wear arms. That the English should be allowed to build a house in the city, but distant from the castle.[187] That the governor of Surat should receive the ambassador and his suite with marks of honour. That the English should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and be governed by their own laws. That in any dispute between the English and the natives; reference was to be made to the governor and his officers, who should decide speedily and justly; but disputes among themselves were to be decided by their own factory. That liberty of trade was to be allowed the English, in its fullest extent, on payment of the usual duties on landing the goods, from which pearls, jewels, &c. were to be exempted. That freedom of speech was to be allowed to the English linguists and brokers, in all matters regarding the trade of their employers. And, lastly, That all presents intended for the court were to be opened and examined at the customhouse of Surat, and then sealed and given back to the English, and to pass duty-free; but, in case these presents were not made, then these articles were to become liable to pay duty.
[Footnote 187: Though not so expressed in the Annals, this appears to have been a fortified house; as, on an occasion, when Surat was taken and plundered by an armed force belonging to Sevagee, the first sovereign of the Mahrattas, the English were able to defend their factory from injury.--E.]
"During his residence in India, Sir Thomas Roe had likewise used his best endeavours to promote the trade of the English with the ports of Persia, in which considerable opposition was experienced from the Portuguese, who tried every expedient to engross the Persian trade to themselves, and to exclude the English from any participation. In this opposition Sir Robert Shirley had been implicated, who had gone to Europe in 1615, on a mission from the king of Persia, to form a contract with the king of Spain, then sovereign of Portugal, not only to sell to his subjects the whole of the Persian silk, but to grant them licence to fortify the sea-ports of Persia for the protection of their shipping and factories. Mr Connock, the English agent in Persia, under these circumstances, recommended the necessity of applying to king James, and submitting to his consideration the danger of allowing the Portuguese to enjoy the exclusive possession of that trade, which would render them the most powerful European nation in the East Indies. In the mean time, he represented to the king of Persia the necessity of seizing the island of Ormus from the Portuguese, under the protection of which the Persian dominions could be supplied by the English with all kinds of Indian commodities.
"In this critical situation of the company's agents at Ispahan, an ambassador arrived from the king of Spain, in June 1617, authorised to adjust and settle the contract which Sir Robert Shirley had projected. The English agent, in consequence, urged the factory at Surat to dispatch the whole of the company's ships to Jasques for the defence of that port, as the Portuguese fleet had rendezvoused at Muscat, and had determined to blockade the passage into the Persian gulf against the English trade. These events induced Sir Thomas Roe to grant a commission, and to give instructions to the company's agent at Ispahan, authorising him to treat with the king of Persia, in the name of the king of England.
"In 1618, Captain Shillings, of the company's ship Ann, went to Mokha, and obtained a phirmaund from the governor, by which the English were allowed free trade, and protection to their persons and property, on condition of paying three per cent. on merchandize, and three per cent. on the prices of all goods exported by them from Mokha. On receiving information of this event, Sir Thomas Roe addressed a letter to the governor of Mokha, requesting that these privileges might be confirmed by the Grand Signior, and promising, on the part of the English, that all kinds of European goods should be regularly brought to Mokha, and that the English should defend that port against all enemies, and particularly against the Portuguese.
"This appears to have been the last transaction of Sir Thomas Roe in the East Indies. In his voyage home he touched at Saldanha bay [Table bay] in May, 1619, where he met, and held a conference with the Dutch admiral Hoffman, who commanded the outward-bound fleet from Holland of that season. From this officer he learned that the respective governments in Europe, alarmed at the commercial jealousies and animosities between their subjects in the East Indies, had appointed commissioners to take that subject into consideration. It was therefore, with a becoming sense of duty, agreed between them that each should address a letter to the chiefs of their respective factories in India, recommending to them to abstain from any opposition or violence against each other, till each had received specific instructions from their superiors, or should be informed of the result of the conferences between the commissioners of the two nations in Europe."
§1. Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country.
I landed at Surat on the 26th September, 1615, and was received in an open tent by the chief officers of the town, well attended. On this occasion I was accompanied by the general, and principal merchants, Captain Harris being sent to make me a court of guard with an hundred shot, and the ships, all dressed out to the best advantage, saluted me with their ordnance as I passed. There was much controversy about searching my servants, but at length they passed free to the city, where we had a house provided for us. We continued there to the 30th October, suffering much vexation from the governor, who forcibly caused search many of our chests and trunks, taking away what he thought fit.
The 30th October I departed from Surat, and that day travelled only four coss to Sumaria.[188] The 1st November I went eleven miles to a village. The 2d, to Biarat, twenty-one miles, where there is a castle, this town being on the borders of the kingdom of Guzerat, subject to the Mogul, and belonging to Abraham Khan. The 3d I entered the kingdom of Pardaff shah,[189] a pagan lord of the hills, who is subject to nobody; and at the end of fifteen miles we lodged in the fields, beside a city of note, called Mugher. The 4th we travelled nine miles by a rocky way, and lay in the fields, beside a village called Narampore. The 5th, fifteen miles, and lay in the fields. The 6th, twenty miles, to a city called Nundabar, in the kingdom of Brampore, [Burhanpoor] which is subject to the Mogul. At this place we first procured bread, after leaving Surat, as the Banians, who inhabit all the country through which we had travelled, make only cakes instead of bread. The country peculiarly abounds in cattle, as the Banians never kill any, neither do they sell any for being slaughtered. One day I met at least 10,000 bullocks loaded with grain, in one drove, and most other days I saw smaller parcels.
[Footnote 188: In this journal the names of places are exceedingly corrupted, and often unintelligible. Such as admitted of being corrected, from the excellent map of Hindoostan, by Arrowsmith, have their proper names placed within brackets.--E.]
[Footnote 189: In the miserable map of Hindoostan, accompanying this journal in the Pilgrims, this prince is called Partap-sha.--E.]
The 7th we went eighteen miles to Ningull. The 8th, fifteen to Sinchelly, [Sindkera.] The 9th, other fifteen to Tolmere, [Talnere.] And the 10th, eighteen to Chapre, [Choprah] where we pitched our tents without the town, and the king's officers guarded us all night with thirty horse and twenty shot, for fear of out being attacked by robbers from the mountains, as I refused to remove into the town. The 11th we travelled eighteen miles, eighteen on the 12th, and fifteen on the 13th, which brought us to Brampore, [Burhanpoor] which I guessed to be 223 miles east from Surat.[190] The country is miserable and barren, the towns and villages only built of mud. At Bartharpore,[191] a village two miles short of Burhanpoor, I saw some of the Mogul ordnance, most of which is too short, and too open in the bore. On coming to Burhanpoor, the cutwall met me, well attended, having sixteen stand of colours carried before him, and conducted me to a serai appointed for my lodging. He took leave of me at the gate, which had a handsome stone front; but, when in, I had four chambers allotted for me, no bigger than ovens, with vaulted roofs and bare brick walls, so that I chose to lodge in my tent. I sent word to the cutwall, threatening to leave the town, as I scorned such mean usage, but he desired me to be content till morning, as this was the best lodging in the city, which I afterwards found to be the case, as it consists entirely of mud cottages, excepting the houses inhabited by Sultan Parvis, the Mogul's second son, that of Khan Khanan, and a few others. Sultan Parvis here represents the king his father, living in great state and magnificence, but Khan Khanan, who is the greatest subject of the empire, is at the head of a large army, in which are 40,000 horse, and governs every thing, the prince only having the name and pomp allowed him.
[Footnote 190: The particulars of the journey in the text amount to 214 miles.--E.]
[Footnote 191: Perhaps Babaderpore, but it is twelve or fifteen miles short of Burhanpoor.--E.]
On the 18th, both to satisfy the prince who desired it, and whom I was not willing to displease, and to see the fashions of the court, and because it was proposed to establish a factory here, where sword-blades were in great request for the army, and sold well, I went to visit the prince, to whom, I carried a present. I was conducted by the cutwall, and in the outer court of the palace I found about an hundred horsemen under arms, who formed a line on each side, being all gentlemen waiting to salute the prince on his coming forth. In the inner court the prince sat in a high gallery encircling the court, having a canopy over head, and a carpet spread before him, appearing in much, yet barbarous state. Going towards him through a lane of people, an officer came and told me that I must touch the ground with my head, and with my hat off. I answered, that I came to do the prince honour by visiting him, and was not to be subjected to the custom of slaves. So I walked on till I came to a place railed in, just under where he sat, where there was an ascent of three steps; and having there made him a reverence, to which he answered by bending his body, I went within the rails, where stood all the great men then in the town, holding their hands before them like slaves. This place, as mentioned before, was covered over head by a rich canopy, and all the floor was spread with carpets. It resembled a large stage, and the prince sat on high, like a mock king in a theatre.
On entering, as I had no place assigned me, I went right forwards, and stood before him at the bottom of the three steps, on which stood his secretary, readily to convey to him any thing that is said or given. I told him that I was ambassador from the king of England to his father; and, while passing his residence, I could not but in honour visit his highness. He answered that I was welcome, and asked me many questions about the king my master, to which I gave fit answers. While standing in that manner at the foot of the steps, I asked leave to come up and stand beside him; but he said, even if the king of Persia, or Grand Turk, were there, such a thing could not be allowed. To this I replied, that I must be excused for believing he would, in such a case, come down and meet them at his gate; and that I required no higher privilege than was allowed to the ambassadors of these sovereigns, with whom I considered myself entirely equal. He declared I should have that privilege in all things. I then demanded to have a chair, to which it was answered, that no person was ever allowed to sit in that place, but I was desired to lean against a pillar covered over with silver, which supported the canopy. I then requested his favour for an English factory to be established at Burhanpoor, which readily granted, and gave immediate orders to the Buksh to draw up a firmaun, license, for their coming and residence. I also requested an order for carriages for conveying the presents for the king his father, which he gave in charge to the cutwall to see provided. I then made him a present, which he took in good part. After some other conference, he said, though I might not come up to where he then sat, he would go to another place, where I might come to him with less ceremony. But one part of the present I made him happened to be a case of cordials, of which he tasted so freely by the way, that, after waiting some time, I heard he had made himself drunk, and one of his officers came to me with an excuse, desiring me to go home then, and come some other time to see him. But that very night I was taken ill of a fever.
The 27th of November, though, still sick, I was carried, from Burhanpoor three coss to Raypora; the 28th, fifteen c. to Burgome, [Burgaw]; the 30th, seven c. December the 1st, ten c. to Bicangome; the 2d, seven c. the 3d, five c. the 4th, eleven c. to Ekbarpoor, which stands on a good river, [the Nerbudda] which runs into the sea near Buroach. The 5th, I passed the river Nerbuddah. The 6th, I travelled eight c. and lay in a wood, not far from the king's famous castle of Mandoa, [Mundu] which stands on a steep hill, of great extent, the walls being fourteen c. in circuit, this castle being of wonderous extent and great beauty. The 7th, I proceeded ten c. the 8th, eight c. the 9th, ten c. the 10th, twelve c. the 11th, sixteen c. the 12th, fourteen c. the 13th, six c. the 14th we halted to take rest. The 15th, six c. the 16th, six c. the 17th, twelve c. the 18th, five c. when we arrived at Cytor, where I was met by Mr Edwards accompanied by Thomas Coryat, who had travelled to India on foot.
Cytor, [Chitore] is an ancient town in ruins, situated on a hill, but shews the remains of wonderful magnificence. There are still standing above an hundred temples, all of carved stone, with many fair towers and domes, supported by many enriched pillars, and innumerable houses, but not a single inhabitant. The hill, or rock rather, is precipitous on all sides, having but one ascent cut out of the rock in a regular slope; in which ascent there are four several gates before reaching the gate of the city, which last is extremely magnificent. The top of the hill, about eight coss in circuit, is inclosed all round with walls, and at the S.W. end, is a goodly old castle. I lodged close by a poor village at the foot of the hill.
This city stands in the country of the Rama,[192] a prince newly subdued by the Mogul, or rather brought to submit to pay tribute and acknowledge subjection; and Cytor was reduced by Akbar Shah, the father of Shah Jehan-Guire, the present king of the Moguls. This Hindoo raja is lineally descended from Porus, the valiant Indian sovereign who was conquered by Alexander the Great; so that I suppose this city to have been one of the ancient seats of Porus, though Delly, much farther north, is reported to have been the chiefest, a famous place, though now only in ruins. Near that stands a pillar erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a Greek inscription. The present Mogul and his ancestors, descendants of Tamerlane, have reduced all the ancient cities to ruin, dispeopling them and forbidding their restoration; I know not wherefore, unless that they would have no monuments of greatness remain, beyond their own commencement, as if they and the world were co-equals in antiquity.
[Footnote 192: This is probably an error of the press in the Pilgrims for the Ranna.--E.]
The 19th I proceeded twelve c. on my journey; the 20th ten c. the 21st ten c. the 22d nine c. the 23d ten c. and arrived at Ajimere. The first six days journeys from Burhanpoor towards Ajimere were west, or northwest, to get round the hills; but after that northwards, so that these two places bear nearly N. by W. and S. by E. from each other: the whole distance being 209 cosses,[193] which I judge to be 418 English miles; the cosses here being longer than near the sea.[194] On my arrival at Ajimere I was so ill as to keep my bed; but on the 10th January, 1616, at four in the afternoon, I went to the Durbar, which is the place where the Mogul sits in public daily to entertain strangers, to receive petitions and presents, to issue commands, and to see and be seen. Before proceeding to give an account of my reception, it may be proper to digress a little, that I may give some account of the customs of the court.
[Footnote 193: The particulars in the text only amount to 200 cosses; but the extent of one day's journey is omitted, which may explain the difference.--E.]
[Footnote 194: The coss at Surat is repeatedly explained, in Purchas and Churchill, to be 1-1/2 English mile, while that of Hindoostan Proper is rated at two miles.--E.]
No men, except eunuchs, are permitted to come within the private lodgings or retiring rooms of the royal palace, within which his women keep guard with warlike weapons, and there likewise they execute justice upon each other for offences. Every morning, the Mogul comes to a window, called the jarneo,[195] which looks into the plain or open space before the palace-gate, where he shews himself to the common people. At noon he returns to the same place, where he sits some hours, amusing himself with seeing fights of elephants and other wild beasts, the men of rank then at court attending below within a railed space. He then retires to sleep within the female apartments. In the afternoon he comes to the before-mentioned Durbar. At eight in the evening, after supper, he comes down to a fair court, called the guzalcan, in the midst of which is a throne of freestone, on which he sits, yet sometimes below in a chair of state, at which time only men of high quality are admitted into the presence, and even of these only a few have that privilege, unless by special leave. He here discourses very affably on all subjects with those around him. No business is transacted with him, concerning affairs of state and government, or respecting war and peace, but at one or other of these two last-mentioned places, where, after being publicly propounded and resolved upon, it is registered by attendant secretaries, and any one, who has the curiosity, may see the register for two shillings; insomuch that the common people know as much of the affairs of state as the ministers and counsellors of the king, and every day the king's acts and resolutions are circulated as news, and are freely canvassed and censured by every rascal. This course of proceeding is unchangeable, except when prevented by the sickness of the king, or in consequence of his getting drunk, which must always be known. Thus, though all his subjects are slaves, he lives in a state of reciprocal bondage, being so tied to the observance of these hours and customs, that if he were unseen one day, and no sufficient excuse given, the people would mutiny; and no excuse will sanction his absence for two days, unless the gates are opened, and he be seen by some for the satisfaction of the rest. Every Tuesday, he sits in judgement at the jarneo,[196] where he attends to the complaints of his meanest subjects, listening patiently to both parties; and where likewise he sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, execution performed on offenders by his elephants. Illi meruere, sed quid tu ut adesses?
[Footnote 195: in subsequent passages, this is called the Jarruco.--E.]
Before going to the durbar, I had required to be allowed the customs of my own country, which were freely granted. At the durbar, I was led directly before the king, at the entrance of an outer rail, where two noble slaves came to conduct me nearer. On entering the outer rail, I made a profound reverence, at my entry within an interior rail I made a second reverence, and a third when I came directly under where the king sat. The place in which the durbar is held is a great court, to which all sorts of people resort. The king sits in a small raised gallery; ambassadors, great men belonging to the court, and strangers of quality, are within the innermost rail directly under him, that space being raised from the ground, covered overhead with canopies of silk and velvet, and laid underfoot with good carpets. The meaner men, representing what we would call gentry, are within the outer rail; the common people being on the outside of all, in a base court, so that all may see the king. The whole of this disposition hath much resemblance to theatrical representation. The king sitting as in a gallery, the great men raised as actors on a stage, and the vulgar below in a pit gazing at the show. The king, on my presentation, interrupted the dull formality of my interpreter, bidding me welcome to the brother of the king my master. I then delivered a translation of the king's letter, and then my commission, on both of which he looked curiously; and afterwards on my presents, which were well received. He asked some questions; and, with a seeming regard for my health, offered to send me his own physicians, advising me to keep the house till I recovered strength, and that I should freely send to him in the meantime for any thing I needed, with assurance that I should have whatever I desired. He dismissed me with more signs of grace and favour, if I were not flattered by the Christians, than ever were shewn to any ambassador from the Turks or Persians or any other nation.
[Footnote 196: This place, formerly described as a window looking to the esplanade in front of the palace, called jarneo in Purchas, is called jarruco in Churchill.--E.]
On the 14th I sent to offer a visit to Sultan Churrum,[197] the third son of the Great Mogul, but first in favour. Hearing that he was an enemy to all Christians, I therefore feared some affront; yet he sent me word that I should be received with all due respect, and should have as much content as I had already from his father. This prince is lord of Surat, our chief residence in the empire, and his favour, therefore, was important for our affairs. I went accordingly to visit him on the 22d at nine in the morning, at which time he sits in public, in the same manner as his father, to dispatch his business, and to be seen of his followers. His character was represented to me as naturally proud, so that I was in some fear for my reception; but, on hearing of my arrival, instead of coming out to his public durbar, he sent one of his principal officers to conduct me into a good inner room, never before done to any one. The officer here entertained me with discourse concerning my mission for half an hour, till the prince was ready; who now came forth and used me better than his promise. I delivered him a present, but not in the name of his majesty, as it was too mean for that purpose; but excused the omission, by saying, That my sovereign could not know of his being lord of Surat, which had been so lately conferred upon him; but I had no doubt the king of England would afterwards send him one more suited to his high rank, the one now presented being only sent by the English merchants, who humbly commended themselves to his favour and protection. He received all in very good part. After stating some grievances and injuries suffered by the English at Surat, from his governors, and of which I had forborne to complain to the king from respect to him, he promised me speedy and effectual justice, and to confirm our security in any way I might propose. He professed to be entirely ignorant of any past transactions there, as stated by me, except as informed by Asaph Khan; and especially denied having given any order for our dismissal, which the governor had falsely alleged, and for which he should dearly pay. He then dismissed me, full of hopes to have our decayed state and reputation rectified, making me a promise of an effectual firmaun for our trade and secure residence at Surat.
[Footnote 197: In the Pilgrims, this prince is uniformly named Corone; but the name in the text has been adopted from the authority of Dow's History of Hindoostan. He succeeded to his father in 1627, when he assumed the name of Shah Jehan; and was, in 1659, dethroned and imprisoned, by his third son, the celebrated Aurungzebe, who assumed the name of Alumguire.--E.]
The 24th, I went again to the royal durbar to visit the king; who, on seeing me far off, beckoned with his hand, that I should not wait the ceremony of asking leave, but come up to him directly, and assigned me a place near himself, above all other men, which I afterwards thought fit to maintain. On this occasion I gave a small present; as it is the custom for all who have any business to give something, and those who cannot get near enough to speak, send in or hold up their gift, which he always accepts, be it only a rupee, and demands to know their business. He held the same course with me; for having looked curiously at my present, and asked many questions respecting it, he demanded to know what I wanted of him. I answered that I wanted justice. For, on the assurance of his firmaun, which had been sent to England, the king my master had not only given leave to his subjects to make a long and dangerous voyage to his dominions with their goods, but had deputed me, as his ambassador and representative, to congratulate and compliment his majesty on the amity so happily commenced between two so mighty nations, and to confirm the same. Yet I found that the English, who were settled at Ahmedabad, were injured and oppressed by the governor in their persons and goods, being fined, subjected to arbitrary exactions, and kept as prisoners; while at every town new customs were demanded for their goods on their passage to the port, contrary to all justice, and in direct contravention of the formerly conceded articles of trade, as contained in his majesty's firmaun. To this he answered, that he was sorry to hear of such things, which should be immediately rectified; and he gave orders for two firmauns to be immediately extended according to my desire. By one of these, the governor of Ahmedabad was commanded to restore the money he had exacted from Mr Kerridge, and to use the English in future with all favour. By the other, all customs required on any pretence by the way were abolished, and all such as had been taken was ordered to be restored. Finally, he desired me, if these gave not speedy and effectual remedy, that I should renew my complaint against the disobeyer, who should be sent for to answer for his conduct; and so dismissed me.
The 1st of March, I rode out to see a pleasure-house belonging to the king, two miles from Agimere, which had been given him by Asaph Khan. It was situated between two vast rocks, by which it was so sheltered that scarcely could the sun be any where seen. The foundations and some rooms were hewn out of the solid rock, the rest being built of freestone. Close adjoining was a handsome small garden, with fine fountains, with two great tanks or ponds of water, one being thirty steps higher than the other. The way to this retreat is so narrow that only two persons could go abreast, and is almost inaccessible, being very steep and stony. It is a place of much melancholy, yet of great security and delight, abounding in peacocks, turtle-doves, wild fowl, and monkies, which inhabit the rocks impending on every side around.
The 2d of March began the feast of Norsose in the evening. This is the festival of the new year, the ceremonies of which begin on the first new moon after, which this year fell together. It is kept in imitation of the Persian feast of that cause, signifying in that language nine days, as anciently it continued only for that number; but these are now doubled. On this occasion, a throne is erected about four feet high in the durbar court; from the back of which, to the place where the king comes out from the inner apartments, a space of fifty-six paces long by forty-three broad is railed in, and covered over by semianes, or canopies, of cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silk, all joined over head, and held up by canes covered with similar stuffs. At the upper or west end, were set out the pictures of the king of England, the queen, the Princess Elizabeth, the Countesses of Somerset and Salisbury, and of a citizen's wife of London. Below, there was a picture of Sir Thomas Smith, governor of the East India Company. The whole floor was laid with rich Persian carpets of large size, and into this place come all the great men to wait upon the king, except a few, who were within a smaller railed space, right before the throne, appointed to receive his commands. Within this square there were set out many small houses, one of which was of silver, and other curiosities of value. On the left side, Sultan Churrum had a pavilion, the supporters of which were covered with silver, as were also some others of those near the king's throne. This was of wood and of a square form, inlaid with mother of pearl, resting on four pillars covered with cloth of gold; and overhead was a fringed drapery like a vallence of network, all of real pearls, whence hung down pomegranates, apples, and pears, and other fruits, all of gold, but hollow. Within that pavilion, the king sat on cushions, very rich in pearls and other jewels. All round the court before the throne, the principal men had tents or pavilions, mostly lined with velvet, damask, and taffety, and some few with cloth of gold, in which they were stationed, making shew of their wealth. Anciently, the kings used to go to every tent, taking away whatever pleased him best: But now the custom is changed, as the king remains on his throne, and receives there such new-year's-gifts as are brought to him. He makes his appearance every day, and retires at the usual hours of the durbar; and in the interval all sorts of great gifts are made to him, which are very great and almost incredible, though not equal to report. At the close of this feast, in recompence for these gifts, the king advances some of his courtiers, making additions to their charges of horse, according to his pleasure.
On the 12th[198] I went to visit the king, and was brought immediately before him to deliver my present, which gave him much satisfaction. He then appointed me to come within the rail, that I might stand beside him; but not being allowed to step up on the raised platform on which the throne was placed, I could see little, as the railing was high, and covered with carpets. But I had permission to view the inner room at leisure, which, I must confess, was very rich; but consisted of so many articles, all unsuitable to each other, that it seemed patched work, rather than magnificent, as if it aimed to shew all; as if a lady, among her plate on a magnificent cupboard, should exhibit her embroidered slippers. This evening, the son of the Raima, the new tributary formerly mentioned, was brought before the king, with much ceremony, being sent by his father with a present. After kneeling three times, and knocking his forehead on the ground, he was brought within the inner rail, when the king embraced his head. His gift was an Indian tray or voider full of silver, upon which was a carved silver dish full of gold. He was then conducted to pay his respects to the prince. This evening, some elephants were shewn, and some music girls sang and danced.--Sic transit gloria mundi.
[Footnote 198: It may be proper to observe, that Churchill's edition gives the commencement of this festival on the 11th, and says Sir Thomas went to the durbar next day.--E.]
The 13th at night, I went again to wait upon the king at the Guzalcan, at which is the best opportunity for transacting business, and took with me my Italian interpreter, determined to walk no longer in darkness, but to prove the king, as I had hitherto been delayed and refused on all hands. I was sent for in, along with my old broker, but my Italian was kept out, because Asaph Khan mistrusted I might say more than he was willing should come to the king's ears. On coming to the king, he appointed me a place to stand just before him, and sent to ask me many questions respecting the king of England, and about the present I had made him the day before. To some of these I made answers; but I at length said, that my interpreter was kept out, and as I could not speak Portuguese, I wanted the means of satisfying his majesty. On this, though much against the wish or Asaph Khan, my Italian interpreter was called in. I then made him tell the king that I requested leave to speak to him, to which he answered, willingly. On this, the son-in-law of Asaph Khan pulled away my interpreter by force, and that faction so hemmed in the king, by gathering round him, that I could scarcely see his majesty, nor could my Italian approach. Upon this, I ordered the Italian to speak aloud, that I craved audience of the king; who immediately called me before him, and the others made way. Asaph Khan stood on one side of my interpreter, and I on the other: I to inform him what to say, and the other to awe him by winks and signs.
I desired him to say, that I had now been two months at court, one of which I had spent in sickness and the other in compliments, and had effected nothing of all on which I had been sent by the king my master; which was to conclude a firm and lasting treaty of peace and amity between the two sovereigns, and to establish a fair and secure trade and residence for my countrymen in his majesty's dominions. He answered that this was already granted. I replied, it was so; but that it still depended upon so slender a thread, and such weak conditions, as to be very uncertain in its continuance. That an affair of so high importance required an agreement dear and explicit in all points, and a more formal and authentic confirmation than it now had, by ordinary firmauns, which were merely temporary commands, and respected accordingly. He asked me what presents we would bring him? To which I answered, the league was yet new and weak; that many curiosities were to be found in our country, of rare value, which the king of England would send; and that our merchants would search for such things in all parts of the world, if they were made sure of a quiet trade and secure protection on honourable conditions, having been hitherto subjected to manifold wrongs. He asked me what kind of curiosities I meant, and whether these were jewels or precious stones? To this I answered, that we did not deem such things fit to be sent back from Europe to India, of which he was the principal sovereign, as they were common here in India, and of much higher price with us in Europe: But that we would endeavour to find such things for his majesty as were rare and uncommon in his dominions; such as excellent specimens of painting, carving, enamelling, figures in brass, copper, and stone, rich embroideries, stuffs of gold and silver, and the like.
