Chapter XI
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY TO INDIA.
Introduction
In the immediately preceding chapter, we have given a series of the first twelve voyages fitted out by the English East India Company, in the prosecution of their exclusive trade to India, as preserved by Samuel Purchas; and we now mean, chiefly from the same source, to continue the series for a few years longer. At the close of the last voyage of the foregoing chapter, Purchas informs us, that "The order of reckoning must be now altered, because the voyages of the company were for the future set forth by means of a joint stock, instead of by particular ships, each upon a separate subscription, having separate stocks and factories; the whole proceedings being, in the sequel, at the general risk of, and accountable to the entire society or company of adventurers." He farther adds, "That the whole of these joint-stock voyages had not come into his hands; but that such as he had been able to procure, and were meet for publication, he had inserted in his Collection."
The learned historiographer of the East India Company[120] gives rather a different account of the former series of separate or unconnected voyages, than that which we have taken from Purchas, terming the last voyage in our former chapter only the ninth, while Purchas denominates it the twelfth.
[Footnote 120: Ann. of the Hon. E.I. Co, I. 162.]
This difference, which is not at all material, may have arisen from Purchas having considered some of the ships belonging to single adventurers or subscriptions, which made separate voyages or parts of voyages, as separate adventures. We come now to a new era in the mode of conducting the English exclusive trade to India, of the motives for which the Annals give the following account.[121]
[Footnote 121: Id. I. 165.]
"The inconveniences which had been experienced from separate classes of adventurers, partners in the East India Company, fitting out equipments on their own particular portions of stock, induced the directors, or committees, to resolve, in 1612, that, in future, the trade should be carried on by a joint stock only; and, on the basis of this resolution, the sum of £429,000 was subscribed: and, though portions of this joint stock were applied to the equipment of four voyages, the general instructions to the commanders were given in the name, and by the authority, of the governor, deputy-governor, and committees of the company of merchants in London trading to the East Indies, who explained that the whole was a joint concern, and that the commanders were to be responsible to the company for their conduct, both in the sale and purchase of commodities in the East Indies, and for their general conduct, in extending the commerce, within the limits of the company. The transition, therefore, from trading on separate adventures, which has been described