The king said that these things were all very well, but that he wished to have an English horse. I answered, that this was utterly impossible by sea, and that the Turks would not allow of any being sent by land. In reply, he said he thought it not impossible by sea; and, when I represented the dangers from storms, he said if six were sent in one ship, one of them surely might live, and though it came lean, it might be here made fat. I then told him, I feared it could not be done by so long a voyage; yet, for his majesty's satisfaction, I should give due notice of his desire.
He then asked to know what were my demands? I answered, That his majesty would be pleased to sanction by his royal signature, certain reasonable conditions which I should propound, in confirmation of a league of peace and amity, and for the security of our nation in their residence and trade in his dominions; as they had hitherto been often wronged, and could not continue on their present terms, of which I forbore to make any specific complaint, because I hoped to procure amendment from his majesty. At these words, Asaph Khan offered to pull away my interpreter, but I held him fast, while Asaph Khan continued to make signs to him not to interpret my words. On this the king became suddenly very angry, pressing to know who had wronged us, and seemed in such fury, that I was unwilling to follow it out, and spoke in broken Spanish to my interpreter, desiring him to say, That I would not trouble his majesty with what was past, but would seek justice of the prince his son, whose favour I doubted not to obtain. Not attending to what my interpreter said, but hearing the name of his son, the king mistakingly conceived I accused him; and hastily saying mio filio! mio filio! he called for the prince, who came in great fear, humbling himself. Asaph Khan trembled, and all those present were amazed.
He chid the prince roundly, and he excused himself. But as I perceived the king's error, I made both the king and prince understand the mistake, by means of a Persian prince who offered himself as interpreter, as my Italian understood Turkish better than Persian. By this means I appeased the king, saying that I in no respect accused the prince, but wished to inform his majesty that I should appeal to the prince's justice, in regard to the past wrongs our nation had suffered in those places which were under his government. The king then commanded the prince, that he should give as effective justice. In his justification, the prince said that he had already offered me a firmaun, which I had refused. The king asked me the reason of this. To which I answered, that I humbly thanked the prince, but he knew that it contained a condition I could not accept; and besides, that I wished to propound our own demands, in which I would insert all the desires of the king my master at once, that I might not daily trouble his majesty and the prince with complaints. And, when the conditions on both sides were mutually agreed upon, I would reciprocally bind my sovereign, to mutual offices of friendship, and to such reasonable conditions for the benefit of his majesty's subjects as he might propose: All of which being drawn up in tripartite, I hoped his majesty would graciously sign one, his son the prince another, and I would confirm the third in the name of my sovereign, in virtue of my commission.
The king pressed to know what was the condition in the prince's firmaun which I had refused, which I stated. So we fell into earnest dispute before the king, with some heat. Mukrob Khan interposed, saying he was advocate for the Portuguese, and spoke slightingly of us, alleging that the king ought to grant no articles to us that were unfavourable for them. I answered, that I did not propose any against them, but only in our own just defence, and that I had not conceived he was so great a friend to the Portuguese. On this the jesuit and all the Portuguese faction struck in, so that I explained myself fully concerning them; and as I offered a conditional peace, so I valued the friendship of the Portuguese at a very low rate, and their enmity at a still lower. After some time, having explained my demands, the king said my proposals were just and my resolution noble, and bade me clearly propound the conditions I desired. Asaph Khan, who had stood silent during all this debate, and who now wished to end it, as we were warm, now interposed, saying, If we talked all night, it could only come to this at last, that I should draw my demands in writing and present them; which, if found reasonable, would be granted by the king. The king said he certainly would do so; and at my request the prince engaged to do so likewise. The king then rose to go away, but on my request he turned round, and I desired my interpreter to say, That I came the day before to see his majesty and his greatness, and the ceremonies of the feast, on which occasion I was placed behind him, in an honourable place certainly, but where I could not see around; and therefore humbly requested his majesty would be pleased to let me stand on the platform beside his throne. In answer to this, he commanded Asaph Khan to let me choose my own place in future.
In the morning of the 14th, I sent a messenger to Asaph Khan, lest he or the prince might have misunderstood me, by reason of the king's mistake, and had supposed I had complained against either of them, which I did not, neither did I so intend; yet I was willing to let them see that I did not entirely depend upon Asaph Khan, by whom I had hitherto done my business with the king; but, if he should continue his manner of only delivering to the king what he himself pleased, and not what I said, I would find another way. My message was intended to clear up any such doubts, if they remained, and to entreat he would move the prince to favour my demands respecting our residence and trade at Surat. His answer was, that neither the prince nor he had any reason to suspect I intended to complain against them, the error being sufficiently obvious; and that, for his part, he had ever been disposed to favour the English, and would so continue.
The 15th I went again in the evening to see the ceremonies of the Norose; and according to the Mogul's order, I chose my place of standing on his right hand, and on the raised platform, the prince and the son of the Ranna standing on the other side. I here had a full view of every thing that was to be seen; viz. the presents, and the exhibition of the elephants, horses, and dancing girls.
The 23d, the Mogul condemned one of his own nation on suspicion of felony; but as he was one of the handsomest men in India, and the proof was not very clear against him, instead of condemning him to death, he sent him in irons to me as a slave, to be disposed of as I pleased. This was looked upon as a great favour, and I accordingly returned thanks; yet added, that we had no slaves in England, not thinking it lawful to make the image of God like unto a beast, but that I should employ him as a servant, and should restore him to liberty if he behaved well. The king was well pleased with this message.
I went to the Guzalcan on the 26th, and it delivered in the articles which I had drawn up, which were referred to Asaph Khan for his consideration and report. Some time after, Asaph Khan sent a message, desiring me to remove from the place I occupied near the king, because I stood alone, which was not the custom. I refused at the first; but, as he still insisted I should rank myself among the nobles, I removed to the other side, where the prince and young Ranna were. This still more displeased Asaph Khan, who persuaded the prince to complain of me to the king, which he did. On hearing their complaint and my answer, that I had changed my place by order of Asaph Khan, the Mogul said I had done well, and they were wrong to pretend to displace me. So I kept my place in quiet. The following is the substance of the articles delivered to the Great Mogul, which were delayed and opposed: But the conclusion respecting them will be seen hereafter.
Proposed Articles of Treaty, between the Great Mogul and the King of Great Britain.
1. There shall be perpetual peace and amity between the king of Great Britain and his majesty the emperor of India.--2. The subjects of England shall have free trade in all the ports of India.--3. The governors of all sea ports shall make public proclamation of this agreement three several times, upon the arrival of any English ships.--4. The English merchants and their servants, shall not be liable to search, or to any ill usage.--5. No presents sent to the Mogul shall be opened.--6. The goods belonging to the English shall not be stopped more than twenty-four-hours at the custom-houses; where they shall only be sealed, and sent to the house or factory of the merchants, to be there opened and rated within six days afterwards.--7. No governor shall take any goods by force, nor unless upon payment at the owner's price; neither shall any be taken away under pretence of being for the king's service.--8. The English merchants shall not be hindered from selling their goods to whom they please, nor from sending them to other factories; neither shall they pay any more in this case than has been already paid at the port of entry.--9. Whatever goods the English may purchase in any part of the dominions of the Mogul, shall be allowed to be transmitted to the ports, without any hindrance or molestation, and shall pay no other duty than may be agreed upon at the port of shipping.--10. No goods already entered at a port shall be again opened, the English shewing a certificate of their numbers, qualities, and conditions, from the governor or other proper officers of the place where they were purchased.--11. No confiscation shall be made of the goods or money belonging to any of the English who may die in India.--12. No duties shall be demanded for provisions, purchased during the stay of English ships at any of the ports.--13. The servants of the English merchants, whether English or natives, shall not be punished or beaten for doing their duty.--14. The Mogul shall cause any governor or officer to be punished for the breach of any of these articles.--15. The English ships shall permit all others to pass and repass freely, to and from the ports in the dominions of the Mogul, except those of their enemies with whom they are at war: And the English, while ashore, shall conduct themselves quietly and peaceably, as merchants.--16. The English shall yearly furnish the Mogul with all such European rarities, and other things, as he may desire, and at reasonable rates.--17. The English shall pay duty on their commodities, reasonably rated, at three and a half per cent. and two per cent. on rials of eight or money, and shall not be liable to any other duty or exaction whatsoever.--18. The English shall be ready to assist the Great Mogul against all his enemies. And, lastly, The Portuguese shall be admitted to come into this peace within six months; or, if they refuse, the English shall be at liberty to exercise all hostilities against them.
On the 31st of March, the Great Mogul dined at the house of Asaph Khan, all the way from the palace, which was an English mile, being laid under foot with silks and velvet sewed together, but rolled up as the king passed. It was reported that this feast, and the present made on the occasion, cost six lacks of rupees, which amount to £60,000 sterling.[199]
[Footnote 199: According to Thevenot, a lack contains 100,000 rupees, and a rupee is a French crown and five sols. At which rate, the six lacks must amount at least to £150,000 sterling.--Churchill.
The editor of Churchill's Collection must here have been mistaken the French crowns alluded to by Thevenot. The rupees in India are various, and consequently differ in their value; but two shillings may be assumed as a fair average, in which case the computation in the text is quite correct.--E.]
I received intelligence on the 26th April, that the prince had made one of his servants ask the king at the durbar wherefore he gave so great countenance to the English as to banish the Portuguese from Surat, who brought much more profit to the king in rubies, pearls, and other jewels, while the English came there only in search of profit, by the sale of cloths, swords, knives, and other articles of small value? The king acknowledged that this was true, yet could not be mended. By this the affections of the prince were made sufficiently manifest, and I had fair warning to be on my guard, that I might study to preserve ourselves in the good graces of the king, in which only we could be safe. I resolved, however, to take no notice of this, except by endeavouring to give the prince a better opinion of our nation.
On the 22d of May I went to the king at the durbar, to solicit his authority to get back a youth named Jones, who had run away from me to an Italian, who protected him to the disgrace of our nation, by using the king's name. The king gave me an order for his delivery; but the prince, who waited every opportunity to injure us, for the sake of his favourite, Zulphecar Khan, moved the king in private to send for the youth first, to the Guzalcan, which was done. I had newly broken off from conferring with the prince, on account of his partiality to Zulphecar Khan, and had sent him word that I would no longer refrain from stating our grievances to the king in person, which was the cause of his enmity towards me. When Jones was brought before the king, being instigated by the protection and countenance of the prince, he railed against me to my face, with the most virulent malice, beseeching the king to save his life; on which the king resolved not to deliver him up to me, but to send him as a prisoner to Surat. But the prince, to brave me, begged to have him for a servant, as the fellow had renounced his country, on which the king did so, in spite of every thing I could allege. On this the prince gave him 150 rupees, with the pay of two horsemen, and commanded me not to meddle with him.
On the night of the 23d, Jones came and threw himself at my feet, asking pardon for his lies and mad behaviour. I told him I would not now keep him prisoner, as he was the prince's servant; but I would not give him any answer till he had made public reparation for his misbehaviour, as far as he could. Accordingly, on the next day, he contrived to get to the Guzalcan, and there asked pardon of the king for the lies he had spoken against me, denying every word he had then spoken, alleging he had done so to protect himself against me, whom he had offended, and prayed the king to send for me, that he might ask my pardon in public. The king was well pleased, but the prince fell into a rage. I went to the Guzalcan on the 25th, when the king protested he never believed what Jones had said against me, and that he considered him a villain, yet could not but protect him, as he had cast himself on his mercy. Jones was sent for, and asked my pardon on his knees, declaring on oath to the king that he had in every thing belied me, and that he now made this declaration in a voluntary manner, as he durst not return to his country. The king chid him a little, saying to me that neither he nor any good man could believe such a slanderer. The prince grew angry, and endeavoured to make Jones stand to what he had said formerly against me; and as Jones refused, the prince basely desired him to restore the 150 rupees he had received for bearing witness against me. Jones promised to return the money, for which purpose an under-treasurer was sent along with him to the house in which he lodged, as I would not suffer him to come to mine.
I was forced to seem content, having no way to seek redress, as I had no presents to give, and the king never listens to any request unless well backed, and will even demand it in plain terms, of which the prince takes advantage, urging that the Portuguese bring rich jewels, rubies, and pearls, and treating our English commodities with great scorn. On the 29th of May the Portuguese were admitted to the king with a present, and to sell a ballass ruby, which was said to weigh thirteen toles, two and a half of these being equal to an ounce.[200] For this they asked five lacks of rupees, but the king only offered one lack. Asaph Khan also was an advocate for the Portuguese, who made him a present of jewels. They had many rich rubies, ballasses, emeralds, pearls, and other jewels, for sale, with which they so much gratified the king and his great men, that we were for a time eclipsed. The prince and the jesuit fell out about presenting them, which the prince desired, but it had been promised before to Asaph Khan. I had formerly judged concerning the credit of the Portuguese at court by report, but I now experienced the difference between them and us; for they were sought after by all, while they only bought our commodities as it were by way of giving us charity. Besides, the Portuguese had an advantage over us in consequence of their establishments in the neighbourhood, by which they could hinder trade into the Red Sea, being always more at hand to do harm than we, who are only entertained out of a little fear, while our trade and commodities are little cared for.
[Footnote 200: This must be an enormous exaggeration, or error, as in this case the ruby would have weighed 5 1-5th ounces.--E.]
§2. Occurrences in June, July, and August 1616, from which the Character and Dispositions of the Mogul and his Subjects may be observed.
The 12th of June a resolution was taken that Sultan Churrum should go to the wars in the Deccan, and a day was fixed for his setting out on his journey, for which all the Bramins were consulted. On this occasion it is reported that Sultan Parvis, who is to be recalled, wrote to his father the Mogul, that if his elder brother were sent to assume the command, he would readily obey; but, if dishonoured by sending this his younger brother, he, in the first place, would fall upon him, and would afterwards finish the Deccan war. All the captains, such as Khan-Khanan, Mahomed Khan, Khan Jeban, and others, refuse to serve under the command of Sultan Churrum, who is reputed a tyrant, of whom all men are in greater awe than of the king, more especially now that he is to have the command of the army. Yet the king cannot be persuaded to change his resolution, so that the departure of the prince, with his favourite Zulphecar Khan is determined to take place at the distance of twenty-two days; wherefore I must make haste to finish my business, as after his departure with his minion, Zulphecar Khan, I shall have no chance to recover a single penny, nor to get any justice against him.
The 18th, the king commanded one of his brother's sons, who had been made a Christian out of policy, to bring him into hatred of the people, to touch a lion on the head which was brought in before the king. But he refused it, being afraid, on which the king desired his youngest son to touch the lion, which he did, without receiving any harm. On this the king commanded his nephew to be taken to prison, whence he is never likely again to be released.
On the 24th a son was born to Sultan Churrum, and being now preparing to set out for the Deccan wars, all men's eyes are upon him, either for flattery, gain, or envy, none for love. He has received twenty lacks of rupees, equal to £200,000 sterling, towards his expences, and begins to act with more than his usual liberality. Notwithstanding this shew of his father's affection, a khan at court endeavoured to persuade the king that this expedition would be productive of danger, as prince Parvis, whose honour would be thereby wounded, would certainly not submit without revenge. To this the king answered, "Let them fight, and he who proves the better captain, shall pursue the war."
The 25th I had an audience of the king, being sent for by Asaph Khan, and was received by his majesty with much courtesy. This Asaph Khan was much in the prince's favour, wherefore I was unwilling to disoblige him, though he had given me several provocations. At this time Mukrob Khan, another of the great men, made me offers of service, being of a contrary faction to Asaph Khan, but I thought it best to endeavour to make friends of them both. Among other subjects of discourse, Mukrob told me that the English brought too much cloth and broad-sword blades for sale to India, and hardly any thing else, wherefore he advised they should forbear for two or three years, and rather bring the curiosities of China and Japan, which would be more acceptable, and to bring from England the best cloth of gold, and the richest silks wrought with gold and silver, and above all things, large quantities of Arras hangings.
The 30th I visited Abdalla Hassan, having need of his friendship; and, what is rare in this country, he refused to accept of any present. Abdalla is captain over all the soldiers maintained at court, and treasurer of all the armies. He entertained me with great civility, and few compliments, and made me sit beside him to see the soldiers shoot at marks with their bows and firelocks. Most of them hit the mark with a single bullet, being about the size of a hand, affixed to a butt. We had some discourse together about the manner of using weapons in Europe, after which I took my leave and departed.
Most of July passed in soliciting the prince to sign the articles I had presented to the king, as mentioned before. On the 13th I sent him three bottles of Alicant, and a letter concerning the difference between us and the Portuguese about trade, offering to take all the customs to farm, both inwards and outwards, for the use of the company. The prince, according to his usual barbarous custom of transacting all business in public, caused my letter to be twice read over to him by his secretary, often interrupting him with discourse, and sent word that he would read it again at night and consider its contents, and that I should have his answer through Mirza Sorocalla.
That night I went to the durbar to visit the king, who, as soon as I came in, sent Asaph Khan to say that he heard I had an excellent painter in my house, and that he wished to see some of his work. I replied, there was only a young man, a merchant, who drew some figures for his amusement, in a very ordinary manner, with a pen, but which were far from having any claim as paintings. The king said I need not fear his taking any man from me by force, as he would neither do me any injury himself, nor suffer any to be done me by others, and desired he might see the young man and his work. I answered, I had no fears of injury from his majesty, and, for his satisfaction, should bring the young man to the Guzalcan with such drawings as he might have, which were probably figures of elephants, deer, or the like. On this the king bowed his head, saying, if I desired to have an elephant, or any other thing in his country, I had only to let him know freely what I wished, and he would give it me, for he was my friend. I made a low reverence, humbly thanking his majesty, and said that elephants were of no use to me, neither was it the custom of any person of our nation, especially of my rank, to ask any thing: Yet, if his majesty were pleased to give me even the value of a rupee, I should thankfully accept it as a mark of his favour. He answered, that he knew not what I might wish for, but there were many things in his country rare in mine, and desired I might not be dainty, but speak to him freely, and he would give me such things as were most acceptable. He then desired me to be merry, for he was the friend of our nation and of me, and should take care we had no injury done to us. He then desired me to attend that night at the Guzalcan, and to bring with me the young man who painted pictures. Then Asaph Khan wished me to send for him to come to his house, where also he invited me to go till the time when the king came out again, assuring me I should be welcome, which I agreed to. I had never before been so graciously treated by the king as now, which all the great men took notice of, and accordingly altered their deportment towards me. It so happened that the jesuit acted as my interpreter on this occasion, by the king's appointment.
I went from the durbar to the house of Asaph Khan, according to invitation, and continued there till the king came out again, when I was conducted back, accompanied by Mr Hughes, the supposed painter, with whom the king had some discourse. After this, I shewed the king a curious picture I had of a friend of mine, which pleased him much, and he shewed it to all his company. The king sent for his chief painter, who pretended he could make as good, which I denied, on which a wager of a horse was made between Asaph Khan and me in the king's presence, and to please him, but Asaph afterwards retracted. After this, the Mogul fell to drinking some Alicant wine which I had presented him, giving some of it to those about him, and then sent for a full bottle, and drinking a cup, sent it to me, saying it soured so fast it would be spoiled before he could drink it, and I had none. This done, he turned him to sleep, when all the candles were put out, and I had to grope my way out in the dark.
This day, a gentlewoman attendant upon Noor-mahal was taken in the king's house in some improper act with an eunuch, when another animal of the same kind, who loved her, slew her paramour. The poor woman was set up to the arm-pits in the ground, with the earth hard rammed around her, being condemned to remain there three days and two nights in that situation, without sustenance, her head and arms exposed to the violence of the sun. If she survived, she was then to be pardoned. The eunuch was condemned to the elephants. This damsel was found to be worth, in pearls, jewels, and money, sixteen lack of rupees.[201]
[Footnote 201: In Purchas this sum is rated in words at sixteen hundred thousand, while in Churchill it is only in figures 160,000.--E.]
On the 22d, I had letters from Burbanpoor in answer to those I had written to Mohabet Khan, who granted my desire of a firmaun in favour of our nation, granting them a house near the governor's, strictly commanding that no person should molest them by sea or land, neither to exact from them any customs, or to give them trouble on any pretence, with entire liberty to buy, sell, and transport any commodities at their pleasure, without let or hindrance. I received this in a letter from himself, full of civility and kindness, far exceeding any I had hitherto met with in India, protesting the highest respect, and his earnest wish to give me every content in whatever I might desire. I caused this firmaun to be immediately sent to Surat, so that Broach is now provided as a good retreat from the prince's injuries, and the customs given up, by which £1500 a-year will be saved, besides all manner of searches and extortions. No person doubts the performance of this firmaun, as Mohabet Khan careth not for the prince, and feareth no man, neither needeth he any person's favour, being much beloved of the king, and reckoned the second man in the empire. He has all his life been liberal of his purse, and honourable in his word, so that he has the good report of all men. In regard to the customs on trade, as the king takes none, and the governors convert them to their own profit, he professes to scorn abusing the liberties of the king's ports.
On the 6th of August I was sent for to the durbar, where I had much talk with the king, who asked me many questions to satisfy his curiosity, and desired me to come to the Guzalcan at night, when I should see my picture so exactly copied, that I should not know the copy from the original. He asked me what reward I would give the painter who had made the copy so like, to which I answered, I would give fifty rupees, a painter's reward. To which the king replied, that his painter was a gentleman, and my proffered reward was too small. I said, that I gave the picture willingly, esteeming it rare, and had no inclination to make comparisons or wagers; and that, if his majesty's servant had performed well, and would not accept my gift, his majesty was most fit to reward him. So, after many merry jests, and brags of the arts in his dominions, his majesty asked me how often I drank in the day, and how much, and what we drank in England. Mentioning beer, he asked what beer was, how it was made, and whether I could make it here in India. To all of which serious state questions I answered to his satisfaction.
He sent for me again at night, being impatient to triumph in the skilful execution of his painter, and shewed me six pictures, all pasted on one board, one being my own, and the other five done by his artist, and all so like, that by candle-light I was at some loss to determine which was which, being greatly beyond my expectation. At length, by closer inspection, I pointed out my own, and explained the differences between it and the copies, which were not apparent to an inexperienced eye. The king was much pleased that I had not seen the difference at first sight, for which he was full of mirth, and exulted over me. I gave him way, and satisfied him much by praising his painter, saying, that I saw his majesty needed no pictures from our country. He then asked me what reward I would give his painter? To which I answered, I would double my former offer, and if he came to my house, would give him an hundred rupees to buy a nag. The king took this kindly, but said his painter would not accept money, but some other gifts which I had before promised. I said this was referable to my own discretion. To which he answered, that this was true, yet he wished I would name it. To this I said, I would give him a good sword, a pistol, and a picture. "Then," said the king, "you confess he is a good workman, send for him to your house, and shew him such rarities as you have, and let him choose one, in return for which you shall have any one of these pictures you please, that you may shew in England we are not so unskilful as you supposed." He then pressed me to make a choice, which I did, and which the king wrapped in paper, and placed in a little book of mine, expressing much exultation at the supposed victory of his painter. I then shewed him a picture I had of his majesty, far inferior to the work I now saw, saying I had judged from it, supposing it among the best. When told where I got it, he asked why I bought any such thing? "Have not I the best, and have not I told you that I would give you any thing you desired?" I thanked his majesty, but said I held it impertinent for me to trouble him in trifles, especially as a beggar. To this he replied, that it was no shame to ask from him, and desired me to speak freely at all times, and pressed me to ask for something. To this I answered, that I would not make choice of any gift, as whatever he was pleased to give, I would joyfully accept as a mark of honour. He then said, if you desire my picture, I will either give you one for yourself or for your king. To this I answered, that if his majesty thought proper to send one to my king, I would gladly carry it, and knew that my sovereign would esteem it much, and take it as a mark of friendship; but, as his majesty had emboldened me by his gracious condescension, I would humbly ask one for myself, which I would keep and leave to my posterity, as a memorial of his majesty's favour. He answered, as my king did not desire one, but I did, I should have one, and so gave immediate order for its making. He then turned himself to sleep, and we had to go out as before, in the dark.
The 9th of August a band of an hundred robbers were brought in chains before the Great Mogul, together with their accusation. Without any ceremony of trial, he ordered them to be carried away for execution, their chief being ordered to be torn in pieces by dogs, and all the rest to be put to death in the ordinary manner. The prisoners were divided into portions, sent for execution to several quarters of the city, and executed in the streets. Close by my house, the chief was torn in pieces by twelve dogs, and thirteen of his fellows, having their hands and feet tied together, had their necks cut by a sword, yet not quite through, and their naked and bloody bodies were left to corrupt in the street, to the annoyance of the whole neighbourhood.
On the 10th, 11th, and 12th, I was occupied at court in giving notice to the king and prince that a Dutch ship lay before Surat, and refused to give notice of its object till the arrival of a fleet to which it belonged, which was expected with the first fair wind. I took advantage of this circumstance to make them apprehensive of the designs of the Hollanders, and the dangers that might arise from them, all of which was well taken. And, being consulted on the subject, I advised not to come to a rupture with them, and yet to exclude them from trade.
The last of these days I went to visit Gemaldin Ussen,[202] the viceroy of Patan,[203] and lord of four cities in Bengal, a man of seventy years of age, who had often been employed as an ambassador by the Mogul, had more understanding and courtesy than all his countrymen, was universally esteemed for his hospitality and regard to strangers, and was considered as entirely free from secret ambition. He had often invited me to his house, to which I went this day, and was received with extraordinary kindness and friendship. He even offered me a lack of rupees, and such other demonstrations of courtesy, as bespoke their own refusal. He offered me likewise his credit and favour with the king, and his best advice in every emergence; indeed, omitting nothing that could evince his desire to serve me. All this seemed cordially to proceed from the heart, especially from a person of his years and experience; and, in the course of our conversation, he spoke so plainly of many of the chief men about the court, which, from my own experience, I knew for truth, that I was satisfied he was a true-hearted and well-disposed old man. He gave me much information respecting the customs of this empire, their want of laws, their servitude, the increase of the empire, and many other things, having served in grace and favour under three successive kings. He shewed me a book containing the annals of all memorable actions in his time, which he daily committed to record, and offered me a copy if I would procure it to be translated. This also treated concerning the king's revenue, and the manner in which it was raised, besides confiscations, gifts, and deductions upon the great men. He shewed me that the government of every province paid yearly a certain rent to the king. Thus, for his government of Patna, he gave yearly to the king eleven lacks of rupees;[204] all other profits of the government being his own, he having entire power and authority to take what he thought fit. His government was estimated at 5000 horse, the pay of each being 200 rupees yearly, of which he only kept 1500 on foot, being allowed the surplus as dead pay. Besides which, he had a daily pension of 1000 rupees, and enjoyed some smaller governments. Yet he assured me that several of the great lords had double the emoluments he enjoyed, and that there were above twenty equal to himself.
[Footnote 202: This name does not appear rightly reported, yet we have no means of correcting its orthography, neither is it of much importance. Perhaps it may have been Jemal-ul-dien Ussan Khan.--E.]
[Footnote 203: This is probably a mistake for Patna in Bengal, and he may have been Nabob, or Nawab, perhaps Soubah of Bengal.--E.]
[Footnote 204: Eleven lack, or 1,100,000 rupees, on the computation formerly assigned, are equal to £110,000. In the Pilgrims, at this place, the rupee is said to equal 2s. 2d, which would add £9166:12:4 to that sum.--E.]
In the course of our conversation, this lord praised the good prophet Jesus, and his laws, and was full of much pleasant and profitable discourse. Some days after this visit, when I thought his kindness had been at an end, he borrowed the king's banqueting-house and pleasure-garden, called Havar Gemall, a mile from town, on purpose to treat me, and earnestly inviting me, I promised to come. He went there himself at midnight, carrying his tents and all requisite furniture and provisions, and fitted up a place very handsomely, by the side of the tank, for the entertainment. I went there in the morning, and on my arrival he came to meet me with extraordinary civility, carrying me into the pavilion he had prepared, where he had some company, among whom were two of his sons, of whom he had thirty in all. He had likewise an hundred servants attending. To amuse me, he carried me to see the king's little closets and retiring rooms, which were painted in the antique manner, having pictures of some of the French kings, and other Christian princes, on several of the pannels. He said he was only a poor servant of the king, yet wished I might have some content, and had therefore invited me to a slight banquet, that we might eat bread and salt together, to seal a friendship which he entreated me to accept. There were many great men, he alleged, who were better able to shew me kindness, but were proud and false-hearted, and he wished me therefore to trust none of them. For, if I had any business to transact concerning the Portuguese or any other, they who acted as my interpreters would never deliver the truth, but only what pleased themselves, or would give satisfaction in the relation. That, therefore, I should never be rightly understood, nor be able to effect my business without being abused and cheated, nor ever clearly know the situation in which I stood, until I had an Englishman who could speak Persian, who was able rightly to deliver what I wished to have said, without using any other person. And, if I could find any such, the king would readily grant me leave to employ him, having conceived a good opinion of me; insomuch, that the preceding night, at the Guzalcan, when the jewels of Sheik Ferid, governor of Lahore, who was lately deceased, were presented to him, he remembered me of his own accord, and seeing a picture of himself which pleased him, he delivered it to Asaph Khan, commanding him to send it to me, that I might wear it for his sake, with many words of favour concerning me, which would make all the great men respect me.
While thus conversing, dinner was served. So sitting down on a carpet, a cloth was spread, divers kinds of banqueting dishes were set before us. The like was done a little on one side for the gentlemen of his company, with whom he went to eat, as they hold it a kind of uncleanness to mingle with us. Upon this, I told him that he had promised we should eat bread and salt together, and without his company I felt little appetite, whereupon he arose from the rest, and sat down beside me, and we fell heartily to our repast. It consisted of various kinds of dishes, together with raisins, almonds, pistachio nuts, and various fruits. After dinner, he played at chess, and I walked about, and after some time spent in discourse, I offered to take my leave. But he said he had invited me to eat with him, and hitherto we had only had a collation, wherefore he entreated I might not depart till we had supped together, to which I readily consented.
About an hour after, the ambassador of one of the kings of the Deccan came to visit him, whom he presented to me, using him with civility, but much inferior to the respect he had shewn me. He afterwards asked me, if the king my master would scorn the offer of service from so poor a man as he was, and if he would vouchsafe to accept a present from a stranger, as he proposed to send a gentleman to England with me to kiss the hands of my sovereign, and to see our country. I answered him as became me, with all civility; so he sent for one presently, whom he questioned if he would venture upon such a journey, and as this person seemed willing, he presented him to me, saying he would provide some of the curiosities of the country for the king my master, and send them by this gentleman along with me. By the manner all this seemed to be in earnest.
While we thus spent our time in friendly converse, supper was brought in; and, as in the morning, two cloths were spread, one before me and my chaplain, with one merchant, on which were set various dishes of roast, fried, and boiled meats, with rice and sallads. On this occasion my honourable entertainer desired me to excuse his company, as it was their custom to eat among themselves, and his countrymen might take it ill if he did not eat with them; so he and his guests, and I with my companions, solaced ourselves with good cheer. The meats were not amiss, but the attendance and order were excellent, as the servants were very diligent and respectful. After the manner of this country of giving presents to invited guests, he made me a present of five cases of sugar-candy flavoured with musk, and a loaf of the finest sugar, as white as snow, weighing fifty pounds, and requested my acceptance of an hundred such against my departure. He then addressed me in these terms:--"You refuse these from me, thinking I am poor, but being made in my government, it costs me nothing, as it comes to me gratis." To this I answered, that he had already much too far obliged me, yet would I not refuse his kindness when ready to go away. On which he replied, that he might not be then provided, and therefore desired I would accept now, that he might not lose both his offer and his labour. Thus, calling himself my father, and me his son, we took leave of each other, with many compliments.
I went to visit the king on the 16th, who, as soon as I came in, called to his women, and reached out his own picture set in gold, and hanging to a chain of gold wire, with a pendant of foul pearl, which he delivered to Asaph Khan, whom I warned not to demand any reverence from me on the occasion which I would not willingly perform; as it is the custom here, when he bestows any gift, that the receiver kneels down and touches the ground with his head; and which ceremony had been exacted from the ambassador of Persia. Then Asaph Khan came to me with the picture, which I offered to take in my hand, but he made a sign to me, to take off my hat and put it about my neck, leading me right before the king. Not understanding his purpose, and doubting he might require my conformance with the custom of the country, called sizeda, I resolved rather to forego the present than comply. He made a sign to me to return thanks to the king, which I did after the fashion of our country; on which some of the officers called for me to make sizeda, but the king immediately said, No, no, in Persian. So, with many gracious words, I returned to my place. You may judge of the king's liberality by this mighty gift, which was not in all worth thirty pounds, yet was five times the value of such as he usually gives of that kind, and which are yet held as a special favour, as all the great men wear the king's picture, which yet none may do but those to whom it is given. This ordinarily consists of only a small gold medal, not bigger than a sixpence, impressed with the king's image, having a short gold chain of six inches to fasten it on their turbans; and to which, at their own charges, some add precious stones or pearl pendents.
Gemaldin Ussen, who had invited me to the Havaer Gemal, as before mentioned, being newly appointed governor of Sinde, came to dine at my house on the 19th, accompanied by two of his sons and two other gentlemen, and attended by about an hundred servants. He partook of some part of the banquet, which had been prepared at my house by a Mahomedan cook, but declined eating of any of the dishes which were cooked after our English fashion, though he seemed to have a good inclination, being influenced by a superstitious notion; yet he desired that four or five dishes, of his own choice, might be sent to his own house, being all baked meats, dressed in a way he had not before seen, saying he would afterwards eat of them in private, which was accordingly done. At this entertainment, he offered us a free trade and secure residence at the chief town, of Sinde, his new government, and having filled himself with my banquet, he took his leave, after receiving a small present from me, according to the fashion of the country. This day, Mr Hall, my chaplain, died suddenly, to my great grief. He was a man of mild and gentle manners, and a most sincere Christian, of unspotted life and conversation.
On the 20th and the night before, there fell a vast storm of rain, called in this country the elephant, owing to which such prodigious streams of water flowed into the great tank, the head of which is of stone and apparently of great strength, that it gave way in one place, causing a sudden alarm that the whole fabric would give way and drown all that part of the town in which I dwelt. Insomuch that the prince and all his women forsook their house, and my nearest neighbour carried off his goods and his wife to the skirts of the hills on his elephants and camels. All persons had their horses ready at their doors, that they might save their lives by flight in case of necessity. We were in the utmost consternation, and sat up till midnight, having no alternative, as we thought, but to flee ourselves and abandon all our goods, for it was reported that the water would rise three feet higher than the top of our house, and carry all away, being only a slight mud building. The foot of the tank was level with our dwelling, and the water was of great extent and very deep, so that the surface of the water stood considerably higher than the top of my house, which stood in a hollow, in the very course of the water, and where every ordinary heavy rain occasioned such a current at my door as to be for some hours impassable by man or horse. But the king caused a sluice to be cut during the night, to conduct the water by another course, so that we were freed from the extreme danger; yet the excessive rain had washed down a considerable part of the walls of my house, and so weakened it by breaches in different parts, that I now feared its falling down, as much as I had dreaded its being swept away by the flood. It was every where so bemired with dirt and water, that I could hardly find a place in which to sit or lie dry, and was forced to be at material charges in having it repaired. Thus were we every way afflicted, by fires, smoke, floods, storms, heats, dust, and flies, and had no season of temperate air and quietness.
On the 27th, I received advice from Surat, that the Dutch had obtained permission to land their goods, and to secure them in a warehouse at that place, carrying on trade till the pleasure of the prince were known, and under condition that they should depart at the first warning.
The king went to Havar Gemal on the 29th, whence he employed himself in hunting. At that place, a resolution was taken, to remove the court to Mundu, a castle near Burhanpoor, where there is no town. At this time, Sultan Parvis came from the Deccan wars in disgrace, and arrived with his train near Agimere; and the king commanded him to retire to Bengal, refusing to admit him into his presence. Having thus dispatched him, without the inconvenience dreaded from a meeting between the brothers, he now proposed to settle Sultan Churrum in the Deccan wars, although all the chief men of the court were averse from this measure; on which account, the king feared to send him down, as was formerly proposed, and had therefore delayed this measure until Prince Parvis was withdrawn, and now meant to establish Churrum by means of his own presence at Mundu, in the neighbourhood of the Deccan. If this resolution is executed, it will put us to much trouble and expence, as we must build a new house both for ourselves and goods, because that castle stands on a hill, and has no buildings near it.
The king returned from hunting on the night of the 30th, and about eleven o'clock sent me a very large and fat wild boar, desiring to have the tusks back, and accompanied by a message, saying it was killed by his own hand, and therefore desiring me to be merry, and to eat it with good cheer. On this occasion, I desired Jaddow, who brought this message from the king, to tell Asaph Khan, that I proposed to visit him next day, when I hoped to receive from him a firmaun of the privileges granted by the king. Asaph Khan sent me back word, that they would not be then ready, but it should be sealed some days after, and that he did not wish to see me till he had given me satisfaction.
§3. Of the Celebration of the King's Birth Day, with other Occurrences in September 1616.
The 2d of September was the birth-day of the Great Mogul, which was solemnized with extraordinary festivities. He was then weighed against a variety of articles, as jewels, gold, silver, stuffs of gold and silver, silk, batter, rice, fruits, and many other things, of each a little, all of which is given to the Bramins. On this occasion, the king ordered Asaph Khan to send for me; who did so, and appointed me to come to the place where the king held his durbar. But the messenger mistook, so that I went not in time, and missed the sight. Being there before the king came out, he sent for me as soon as he noticed me, and enquired why I had not come to see the ceremony of weighing, for which he had given order. I explained the reason, as it actually was, on which he chid Asaph Khan publicly for the omission. He was at this time so richly ornamented with jewels, that I must confess I never saw at any one time such unspeakable wealth. He now amused himself in seeing his greatest elephants brought in before him. Some of these were lord-elephants, having their chains, bells, and furniture all of gold and silver, being attended by many gilt flags and streamers, and each having eight or ten inferior elephants to wait upon him, clothed in gold, silk, and silver. In this way there passed about twelve troops, all very splendidly furnished. The first lord-elephant had all the plates on his head and breast set with rubies and emeralds, being a beast of most wonderful stature and beauty. They all bowed down before the king, making their reverences very orderly, and formed as fine a shew of beasts as I had ever seen. The keepers of each chief elephant made a present to the king. After this was over, the king made me some gracious speeches, and went into the interior apartments.
About ten o'clock at night, after I was in bed, the king sent me a message, saying he had heard I had a picture which I had not shewn him, and desired I would come then to him, bringing the picture with me; and if I would not part with it, that he might see it, and have copies taken for his wives. I rose and carried the picture with me, and when I came to the presence, I found him sitting cross-legged on a little throne, his robes all covered over with diamonds, pearls, and rubies. Before him stood a golden table, on which were above fifty pieces of gold plate, all set with precious stones, some of them being large and of great value. His nobles were all around him in their best attire, whom he commanded to drink cheerfully of several kinds of wine, which stood there in large flaggons.
On my approach he asked for the picture, on which I shewed him two. He seemed astonished at one of these, and asked whose it was; to which I replied, that it was the portrait of a friend who was dead. He asked if I would give it him. I replied, that I valued it more than any thing I had, as being the portrait of one I had loved dearly; but if his majesty would pardon my attachment to that picture, and accept the other, which was French and of excellent work, I would most willingly give it. He thanked me, saying it was that only picture which he desired, and which he loved as much as I did; and, if I would give it him, he would value it more than the richest jewel in his house. I answered that I was not so much in love with any thing, but that I would part with it to satisfy his majesty, being extremely glad to have any opportunity to serve him, and was ready even to present him with my heart, if I could thereby demonstrate my affection. He bowed to me, saying he had never before seen so much art and beauty, and conjured me to tell him truly if ever such a woman had lived. I answered, that there certainly did once live a lady whom this portrait resembled in every thing but perfection. He then said, that he accepted my readiness to give him what I so valued as a great kindness; but would only shew it to his ladies, and cause his own painter make five copies, and if I knew my own I should have it back. I answered, that I had freely given it, and would be glad of his majesty accepting it: But he said he would not keep it, and loved me better for putting so much value on the image of my departed friend. He knew, he added, that it would be doing me an injury to take it from me, and would only have five copies taken, which his wives should wear, and would then return me the original with his own hand. In this art of limning or painting in water colours, his artists are wonderfully expert. But he liked not the other picture, which was painted in oil.
He then told me that this was his birth-day, and all men made merry, and asked me therefore if I would drink with them. I said I would willingly do whatever he was pleased to command, as I sincerely wished him many prosperous days, and that the ceremony of this day might be repeated for an hundred years. He asked me what wine I would have, whether that of the grape or made wine, and whether strong or weak. I said whatever he was pleased to order, hoping he would neither command me to have it too strong or in too large quantity. So he called for a gold cupful of mingled wine, half of the grape and half artificial, which he sent me by one of his nobles, with this message, that I should drink it off twice, thrice, four times, or five times, for his sake, and accept the cup and appurtenances as a present. On drinking a portion of it, I found it stronger than any I had ever tasted, insomuch that it made me sneeze, at which he laughed, and called for raisins, almonds, and sliced lemons, which he sent me on a gold plate, and desired me to eat and drink what I liked, and no more. I then made a reverence for my present, after my own manner, though Asaph Khan wanted me to kneel and knock my head upon the ground, but the king accepted it in my own way. The cup was of gold, set all over with small rubies and turquoises; the cover being likewise gold, and set with great rubies, emeralds, and turquoises; and there was likewise a suitable dish or salver on which to set the cup. I know not the value, because many of the stones are small, and the greater, which also are numerous, are not all clean; but there are above two thousand stones in all, and the gold weighs about twenty ounces. On giving me this splendid present, he sent me word that he esteemed me more than ever he had done a Frank, and asked if I were merry in eating the wild boar he had sent me, how I had it dressed, what I drank with it, and many such compliments; which public shew of his grace and favour did me much service in the eyes of all his nobles, who strove to shew me respect.
After this, he threw among those that stood below, two chargers of rupees, and among us who were round the throne two chargers of hollow almonds made of gold and silver mingled; but I would not scramble as did his great men, for I saw his son did not take any up. He then distributed sashes and girdles of gold tissue to all the musicians and servants, and many others. So drinking heartily himself, and commanding others to drink, he and his nobles became as jovial as could be, and of a thousand humours. But the prince, Asaph Khan, two old men, the former king of Candahar, and I, refrained from drinking. When the king was not able any longer to hold up his head, he lay down to sleep, and we all departed. While going out, I moved Asaph Khan for the dispatch of our privileges, assuring him his majesty could give me no present so acceptable. I said farther, that I had no doubt it lay in his power to dispatch me; but if he did not think proper to do so, or if any other hinderance was in my way, I should on the morrow again apply to the king. He desired me not to do so, for the king loved me and had given orders for dispatching my business, which had been hindered by the preparations for this feast; but he would now send it to me with all speed, and do me all manner of service.
Seven months had now been vainly spent in soliciting the signing and sealing of the articles of amity and commerce, formerly detailed, and I had nothing but promises and delays, from day to day, and from week to week. Therefore on the 3d September, the English fleet being hourly expected to arrive at Surat, I delivered to him a memorial, containing the articles I desired to have an order for, that they might be observed in the unloading of the ships. These were, 1. That the presents coming for the king and prince, should not be opened at the port, but sent up to court under the seals of the customhouse officers. 2. That curiosities sent for presents to other persons, and for the merchants to sell, should also be sent to the court sealed, for the prince to make the first choice. 3. That the gross merchandize should be landed, reasonably rated, and not detained at the customhouse, but that the merchants, on paying the customs, should have full liberty to sell or dispose of it as they pleased; and that the ships should be fully supplied with provisions, without paying any custom for the same.
On the 4th, Asaph Khan sent me back my articles, after so long attendance and so many false promises, some of them altered, and others struck out, together with a letter, saying there was no need of any articles, as an order from the prince to trade at Surat was quite sufficient, he being lord there, and that no grant of trade at Bengal or Sinde could ever be allowed. Notwithstanding all this vexation, I durst not change my mode of proceeding, or wholly quit the prince and Asaph Khan. I therefore drew up other articles, leaving out what seemed displeasing in the former, and desired Asaph Khan to put them into form and procure them to be sealed, or else to allow me to apply to the king, that if he denied me I might leave the country. The substance of these new articles was as follows:--1. That all the subjects of the Great Mogul should receive the English in a friendly manner, suffering them to land their goods peaceably, and to procure provisions for their money without paying customs for them.--2. To have liberty, after paying customs for their goods, to sell them to any one they pleased, and none to force them to sell at an under rate.--3. To have liberty to pass with their goods to any part of the empire, without any farther exactions than those payable at the port.--4. To have the presents for the Mogul and prince sealed without being opened, and sent to the ambassador.--5. To have the goods of those that might die freed from confiscation, and delivered to the surviving English factors.--And finally, That no injury should be offered to any of the English.
On the 8th, Asaph Khan sent me word in plain terms, that absolutely he would procure nothing for me sealed, that in any respect concerned the government belonging to the prince, and that I must rest satisfied with a firmaun or order, signed by the prince, which was quite sufficient, and I needed not to apply any more to him. This clearly revealed the purpose he had so long intended, that we should be entirely dependent on the prince; and I now had just cause to look out for new friends, Asaph Khan having forsaken me. He that first took him for our solicitor engaged us in all this misery, for he was the known protector of our enemies, and a slave to their numerous bribes. I therefore determined to try the prince, and to seem entirely dependent upon him. So I went to the prince on the 10th, and desired he would grant his firmaun for the four articles formerly sent to his secretary, which he threw down to his secretary, so that I hoped to be at rest. I received it on the 11th, but on reading it over, I found two of the four clauses much altered, and one entirely left out; so I returned it, declaring roundly I could not accept it, neither would I suffer any goods to be sent ashore. Never was any man so distressed with such pride, covetousness, and falsehood.
At night, I rode to visit the prince's secretary, Mirza Socrolla, with whom I expostulated the business, declaring my resolution to depart. But I now found the firmaun quite different than I had been informed, and containing all the clauses I had required, though in some phrases rather ambiguous in my judgment, which the secretary interpreted favourably, declaring it was the prince's intent to satisfy me entirely, and that every thing was quite sufficient for our purpose. After urging the obscurity of some points, and as he had declared the meaning of the prince to me, I requested he would explain them in the same sense to the governor of Surat, which he agreed to; and especially gave order that the customer should pay for fifty pieces of cloth, which he had bought many months before, and wished now to return upon the factors, to their extreme loss. At the close of our conference, he expressed the prince's desire that we would rely entirely on him, and not cross him in matters belonging to his government, by applying to the king, declaring that we should so find him a better friend than we expected. Being thus satisfied, I was in some hope of success, especially as this man is no taker of bribes, and is reputed honest, and pledged his credit that we should sustain no loss or injury, every thing being referred to him by the prince. So I accepted the firmaun, which, on having it translated, I found very effectual and satisfactory.
The 16th, I went to visit the prince, intending to seem entirely dependent upon him, till I heard what entertainment our ships were likely to meet with. But I found him in much perplexity, fearing the coming of Sultan Parvis to court, he being only at the distance of eight coss, anxiously desiring leave to kiss his father's hands. The king had even granted his desire, but by the influence of Nourmahal, the favourite queen, he had revoked the permission, and Sultan Parvis was ordered away directly to Bengal.[205] The resolution of the king to remove the court from Agimere still continued, but no one knew certainly where he intended to go.
[Footnote 205: At this place there is an expression in the Pilgrims, coupled with this sentence, which is quite inexplicable. "Yea, although the king had fallen down, and taken his mother by the feet, to obtain her leave to see her son." We are not sufficiently conversant in the secret history of the Zenana of Shah Jehan-guire to explain this; yet strongly suspect that this sentence ought to have run thus: Although the prince's mother fell at the king's feet to obtain leave to see her son.--E.]
§4. Broils about Abdala Khan and Khan-Khannan: Ambitious projects of Sultan Churrum to subvert his eldest Brother: Sea Fight with a Portuguese Carrack; and various other Occurrences.
Several days now passed in soliciting the king and great men, and paying my court to them, without any remarkable occurrence; till on the 9th October, I had letters from Surat, giving me an account that four English ships had arrived there. On the 10th, Abdala Khan, the great governor of Ahmedabad, being sent for to court in disgrace, to answer for many insolent and contemptuous neglects of the king's commands, thought to stand upon his defence and to refuse compliance. But Sultan Churrum, whose ambitious views sought to turn every thing to his advantage, being desirous to oblige so great a man, who was reckoned one of the chiefest captains in the empire, prevailed upon him to submit, on his word to protect him. Abdala came therefore, in pretended humility, habited as a pilgrim, attended by forty servants on foot, until he arrived within a day's journey of the court, having 2000 horse attending him at some distance behind. He was this day brought to the Jarruco, the place where the king sits in public to see sports and hear complaints, and advanced towards the king, between two noblemen, having chains on his legs, and holding his turban over his eyes, that he might see no one till he had the happiness to behold the king. After making his humble reverence, and answering a few questions, the king forgave him, caused his irons to be taken off, and clothed him in a new vest of cloth of gold, with a turban and sash, as is the custom.
The prince, Churrum, now intended to establish his honour and power on the Deccan wars, which his elder brother Sultan Parvis had been recalled from in disgrace, and which the great commander, Khan-Khannan, had not conducted prosperously, being strongly suspected of a secret understanding with the princes of the Deccan, from whom he was believed to receive pensions. Churrum, therefore, induced his father to recall Khan-Khannan, who refused to obey; and wrote to the king, not to send Churrum to the war, but one of his youngest sons, then only about fifteen. This gave Churrum much uneasiness, as he was exceedingly intent upon having the conduct of this war, for which reason he promised to give the subordinate command of the army to Abdala Khan, under himself, if he could contrive to get Khan-Khannan displaced. Fearing troubles from the ambition and factious practices of his son Churrum, the discontent of the two elder sons, Cuserou and Parvis, and the power of Khan-Khannan, the king was anxious to accommodate matters in the Deccan by accepting a peace, and continuing Khan-Khannan in his government; to which end he wrote him a letter of favour, and proposed to send him a vestment, as a sign of reconciliation, according to custom. Before dispatching these, he acquainted a kinswoman of Khan-Khannan, who lived in the seraglio, with his purpose. Whether she was false to her relation, through the secret influence of Sultan Churrum, or was grieved to see the head of her family so unworthily dealt with, who merited so highly, does not certainly appear: But she plainly told the king, that she did not believe Khan-Khannan would wear any thing the king sent, as he knew his majesty hated him, and had once or twice already sent him poison, which he had put into his bosom instead of his mouth, and proved by trials. For this reason, she was confident Khan-Khannan would not dare to put on any thing sent from his majesty. The king offered to wear the dress himself in her presence for an hour, which she might certify in a letter to her relative. To this she answered, that Khan-Khannan would trust neither of them with his life; but, if allowed to continue quietly in his command, would do his majesty good service. Upon this, the king altered his plans, and resolved to invest Sultan Churrum in the supreme command of the Deccan wars, and to follow after him with another army, to ensure his reception.
Khan-Khannan, having due notice of the storm preparing against him, practised with the Deccan sovereigns, who were at his devotion, to offer favourable terms of peace for a season, as he saw no other way of averting the cloud that hung over both him and them, unless by temporizing till the king and the prince were established farther off. For this purpose, there came two ambassadors at this time to court, from the princes of the Deccan, bringing horses richly caparisoned as presents. The king refused to listen to them, or to accept their gifts, and turned them over to his son, saying that peace or war rested entirely with him. The prince was so puffed up by this favour, though informed that the proposed conditions of peace were highly honourable, that he declared proudly he would listen to no terms, till he was in the field at the head of the army, being resolved that Khan-Khannan should not deprive him of the honour of finishing that war.
The ambitious views of this young prince are quite obvious, and form the common talk of the country, yet the king suffers him to proceed, although he by no means intends him as his successor. Sultan Cuserou, the eldest son, is highly beloved and honoured of all men, and almost adored, for his excellent parts and noble dispositions, with which the king is well acquainted, and even loves him dearly. But he conceives that the liberty of this son would diminish his own glory, and does not see that the ambition of Churrum greatly more tarnishes his own fame than would the virtuous character and noble actions of the other. Thus the king fosters division and emulation among his sons, putting so much power into the hands of the younger, which he believes he can undo at his pleasure, that the wisest here foresee much fatal division in this mighty empire when the present king shall pay the debt of nature, expecting that it will then be rent in pieces by civil wars.
The history of this country, for the variety of its incidents, and the many crooked practices of the present king during the reign of his father, Akbar Shah, and these latter troubles, were well worthy of being committed to writing. But, as the country is so remote, many would despise such information, and as the people are esteemed barbarous, few persons would give it credit. I content myself, therefore, with privately contemplating the singular history of this nation, although I could narrate so many singular and amusing state intrigues, subtle evasions, policies, answers, and adages, as could not be easily equalled in the history of one age or country. One incident, however, that occurred lately, I cannot omit relating, as it evinces the wisdom and patience of the emperor, the incorruptible fidelity of a servant, the detestable falsehood of a brother, and the impudent boldness of a faction, ready to dare every infamous action, when permitted by the supreme ruler to exercise an authority beyond the limits of their condition, and contrary to the dictates of reason and true policy.
The favourite Prince Sultan Churrum, together with the favourite Queen Nourmahal, aunt to his wife, Asaph Khan father-in-law to Churrum, and brother of Nourmahal, and Etiman Dowlet, father of Asaph Khan and Nourmahal, being the faction that now governed the emperor, and who believed their bad influence in danger of being overthrown if the prince Cuserou were allowed to live, determined to use every effort for his destruction, and to endeavour to get him into their power, that they might end his days by poison, for they knew that he was universally beloved among the nobles, and that his remaining in life and restoration to liberty must some day overthrow and punish their ambitious projects. To attain their infamous purposes, Nourmahal was instructed to practise upon the king's weakness, by false tears and bewitching blandishments, to insinuate that Sultan Cuserou was not in sufficiently safe custody, and that he still meditated aspiring projects, contrary to the authority and safety of the emperor, who listened to all her insinuations, yet refused to understand her, as she did not plainly speak out her meaning.
As this plan failed, the prince, with Etiman Dowlet and Asaph Khan, took the opportunity of the emperor being drunk, to persuade him, as if for the greater safety and honour of Sultan Cuserou, that it were fitter he should be in the company of his brother Churrum, who would be more regardful of his safety and happiness than could be expected from an idolatrous rajput, to whose custody he had been committed by the emperor. They therefore humbly implored his majesty that Prince Cuserou might be confided to the care of his dear brother Churrum. This was granted by the intoxicated monarch, who immediately fell asleep.
They now deemed their project successful, as having the royal authority; and, considering their own greatness, they believed no one would dare to dispute the warrant, or to refuse delivering the prince into their hands. Accordingly, Asaph Khan went that same night with a guard to the house of Anna-Rah, a rajput Rajah, or prince, to demand from, him, in the king's name and authority, the person of Sultan Cuserou, who had been confided to his custody by the king. Anna-Rah declared that he was the most humble slave of Prince Churrum, whose name Asaph Khan used upon this occasion; but having received charge of Prince Cuserou directly from the hands of the emperor, he would deliver him up to no other person. He therefore entreated that Prince Churrum would have patience till next morning, when he would discharge his duty to the king, whose pleasure, once known, he would implicitly obey. This answer overturned the whole contrivance. In the morning Anna-Rah went to the king, to whom he communicated the demand made upon him in the name of Prince Churrum, saying. That his majesty had given his son Cuserou to his charge, together with the command of 4000 horse, with all of whom he was ready to die at the imperial gate, rather than resign the prince into the hands of his enemies: But, if his majesty required, he was ready at all times to obey his commands. To this the king replied, "You have done honestly and faithfully, and have answered discretely. Continue your purpose, and take no notice of any orders. I will not seem to know any thing of this, neither do you speak of it any farther. Preserve your fidelity, and let us see how far they will prosecute this affair."
Next day, finding the king silent on the subject, the prince and his faction took no notice of any thing, hoping the king might forget what had passed in his cups over night. I have communicated this incident, that you may beware of scattering your goods in this country, or of engaging your servants and stock too deeply; for the time will come when the whole of this empire will be in commotion, and it is not a few years war that will put a period to the inveterate enmity accumulated on all hands against a day of vengeance. Should Sultan Cuserou prevail in procuring his rightful inheritance, this empire will become a sanctuary for Christians, whom he loves and honours, being a patron of learning, and an encourager of true valour and just government, abhorring all covetousness, and despising the base custom of accepting bribes and presents, in use among his ancestors and the nobility of this empire. Should Sultan Churrum ascend the throne, it will be a great loss to us, as he is a rigid adherent to the superstition of Mahomet, a hater of all Christians, proud, subtle, false, and barbarously tyrannical.[206]
[Footnote 206: From this paragraph it appears that the journal of Sir Thomas Roe was addressed to the Governor and Committees, or Directors of the East India Company.--E.]
The king returned from hunting on the night of the 13th October, and sent me a wild pig. An ambassador is daily expected here from Shah Abbas, king of Persia. This day I received advice of the arrival of four of our ships in safety at Swally roads, and at the same time received letters from England. The fleet, originally consisting of six ships, left England on the 9th March, 1616, losing company of the Rose about the North Cape, in foul weather. The other five arrived safely in Saldanha bay on the 12th June, where the Lion was waiting for a wind, homewards bound, her officers and people all in good health. After staying some time at the Cape without news of the missing ship, they dispatched the Swan for Bantam, and sailed on the 29th June with the other four ships for Surat. On this passage, on the 6th August, when in lat. 12° 50' S. near the Comora islands, they got sight of a carrack of 1500 tons burden, and 600 men, being the admiral of a fleet for Goa. The Globe fetched her to windward, and after the usual salutations of the sea, the carrack commanded her to leeward, and seconded this order with five shots through her hull, to which the Globe replied with eighteen, and then luffed off. The admiral of the English got now up with all his ships, and demanded satisfaction for the injury, which was replied to with scorn. On this an engagement ensued, in which the commander, Benjamin Joseph, was soon slain, but his successor continued the battle. Towards evening the carrack ran herself ashore on the rocks of Angazesia. Our fleet came to anchor in the offing to wait the event, and sent a boat to offer fair terms of battle. But about midnight the carrack was set on fire, and continued to burn all next morning. The English sent their boats to give assistance, but could not approach, and they had reason to believe that not one man was saved.[207] The new viceroy of Goa was in this ship, by whose obstinacy the death of all the rest was occasioned. Our fleet came to anchor off Swally on the 24th September, 1616.
[Footnote 207: It was afterwards known that some few escaped with life and poverty. A more particular account of this fight will be found in the subsequent journal of Alexander Child.--Purch.]
The 14th October I waited on the emperor, to whom I imparted his majesty's salutations, which were courteously received, but he immediately began to enquire what presents had been sent to him. I mentioned our late fight and victory, at which he seemed to rejoice, and applauded the valour of our nation; but he immediately shifted the discourse, asking what our king had sent him. I answered, that he had sent many tokens of his love and affection; but knowing that his majesty was lord of the best portion of Asia, and the richest monarch of the East, my sovereign was satisfied the sending of rich gifts to his majesty were to cast pearls into the sea, their common mother and storehouse; but that my master, together with the warmest assurance of his love, had sent him many curiosities, which I hoped would give him entire satisfaction. He urged me to mention particulars, some of which I named. He asked me for French muffe or velvet, to which I answered, that all my letters were not arrived. He then enquired if there were any dogs. To which I answered, that some had been slain in the battle at sea, but that two were preserved for him, at which he seemed much rejoiced. He then said, if I could procure him one of our great horses, such as I had described, being a roan or Dutch horse, he would value it more than an additional kingdom. I answered, that I should use my best endeavours to satisfy his majesty, but much feared it could not be effected, owing to the length of the voyage. He said he would willingly give a lack of rupees for such a horse. I then desired he would be pleased to give an order for the transmission of the presents without being searched, and for the good usage of our people. He answered, that the port belonged to his son, but sent for him, and publicly gave orders for what I required; that the presents should not be searched, nor pay any custom, but should be sent up safe to me with all expedition, that I might distribute them at my discretion. He likewise commanded the prince to give orders for the good usage of our people, and that I should be satisfied in all my demands. This order did not extend to the grant of a fort, as Asaph Khan had absolutely refused to deliver in that clause. This charge was very round and hearty on the part of the king, and a great grace to me. The prince called Asaph Khan forwards in my presence, and promised, before his father and the whole court, to give me all reasonable satisfaction. All this was on the strength of the new presents.
That same day I sent for the Portuguese jesuit who resided at court, and gave him an account of the engagement between our ships and the carrack, offering to make peace between our nation and the Portuguese upon equal terms. He promised to acquaint the viceroy of Goa with my offer, and so departed. The 15th I received accounts from Masulipatan that Captain Keeling had taken a Portuguese ship and two barks; one on the coast of Cochin, laden with tin, and the other freighted from Bengal, both of which were carried to Bantam. I was also informed that Sir Robert Shirley had been dismissed with disgrace from Goa, and was on his way overland to Masulipatan, to procure a passage; but am apt to believe this intelligence is untrue.
The 16th, being with the prince's secretary about the dispatch of our affairs, he proposed to me, by his master's orders, to procure him two gunners from our fleet to serve him in the Deccan war, offering good pay and good usage. This I undertook to perform, knowing that indifferent artists might serve there. While at the prince's palace, Abdala Khan came to visit him, so magnificently attended, that I have not before seen the like. He was preceded by about twenty drums, and other martial music, on horseback, who made abundant noise. After them followed fifty persons bearing white flags, and two hundred well-mounted soldiers, all richly clothed in cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silks, who all entered the gate with him in regular array. Next his person were forty targeteers, in the richest liveries. After making his humble reverence, he presented a black Arabian horse, splendidly caparisoned, all his furniture being studded with flowers of enamelled gold, and set with small precious stones. According to custom, the prince returned a turban, a vest, and a girdle.
Still persisting in his purpose of personally finishing the war in the Deccan, he would give no answer to the ambassadors from that country, but detained them till he should come to the frontiers. Being now about to depart, he and his party thought themselves not secure if Sultan Cuserou remained under the safeguard of Anna-Rah, lest, during the absence of Churrum, the king might be reconciled to Cuserou, by whose liberty all the hopes and power of their faction would be overthrown, in which case their ambition and the injuries they had done could hardly escape punishment. In this view they continued to urge the king to deliver Sultan Cuserou into the custody of Asaph Khan, as deputy on that occasion to Churrum, under pretence that this measure would intimidate Khan-Khannan and the Deccan princes, when they shall learn that Sultan Churrum is so favoured that the king has delivered his eldest son into his keeping, giving him as it were present possession of the kingdom, and the certain prospect of succession. Accordingly, on the 17th of October, Sultan Cuserou was delivered up as they desired, the soldiers of Anna-rah were discharged, and those of Asaph Khan placed over him, assisted by 200 horse belonging to the prince. The sister of Sultan Cuserou, and several other women in the seraglio, have put themselves in mourning, refuse to take their food, and openly exclaim against the dotage and cruelty of the king; declaring, if Cuserou should die, that an hundred of his kindred would devote themselves to the flames, in memory of the king's cruely to the worthiest of his sons.
The king endeavoured to sooth them by fair words, protesting that he had no evil intentions towards his son, whom he promised speedily to deliver from captivity, and even sent his favourite Nourmahal to endeavour to appease the enraged and disconsolate ladies; but they refused to admit her visit, loading her with curses and threatnings. The common people universally condemn the king's conduct, saying, that he has not only delivered his son's life, but his own into the keeping of an ambitious prince and treacherous faction, and that Cuserou cannot perish without extreme scandal to his father, unless he amply revenge his death, for which cause the party will dispatch the king first, and his eldest son afterwards, that through their deaths the ambitious and unnatural Churrum may mount the throne. Every hour new rumours are spread of the deliverance of Cuserou, which are speedily contradicted; for he still remains in the tyger's den, refuses food, and requires that his father may take away his life, and not leave him to be a sport and prey to his inveterate enemies. The whole court is filled with rumours and secret whispers; the nobles are sad, and the people full of turmoil and noise, without any head, having no one to direct their rage to any specific object. The issue seems involved in dangers, especially for us, as, in regard to themselves, it matters not who wins. Although the elder prince have more right, and is of a more honourable character, he is still a Mahomedan, and can hardly be a better prince than his father, whose dispositions are good, yet so facile that he allows all to govern at their will, which is even worse than if he were a tyrant, for we had better suffer injuries from one prince than from a host of ministers and subordinate agents.
The 19th of October Mahomet Reza Beg, the Persian ambassador, made his entry into the city with a great cavalcade, partly sent out by the king to meet him. There were at least an hundred elephants, with many musicians; but no man of quality went out on this occasion beyond the ordinary official receivers of strangers. His own train consisted of about fifty horse in splendid dresses of cloth of gold, their bows, quivers, and targets being richly adorned. Together with these he had about forty musqueteers, and about 200 ordinary peons and attendants on his passage. He was conducted to a room within the outer court of the palace, to rest himself till the evening, at which time I sent my secretary to the durbar, to give me an account of the ceremonial. On coming into the presence, and reaching the first rail, he made three tessalims and one sizeda, which is prostrating himself and knocking his head three times against the ground. On entering within the rail he did the same, and then presented the letter of his master, Shabas, [Shah Abbas.] This the king took with a slight inclination of the body, saying only, How doth my brother? without using any title of majesty. After some few words, the ambassador was placed in the seventh rank, close to the rail beside the door, and below many of the king's servants, which, in my opinion, was a very mean place for the ambassador of Persia; but he richly merited this degradation for doing that mean reverence to the dishonour of his master which all his predecessors had refused, and by which he gave much offence to many of his nation. It is reported that he had orders from Shah Abbas to give content in all things, and hence it is conjectured that he is sent to obtain some aid in money against the Turks, in which kind the court of Persia often finds liberal succour from the Mogul government. Others pretend that his object is to mediate a peace for the princes of the Deccan, whose protection Shah Abbas is said to have much at heart, being jealous of the extension of this empire.
According to custom, the king gave him a handsome turban, a vest of cloth of gold, and a girdle, for which he again made three tessalims and a sizeda, or ground courtesy. The present he brought consisted of three times nine Persian and Arabian horses, this being among them a ceremonious number; nine very large and handsome mules; seven camels laden with velvet; two suits of European Arras, or tapestry, which I suppose was Venetian; two chests of Persian hangings; one rich cabinet; four muskets; five clocks; a camel's load of cloth of gold; eight silk carpets; two balasss rubies; twenty-one camel loads of wine made of grapes; fourteen camel loads of distilled sweet waters; seven of rose-water; seven daggers and five swords adorned with precious stones; seven Venetian mirrors, all so fair and rich that I was ashamed of the relation.
These presents were not now delivered, but only a list of them in writing. His own equipage was rich, having nine led horses, their trappings all studded with gold and silver. His turban was encircled by a chain of pearls, rubies, and turquoises, having three pipes of gold, in which were three plumes of feathers. Having thus caused accurate observation to be made of his reception, and compared it with my own, I find it in nothing more gracious than my own, and in many things inferior, except only in being met without the town, which, owing to my sickness, was not demanded; neither did the king receive the letter of Shah Abbas with so much respect as that of the king, my master, whom he called the king of England, his brother, naming the Persian barely his brother, without addition. This observation was made by the jesuit, who understood the language.
§5. Continuation of Occurrences at Court, till leaving Agimere, in November, 1616.
The 20th of October I received the prince's letter to send to Sarat, with orders for the governor of that city to sit along with the judge of the custom-house, to take care that no wrong was done to the English. The clause about sending up the presents sealed and unsearched to me, was so obscure and unintelligible, that it was susceptible of various constructions, which I believed was done designedly, that they might come into the hands of the prince, so as to become his own. I sent it back therefore to his secretary to be altered; and getting it returned still more intricate than at first, I went to the prince on the 21st, and desired to have that clause of his letter explained, at which he stuck a little, and I perceived he was as hollow as I had imagined. He plainly asked, How then he should have his presents, or see such curiosities as came up? and proposed to accompany me to where they were. I answered, that I could not do this till I had delivered my master's message and presents to the king, after which I should wait upon his highness with his presents, and that every rarity that came to me should be sent after him. He pressed me to pass my word for the performance of this, which I did, and then I had the letter for Surat made out to my content.
At this interview the prince observed a white feather in my hat, and asked if I would give it to him. I answered, that I could not presume to offer any thing I had worn; but if he were pleased to command it, that or any thing else in my power was at his service. He then asked if I had any more; to which I answered, that I had three or four others of different colours. He desired to have them all, as he was to shew his horses and servants to the king within two days, and wanted some, being rare in these parts. I therefore promised to bring all I had next day, when his highness might take what pleased him.
This day Abdalla Khan waited on the prince with a gallant equipage, himself and servants being anticly apparelled, yet soldier-like, according to their fashion. On this occasion he made a present to the prince of a handsome white horse, full of spirit and high mettled, the saddle and furniture all ornamented with enamelled gold. The prince returned him a plain sword with a leathern belt. Many other swords were brought before him, the hilts and scabbards being of silver, set with small stones, together with targets covered with gold velvets, some painted and embossed with gold and silver, all of which he distributed among his servants. Against this muster many saddles and other horse-furniture were provided, richly ornamented with gold and precious stones, intended for spare horses. His boots were embroidered, and every thing was of the highest magnificence, so that the expence is wonderful, and the wealth seen daily is inestimable. There is a report going, that, on the past night, six of the servants of Sultan Churrum went to murder Sultan Cuserou, but were refused the key by the porter who has charge of him. It is farther said that the queen mother is gone to the king to lay before him an account of this matter. But the truth of these things is hard to be found, and it is dangerous to ask questions.
In the evening I went to the durbar to wait upon the king, where I met the Persian ambassador with the first muster of his presents. He seemed a jester or juggler, rather than a person of any gravity, continually skipping up and down, and acting all his words like a mimic player, so that the Atachikanne was converted as it were into a stage. He delivered all his presents with his own hand, which the king received with smiles and a chearful countenance, and many gracious words. His tongue was a great advantage to the Persian in delivering his own business, which he did with so much flattery and obsequiousness, that he pleased as much that way as by his gifts, constantly calling his majesty king and commander of the world, forgetting that his own master had a share of it; and on every little occasion of favourable acceptance, he made his tessalims. When all was delivered for that day, he prostrated himself on the ground, making sizeda, and knocking his head on the floor as if he would have entered it.
The gifts this day were a handsome quiver for a bow and arrow, richly embroidered; all sorts of European fruits, artificially made, and laid on dishes; many folding purses, and other knacks, of leather, curiously wrought in coloured silks; shoes stitched and embroidered: great mirrors in richly inlaid frames; one square piece of velvet, highly embroidered with gold in panes, between which were Italian pictures wrought in the stuff, which he said were the king and queen of Venice, being, as I suppose, the hanging called Venetian tapestry, of which six were given, but only one shown. There were besides, many other curiosities of small value; after which came the three times nine horses and mules, the latter being very handsome, but the horses had lost their beauty and condition, as, except one or two, they were very unfit for being sent or accepted between princes. This done, the Persian returned, with many antic tricks, to his place, which was far inferior to mine, as I stood alone, and above all the subjects, though Asaph Khan at first wanted to put me from it, but I maintained it as my right, having been appointed me by the king. This was only the first act of the play presented by the Persian ambassador, which will not be finished in ten days.
The 22d I went to the prince's secretary for the promised Surat letter; but his highness had changed his mind, and, loth to let the presents pass without ransacking them, refused to seal the letter. The secretary pretended they could not be allowed to pass without search, lest the merchants, under that pretence, might defraud the customs. I was offended, and going away; but the secretary prevailed on me to go with him to the prince, to whom I delivered some feathers, being two plurides and two birds of paradise, which he graciously accepted; and having made known my determination not to have the presents opened, or to be sent up by any others than my own servants, he at last yielded, and commanded his secretary to make out the dispatch in my own way.
At night I went to the durbar to observe the Persian ambassador, whom I found standing in his place, but often removed and set lower, as the great men came in. The king once spoke to him, on which he played off his monkey tricks, but gave no present; only the king gave command that he should be feasted by the nobles. Most of the time was spent in seeing saddles and furniture, against the removal of the court, some of which the king presented to his followers, as the court was daily expected to move; the king's tents having been pitched four days. I sent that night to the secretary for my firmaun, but was put off with excuses.
The 24th the king removed to Havar Gemal, and called for the Persian ambassador, who at night eat and drank before the king along with the nobles, as I had done on the birth-day. On this occasion the king gave him 20,000 rupees for his expences, for which he made innumerable tessalims and sizedas, which greatly pleased the king, being base yet profitable idolatry. As the prince was in attendance on the king, I could not get my business dispatched.
The king returned to the city in the evening of the 25th, having been far gone in wine the night before. Some person, either by chance or from malice, spoke of the last merry night, when many of the nobles had drank wine, which none may do without leave. Having forgot his own order, the king demanded to know who gave? It was answered that it had been given by the buxy, as no one dared to say it was the king, seeing he doubted it. The custom is that the king drinks alone, though sometimes he will give command that the nobles shall drink also, which to refuse is likewise an offence, so every one who takes the cup of wine from the officer has his name written down, and makes tessalim, though perhaps the king's eyes are misty. The king called for the buxy, and asked if he gave the order, which he falsely denied; though he actually gave it as ordered, calling by name such as were to drink with the ambassador. The king then called for the list, and fined the delinquents, some 1000, some 2000, and others 3000 rupees. Some that were near his person, he caused to be whipped in his presence, receiving 130 stripes with a most terrible instrument of torture, having at the ends of four cords irons like spur-rowels, so that every stroke made four wounds. When they lay for dead, he commanded the standers-by to spurn them with their feet, and the door-keepers to break their staves upon them. Thus cruelly mangled and bruised, they were carried away, one of them dying on the spot. Some would have excused themselves, by blaming the ambassador; but the king said he had only ordered a cup or two to be given to him. Though drunkenness be a common and frequent vice in the king, it is yet strictly forbidden; and no one can enter the guzelkhan where the king sits, till the porters have smelt his breath, and if he have only tasted wine he is refused admittance; and if this reason of his absence be known, he shall scarcely escape the whip. When the king has taken offence at any one, even a father dares not speak for his son. Thus the king made all the company pay for the Persian ambassador's reward.
The 26th, I went to Sorocolla, the prince's secretary, to get the promised firmaun; when he sent me a copy as fraudulent and ambiguous as the former, which I refused to accept. I drew up the clause I so much disliked myself, which I sent back, and was promised to have it sealed next day.
The day of the king's removal being at hand, I sent on the 28th to Asaph Khan, to have a warrant for carriages, as our merchants had sought all over the town for carriages to convey their goods to Agra, and could not procure any. As I was enrolled by the king, I received an order for twenty camels, four carts, and two coaches, to be paid for at the king's price; of which I appointed for the use of the factors as many as they needed.
At this time the following incident took place, being either a wonderful instance of baseness in this great monarch, or a trial of my disposition. The king had condemned several thieves to death, among whom were some boys, and there was no way to save their lives, except by selling them as slaves. On this occasion, the king commanded Asaph Khan to offer two of them to me for money, which he directed to be done by the cutwall, or marshal. He came accordingly and made the offer to my interpreter, who answered without my knowledge, that the Christians kept no slaves, and, as I had already set free those the king had given me, it was in vain to propose the matter to me. I afterwards suspected this were done to try me whether I would give a little money to save the lives of two children, or, if it even were in earnest, I thought there was no great loss in doing a good deed. So, to try the scope of this affair, I directed my interpreter to inform Asaph Khan, that being made acquainted with the offer, and the answer my interpreter had given, I had reprehended him for presuming in any case to answer for me; and that, if any money were to be given to save the lives of the children, either to those whom they had robbed, or to redeem them from the law, I was ready to give it, both out of respect for the king's command, and for charity; but I would not buy them as slaves, only meaning to pay their ransom, and set them free; and, if he would let me know the king's pleasure, that I might give them their lives and liberties without offence, I was very willing to do it.
Asaph Khan agreed to accept the money, making many commendations of my extraordinary goodness, and said I might dispose of the boys as I thought fit, desiring me to send the money to the cutwall, yet made no offer of informing the king, which was one chief purpose of my liberality. I had no inclination to be cheated, yet resolved to pay the money in such a way that the king should learn I had more mercy than he, and that a Christian valued the life of a Mahomedan beyond money. I sent therefore a factor and my interpreter to the cutwall, to acquaint him with my communication to Asaph Khan, and that, if he informed the king of my offer to redeem the prisoners for charity, and his majesty consented to give them their pardon and liberty, I was ready to send the money; but that I would not buy them as slaves, even for an hour. Thus I put them to the test as to their base offer. This sum did not exceed ten pounds, a poor affair for which to impose upon a stranger, or to be gained by so great a king. The cutwall answered that he would enquire the king's pleasure, and let me know the result. Some would have me believe, that this was, a signal favour of the king, chusing out any great man to do this good and honourable work of redeeming prisoners, as the money is given in satisfaction to the person robbed, and that those who are thus appointed to ransom them, make sizeda to the king, as for a mighty benefit. But I see no honour in a king thus to impose upon a stranger, to whom he gives neither maintenance nor liberality. I went to the durbar, to see if the king would himself speak to me, that I might declare my own offer. The cutwall made many motions, and brought in his executioner, who received some commands, but I understood them not.
I this day sent my secretary with a message to the Persian ambassador, to say I would visit him, if he gave his word to return my visit. He sent me for answer, with much respect, that it was not the custom of the country for ambassadors to visit each, other without leave of the king, which he would ask; and which given, he would thankfully accept my visit, and repay it with all manner of pleasure.
On the 1st November, Sultan Churrum took his leave and went to his tents. On this occasion the king sat in his durbar at noon, when the prince passed his establishment in review before his father, consisting of about 600 elephants richly caparisoned, and about 10,000 horse, all splendidly arrayed, many of his followers being clad in cloth of gold, and their turbans adorned with herons plumes. The prince himself was in a dress of cloth of silver, all over embroidered, and splendidly decorated with pearls and diamonds, shining like the firmament in a clear night. The king embraced and kissed him with much affection, presenting him with a rich sword, the hilt and scabbard all of gold set with precious stones, valued at 100,000 rupees, a dagger valued at 40,000, together with an elephant, and a horse, the furniture of both magnificently adorned with gold and jewels. At his departure, he gave him a coach, made in imitation of that sent by the king my master to the emperor, and commanded the English coachman to drive the prince to the tents. Churrum went accordingly into the coach, sitting in the middle thereof, all the sides being open; and was attended by all his chief nobles a-foot, all the way to the camp, which was about four miles. Being followed by a vast concourse of people, he scattered all the way among them handfuls of quarter rupees. At one time he reached his hand to the coachman, and put about 100 rupees into his hat.
On the 2d, the king removed, with his women and all the court, to the tents, about three miles from town. I went that morning to attend upon him at the Jarruco window of the palace, and went up to the scaffold under the window, being desirous to see this exhibition. Two eunuchs stood upon tressels, having long poles headed with feathers, with which they fanned him. On this occasion, he dispensed many favours, and received many presents. What he gave was let down by a silk cord, rolled on a turning instrument; and what he received was drawn up in the same manner, by a venerable, fat, and deformed old matron, all hung round with gymbals like an image. Two of his principal wives were at a window on one side, whose curiosity led them to break holes in a lattice of roods that hung before the window, to gaze on me. At first I only saw their fingers; and afterwards, applying their faces to the holes, I could at times see an eye, and at length could discern their entire countenances. They were indifferently fair, having their black hair smoothed up from their foreheads; and they were so adorned with pearls and diamonds, that I might have seen them without the help of any other light. On my looking at them, they retired very merry, and, as I supposed, laughing at me.
After some time, the king departed from the window, and we all went to the durbar, to wait his coming out of the inner apartments. He came not long after, and remained in the durbar for about half an hour, till his ladies had mounted their elephants, which were in all about fifty, all richly caparisoned, especially three, which had turrets or howders of gold, with grates of gold wire for the ladies to see through, and rich canopies over head of cloth of silver. The king then descended the stairs, amid such acclamations of health to the king, as would have drowned the noise of cannon. At the foot of the stairs, where I contrived to be near him, a person brought to him a large carp, and another presented a dish of some white stuff like starch, into which the king dipped his finger, with which he touched the fish, and then rubbed it on his forehead. This ceremony was said to presage good fortune. Then came another officer, who buckled on his sword and buckler, all set with large diamonds and rubies. Another hung on his quiver with thirty arrows, and his bow-case, being that which had been presented by the Persian ambassador. On his head, the king wore a rich turban, with a plume of heron's crests, not many but long: On one side hung a rich unset ruby as large as a walnut; on the other side a diamond of equal size; and in the middle an emerald much larger, shaped like a heart. His sash was wreathed about with a chain of great pearls, rubies, and diamonds, drilled. A triple chain of excellent pearls, the largest I had ever seen, hung round his neck. He had armlets above his elbows, richly set with diamonds; and three rows of diamonds round each wrist. His hands were bare, having a rich ring on almost every finger; and a pair of English gloves were stuck into his girdle. His coat, without sleeves, was of cloth of gold, over a fine robe as thin as lawn. On his feet he wore buskins embroidered with pearls, the toes being sharp and turned up.
Thus richly accoutred, he went into the coach, which waited for him under the care of his new English servant, who was dressed as gaudily as any player, and more so, and had trained four horses for the draught, which were trapped and harnessed all in velvet and gold. This was the first coach he had ever been in, made in imitation of that sent from England, and so like it that I only knew the difference by the cover, which was of gold velvet of Persia. Having seated himself at one end, two eunuchs attended at each side, carrying small golden maces set all over with rubies, to which horse-tails were fastened, for driving away flies. Before him went drums, bad trumpets, and loud music; with many canopies, parasols, and other strange ensigns of majesty, all of cloth of gold, and adorned with rubies. Nine spare horses were led before him, some having their furniture garnished with rubies, some with pearls, and others with diamonds, while some had only plain gold studs. Next behind the coach came three palanquins, the carriages and feet of one being plated with gold, set with pearls, and a fringe of great pearls in strings a foot long, the border being set all round with rubies and emeralds. Beside this, a man on foot carried a stool of gold, set with precious stones. The other two palanquins were covered and lined with cloth of gold.
Next followed the English coach, newly covered and richly trimmed, which he had given to his favourite queen, Nourmahal, who sat in the inside. After this came a coach, made after the fashion of the country, which I thought seemed out of countenance, in which were his younger sons. This was followed by about twenty spare royal elephants, all for the king's own use, all so splendidly adorned with precious stones and rich furniture, that they outshone the sun. Each elephant had several flags and streamers of cloth of silver, gilded sattin, or rich silk. His noblemen accompanied him on foot, which I did likewise to the gate, and then left him. His women, who accompanied him on elephants, as before mentioned, seemed like so many parroquitos in cages, and followed about half a mile in the rear of his coach. On coming to the door of the house in which his eldest son was kept prisoner, he caused the coach to stop, and sent for prince Cuserou; who immediately came and made reverence, having a sword and buckler in his hands, and his beard grown to his middle, in sign of disfavour. The king now commanded his son to mount one of the spare elephants in the royal train, so that he rode next his father, to the great joy and applause of the multitude, who were now filled with new hopes; and on this occasion, the king gave him 1000 rupees to throw among the people; his gaoler, Asaph Khan, and all the ministers, being still attendant on foot.
To avoid the press and other inconveniences, I took horse and crossed out of the leskar, getting before the king, and then waited for him till he came near his tents, to which he passed all the way from the town between a guard of turreted elephants, having each on the four corners of their howdars a banner of yellow taffety, and a sling[208] mounted in front, carrying a bullet as big as a tennis-ball. There were about three hundred elephants armed in this manner, each having a gunner; besides about six hundred other elephants of honour, that preceded or followed the king, all covered with velvet or cloth of gold, and all carrying two or three gilded banners. Many men afoot ran before the king, carrying skins of water with which to sprinkle the road to prevent dust from annoying him; and no one was allowed to approach the coach on horseback by two furlongs.
[Footnote 208: The sling in the text appears to have been a slung musquetoon, or small cannon, mounted in that manner to avoid recoil.--E.]
Having gone before a-horseback, as before mentioned, I hastened to the tents, to await the king's arrival. The royal encampment was walled round, half a mile in circuit, in form of a fortress, with high screens or curtains of coarse stuff; somewhat like Arras hangings, red on the outside, the inside being divided into panes or compartments, with a variety of figures. This inclosure had a handsome gateway, and the circuit was formed into various coins and bulwarks, as it were; the posts which supported the curtains being all surmounted with brass tops. The throng was very great, and I wished to have gone into the enclosure, but no one was allowed, even the greatest of the land having to sit down at the gate. At length I was admitted, but the Persian ambassador and all the nobles were refused. At this gate, and for the first time, I was saluted by the Persian ambassador as I passed, by a silent salam.
In the midst of this enclosure, there stood a throne of mother-of-pearl, borne aloft on two pillars, under cover of a high tent or pavilion, the pole of which was headed by a golden knob, the roof being of cloth of gold, and the ground covered by carpets. When the king came near, several noblemen were admitted, together with the Persian ambassador; all of us making a kind of lane, the ambassador being on one side, and I on the other. As the king came in, he cast his eye on me, whereupon I made him a reverence, to which he answered by bowing and laying his hand on his breast. Turning to the other side, he nodded to the Persian. I followed close at his heels till he ascended the throne, every one calling out, joy, health, and good fortune. The king then called for water, with which he washed his hands, and then retired into an interior tent, to join his women, who had entered by another gate to their own quarters; there being about thirty divisions with tents within the royal inclosure. His son I saw not. All the noblemen now retired to their quarters, which were all very handsome, some having their tents green, others white, and others again of mixed colours, all handsome in form and arrangement, and all as orderly inclosed as their houses in the city, so that the whole composed the most curious and magnificent sight I had ever beheld. The whole vale seemed like a magnificent city, no mean tents or baggage being allowed to mix among these splendid pavilions. I was utterly unprovided with carriages or tent, and ashamed of my situation, for indeed five years of my allowances would not have enabled me to take the field any thing like the others; every one having a double set of pavilions, one of which goes before to the next station, where it is set up a day before the king removes. On this account, I was obliged to return to my poor house in the town.
On the 5th November I rode about five miles, to the tents of the prince, Sultan Churrum. I made him my compliments of leave taking, wishing him all prosperity and success; but he ordered me to return and take my leave two days afterwards, as I had moved him on some business, respecting debts due to the English, which he promised to examine and dispatch. He sat in state, in the same greatness and magnificence I have mentioned of his father; his throne being plated all over with silver, inlaid with gold flowers, having a square canopy over head, borne up by four pillars covered with silver; his arms, such as his sword, buckler, bows, arrows, and lance, being on a table before his throne. I observed him curiously, now that he was in absolute authority, and took especial notice of his actions and behaviour. He had just received two letters, which he read standing, before he ascended his throne. I never saw any one having so settled a countenance, or maintain a so constant gravity of deportment, never once smiling, or shewing by his looks any respect or distinction of persons, but evincing an extreme pride and thorough contempt for all around him. Yet I could perceive that he was every now and then assailed by some inward trouble, and a kind of distraction and brokenness in his thoughts, as he often answered suitors in a disjointed manner, as if surprised, or not hearing what they had said. If I can judge, he has left his heart among his father's women, with whom he is allowed to converse. The day before, Noormahal went to visit him in the English coach; and, on taking leave of him, she presented him with a robe, all embroidered with diamonds, rubies, and pearls; and, if I do not mistake, she carried away with her all his attentions from other business.
The 6th I had a letter from Mr Brown at Ahmedabad, giving an account of a fray begun by the Portuguese. Five of them assailed an English boy at Cambay, whose arms they took from him. On notice of this, John Brown and James Bickeford went to rescue the boy, and were set upon by seven Portuguese, one of whom fired a pistol and wounded Brown in the hand. They defended themselves bravely and honourably like Englishmen, killed one, wounded some others, and chaced the rest up and down the town like cowards, to the great shame of such villains, and the reputation of our nation. To revenge this, the Portuguese came ashore in considerable numbers from their frigates, no more English being in the town except the three already mentioned. The governor, being informed of this affair, sent the cutwall with a guard to our house, and ordered the water port to be shut, expelling the Portuguese from the town, and commanding them, on pain of chastisement, not to meddle with the English, whom he dismissed in safety from Cambay, and they are now returned to Ahmedabad.
The 9th, the prince being to remove, sent one of his guards for me in haste. I was not prepared for going, but the messenger pressed me, urging that his master waited for me, and he had orders not to return without me. He added, that the whole court talked of the prince's favour for me, and it was reported he had asked leave from the king for me to accompany him to the war, and had promised to use me so well that I should be forced to acknowledge his favour to our nation. I accordingly took horse after dinner; but on my arrival, I found the prince already under march. I met a Dutchman, the prince's jeweller, who confirmed every thing the soldier had said, and added so much more in the same strain, that I disbelieved the whole. I sent word to the prince of my arrival, when he returned for answer, That I should go on before to the tents, and wait his arrival, when he would speak with me. It was night when he came. He sat a short while, only giving me a look, and arose to retire among his women. As he passed, he sent a servant to desire me to wait a little, till he came out to hold his guzalcan, when he should take leave of me.
He came out in half an hour, but I could not get any one to remind him of me, and he was fallen to play, and either forgot me, or proposed to play me a state trick. I then told the waiters, that I had been sent for by the prince, and only waited his orders, for which I had too long waited, as it was late, and I must return to my house; and therefore, if the prince had any business for me, I desired it might be sent after me, as I scorned to be so used. Before I could mount, messengers came running after me, and called me back to wait upon the prince. Going in, I found him earnestly engaged at cards, but he excused himself of forgetfulness, blaming the officers formally for not reminding him, and shewed more than ordinary attention, calling me to see his cards, and asking me many questions. I expected he would have spoken of my going along with him; but, finding no such discourse, I told him I had come only in obedience to his commands, and to take my leave, and craved his pardon for being in haste, as I had to return to Agimere, having no convenience for staying all night in camp. He answered, that he had sent to speak with me before his departure, and that I should be presently dispatched. He then sent in an eunuch into the interior apartments, and several of his officers came to me smiling, who said that the prince meant to give me a magnificent present, and if I feared to ride late, I should have a guard of ten horsemen to see me safe home, making as much of the matter as if I had been to get his best chain of pearls. By and by came a cloak of cloth of gold, which the prince had once or twice worn, which he caused to be put on me, and for which I made my reverence very unwillingly; yet I urged some business, and having an answer, took my leave. It is here reputed the highest favour, to give one a garment that has been worn by a prince, or that has merely been laid on their shoulders. The cloak now given me might have answered well for an actor who had to represent the character of his ancestor, Tamerlane, on the stage, but was to me of no importance. On my way out, I was followed by his porters and waiters, begging in a most shameless manner, so that I half paid the value of the cloak before I could get out from among them.
On the 10th November, almost every body had removed from the town of Agimere, so that I was left nearly alone, and could neither get carts nor camels for my removal, notwithstanding my warrant. The Persian ambassador was in a similar predicament, but complained, and was soon redressed. I therefore sent to court, and on the 11th I received two warrants, for being supplied with carts and camels at the king's price: but it was not easy to procure either, as the great men had soldiers in every direction, to take up all for their use; and indeed it was wonderful, how two leskars or camps, belonging to the king and prince, could both remove at once.
The 16th, an order was given by the king to set fire to the whole leskar at Agimere, that the people might be compelled to follow, which was duly executed. I was left almost destitute; and the Persian ambassador, who had fought, chid, brawled, and complained, without any remedy, was in the same state with me. We sent messages of condolence to each other; and, by his example, I resolved to buy, as many were disposed to sell, who would not hire at the king's price, and I calculated that by purchasing I should almost save hire, though carts were dear, as the hire of three months would have exhausted the price of purchase. Necessity enforced me to remove, as the town was burnt and utterly desolate, and I was in great danger from thieves, as the soldiers came from camp and robbed during the night. So desolate was the town, that I could not even procure bread. Yet I sent again to court, to make one trial more, before I purchased.
The 17th I received accounts from Goa, which were said to be true, that Don Emanuel de Meneses, with about 300 of those who were saved ashore out of the Admiral, had arrived at Goa in a very poor condition, having been robbed and plundered by the inhabitants of Angazesia, who had also slain many. On the 24th October, not one of the Lisbon fleet had reached Goa, to their great wonder and disappointment. The Mosambique galleon was fought with by the Hollanders that lately went from Surat, and had cruised off Goa to meet the expected ships. This galleon was very rich in gold and other commodities, but she escaped.
I received an order for camels and carriages, but was continually delayed and disappointed; and being afraid to remain, I bought two carts, and was continually promised camels, yet none appeared. Mr Bidulph remained in the prince's leskar to receive money. The leskar of the king was still only twelve cosses from Agimere. The 18th, the Portuguese Jesuit took leave of me, being under the necessity of purchasing a carriage, although he had an order for one out of the king's store; but every one was distressed, owing to the scarcity. Having nothing material to say, respecting my own affairs, during my solitude at Agimere, I shall here digress, to mention the state of Sultan Cuserou, of whose new delivery into the hands of his enemies, the hearts and mouths of all men were now full.
Though the king had so far condescended to satisfy his proud son Churrum at his departure, as again to place Cuserou in confinement, yet it seems that he did not mean to wink at any injurious behaviour to his eldest son: And, partly to render his situation the more secure, in the custody of Asaph Khan, and partly to satisfy the murmurs of the people, who feared some treachery against him, he took occasion to declare his mind respecting him in the public durbar. Asaph Khan had been to visit his new prisoner, and in his behaviour towards him, did not treat him with the respect due to a prince, but rudely pressed into his presence against his will, and in a disrespectful manner. Some are of opinion he did this purposely to pick a quarrel, knowing the bravery of the prince, who would not suffer an indignity, meaning to tempt him to draw his sword, or to use some violence, which the guard might suddenly revenge; or that he might have opportunity to represent to the king, that the prince had attempted to kill his keeper, on purpose to escape. But the prince acted with patient prudence, and only procured a friend to acquaint the king with the rude behaviour of Asaph Khan. Accordingly, one day at the durbar, the king called Asaph Khan before him, and asked when he had seen his charge? To which he answered, he had seen him two days before. The king then asked, What he had then done to him? He said he had only visited him. But the king pressed to know what reverence and fashion he had carried towards the prince. Asaph Khan then saw that the king knew what had passed. He therefore said, That he had gone to wait upon the prince, in all reverence and affection, to offer his service, but that the prince refused him admittance into the apartment; wherefore, as he was entrusted with his safety, he thought it both necessary for him to see the prince, and discourteous in him to deny, and had therefore pressed in. On this, the king quickly asked, "And when you were in, what did you say and do?" Asaph Khan stood confounded, and confessed that he did not make any reverence. Whereupon, the king told him roundly, "That he would make his proud heart know the prince as his eldest and beloved heir, and his prince and lord; and, if he ever heard again of the smallest disrespect or want of duty in his behaviour towards the prince, he would command his son to trample him under his feet." He added, that he loved his son Prince Churrum, yet did not entrust his eldest son Cuserou among them for his ruin and destruction.
The 20th I received a new warrant for carriages, which procured me eight camels, but such poor ones as were quite unable to suffice for our baggage, and I was therefore under the necessity of purchasing the rest. The 22d I removed to my tents. The 23d and 24th I waited for the merchants; and on the latter of these days I had a letter from Ispahan, saying that my letters had been dispatched for Aleppo, and that we were expected in Persia, but on condition that we seconded the wishes of Shah Abbas, by diverting the sale of his silks from Turkey. My letters added, that the general of the Turks lay with a mighty army at Argerone, [Arzerom,] six days march short of Tauris, as if uncertain whether to attack that city, or to enter Gurgestan and Gilan, the provinces in which silk is produced, so as to win that by conquest which was refused in the way of trade. To guard against both attempts, Shah Abbas was encamped at Salmas, whence he could march either way as might be required. But, it was farther said, if the armies did not come to battle in two months, the approach of winter, and the wants attendant on such numerous bodies of men, would constrain both to quit the field. It is thought the Persians will not adventure a battle, though 180,000 strong, as, being light, and unencumbered with cannon or baggage, they are fitted for rapid marches, and can harass the Turkish army with perpetual skirmishes and assaults on all sides, hovering round about, and wasting them, without hazard to themselves.
§6. Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the King's Leskar, and some Places through which he passed; with instances of the King's Superstition and Drunkenness, and some curious Incidents respecting a Present.
The 25th of November I removed four cosses from Agimere, but waited during the remainder of that month, for the arrival of a caravan, going from Agra to Surat, by which I might transmit my papers in safety. The caravan departed from Agimere at midnight of the 30th November: and on the 1st December I went six cosses to Ramsor, where the king had left the naked bodies of an hundred men, put to death for robbery. The 2d I travelled seven c. I rested the 3d, because of rain. The 4th I went five c. and this day I overtook a camel, laden with 300 heads, sent from Candahar to the king, the people to whom these heads had belonged having been in rebellion. Travelling five c. on the 5th, and four c. on the 6th, I that day overtook the king at a walled town called Todah, in the best and most populous country I had seen in India since I landed. The district was quite level, having a fertile soil, abounding in corn, cotton, and cattle, and the villages were so numerous and near together, as hardly to exceed a coss from each other in any direction. This town was the best built of any I had seen in India, many of the houses being two stories high, and most of them good enough for decent shop-keepers, all covered with tiles. It had been the residence of a Rajput rajah, before the conquests of Akbar Shah, and stood at the foot of a great and strong rock, about which were many excellent works of hewn stone, well cut, with many tanks, arched over with well-turned vaults, and large and deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful grove, two miles long and a quarter of a mile broad, all planted with mangoes, tamarinds, and other fruit-trees, divided by shady walks, and interspersed with little temples, and idol altars, with many fountains, wells, and summer-houses of carved stone curiously arched, so that I must confess a poor banished Englishman might have been content to dwell here. But this observation may serve universally for the whole of this country, that ruin and devastation operates every where; for, since the property of all has become vested in the king, no person takes care of any thing, so that in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear, and no where is any thing repaired.
On the 7th the king only removed from one side of Todah to the other. The 8th I was at the guzalcan, but found the king so nearly drunk, that he became entirely so in half an hour, so that I could not have any business with him. The 9th I took a view of the royal leskar, or camp, which is one of the greatest wonders I had ever seen, and chiefly as I saw it finished and set up in less than four hours, all except the tents of some of the great men, who have double suits. It could not well be less in circuit than twenty English miles, the extent in some directions being three cosses, including the out-skirts. In the middle, where the streets are orderly and the tents joined, there are all sorts of shops, so regularly disposed, that all persons know where to go for any thing they want. Every man of quality, and every trade, is regularly appointed how far they are to be from the king's tents, in what direction, and what ground they shall occupy, which continues ever the same without alteration. All this may equal almost any town in Europe for size. But no person must approach on any side within a musket shot of the atoskanha, or royal quarter, which is so strictly observed that no one is ever admitted but by name. The evening durbar is omitted, the time being spent by the king in hunting or hawking rather, on tanks, by means of boats, in which he takes great delight, his barges being moved along with the leskar on carts. On these occasions he sits by the sides of the tanks, to view the sport, these tanks being often a mile or two over. The king is seen every morning at the Jaruco, formerly mentioned; but business or speaking to him at this time is prohibited; all business being conducted at night in the guzalcan, and there the opportunity is often missed, his majesty being so frequently overcome by drowsiness, proceeding from drunkenness.
There was now a whisper about the court of a new affinity between Sultan Cuserou and Asaph Khan, and great hope was entertained of the prince recovering his liberty. I will find an opportunity to discourse of this hereafter, because the particulars are worthy of being preserved, as the wisdom and goodness of the king were manifest above the malice of others: And, in this affair, Noormahal made good the observation, that women have always great influence in court factions, and she shewed that they are not incapable of managing business. This history will discover a noble prince, an excellent wife, a faithful counsellor, a crafty step-mother, an ambitious son, a cunning favourite; all reconciled by a patient king, whose heart was not understood by any of them all. But this will require a separate place,[209] as not fit to be mingled with matters of ordinary business. At this time the English complained of being ill used at Surat; but their drunkenness, and riotous behaviour proceeding from that cause, were so notorious, that it was rather wonderful they were not all put to death.
[Footnote 209: This story does not however appear, the journal of Sir Thomas Roe being left imperfect, both in the Pilgrims and in the Collection of Churchill.--E.]
The 16th of December I visited the king, who was just returned from his sports, having all his game laid out before him, both fish and fowl. He desired me to take my choice, and then distributed all the rest among his nobles. I found him sitting on his throne, having a beggar at his feet, a poor silly old man, all in rags and ashes, attended on by a young one. The country abounds in these professed poor and holy men, who are held in great reverence, and who, in voluntary sufferings and mortified chastisements of their bodies, exceed all the boasted performances of heretics and idolaters in all ages and countries. With this miserable wretch, who was cloathed in rags, crowned with feathers, and covered, with filth, his majesty conversed for about an hour, with such kindness, as shewed a humility not common among kings. All this time the beggar sat before the king, which is not even permitted to his son. The beggar gave the king as a present, a cake made by himself of coarse grain, burnt on the coals, and all foul with ashes; which yet the king accepted, broke off a piece and eat it, which a dainty person would hardly have done. He then wrapt up the rest in a clout, and put it into the poor man's bosom, and sending for 100 rupees, he poured them into the beggar's lap, gathering up with his own hands any that fell past, and giving them to him. When his collation or banquet was brought in, whatsoever he took to eat, he gave half of to the beggar. Rising, after many humiliations and charities, and the old wretch not being nimble, he took him up in his arms, though a dainty person would have scrupled to touch him, and embraced him three times, laying his hand on his heart and calling him father, and so left him, all of us greatly admiring such virtue in a heathen prince. This I mention with emulation and sorrow; wishing, as we have the true vine, that we should not produce bastard grapes, or that this zeal in an unbeliever were guided by the true light of the gospel.
The 23d, being about three cosses short of a city called Rantepoor, [Rantampoor,] where it was supposed the king would rest, and consult what way to take in his farther progress, he suddenly turned off towards Mundu, but without declaring his purpose. I am of opinion, he took this way for fear of the plague at Agra, rather than from any purpose of being near the army; for we only marched every other day no more than four cosses, and with such a train of baggage as was almost impossible to be kept in any degree of order.
The 26th we passed through woods and over mountains, torn with bushes and tired by the incommodiousness of an almost impassable way, in which many camels perished, and many persons, wearied of these difficulties, went away to Agra, and all complained. In this laborious day's march, I lost my tents and carts, but by midnight I again fell in with them. The king now rested two days, as the leskar could not again recover its order in less time; many of the king's women, and thousands of camels, carts, and coaches, being left in the woody mountains, where they could neither procure food nor water. The king himself got through upon a small elephant, which beast can climb up rocks, and get through such difficult passes, that no horse or other animal I have seen can follow. The 29th we encamped beside the river Chambet, [Chumbull.]
The first of January, 1617, I complained to Asaph Khan of the injuries offered to the English at Surat, though I was at the same time much perplexed by various relations, giving me a bad account of the disorderly and outrageous behaviour of my countrymen. Asaph Khan advised me not to carry my complaint to the king, which would incense the prince; but desired me to ask leave of his majesty to go to visit Sultan Churrum, with a letter from him recommending the dispatch of my business, and good usage to our nation; so that, carrying a present to the prince, I should please both, and succeed in my business. This was the same plan I had already formed, and therefore pleased me the better; more especially as the king now certainly designed to go forwards to Mundu, which is only eight days journey from Burhanpoor, where the prince was; and I thought I might as well ride over to him, as remain idle in the fields. At noon this day I visited the Persian ambassador, being the first time we had leisure for this ceremony, and was received by him with much respectful civility. After compliments on both sides were over, I proposed to him the settlement of trade in his master's dominions, which he engaged to promote as much as lay in his power. He gave me a banquet of bad fruit, but being a good fellow, it went off well, and he outdid in courtesy every thing I had met with in India. He railed loudly against the court, and the king's officers and council, using most unusual liberty. He offered to be my interpreter, desiring that I might pitch my tents beside his, and he would impart whatever I thought proper to the king. When about to part, after long discourse, he pressed me to accept a horse with handsome furniture, which was brought to the door, but I refused. He then sent for nine pieces of Persian silks, and nine bottles of wine, that I might not depart without some testimony of his love, but these also I refused to accept, with many protestations of affectionate regard. I observed him looking earnestly at my sword, which I offered to give him; but, following my example, he refused.
At night I visited the king, who spent his time sadly with an old man, after reading long letters, and few spoke with him. At his rising, he presented to this person, who was a cripple from age, 5000 rupees, and took his leave of him with many embraces. I here again met the Persian ambassador, who, after some compliments, repenting that he had refused my sword, and having a liking to it, now asked it from me, saying, that such liberty among friends was reckoned good manners in his country. We continued to remove four or five c. every other day, and came on the 7th to the goodly river Shind. The 18th, the king passed through between two mountains, the road having been cut through the woods, but with so much trouble and difficulty, and so much encumbrance to the baggage, that it was left behind, without provisions for man and beast. This day likewise I lost my tents and baggage, but found them again at midnight, having been obliged till then to take up my lodging under a tree. This part of the country is much infested by thieves, and is hardly under obedience to government, except so far as it is kept under by force. It belongs to a rajah, who has no desire to see the king. The exactor complained, and some few of the people that fled being taken, were chained by the neck and brought before the king, all the rest having fled into the mountains. At night the king caused the town near which he was encamped to be set on fire, appointing a new governor, with orders to re-build and new-people the town, and to reduce the district under more regular government and better civilization. He left a party of horse with the new governor, to enable him to perform this service.
On the 20th, the people who had fled to the mountains, being enraged at the burning of their town, set upon a number of stragglers who had been left behind, killing many of them, and plundering the rest. The 22d, having no accounts of the presents I expected from Surat, I went at night to visit the king, to observe how he might receive me. I found him seated in an unusual manner, so that I knew not what place to occupy, and not willing to mix among the great men, as was offered me, and doubting whether I might go into the apartment where the king was, which was cut down in the bank of a river, I went to the brink and stood alone. There were none near the king, except Etiman Dowlet his father-in-law, Asaph Khan, and three or four others. The king observed me, and having allowed me to stay a while, he called me in with a gracious smile, and pointed with his hand for me to stand beside him, a favour so unusual, that it pleased and honoured me, and of which I soon experienced the good effects, in the behaviour of the great men of the court. He led me to talk with him, and when I called for an interpreter, he refused it, pressing me to use such Persian words as I had learnt. Our discourse, in consequence, had not much sense or coherence, yet he was pleased with it, and shewed his approbation in a very courteous manner.
On the 24th of January, news came to court, that the Deccaners were not to be frightened out of their dominions, as had been pretended by Asaph Khan and Noormahal, on purpose to persuade the king into this expedition. For they had sent off all their baggage and other impediments into the interior of their country, and lay upon the frontiers with 50,000 horse, resolved to fight in defence of their dominions; while Sultan Churrum had hitherto advanced no farther than Mundu, afraid both of the enemy and Khan Khana. The king's councellors now changed their advice, declaring that they expected the Deccaners would have been so alarmed by his majesty's passage over the last hills, as to have submitted at the terror of his approach; and as they now found the contrary, they advised the king to convert his journey into a hunting excursion, and to turn his course towards Agra, as the Deccaners were not worthy of exposing his sacred person. He answered, that this consideration came now too late, as his honour was engaged by having advanced so far, and he was resolved to prosecute their former advice and his own purpose, whatever might be the hazard. He now daily dispatched fresh troops to reinforce the army of his son Churrum, partly from his own followers, and the rest commanded from different governments. These reinforcements were said to be 30,000 horse, but the actual musters were not so numerous. Water was sometimes very scarce in camp, and provisions grew daily scarcer and dearer, the part of the country in which we now were not being well reduced to good government. Not feeling these distresses, the king took no care to have them alleviated; and as his khans, or great men, had their provisions brought after them, they neglected to inform the king. The whole burden fell upon strangers, the soldiers, and the poor followers of the camp, who were worst able to endure the hardships. Every alternate day, as formerly, the king removed his camp, three, four, or five cosses; yet on the 29th of January, we were still sixty cosses short of Mundu.
On the 3d of February, having left the road of the leskar for my own ease, and for the benefit of the shade, and while resting me under a tree, Sultan Cuserou came upon me suddenly, seeking the same conveniences. This is the king's eldest son, formerly mentioned as in confinement by the practices of his brother Churrum and his faction, and taken out of their hands by the king at his leaving Agimere. He was now riding on an elephant, with no great guard or attendance. His people called out to me to give place to the prince, which I did, yet I staid to look at him, and he called on me to approach; and, after asking some familiar and civil questions, I departed. His person is comely, his countenance chearful, and his beard hung down as low as his middle. This I noticed, by his questions, that he seemed quite ignorant of all that passed at court, insomuch that he had never heard of any English, or of me their ambassador. The 4th and 5th we continued our march without halting, and on the 6th at night, we came to a little tower, newly repaired, where the king pitched his tent in a pleasant place, on the banks of the river Sepra, one coss short of the city of Ugen, [Oojain,] the chief city of Malwa. This place, called Callenda, was anciently a seat of the Gentoo kings of Mundu, one of whom was there drowned while drunk. He had once before fallen into the river, and was taken out by the hair of his head, by a person who dived for him. When he came to himself, it was told him how he had been saved from drowning, in hopes of having the slave rewarded. He called his deliverer before him, and asking how he dared to be so bold as to touch his sovereign's head, caused his hands to be cut off. Not long afterwards, while sitting drunk beside his wife, and no other person near, he had the same misfortune to tumble into the water, at which time she might easily have saved him, but did not. Being afterwards asked why she had not, she said she knew not but she likewise might have had her hands cut off for her reward.
The 10th we removed one coss beyond Oojain; and on the 11th, the king rode to that city, to speak with a dervise, or holy man, who dwelt upon a hill, and was reported to be 300 years old, but I did not think this miracle worth my examination. At noon this day, I received news by a foot-post, that the prince, notwithstanding all the firmauns and commands of his father, had intercepted the presents and goods on their way up, to satisfy his own base and greedy inclinations; and no entreaty, gifts, or persuasions, that Mr Terry could offer, who had the charge of them, could prevail on him to part with them, and he compelled them by force to follow him towards Burhanpoor. Yet he forbore to break open the packages, but pressed the English to consent, which they refused by my orders, and he thought to win them to his purpose by vexatious usage. For it is the custom in this country, for the great men to see all merchant goods before even the king, that they may chuse first; but I resolved, if possible, to break that bad custom, in our behalf.
That he might satisfy his own cupidity, the prince sent up a courier to the king, before I could get intelligence, giving notice of having detained the goods, but without mentioning that they were presents, and requested his authority to have them opened, that he might purchase what he fancied. This faithless proceeding of the prince, contrary to his promise and his own written orders, satisfied me that I was justifiable in the eyes of all, if I carried my complaint directly to the king, having used every possible means to procure favour from the prince, and having already suffered beyond the patience of a free-born man; so that I must now be blameless by using rougher means, having already fruitlessly proved all smoother expedients. I therefore resolved to appeal for justice, by complaint to the king in person, yet as calmly and warily as possible. I feared to go to Asaph Khan on this occasion, lest he might oppose my purpose, yet thought my neglect of him might be displeasing; wherefore, if I sent to acquaint him that I proposed to visit the king at the guzalcan, I dreaded he might suspect my purpose, if he had learnt the injury I meant to complain of. For all which reasons, I considered how best to avoid being counteracted.
The visit of the king to the dervise, just mentioned, gave me a good opportunity, and my new linguist, who was a Greek I had sent for from Agimere, being ready, I rode out to meet the king, who was returning from the holy man on his elephant. On his majesty's approach, I alighted, and made a sign that I wished to speak to the king, who immediately turned his monster towards me, and prevented me, by saying, "My son has taken your goods and my presents; be not therefore sad, for he shall not touch nor open a lock or a seal; for at night I shall send him an order to set them free." He made other gracious speeches, intimating that he knew I had come brim-full of complaints, and that he had spoken first to ease me. At this time, seeing that the king was on the road, I could do no more; but at night, without farther seeking to Asaph Khan, I went to the guzalcan, determined to proceed with my complaints, to get back my goods, and to seek redress for the charges, troubles, and abuses at Surat, and all our other grievances.
As soon as I came in, the king called my interpreter before him, and, by means of his own, intimated that he had already dispatched his orders so effectually, that not even to the value of a hair should be abstracted from our goods. In reply, I stated that the injuries, charges, and abuses we suffered from the prince's officers, were so numerous and intolerable as could not be endured, and that I craved effectual redress. To this it was answered, that I must apply to his son for all past matters; but I could obtain nothing except fair words, through the intermediation of Asaph Khan, so that I was forced to seem satisfied, and to seek opportunities as might be for redress, when this false friend and pretended advocate was out of the way. The good king fell at length to dispute about the laws of Moses, Jesus, and Mahomet; and, being in drink, turned lovingly to me, saying, "As I am a king, you shall be all welcome, Christians and Jews as well as Mahometans, for I meddle not with their faiths; they all come in love, and I will protect them from wrong while they are under my dominion, and no one shall be allowed to molest or oppress them." This he frequently repeated, but being extremely drunk, he fell a-weeping, and into various passions, and so kept us till midnight.
Any one may easily conceive how much I was now disconcerted by the unjustifiable conduct of the factors, who had detained the presents for four months at Surat, and now sent them to fall into the hands of the prince, who was then within two days march of Burhanpoor, by which my trouble was infinitely increased. But having now began, and suspecting that the prince was already sufficiently exasperated upon matters of small importance, I thought I might as well lose his favour upon great as small matters, so I resolved to try what I could do with the king; and, while I waited the result, I sent back the messenger to Mr Terry, who was with the presents, desiring him to remain firm, waiting for the king's ultimate orders, which I should send him soon.
During this interval, the king had caused the chests to be privately brought to him, and had opened them, which came to my knowledge, on which I determined to express my dissatisfaction at this usage, and having obtained an audience, I made my complaint. He received me with much mean flattery, more unworthy even of his high rank than the action he had done, which I suppose he did to appease me, as seeing by my countenance that I was highly dissatisfied. He began by telling me that he had found some things that pleased him much, particularly two embroidered cushions, or sweet-bags, a folding glass cabinet, and the mastiff dogs, and desired me not to be discontented, for whatever I was not disposed to give him, he would return. I answered, that most of these things were intended for his majesty, but that it was a great indignity to the king my master thus to seize upon what was meant to be presented, and not permitted to come through my hands, to whom they were sent in the first place. I added, that besides what were destined for his majesty, some of these things were intended for Noormahal, some for the prince, and the rest to remain in my hands, to serve as occasion might require, to bespeak his majesty's favour to protect us from injuries daily offered to us by strangers, and some for my friends, or my own use, while the rest belonged to the English merchants, with which I had no concern. He desired me not to be grieved that he had thus got his own choice, as he had not patience to forbear from seeing them, in which he did me no wrong, as he believed I wished him to be served first, and that he would make satisfaction to the king my master, to whom he would justify me. As for the prince and Noormahal, they were all one with himself. As to bringing any presents hereafter to procure his favour, I might be easy on that score, as it was merely a needless ceremony, for I should be always welcome to come to him empty-handed, and he would hear me, as it was not my fault, and he would see me righted at all times. That he would return me some things to enable me to go to his son, and he would pay the merchants for such things as belonged to them. He concluded by desiring me not to be angry with the freedom he had taken, as he meant well. As I made no reply, he pressed to know if I were pleased, to which I answered, that his majesty's satisfaction must always please me.
He then began to enumerate all the things he had taken, beginning with the mastiffs, embroidered sweet bags, the case of combs and razors, and so forth; saying, with a smile, "You would not have me to restore these things, and I am delighted with them?" To which I answered in the negative. He then mentioned two glass-cases, as mean and ordinary, asking me for whom they were intended. I answered, that one was intended for his majesty, and the other for Noormahal. "Why then," said he, "you will not ask me for that I have, but will be satisfied with one?" To this I was under the necessity of yielding. He next asked for whom certain hats were intended, which his women liked? I answered, that three were for his majesty, and one for myself. He then said, I surely would not take back those meant for him, and that he would return mine if I needed it; and would not bestow it upon him. To this likewise I had to agree. He then asked, whose were the pictures? I answered, that they were sent me to use as occasion offered, and to dispose of as my business might require. So he called for these, and caused them to be opened, examining me about the women, and other little questions, asking my judgment and opinions concerning them. The third was a picture of Venus leading a satyr by the nose. Commanding my interpreter not to tell me what he said on this subject, he shewed it about among his nobles, asking them to expound its moral or interpretation, pointing out the satyr's horns and black skin, and many other particulars. Every one answered according to his fancy; but, liking none of their expositions, he reserved his own opinion to himself, and commanding that all these notions should be concealed from me, he ordered the interpreter to ask me what it meant. I answered, that it was an invention of the painter, to shew his art, and that it represented some poetical fable, which was all I could say, having never seen it before. He then called upon Mr Terry to give his opinion, who could not; on which the king asked him, why he brought up with him an invention in which he was ignorant? On this I interposed, saying Mr Terry was a preacher, and did not meddle with such matters, neither had he any charge of them, having only come along with them.
I have related this anecdote of the picture for the instruction of the gentlemen of the East India Company, and for him who may succeed me, to be very careful that what they send into this country may not be susceptible of an evil interpretation; for the king and people are pregnant with, and full of, scrupulosity and jealousy. For, though the king concealed his opinion, yet I had ground, from what he did say, to believe he thought the picture was meant in derision of the Asiatics, whom he conceived to be represented by the satyr, as being of their complexion; and that Venus leading him by the nose denoted the great influence exercised by the women of that country over the men. He was satisfied that I had never seen the picture, and therefore pressed me no farther about its explanation; yet he shewed no discontent, but rolled up the pictures, saying he would accept even the satyr as a present from me. As for the saddle, and some other trifles, he said he would have them sent to his son, for whom they were fit, as a present from me, to whom he would write so effectually, pursuant to his promise, that I should stand in no need of a solicitor near him in any of my affairs. He added many compliments, excuses, professions, and protestations, such as might proceed either from a very noble or very base mind.
He then enquired what was meant by the figures of the beasts, and whether they had been sent for me to give him? I had understood that they were very mean and ill-shaped images, from which the varnish had come off, and were ill-formed lumps of wood. I was really ashamed of them, and told him this was no fault of mine, those who had seized them being guilty of the affront, in conveying them to his majesty, for whom they were not intended, having only been sent to shew the forms of certain animals in our country. He quickly replied, "Did you think in England that a horse or a bull were strange to me?" I answered, that I thought not upon such mean matters, the sender being an ordinary man, who had sent these things out of good-will to me, and that I could not know what might have been his thoughts. The king then said he would keep them all; but that he desired I would procure for him a horse of the largest size, a male and female mastiff, some tall Irish greyhounds, and such other hunting-dogs as we had in England, adding, on the word of a king, if I would procure him these, he would fully recompense me, and grant every thing I desired. I answered, that I would engage to have them sent by the next ships, but could not answer for their lives in so long a voyage, but should direct their skins and bones to be preserved if they died, to convince his majesty I had obeyed his commands. Upon this he bowed to me repeatedly, laid his hand on his heart, and shewed me so much kindness, favour, and familiarity, that all present declared they had never seen him use the like to any man before.
This was all my recompence, except that he often desired me to be merry, as he would royally requite the wrongs he had done me, and send me home to my country with grace and rewards befitting a gentleman. Thus, seeing nothing returned of all that was seized but words, I requested his majesty would order the velvets and silks to be delivered back, as these were merchant goods sent up among mine by the command of his majesty, by which they had escaped the rapacity of the prince's officers. He then desired Mr Bidulph to be called for, that he might agree with and pay him for their value. I then delivered in a memorial, which I had ready written, containing my demands for privileges and justice, as otherwise I should return home a mere useless person, and under disgrace with my sovereign. I pressed likewise to have justice in regard to a debt due by Zulphecar Khan, lately deceased. He replied, that he would take such order with his son, in regard to our affairs at Surat, that I should have no cause to complain, and would give such orders for other places as should in every respect shew his regard for me; and, that I might return to my master with honour, he would send by me a rich and worthy present, together with his letters certifying my good behaviour, and giving me much praise. He likewise commanded me to name what I thought would be most acceptable. To this I answered, that I could not crave, as that was not our custom, neither was it consistent with the honour of my sovereign; but I had no doubt that whatever he was pleased to send would be acceptable from so potent a monarch, who was already so much loved by my master. He then said, that I thought he only asked in jest to please me, as he saw I was still discontented; but he assured me he was my friend, and would prove so in the end, and swore by his head that he spoke sincerely in regard to the presents, and that therefore I must not refuse to name some for his satisfaction.
This earnestness forced me to say, that, if his majesty pleased, I thought some large Persian carpets might be fittest, as my master did not look for gifts of cost and value. To this he answered, that he would provide them of all sorts and sizes, and should add to them what else he thought fit, that my master might know how great was his respect. Having venison of various kinds before him, he gave me half a stag, which he said he had himself killed, and that I should see the rest bestowed on his ladies. This was presently cut up into four pound pieces, and was sent into the interior apartments by his young son and two women in their bare hands, just as if he had been doling out such small fragments to the poor by way of charity. I had now as abundant grace and fair words as might have flattered me into conceit, but our injuries were not to be compensated by words, though I was glad of these as a colour for dissembling my discontent. In conclusion, he repeated his expressions of desire to satisfy me, saying, he hoped I went away contented. To which I answered, that his majesty's favour was sufficient to make me any amends. He then said that he had only one farther question to ask: "How comes it, now that I have seen your presents for two years, that your master, before you came, sent by a mean man, a merchant, five times as many and more curious toys, and having sent you his ambassador, with a commission and his letters mentioning presents, that you should have brought so little, so mean, and so much inferior to the other? I acknowledge you as an ambassador, and have found you a gentleman in your behaviour, but am amazed you are so slightly provided."
I was about to reply, when he cut me short, saying, "I know that all this is not your king's fault nor yours, but I shall shew you that I esteem you more than those who employed you. At your return, I shall send you home with honour and reward, according to your quality and merit, not regarding what you have brought me, and shall send a present to your lord and master, befitting a king to send. Only this will I require from you, and do not expect it from the merchants, that you will take with you patterns of the following articles: a quiver and bow-case, a coat of mail, a cushion to rest my head upon in our fashion, and a pair of boots, which you shall cause to be embroidered for me in England in the richest manner, as I know they can do these things in your country better than any I have seen. These things I shall expect from you, and if you send them, I promise you, on the word of a king, that you shall be no loser." This I most chearfully undertook, and he commanded Asaph Khan to send me the patterns. He then asked if I had any grape wine, which I said I had. He desired to have some of it to taste next night, and if he liked it, he would be obliged to me to let him have it, otherwise I might make merry with it myself. Thus the whole of this night being spent in discourse only with me, he rose up, and I departed.
On the 3d of March we arrived at Mundu, into which the king was expected to make his entry; but the day for that was not yet fixed, as he waited till the astrologers had determined upon an auspicious hour for the ceremony, so that we had all to remain without, waiting for the good hour. The 6th I entered Mundu, and my servants, whom I had sent before to seek out for quarters, had taken possession of a fair court, well walled round, in which was a goodly temple and a tomb. Some of the king's servants had already taken up their quarters there, but I got possession and kept it, being the best within the whole circuit of Mundu, though two miles from the king's house; yet it was so nearly sufficient, that a very small charge was sufficient to make it defensible against the rains, and save me 1000 rupees. The air was wholesome, and the prospect pleasant, as it was on the very edge of the hill.
I went at night of the 11th to meet the king, but was told, that, on the news of a lion[210] having killed some horses, the king had gone out to hunt for that animal. I thus had leisure to look out for water; for such was the unaccountable want of foresight, that we were brought, with a multitude of people and beasts, to a hill on which was no water, so that the men and cattle were ready to perish. What little was to be found in certain wells and tanks had been taken possession of by the great men, and kept by force, so that I could not procure any. The poor forsook the city; many more were commanded away by proclamation, and all horses or other cattle were ordered to be removed. Thus, those who were in hopes of rest, were enforced to seek out new dwelling places, and had to go away some two, three, and even four cosses, to the extreme trouble and inconvenience of all, and occasioning provisions to rise greatly in price. For my own part, I was greatly troubled how to determine. My house was very good, and, though far from markets, it was still less inconvenient to submit to that trouble than to remain in the fields without house or shelter, where I must have gone to encamp, but then I was in want of water. Riding about with this view, I came to a great tank or pool, which was guarded for a khan, to whom the king had granted its use. I sent to acquaint him of my needs, and asked leave to draw water at his tank, when he was pleased to allow me to have four loads daily. This satisfied me in some sort; and, by selling off some of the goods that had been sent me from Surat, and putting away some of my cattle, I had hope of being able to live; for which purpose I sent two of my carriages, with their servants and cattle, to remain out of town, and thus relieved myself from this public calamity. There was not a misery or inconvenience that I was not subjected to, in thus following the court of the Mogul, owing to the want of good management in the government, and the intemperature of the climate.
[Footnote 210: It is almost certain that the lions of these early voyages and travels, at least in India, were tigers.--E.]
§7. A New-Year's Gift.--Suspicions entertained of the English.--Trade of Dabul.--Dissatisfaction of the Persian Ambassador.--English Ships of War in the Indian Seas.
On the 12th March, 1617, I carried, as a new-year's gift to the king, a pair of very handsome knives belonging to myself, and six glasses belonging to the Company, making an apology for the smallness of the present, which was well received, and the king used me very graciously, saying, that whatever came from my hands he looked on as a sufficient present, and as a proof of my love, and that it was now his part to give me. He gave orders to an officer to send for Mr Bidulph, to pay him his demands to his satisfaction, and all others who were indebted to us were ordered by name to pay what they owed to the Company. The king said likewise, that he would write to the prince in our favour. But I found him unwilling to part with any of our things, of which the best sweet bag then lay before him. I replied, that I was very unwilling to go empty-handed. The king then commanded that I should come up and stand beside him on the steps of the throne, where stood on one side the Persian ambassador, and the old king of Candahar on the other, with whom I ranked. As soon as I had taken my place, the king asked me for a knife, which I sent him next day. The king then called the Persian to stand before him, to whom he gave a jewel and a young elephant, for which he kneeled and saluted the ground with his head.
On this occasion the same throne and furniture were used as last year, the upper end of the hall being adorned with the pictures of the king my master, the queen, the princess Elizabeth, Sir Thomas Smith, and some others, with two pieces of beautiful Persian tapestry hung below them. The throne was of gold, bespangled all over with rubies, emeralds, and turquoises. On one side, on a little stage or scaffold, was a company of women-singers. I this day sent a dispatch to Surat, giving my advice respecting the trade of Persia, and of what had passed on that subject with the ambassador, and sent some remembrance to the governor, Ibrahim Khan. I had a letter from him in return, stating that the English nation had been wronged without his knowledge; but as his authority was now augmented by Prince Churrum, we might rest confident in his protection, as while he lived and held authority at that place, we should never more be liable to abuses, but should be allowed to reside and trade in perfect freedom and security.
The 13th I sent as a present to Asaph Khan a richly embroidered pair of gloves, and a fair wrought night-cap of my own. He received the cap, but returned the gloves, as useless in this country, and requested to have some Alicant wine, which I sent him next night. Aganor, whose diligence now gave me great hope of success in my desires, sent his Banian secretary to inform me that he had orders for the dispatch, of the merchant goods, and that his man should attend Mr Bidulph to finish that business; that the patterns should be sent me, and that the Mogul meant to give me a robe, and money to bear my charges in going to wait upon the prince. I returned for answer, that I had no need of a garment or of money, but begged his majesty would graciously consider the injuries of which I had complained, and of which I had already given an account in writing, and that he would please to give me a letter to the prince, with some of our own presents which were intended for him, or else state my excuse in writing, that his majesty had intercepted and appropriated the whole. This was all I wished, as instead of gifts from the king, I only required justice.
The 21st I discovered that the Mogul suspected that I meant to steal out of the country. These doubts had been insinuated by the prince, either as a cover for his own guilt, or out of fear, or perhaps as a cunning pretence to cover his own designs. He had informed the king that the English meant next year to surprise Surat, and retain possession of that place. Indeed, their own folly gave some colour to the idea; as lately, upon one of the usual brawls at that place, our people had landed 200 musqueteers, with whom they marched towards Surat; and, during their march, some of the jovial tars gave out to all they met that they meant to take the place. This was a most absurd bravado, for a handful of men to march twelve miles against a walled town that was able to oppose them with 1000 horse, and as many foot armed with match-locks, and having besides to pass a river which could be defended by a handful of men against an army. It gave, however, just occasion both of scorn and offence; and the prince, perhaps to serve some ends of his own, took occasion from it to strengthen the fortifications of the town and castle, and to send down ordnance for their defence; perhaps a good precaution to have an open door to flee to in case his brother should live, and have the means of checking his ambitious views. But this information concurring with my discontents here, and some free language on that occasion, and my pressing demands to be allowed to go to Burhanpoor, together with flying reports that we had taken Goa, and were preparing a great fleet in England, raised suspicions in the mind of the king, though he concealed them as well as he could from me. By my explanations, however, I satisfied the king thoroughly, though I was by no means so, having been fed only with words, and knew well that our residence was only permitted out of fear. The complaints I was enforced to make at this court against the misconduct of its officers towards us, greatly offended all the great men, as being in some sort their own case; for they all live by farming the several governments, in which they all practise every kind of tyranny against the natives under their jurisdiction, oppressing them with continual exactions, and are exceedingly averse from any way being opened by which the king may be informed of their infamous proceedings. They grind the people under their government, to extract money from them, often hanging men up by the heels to make them confess that they are rich, or to ransom themselves from faults merely imputed with a view to fleece them. Thus my complaints against exaction and injustice made me hated of all about the court, as an informer.
The 25th I received a letter from Captain Pepwell, then in Dabul roads, stating,--That, according to advice, he had stopped the junk bound for Mokha; but having well weighed the caution I had given him respecting the correspondence between that prince and Masulipatam, where the Solomon then was, he had freed her without spoil. By this courtesy he had procured such good entertainment as is seldom had in the Indies, being allowed free trade, with a promise of taking 300 pieces of broad-cloth yearly, and had sold a good quantity of lead for ready money, besides some ordnance. This part of his procedure I do not like much, as tending to arm the Indians, and the Portuguese, their friends, against the Moguls. If these courtesies proceeded not from the junk being still under his command, they give good prospect of an yearly sale at that port. However, the freeing of this junk gives me good assurance that Captain Pepwell will do nothing prejudicial to the Company, and will deliver himself honestly from the jealousies entertained of him at Dabul. He signifies his intention of proceeding to Calicut, and if that factory be not likely to succeed, he proposes transferring it to Dabul.
The 27th, by a foot-post from Masulipatam, I received advice that the Solomon had put to sea, and that the Hosiander was arrived from Bantam, with the bad news of the loss of the Hector and Concord, while careening in the roads of Jacatra, in the island of Java; but with the good news that the Dragon, Clove, and Defence were laden homewards from Bantam. I took the opportunity of this post to convey a letter to the governor of Dabul respecting the overture made by him of trade to that port; and, though I had no great opinion of the place, I would neither have it entirely neglected, nor would I encourage the next fleet to proceed there, unless on better assurance than a forced friendship, and offers made when their junk was in our power. I signified the causes of our having stopped their goods formerly for refusing trade to Sir Henry Middleton; but finding him now better disposed, and willing to establish a league of trade and amity, and to take a good quantity of our cloth, I required to know if he were hearty in these motions; and willing to act as a man of honour; as a pledge of which, I requested him to procure for us a firmaun from his sovereign, with such privileges as were fit for merchants, with a royal engagement under his seal to fulfil all the friendly offers made to us by this officer; desiring this firmaun might be transmitted to me with all expedition, to my present residence at the Mogul court. By this, I said, I should be satisfied that they meant to treat us with good faith, and on its reception, I would undertake, on the behalf of the king of England, that a firm and lasting peace should be established with his master, whose subjects should have free passage on the seas without molestation from our ships; and should send yearly a ship to trade at his port, or, if desired, should establish a resident factory there. I have no doubt, either through fear or favour, that some good sales may be made there yearly, but I doubt of being able to procure any valuable investments.
In this I proceed cautiously, as all men ought on such occasions, not with too eager apparent desire, nor swallowing hungrily any offered conditions, without due assurances. Strict care in the first settling is of the utmost importance, as you can never mend your first establishment, and may often impair it. Every man succeeds best at first, when new and a stranger; for, by the natural levity of these barbarians, they are fond of changes, and grow weary of things in their usual train. I have committed this dispatch to the care of Mr Bangham, whom I have directed to make diligent enquiry into the commodities, advantages, and inconveniences attendant on our projected trade, and to make himself acquainted with the humours and affections of the Deccaners towards us.
On the 30th of April the Persian ambassador sent to excuse himself for going away without paying his respects to me, alleging illness, but his messenger said he was not so sick as he pretended; but, finding no success in his negociations with the king, he had taken his leave, and made a present of thirty-five horses at his departure. In return, the king gave him 3000 rupees, which he took in great scorn. Upon which, to justify himself, the king caused two lists to be drawn up, in one of which all the presents made by the ambassador were enumerated, with their values, meanly rated, much lower than their real worth; and, in the other, all the gifts the king had presented to him since his arrival,--as slaves, melons, pine-apples, plantains, hawks, plumes of feathers, the elephant, and not even forgetting the drink he had received, all charged at extremely high prices, much above their value. These two lists were laid before the ambassador, with their amounts summed up, offering him the rest of the money to make up the balance. Owing to this bad usage, the Persian feigned himself sick of a fever, as an excuse for not waiting upon Asaph Khan and Etemon Dowlet, for which reason he could not come through the town to visit me, without discovering the counterfeit, but desired his messenger to acquaint me with the truth, which Aganor as freely delivered, and with no small bitterness against the king, and to which I seemed unwilling to listen. The ambassador also desired him to assure me that he was ready to serve my nation in his country, to the utmost of his power. I presented him with some Alicant wine, and a few knives, to be taken to his master, and so we parted. The 12th May I received news of a great blow given by the Turkish army to the Persians, the former having taken and utterly destroyed Tauris; and that Shah Abbas was unable to keep the field.
On the night of the 25th, a lion and a wolf[211] broke into my quarters, and gave us great alarm, carrying off some sheep and goats that were in my court-yard, and leaping with them over a high wall. I sent to ask leave to kill them, as in that country no person may meddle with lions except the king. Receiving permission, and the animals returning next night, I ran out into the court upon the alarm, and the beast missing his prey, seized upon a little dog before me, and escaped; but my servants killed the wolf, which I sent to the king.
[Footnote 211: More likely to have been a tyger and hyena.--E.]
The 14th of June, a cabinet belonging to the jesuits was sent up from Cambay, containing medicines and other necessaries, and a letter, which were betrayed by the bringer, and delivered to the king. He opened the cabinet, and sent for the padre to read the letter, and to see every thing contained in the boxes; but, finding nothing to his liking, he returned all. I mention this circumstance as a caution to all who deal in this country, to be careful of what they write or send, as it is the humour of this prince to seize and see every thing, lest any curiosity or toy should escape his greed.
The 18th, I had letters from Ahmedabad, advising that indigo had greatly fallen in price, in consequence of the non-arrival of the flotilla from Goa. The unicorn's horn had been returned, as without virtue, concerning which I sent new advice.[212] Many complaints were made concerning Surat and others, which I do not insert. I received two letters from Burhanpoor, stating the doubtfulness of recovering the debt due to Mr Ralph Fitch. Spragge had returned from the leskar or camp of the Deccan army, where Melick Amber, with much show of honour, had given instant orders for searching the whole camp; but the Persian had fled to Visiapour, so that the business was referred by letter to a Dutchman who resided there. The general of the Deccan army desired Spragge to be the means of sending English cloth and swords to his camp, which is within six days march of Burhanpoor; and, in my opinion, this might be a good employment for some idle men, and an excellent opportunity to get vent for our dead commodities.
[Footnote 212: This of the unicorn's horn, or rather the horn of a rhinoceros, may allude to some supposed inherent virtue of detecting poison, anciently attributed to cups made of that material.--E.]
The 30th of July I received news from Surat of two Dutch ships being cast away on the coast near Damaun. They were from the southwards, laden with spices and China silks, and bound for the Red Sea; but losing the season, with much bad weather, they had tried to take shelter in Socatora, or some other port on the coast of Arabia, but failing after beating about many weeks, they bore away for Surat, hoping to be able to ride out the adverse monsoon in safety, as they had done in other years. But the years differ, and being forced to come to anchor, they had to cut away their masts by the violence of the gale; the smaller vessel of sixty tons was beaten to pieces, and the cables of the other breaking, she was driven ashore in oosy ground, within musket shot of the land. The ship kept upright; but having lost their long-boat, and the skiff being unable to live, four men got ashore on a raft. The spring-tides heaved her up so near the shore, that much of her goods and all her people were saved.
Maree Rustam, who had been king of Candahar, came to visit me on the 21st of August, and brought a present of wine and fruit, staying about half an hour, and concluded his visit by begging a bottle of wine. This day Sultan Cusero had his first prospect of long-hoped liberty, being allowed to leave his prison, and to take the air and his pleasure in a banqueting house near mine. Sultan Churrum had contracted a marriage at Burhanpoor, without waiting for the king's consent, for which he had fallen under displeasure; and some secret practices of his against the life of his brother had been discovered, on which he was ordered to court in order to clear himself. By the advice of their father, Etimon Dowlet, Noormahal and Asaph Khan now made proposals of friendship and alliance with Cusero. This news has diffused universal joy among the people, who now begin to hope that their good prince may recover his full liberty. The 22d the king feasted Asaph Khan. The 25th Asaph Khan feasted Noormahal. It is reported the Prince Cusero is to make a firm alliance, as above stated, and is to take a wife of his father's choice. This will produce his entire liberty, and the ruin of our proud oppressor, Churrum.
The 1st of September was the solemnity of the king's birth-day, when he is publicly weighed, to which I went. I was conducted into a beautiful garden, in the middle of which was a great square pond or tank, set all round with trees and flowers, and in the middle was a pavilion or pleasure-house, under which hung the scales in which the king was to be weighed. The scales were of beaten gold, set with many small stones, as rubies and turquoises. They hung by chains of gold, large and massy, yet strengthened by silken ropes for more security. The beam and tressels from which it hung were covered with thin plates of gold. In this place all the nobles of the court attended, sitting round on rich carpets; and waiting the king's arrival. He appeared at length, cloathed, or laden rather, with diamonds, rubies, pearls, and other precious vanities, making a great and glorious shew. His sword, target, and throne were corresponding in riches and splendour. His head, neck, breast, and arms, above the elbows, and at the wrist, were all decorated with chains of precious stones, and every one of his fingers had two or three rich rings. His legs were as it were fettered with chains of diamonds, rubies as large as walnuts, and some larger, and such pearls as amazed me. He got into one of the scales, crouching or sitting on his legs like a woman; and there were put into the other scale, to counterpoise his weight, many bags said to contain silver, which were changed six times, and I understood his weight was 9000 rupees, which are almost equal to a thousand pounds sterling. After this, he was weighed against gold, jewels, and precious stones, as I was told, for I saw none, as these were all in bags, and might only have been pebbles. Then against cloth of gold, silk stuffs, cotton goods, spices, and all sort of commodities; but I had to believe all as reported, as these were all in packages. Lastly, against meal, butter, and corn, all of which is said to be distributed to the Banians, with all the rest of the stuff, but I saw all carefully carried away, and nothing distributed. The silver only is reserved for the poor, and serves for the ensuing year, as it is the king's custom at night frequently to call for some of these before him, to whom, with great familiarity and humility, he distributes some of this money with his own hands.
While the king was sitting in the scale, he looked upon me and smiled, but spoke not, as my interpreter could not be admitted. After he was weighed, he ascended the throne, and had basins of nuts, almonds, and spices of all sorts, artificially made of thin silver, which he threw about, and for which his great men scrambled prostrate on their bellies. I thought it not decent for me to do so, which seeing, he reached one basin almost full, and poured the contents into my cloak. The nobles were so bold as to put in their hands to help themselves, and so thick, that they had soon left me none, if I had not pocketed up a remainder. Till I had myself been present, I was told that he scattered gold on this occasion, but found it to be only silver, and so thin, that all I had at first, being thousands of small pieces, had not weighed sixty rupees, of which I saved to the amount of twenty rupees, yet a good dishful, which I keep to shew the ostentation of this display of liberality; for, by my proportion, I think all he cast away could not exceed the value of an hundred pounds. At night he drinks with his nobles from rich plate, to which I was invited; but, being told that I must not refuse to drink, and their liquors being excessively hot and strong, I durst not stay to endanger my health, being already somewhat indisposed with a slight dysentery.
On the 9th September the king rode out to take the air on the banks of the river Darbadath, [Nerbuddah] a distance of five cosses. As he was to pass my house, I mounted my horse to meet him; and, as it is the custom for all men whose gates he passes, to make him some present, which is taken as a good sign, and is called mombareck, or good news; and as I had nothing to give, neither could go with nothing, nor stay without offence, I ventured to take with me a fair book, well bound, filleted, and gilt, being the last edition of Mercator's Maps of the World, which I presented, saying, That I had nothing worthy the acceptance of so great a king, but begged to offer him the world, in which he had so great and rich a share. He accepted it in good part, laying his hand repeatedly on his breast, saying, that every thing which came from me was welcome. He asked about the arrival of our ships, which I said we daily expected. He then said, he had some fat wild-hogs lately sent him from Goa, and if I would eat any he would send me some at his return, I made him due reverence, answering, that any thing from his majesty was to me a feast.
He rode on upon his elephant, and when I offered to accompany him to the gate, the way being stony, he desired me to return, bidding God keep me. He asked which was my house, and being told, praised it, as indeed it was one of the best in the place, though only an old temple and a large tomb, enclosed by a wall. Repeating his farewell, he said the way was bad, and desired me to go home, with much shew of courtesy and kindness, on which I took my leave.
On the 16th I went to repay the visit of Maree Rustam, prince of Candahar, who sent word at my arrival that he dared not receive any visit unless he asked leave of the king, or acquainted Etimon Dowlet or Asaph Khan, which he would do at the next durbar. I made answer, that he needed not, as I never meant any more to trouble myself about so uncivil a person. That I knew well this was a mere shift out of ill manners, as the king would be no more angry for his receiving me at his house than for coming to mine, and that I cared not for seeing him, and had only come in pure civility to return his visit. His man desired me to wait till he had reported what I said to his master, but I would not. At night I waited upon the king at court, who spoke to me about the book of maps; but I forbore to speak to him about our debts. But on the 25th, though very weak, I went again to court to make trial of the king about our debts. Muckshud, one of our debtors, having pled in excuse for not paying that he had missed receiving his prigany, and knew not how to pay unless he sold his house. I delivered the merchants petition to the king, which he caused to be read aloud by Asaph Khan; all the names of the debtors, with the sums they owed, and their respective sureties, being distinctly enumerated. The king then sent for Arad Khan, the chief officer of his household, and the cutwall, and gave them some orders which I did not understand. Then reading over the names, and finding some of them dead, and some strangers, he made enquiry as to their abilities and qualities, and what goods they had received. Concerning Rulph,[213] Asaph Khan undertook to speak to the prince on the subject, and to get that affair concluded when he came.
[Footnote 213: In the edition by Churchill, this person is named Sulph, but no elucidation is given.--E.]
My interpreter was now called in, and the king, turning to me, said that our merchants had trusted people according to their own fancies, and to whom they pleased, not coming to him with an inventory of their goods, and therefore, if their debtors were insufficient, it was their own faults, and they had no reason to expect payment of their money from him. This I supposed to allude to his servant Hergonen, lately dead, whose goods had been seized to the king's use. He added, however, as this was the first time, he would now assist me, and cause our money to be paid: but, if the English should hereafter deliver their goods to his servants without money, they must stand to the hazard themselves. But if when they brought their commodities to court, they would bring the inventory of the whole to him, he would first serve himself, and then distribute the rest among such as were willing to buy them; and then, if any failed in payments, he would pay the money himself.
This indeed is the custom of the Persian merchants, who bring all to the king, as I have often seen. He first takes his own choice, and delivers the rest among his nobles, his scribes writing down the names of all to whom they are delivered, and the sums, another officer settling the prices. After which a copy is given to the merchant, who goes to their houses for his money; and if they do not pay, there is a particular officer who has orders to enforce payment. It was then told to my interpreter that Arad Khan was to call the debtors before him, and cause them to pay. This did not satisfy our merchants, but it seemed to me a just and gracious answer, and better than private persons usually get from great princes.
Hearing that I had been sick and was in want of wine, the king ordered me to have five bottles, and when these were done that I should send for five more, and so from time to time as I needed. He sent me also the fattest wild-hog I ever saw, which had been sent from Goa by Mucrob Khan. This was sent to me at midnight by a huddy, with this message, that it had eaten nothing but sugar and butter since it came to the king. I accepted this as a sign of great favour, which, in this court, I know to be a great one. He then sent for the book of maps, saying, that he had shewed it to his mulahs, and not one of them could read a word of it, wherefore I might have it again. To this I answered, that his majesty in this would use his pleasure; and so it was returned.
The 26th, a rajah of the Rajpoots being in rebellion in the hills, not above twenty cosses from the leskar, the king sent out two Omrahs with a party of horse to fetch him in a prisoner. But he stood on his defence, slew one of the omrahs and twelve maansipdares, [munsubdars] and about 500 men, sending an insulting message to the king to send his son against him, as he was no prey to be subdued by ordinary forces.
The 2d September, Sultan Churrum made his entry into Mundu, accompanied by all the great men, in wonderous triumph. Contrary to all our expectations, the king received him as if he had been an only son. All the great men and the queen-mother[214] went to meet him at the distance of five cosses from the town. I had sent to Asaph Khan to excuse me not meeting him, for I was not able to stir from sickness, and besides, had no presents to give. I also sent some of my servants with my just excuse to the prince, to which he, in his pride, only answered by a nod.
[Footnote 214: Both in the Pilgrims and in Churchill's Collection this personage is termed the king's mother; but it is more probable she was the mother of Sultan Churrum.--E.]
The 5th of September I received advice of our ships being arrived at Surat, the admiral amissing, but all the rest well, and that they had taken two English rovers or pirates, which were found in chase of the queen-mother's ship returning from the Red Sea, which they fortunately rescued and brought safe in. Had this ship been taken, we had all been in trouble. With these letters, I received the Company's letter, the invoice of the goods, and instructions for Persia, with various other notes of advice. They advised me also, that, owing to the admiral's absence, they knew not what course to take with the pirates they had taken. I immediately sent orders to Surat concerning all business, as will appear in my letters.
The 6th, I rode to visit the prince at his usual hour of giving audience, intending to bid him welcome, and to acquaint him with our business, meaning to shew him all proper respect; and, that I might not come empty-handed, I bought a fine gold chain, made in China, which I proposed to have presented to him. On sending in to acquaint him that I was in waiting, he returned a message, desiring me to come next morning at sun-rise, when he sat to be worshipped, or to wait till he rode to court, which I must have done at his door. I took this in high dudgeon, having never been denied access by the king his father; but such is this prince's pride, that he might even teach Lucifer. This made me answer roundly, that I was not the prince's slave, but the free ambassador of a great king; and that I would never more visit or attend upon him who had denied me justice; but I should see him at night with the king, to whom only I should now address myself, and so I departed. I went at night to the king, who received me graciously. I made my reverence to the prince, who stood beside his father, but he would not even once stir his head. Then I acquainted the king, that, according to his order, I had brought an abstract to him of our merchandize, and waited his commands. After his usual manner, he asked many questions as to what were brought, and seemed mightily satisfied with what was in the inventory, especially with the tapestry, promising me all the favour and privileges I could desire. He enquired for dogs, but I could say nothing on that subject. He then asked for jewels, but I told him these were dearer in England than in India, at which he rested satisfied. I durst not name the pearls for many reasons, but chiefly as I knew our people in that case would be way-laid by the prince, and it would have cost me infinite trouble to get them back. I thought they might easily be brought on shore, and so to court, by stealth, and I thought they would be the more valued the less they were expected: but my main reason of concealment was, that I expected to make friends by their means; therefore; when Asaph Khan pressed me on that head, I desired him to make the answer already mentioned of their dearness, saying that I would speak to him farther when alone. He readily understood me, and made my excuse accordingly.
Seeing the king to be well pleased, I thought it a good time to move him again about our debts; and having my petition ready, I opened it and held it up, as offering it to the king. He happened not to notice this, and it being discovered by some others what was its contents, who knew the king would be enraged that his order was neglected, one of them stept up to me, and gently drew down my hand, requesting me not to present that petition. I answered, that Arad Khan had absolutely refused me justice, and I had no other resource. Arad heard this, being by, and went in much fear to Asaph Khan, desiring him to hinder me from making my complaint. I answered, that our ships were arrived, and we could neither brook nor endure such delays and loss of time. Thereupon they consulted together, and calling the cutwall, gave directions for him to put the king's orders, into execution. The cutwall, accordingly, beset the tents of our debtors that very night, and catched some of them; so that we shall now have justice. I had many thanks from all the omrahs for the protection given to the queen's ship, and the civility shown by our people to the passengers. This they said they had properly represented to the king, who took it kindly, and they all declared they were obliged in honour to love our nation, and would do us every service in their power; yet they all wondered we could not govern our own people, and that any should presume to take ships out of the kingdom, and to rob upon the seas without leave of our king.
When the king arose, Asaph Khan carried me with hint to his retiring-place, where we first translated the inventory of our goods into Persian, to shew the king an hour after. In this inventory I inserted the money with some addition, that the king might see we brought profit into his dominions by our trade. I next inserted the cloths of different kinds, with the fine wares; and, lastly, the gross commodities, concluding by praying his majesty to give orders for what he wished to purchase, and then to give us liberty of selling the rest. When this was finished, Asaph Khan asked why I wished to speak with him in private, desiring me to speak my mind with freedom, bowing, and protesting such friendship as I never could have expected. I told him, that my reason for asking this private conference was to have his advice. It was certainly true that I had some things which were not enumerated, but had been so badly used last year that I durst not trust any one; but, to shew my confidence in him, I was willing to open myself to him, on his oath of secrecy, which he readily gave. I then told him that I had a rich pearl, and some other strings of fair pearls, and knew not whether it were fit to tell the king, lest the prince might be displeased. I informed him likewise, how I had gone in the morning to visit the prince, and of his discourtesy, and my consequent determination; yet I knew his favour was necessary for us, and I had hopes to recover it by means of this pearl, which I had purposely concealed for him. This was my purpose, and the reason of my concealment; and as he was father-in-law to the prince, and the king's favourite, I was desirous to please both, and therefore begged his advice.
After embracing me, he said I had done discreetly, and should acquaint neither; for, if I did, I should never get out of trouble. If the king were to know of it, he would indeed use me courteously, but would make a great stir to get it into his hands, and then, according to custom, I might sue in vain to recover my own. The prince, I knew, was ravenously greedy and tyrannical, and wearied all with his scandalous exactions. He desired me to steal all ashore, trusting none, and explained to me many means of conveyance, bidding me observe the usage of the Portuguese on the like occasions; adding, that he wished to purchase the pearl, and if I would grant his desire, would deposite its value in my hands, whatever I chose to ask, and, in recompence for this confidence I had reposed in him, he would hereafter be my solicitor in all things, and assured me I could do nothing without him. I answered, that I was most willing to let him have the pearl, and hoped he would never betray my confidence. Having received his oath, and a ceremony of mutual covenant, by crossing thumbs according to the custom of the country, we embraced. I promised to be guided entirely by him, and he engaged to do every thing I required for the safe conveyance of the other things, engaging to give me firmauns so that no person should touch any thing, but all should come safely to me, to dispose of at my pleasure.
He engaged likewise to reconcile me to the prince, and would take me with him the next time he went to visit him, and would make the prince use me with all manner of grace and favour; adding, that I should have a particular judge assigned me to take care of our business, and to give us every satisfaction we could desire. He also advised me to make a present to his sister, Queen Noormahal, and she would prevail upon the king to give me money. To this I replied, that I wished only for the good usage of my countrymen. He then carried me to the king, to whom I presented the inventory translated into Persian, and was graciously received. He asked me if the arras were a present, to which I answered in the affirmative, as the prince was by, lest it might be seized. In conclusion, the king said he would take a considerable quantity of our cloths and other commodities, desiring me to cause them to be brought up speedily, and directed Asaph Khan to make out an order for their free passage in the prince's name. I was well pleased with the success of this day; for though I knew that there was no faith to be placed in these barbarians, yet I was sure Asaph Khan would deal truly in this, as he was to help himself, and durst not betray me, lest he should miss the pearl, neither could I suspect him afterwards, as he could not betray my secret without discovering his own falsehood to the prince.
§8. Asaph Khan protects the English for hope of Gain, as also Noormahal.--Arrival of Mr Steel.--Danger to the Public from private Trade.--Stirs about a fort.
On the 12th October, according to his promise, Asaph Khan carried me along with him to visit the prince, and introduced me into his private apartment, when I presented ham with a small Chinese gold chain in a china cup. He used me indifferently, but Asaph Khan persuaded him to alter his course towards us, representing that he gained yearly by us a lack of rupees, and that as our trade increased every year, it would in time bring him greater profit; but that if we were harshly used, we would be enforced to quit both Surat and the country, from which great inconveniences might arise. We were in some measure his subjects, and if, from desire of procuring rarities, he used us ill, we would necessarily strive to the utmost to conceal all we brought from his knowledge; but if he gave us that liberty and encouragement which was fitting, we would then use our endeavours to bring every thing to him. He represented, that my only study was to give content to his highness, and to procure his favour and protection, and therefore that he ought to receive me honourably when I came to visit him, and according to my quality, which would give satisfaction to my nation, and encourage me to serve him. Finally, be moved his highness to give me a firmaun for our present use, which he easily obtained, with a promise of all manner of satisfaction. The prince accordingly gave immediate orders to his secretary to draw it up in every point to our content, and to write a letter to the governor recommending it to his attention; adding, that I should at all times have any other letters I desired.
It is thus easy to be seen what base and unworthy men I have to deal with. For the sordid hope only of buying some toys, Asaph Khan has become so reconciled to me as to betray his son-in-law, and is obsequious even to flattery. The ground of all his friendship is his desire to purchase the gold taken in the prize, and some other knacks; for which purpose he desires to send down one of his servants, which I could not deny without losing him, after having so long laboured to gain his favour; neither was this any disadvantage to us, as his payment is secure, and will save us much trouble and charge in selling elsewhere, especially the wine and other luggage that is apt to spoil in carriage. For this purpose he obtained an order from the prince under false pretences, and wrote himself in our favour to the governor of Surat, doing us all manner of kindness. There is a necessity for his friendship, as his word is a law in this empire, and therefore I did not choose to seem to notice his unworthiness. I hope by this procedure to win him to our advantage, or at least to make our present good use of him. On this occasion I moved him to procure us a firmaun for trade with Bengal, which he has promised, though he would never before hearken to that request. He likewise now prosecutes our debtors as if they were his own; and in passing the residence of the cutwall on his elephant, he called upon him to command dispatch, which was a most unusual favour. Upon this Groo was immediately imprisoned, and Muckshud had only two days allowed him to pay us. Thus I doubt not that in ten days we shall recover to the amount of 44,000 rupees, though our debtors are the most shifting false knaves in all India.
On the 21st, a servant came to me from Asaph Khan, bearing a message from Noormahal, intimating that she had moved the prince for another firmaun, which she had obtained, and by which all our goods were taken under her protection; and that she was ready to send down her servant with authority to take order for our good establishment, and to see that we were no way wronged. He said farther, that Asaph Khan had done this, for fear of the prince's violence, and to guard against his custom of delays; and that now when the queen his sister had desired to be our protectress, he was sure the prince would not meddle; and farther assured me, upon his honour, that I should receive every thing consigned to me, for which the queen had written the most positive orders, and had directed her servant to assist our factors, that we might never more have any cause of complaint at Surat. He desired, therefore, that I might write a few lines to the captains and factors, directing them to use the queen's servant kindly, and allow him to buy for her some toys, such as I could spare. This I durst not deny, though I clearly saw the greediness which was covered under this request; and I gave him a note, as desired, making a condition that I should see a copy of the firmaun, which was already sealed, and could not be seen without leave.
By all this you may see how easy it were to sell commodities here, by a little good management. Last year we were not looked at; but now, that I have translated the inventory of fine wares for the king, yet concealing the pearls, every one is ready to run down to Surat, to make purchases. Noormahal and Asaph Khan now study how to do me good offices; and many of the great men are soliciting me for letters, that they may send down their servants, so that if you had trebled the present consignment, it might all have been bought up aboard ship, and have saved you the customs, expence of carriage, and much spoil. I have therefore directed the factory to sell to the servants of Noormahal and Asaph Khan, whatsoever can be spared, so as to leave me a decent proportion for my uses at court. By this, much trouble and charges will be saved, the prince prevented from plunder and exactions, and our friends confirmed; and yet I hope to have enough remaining to please the king and his son. At the delivery of their presents, Asaph Khan has undertaken to procure the phirmaunds for our trade at Bengal or any other port, and even to procure us a general privilege for free trade and residence in every part of the king's dominions.
On the 24th of October the king departed to a considerable distance from Mundu,[215] and went from place to place among the mountains, leaving us quite at a loss what way we should take, as no one knew his purpose. On the 25th I had a warrant for ten camels at the king's rates of hire; and on the 29th I removed to follow the king, being forced to quit Mundu, which was now entirely deserted. The 31st I arrived at the king's tents, but found he had gone with few company on a hunting party for ten days, no person being allowed to follow without leave. The leskar or camp was scattered about in many parts, suffering great inconveniences from bad water, scarcity and consequent dearness of provisions, sickness, and all sorts of calamities incident to so great a multitude; yet nothing can prevent the king from following his pleasures. I here learnt that it was quite uncertain whether the king proposed going to Agra or Guzerat; and, though the latter was reported, the former was held to be more probable, as his counsellors wished to be at rest. Yet, because the king was expected to linger here about a month, I was advised and thought it best to send for the goods and presents, and endeavour to conclude my business, rather as defer it upon uncertainties. By this means, I hoped to obtain some rest, which I much needed, as I was very weak, and not likely to recover by daily travel, and the use of cold raw muddy water.
[Footnote 215: In the edition of Churchill, the king is said to have removed twenty-four cosses from Mundu, while in the Pilgrims it is called only four cosses.--E.]
Richard Steel and Jackson arrived on the 2d November, 1617, with the pearls and other small matters, which they had brought privately on shore according to my order, which I received and gave them acquittance for. I had a conference with Mr Steel about his projects of water-works, intended to advance the sale of lead, which I did not approve of, because I knew the character of this people, and that this affair must be begun at our expence, while after trial we should not enjoy the profit, but the natives be taught.[216] Besides, it did not promise any advantages for the sale of our commodity, as the lead would be trebled in price by land-carriage, and could not be delivered at Agra so cheap as other lead could be purchased there. Yet I was willing that he should make a trial, by carrying his workmen to Ahmedabad, and meeting me there; where, by the aid of Mukrob Khan, who only among these people is a friend to new inventions, I would make offer to the king of their inventions, and try what conditions might be procured; but, in my opinion, it is all money and labour thrown away. The company must shut their ears against these projectors, who have their own emoluments much more in view than the profits of their masters. Many things look fair in discourse, and in theory satisfy curious imaginations, which in practice are found difficult and fanciful. It is no easy matter to alter the established customs of this kingdom; where some drink only of rain water, some only that of a holy river, and others only of such as is brought at their own cost.
[Footnote 216: This project is no where explained, but might possibly be intended for conveying water, by means of machinery and leaden pipes, for the supply of some palace or city in India.--E.]
As for his second project, of inducing the caravans and merchants of Lahore and Agra, who are in use to travel by Candahar into Persia, to come by the river Indus and to go by sea in our ships to Jasques or the Persian gulf it is a mere dream. Some men may approve of it in conversation, but it will never be adopted in practice. The river Indus is but indifferently navigable downwards, and its mouth is already occupied by the Portuguese; while its navigation upwards, against the stream, is very difficult. Finally, we must warrant their goods, which cannot be done by a fleet; neither did even the Portuguese transport any of these goods, excepting only those of Scindy and Tatta, which traded by means of their own junks, having cartas or passes from the Portuguese, for which the natives paid a small matter, to secure them from being captured by the Portuguese cruizers; and the emoluments of these passes came into the pockets of the chiefs of Diu, Damaun, and Ormus. Even if all other difficulties were removed, yet will the caravan of Lahore be never induced to take this passage, as it mostly consists of returning Persians and Armenians, who know the journey from Jasques to be almost as bad as that through Candahar; and the small trade from the environs of Scindy is not worth mentioning. Yet, for his better satisfaction, I am content that he may learn his errors by his own experience, so that it be not done at the charges of the company: But I suppose he will let it fall to the ground, not knowing at which end to begin.
As to the third project, for uniting the trade of the Red Sea with this of Surat, I recommended to him to use his endeavours; for it is already begun. The peril of this trade in the Guzerat ships is very obvious, owing to pirates in these seas; wherefore I have no doubt that many merchants may be induced to load their goods in our ships on freight; by which means we should make ourselves many useful friends among these people, supply our own wants, save the export of bullion, and for this year employ one of the ships belonging to the old account, that should return in September, receiving the remains of this joint stock, which will be sufficient to re-load a great ship, and would otherwise be transported at great loss. This I explained and urged, shewing which way it might be accomplished, and recommended by him to the commander, the Cape merchants and your factors, as will appear by my letters. This measure, if followed, must evidently be to your profit, even if nothing were procured towards it by freight from the Guzerat merchants; as, having so many empty vessels for so small a stock, and two pirate ships fallen into your hands, they had better even go empty as not go. There are many good chances in the Red Sea and in the way, and though they did nothing else than bring back the goods you have at Mokha and other ports in that sea, this would repay the charges of the voyage and be ready in time.
I find Mr Steel high in his conceits, insomuch that he seems to have forgotten the respect due to me. He and Mr Kerridge are at variance, which I use every endeavour to assuage. As for his wife, I have told Steel that she cannot remain in this country without much inconvenience to us, and injury to his masters, as she could not be allowed her expences of travelling and living at the charges of the Company; that he must live frugally and like a merchant, as others do, and must therefore send home his wife. If he did so, he was welcome to remain in the Company's service; but otherwise, I should have to take measures with them both, much against my inclination. Having thus persuaded him, I likewise endeavoured to deal in the same manner about Captain Towerson's wife. You know not the danger, the trouble, and the inconvenience, of granting these liberties. For this purpose, I persuaded Abraham, his father-in-law, to hold fast; stating the gripings of this court, and the small hope of any relief by this alliance, from which he expected great matters, and endeavoured to persuade him to return quietly. To further this, I wrote to your chief factor, that such things as he had brought and were vendible, should be bought for your use by bill of exchange, and at such profit to him as might answer both parties; but I utterly prohibited the taking of his trash, to remain a dead stock on your hands, on any conditions. Such inconveniences do you bring upon your hands by these unreasonable liberties.
By the strict commands in your letter respecting private trade, as well respecting your own servants as others, I find you do not mean him to have that liberty he expects; for he is furnished to the value of above £1000, first cost here, and Steel to at least £200. This, as he proposes sending home his wife, and his merit is so good towards you, I shall send home; as I presume you will admit of this to get rid of such cattle. I will not buy these goods however, but order them to be marked and consigned to you, by which you will have the measure in your own hands. By these liberties, you discourage all your old servants. Some may do all things for fair words, and some will do nothing for good actions. I could instance some, gone home two years since, who only employed themselves in managing their own stock, and did no other business, who now live at home in pleasure; and others that raised their fortunes on your monies, trading therewith from port to port, and are now returned rich and unquestioned. Last year a mariner had twenty-six churles of indigo, others many fardles; another had to the value of 7000 mahmudies in bastas, chosen at Baroach and purchased with your monies, and he would not probably chuse the worst for himself; a fourth did the same to the value of above £150. I do not mention these things out of spite or ill will, but to induce you to equality of proceeding with your servants, that an impartial restraint be imposed upon all, and that by such instances your profits may not be all swallowed up.
For effecting these purposes, the sending the woman home, and the prosecution of trade to the Red Sea, I have sent back Richard Steel to Surat with the necessary orders. As it is now declared that the king intends going to Guzerat, I have altered my purpose about the goods and presents; and have appointed Richard Steel, after having dispatched other matters, to meet me there with the goods and presents, and his engineers. I have also sent my advice and directions to Captain Pring, to make out an inventory of all the monies and goods in the two pirate ships, and to land the whole, making it over to your stock; to give a passage home to some of the chiefs, and to take the rest into your service, referring to you at home to deal with the owners. My own fixed opinion is, that their capture is legal and justifiable, and all their goods forfeited. If you are pleased to restore any thing, be it at your pleasure; but the more rigour you show to these, the better example you will give to such scandalous piracies; for, if this course be pursued, you may bid adieu to all trade at Surat and in the Red Sea, and let the Turkey Company stand clear of the revenge of the Grand Signior.
I went to Asaph Khan on the 6th November, and shewed him the pearls according to promise. As I had been previously informed, he told me the sorts were not fit for that country; yet he was so pleased that I had kept my word with him, that I believe I may say to you in the words of Pharaoh, "The land is before you, dwell where you will, you and your servants." We talked not about the price, but he vowed the utmost secrecy, and that for my sake he would give more for them than their value, not returning any, and would pay ready money. Of this he professed to be in no want, and even offered to lend me whatever I needed. I have promised to visit his sister, whom he has made our protectress; and indeed, every contentment that good words can give, I have received, besides good deeds. When the presents arrive, I shall take care not to be too liberal to your loss; a little shall serve in that way. Indeed Asaph Khan himself has given me this advice, saying that such things are as well taken in this country sold as given, which I find by the experience of others to be true.
Finishing these conferences in his bed-chamber, Asaph Khan rose to go to dinner, having invited me and my people; but he and his friends dined without, appointing us our mess apart, for they scruple to eat with us. I had good cheer, and was well attended, the residue being given to my servants. After dinner, I moved about the debt due by Groo, and told him of the delays. He desired me to say no more, as he had undertaken that business; that Groo, at his orders, was finishing accounts with a jeweller, and he had given orders, as the money was paid, that it should remain in the hands of the cutwall for us. This I found afterwards to be true, and the cutwall has promised to finish in three days, desiring me to send no more to Asaph Khan on that business.
I must not omit to mention here, an anecdote of baseness or favour, call it which you please. When the prisons are full of condemned men, the king commands some to be executed, and sends others to his omrahs, to be redeemed at a price. This he esteems a courtesy, as giving the means of exercising charity: But he takes the money, and so sells the virtue. About a month before our remove, he sent to me to buy three Abyssinians, whom they suppose to be all Christians, at the price of forty rupees each. I answered, that I could not purchase men as slaves, as was done by others, by which they had profit for their money; but that I was willing to give twenty rupees each for them in charity, to save their lives and restore them to liberty. The king was well pleased with my answer, and ordered them to be sent me. They expected the money, which I was in no haste to give, and even hoped it had been forgotten. But the king's words are all written down[217], and are as irrevocable decrees. Seeing that I sent not for the malefactors, his officers delivered them into the hands of my procurator, in my absence this day, taking his note for the sixty rupees, which I paid at my return, and set free the prisoners.
[Footnote 217: Dixit, et edictum est; fatur, et est factum.--Purch.]
Having notice of a new phirmaund sent down to Surat to disarm all the English, and some other restrictions upon their liberty, owing to a complaint sent up to the prince, that we intended to build a fort at Swally, and that our ships were laden with bricks and lime for that purpose, I visited Asaph Khan on the 10th November, to enquire into this matter. This jealousy arose from our people having landed a few bricks on shore, for building a furnace to refound the ship's bell; yet the alarm was so hot at court, that I was called to make answer, when I represented how absurd was this imaginary fear, how dishonourable for the king, and how unfit the place was for any such purpose to us, having neither water nor harbourage. The jealousy was however so very strongly imprinted in their minds, because I had formerly asked a river at Gogo for that purpose, that I could hardly satisfy the prince but that we intended some such sinister end. You may judge from this how difficult it were to get a port for yourselves, if you were so disposed. Notwithstanding all remonstrances, this furnace must be demolished, and a huddey of horse sent down to see it done. The disarming of our men was what chiefly disobliged our people, though the weapons were only lodged in the custom-house, and those only belonging to the ship's company. I told Asaph Khan, that we could not endure this slavery, nor would I stay longer in the country, as the prince gave us one day a phirmaund for our good usage, with a grant of privileges, and countermand all the next by contradictory orders, in which proceedings there was neither honour nor good faith, and I could not answer for my continuing to reside among them. Asaph Khan said, he would speak to the king at night on the subject, in the presence of the prince, and afterwards give me an answer.
I went again to wait upon Asaph Khan on the 18th, when he made many protestations of the Mogul's affection to my sovereign and nation, and to me, and assured me he had risked the prince's disfavour for our sakes, and had full assurance of a complete redress of all our grievances: and that he proposed getting the prigany of Surat transferred to himself, which the prince would have to resign, as he had been made governor of Ahmedabad, Cambay, and that territory. To satisfy me that he did not dissemble, he desired me to come at night to court, bringing the king my master's letter and the translation, as the time was favourable for its delivery; desiring me at the same time to persist in my complaint, and to offer taking leave, when I should see what he would say for us. Accordingly, I went at night to wait upon the king, whom I found surrounded by a very full court. The king was sitting on the ground, and when I delivered the letter, it was laid before him, of which he took no great notice, being busy at the time. Asaph Khan whispered to his father, Etimon Dowlet, desiring him to read the letter and assist us, which he could better do than himself. Etimon Dowlet took up both letters, giving that in English into the king's hands, and read the translation to the king, who answered many of the complaints. On coming to that point, of procuring our quiet trade, by his authority with the Portuguese, he demanded if we wanted him to make peace with them? I answered, that his majesty knew long since I had offered to be governed entirely by him, and referred that matter to his wisdom, and waited therefore to know his pleasure. On this he said, that he would undertake to reconcile us, and to cause agreement to be made in his seas, which he would signify in his answer to my master's letter, in which he would farther satisfy his majesty in all his other friendly desires.
Notwithstanding of this, I asked leave to go before to Ahmedabad, to meet the king's presents, and to prepare for my return home. Upon this, a question arose between the king and the prince, who complained that he derived no profit from us, and was very willing to be rid of us. Asaph Khan then took up the discourse, and plainly told the king, that we brought both profit and security to the port of Surat and to the kingdom, but were very rudely treated by the prince's servants, and that we could not continue our trade and residence, unless matters were amended; for which reason it would be more honourable for his majesty to licence and protect us, than to treat us discourteously. The prince angrily replied, That he had never wronged us, and had lately given us a phirmaund at the desire of Asaph Khan. It is true, replied Asaph Khan, that you granted him a phirmaund to his satisfaction; but in ten days you sent down another, virtually to contradict and annul the former; and as he stood as surety between both, and had undertaken our redress on the prince's word, the shame and dishonour of this double procedure fell upon him. He said he spoke for no ends, but for the king's honour and justice, as he owed me nothing, nor I him, and for the truth of his words he appealed to me, who complained that our goods were taken away from us by force, and that Rulph,[218] who began this two years ago, would never pay us, and his officers continued the same procedure every season. If the prince were weary of the English, he might turn us away; but then he must expect that we would seek for redress at our own hands upon the seas. He demanded whether the king or the prince gave me the means of living, or, as they did not, at whose expence I was maintained? saying, that I was an ambassador and a stranger, who lived in this country and followed the progress of the king at great charges; and if our goods continued to be taken from us by force, so that we could neither get back our goods, nor yet their value in money, it would be impossible for us to subsist.
[Footnote 218: On a former occasion, where this person is mentioned, it has been said that his name, in the edition of this journal given by Churchill, is written Sulph. From the circumstances in the context at this place, it is possible that Sulpheckar Khan, or Zulfeccar Khan, governor of Surat under Sultan Churrum, may be here meant.--E.]
This was delivered with some heat, and the king, catching at the word force, repeated it to his son, whom he sharply reprehended. The prince promised to see me paid for all that had been taken. He said likewise that he had taken nothing, having only caused the presents to be sealed; and, as his officers had received no customs on these, he desired to have them opened in his presence. This I absolutely refused to consent to, telling the king that I only did my duty to my master, in insisting to deliver the presents free from duty, and that, when I had so done, I should give the prince full satisfaction in all other things. At this time, Etimon Dowlet, who had been made our friend by his son Asaph Khan, whispered to the king, and read a clause or two from my master's letter, on which the king made the prince stand aside. Asaph Khan joined in this private conference, which they told me was for our good; and in conclusion, the prince was commanded to suffer all the goods to come quietly to me, and to give me such privileges for our trade as were fit, and as should be proposed by Asaph Khan.
The prince would not yield the presents, unless Asaph Khan became his surety that he should have a share, which he did, and we were then all agreed on that point. The king paid me many compliments in words, and even gave me two pieces of pawne out of the dish then before him, desiring me to partake of what he was eating. I then took my leave for Ahmedabad; and that same night I began my journey, leaving my tents, as I expected to reach that city the next day: But I had to ride two nights, with the intermediate day and half of the next, with excessively little accommodation or refreshment; and arrived at Ahmedabad on the 15th at noon.
The 8th January, 1618, there was some question about presents by the prince, whom I told that his were ready whenever he was ready to receive them. He asked me, why I had broken the seals? On which I said, that it would have been dishonourable and discourteous in me to have delivered the king's presents in bonds, and having waited his highness' licence during twenty days, but seeing no hope of its arrival, I had been under the necessity of breaking open the seals. Some heat was likely to have arisen on this subject, but a gentleman from the king, who was sent to observe what passed between us, told us both that the king commanded our presence before him immediately, at a garden where he then was, on the river side, a coss from the town. The prince went there immediately in his palanquin, and I followed in a coach, well attended upon by the servants of the king and prince. On my arrival, the women were going in, on which occasion no man dare enter except the prince, who accordingly made bitter complaints against me for having broke open the seals, taking out from the packages whatever I pleased, without his knowledge. Asaph Khan was called, who was my surety, and the prince laid the blame of all this upon him, but he strenuously denied all knowledge or participation; yet I had not accused him, but took it all upon myself, knowing he would deny it, as is the custom, to excuse himself, and I knew myself better able to bear it.
I was then sent for to the water-side, where the king had been sitting in private, and went in, having the presents along with me, but the king was gone into the female apartments. Asaph Khan blamed me for breaking his word, saying, that the prince had shamed him. I answered, through Jaddow, that he well knew I had his consent, of which this man was a witness. He denied this to us both, and when I again said, that, although I would not lay the blame on him, that it was still true, as this man could witness; Jaddow refused to interpret my answer, saying, that he durst not tell Asaph Khan to his face that he lied. This is a quite usual thing among them; for if any command comes from the king which he afterwards forgets or denies, he that brought the message will deny it stoutly. I bore up as high as I could, on which some of the great men said that it was a great affront, of which no other man durst have been guilty, while others smiled. I answered, it was by no means so great as the prince had often done to me. We thus spent the day, during which the king never appeared, having privately stole away, leaving us all in anxious expectation.
At night, word came that the king was gone, when I offered to have gone home, but was so well attended, that I was in some measure constrained to force my way. While on the road, new messengers came to seek me, and I had to return to court, without having either eaten or drank. The king was not however come back, and I could not get free from my attendants, who yet used me very respectfully. After waiting an hour, a sudden order was given to put out all the lights. The king now came in an open waggon, drawn by bullocks, having his favourite Noormahal along with him, himself acting as waggoner, and no man near. When he and his women were housed, the prince came in on horseback, and immediately called for me into the place where the king was. It was now midnight, and I found the king and prince only attended upon by two or three eunuchs. Putting on an angry countenance, the king, as he had been instructed by his son, told me I had broken my word, and he would trust me no more. I answered roundly, that I held it fit to give freely, not upon compulsion, and had committed no offence, according to my judgment; and if their customs were so very different from ours, I had erred only from ignorance, and ought therefore to be pardoned. After many disputes, the prince offered his friendship, with many fair promises, and we were all reconciled.
I then opened the chests, gave the king his presents, and the prince his, and sent in those intended for Noormahal. We were about two hours engaged in viewing them. The king was well pleased with the tapestry, but said it was too coarse, and desired to have a suit of the same quality with the sweet bags. Three articles were detained besides the presents; and for these the prince said he would pay, as his father had taken them. He likewise desired me to come to see him in the morning, promising to be my protector and procurator, which I willingly accepted in all things except the goods.
I waited upon the prince on the 10th, when I was well received, and had orders for a phirmaund about the murdered man[219]. He likewise made a public declaration of his reconcilement, desiring all his officers to take notice of it, and act accordingly. He likewise ordered his chief Raia to be in future my procurator, and to draw out whatever phirmaunds I required. I presented to him Captain Towerson, and some others of the English, whom he received graciously; and, in confirmation of our renewed friendship, he presented me with a robe of cloth of silver, promising to be the protector of our nation in all things we could desire. I then told him about Mr Steel and his workmen, when he desired me to bring a small present at night to the king, to whom he should present them, which I did. He kept his word, and spoke in our favour to the king, who seemed disposed to entertain them. On this occasion I presented Captain Towerson to the king, who called him up, and after a few questions, rose. At the Gitshel Choes[220] I presented Mr Steel and his workmen. The king called for Mr Paynter, and gave him ten pounds, promising to take him and all the rest into his service. On this occasion the king sat all night in a hat which I had given him.
[Footnote 219: This circumstance is perhaps explained in the sequel, as relating to the death of a person at Burhanpoor.--E.]
[Footnote 220: This is probably meant for the same public audience called, in other parts of the journal, the Gazul Khan.--E.]
The 13th, the Dutch came to court, bringing a great present of China ware, saunders-wood, parrots, and cloves, but were not allowed to approach the third degree, or raised platform. After some time, the prince asked me, who they were? I answered, that they were Hollanders who resided at Surat. He then enquired if they were our friends? I answered, that they were of a nation which was dependent upon the king of England, but not welcome in all parts, and that I did not know their business. He then said, since they were our friends, that I ought to call them up. So I was obliged to call upon them, that they might deliver their presents, on which occasion they were placed beside our merchants, yet without any farther speech or conference. Finally, every thing I asked was complied with, or at least promised, and I now wait for performance and money. I am satisfied, that, without this contestation, I had never succeeded in our just demands; for I told the prince's messenger, in the presence of all the English, that if he chose to use force against me or my goods, he certainly might, but it should cost blood, for I would set my chop upon his master's ship, and send her to England.
On the 18th I received notice from Surat of the imprisonment of Spragge and Howard at Burhanpoor, where their house and goods were seized, and their lives in question, on the following account:--The cutwall had been drinking at their house, and one of his men had died that night, on which they were accused of having poisoned him, and the cutwall, in excuse for having been at their house, pretended that he had gone to fetch away a man's wife who was detained by Thomas Spragge. What may be the truth of this affair I know not; but information has been sent to the king against them. I went therefore to the prince, who had promised to undertake all our causes, but could not get speech of him, though I had likewise to complain of force having been used against a caravan of ours on the way, notwithstanding a phirmaund from the rajah of the country, on both of which subjects I shall present a petition at night to the king. My trouble with this barbarous and unjust people is beyond all endurance. When at the prince's, I found the promised phirmaund drawn up indeed, but half of the agreed conditions were omitted, upon which I refused to accept it, and desired leave to depart, that I might treat with them in the sea.[221]
[Footnote 221: This obscure expression seems to imply a threat of taking vengeance, or making reprisals at sea, for the oppressions of the Mogul government against the English trade.--E.]
On the 21st, a command was issued to set free the English at Burhanpoor, and to restore their goods; on which occasion the king observed, that, if they had killed the Mahometan who came to drink at their house, he had only met with his just reward. Another order was issued, commanding Partap-shah to repay us all exactions whatsoever, and that he should hereafter take no duties upon our goods in their way to the sea-port, threatening, in case of failure, to deliver his son into my hands. On the 22d, I went in person to receive these phirmaunds, and carried the merchants along with me, together with some pearls the prince was eager to see, and which were pretended to belong to Mr Towerson. The prince had received some vague accounts of our having pearls to the value of twenty or thirty thousand pounds, which he hoped to have extracted from us. When his secretary saw our small pearls, he observed that his master had maunds of such, and if we had no better, we might take these away. You may judge how basely covetous these people are of jewels. I told him that we had procured these from a gentlewoman to satisfy the prince, and as they could not be made better, it was uncivil to be angry with merchants who had done their best to shew their good will.
I then spoke to him about the phirmaunds, when he bluntly told me I should have none; for as we had deceived the prince's hopes, he would disappoint us. I had asked leave to depart, and I might come to take leave whenever I pleased. To this I answered, that nothing could please me more, but that I should requite their injustice in another place, for I should now apply to the king, and depend no more on them, as I saw their conduct was made up of covetousness and unworthiness. So I arose to depart, but he recalled me, desiring that I might come next day to the king and prince together, when I should have complete satisfaction.
* * * * *
"And now, reader, we are at a stand: some more idle, or more busy spirits, willing either to take their rest, or to exchange their labour; and some perhaps wishing they had the whole journal, and not thus contracted into extracts of those things out of it which I conceived more fit for the public. And, for the whole, myself could have wished it, but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could I learn of it; the worthy knight himself being now employed in like honourable embassage from his majesty to the Great Turk. Yet, to supply the defect of the journal, I have given thee the chorography of the country, together with certain letters of his, written from India to honourable lords, and his friends in England; out of all which may be hewed and framed a delightful commentary of the Mogul and his subjects. Take them therefore, reader, and use them as a prospective glass, by which thou mayst take easy and near view of these remote regions, people, rites, and religions."--Purchas.
* * * * *
In the Pilgrims, in supplement to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Purchas has inserted a formal complimentary letter from king James to the Great Mogul, or emperor of Hindoostan, together with another from the Mogul to king James, containing nothing besides hyperbolical expressions of regard; both of which are here omitted, as entirely devoid of interest, amusement, or information. Purchas has also added several letters said to have been found among the papers of Sir Thomas Roe, with some others which he says were transcribed from Sir Thomas Roe's own book. As these letters merely repeat circumstances and opinions already more fully and more methodically expressed in the preceding journal, they could only have served unnecessarily to swell our pages, without any adequate advantage, and are therefore omitted.
Purchas also informs us that Sir Thomas Roe, before he left the court of the Great Mogul on his return for England, requested to be favoured with a recommendatory letter from the Mogul to king James. This request was granted with the utmost readiness, and a letter written accordingly; but the Mogul, or his ministers, shewed much scrupulousness about the placement of the seal to this letter, lest, if placed under the writing, it might disparage the dignity of the Mogul, or, if placed over the letter, king James might feel disobliged. On this account, the letter was delivered to Sir Thomas unsealed, and the seal was sent separately, that it might be afterwards affixed, according to the pleasure of the king of England.
This seal was of silver, and Purchas has given an engraving, or fac simile of it, consisting of an inner and larger circle, bearing the style or title of the reigning king, or Padishah Jehanguire; surrounded circularly by eight smaller circles, containing the series of his direct ancestors, from Timor, or Tamerlane, downwards. These are all of course in the Persian language and characters; but Purchas gives likewise a copy or translation of the same in English letters. It seemed quite superfluous to insert here the Persian fac simile, being merely writing without ornament, armorial bearing, or cognizance. The following is the series, expressed in English characters; the last being the central circle, which contains the name and title of the reigning emperor:--
1. Ebn Amir Temur Saheb Quran. 2. Ebn Miran Shah. 3. Ebn Mirza Soltan Mohamed. 4. Ebn Soltan Abu Said. 5. Ebn Mirza Amar Shah. 6. Ebn Bahar Padishah. 7. Ebn Humaiun Padishah. 8. Ebn Akbar Padishah. 9. Abu Amozaphar Nurdin Jebanguire Padishah.
SECTION VII.
RELATION OF A VOYAGE TO INDIA IN 1616, WITH OBSERVATIONS RESPECTING THE DOMINIONS OF THE GREAT MOGUL, BY MR. EDWARD TERRY.[222]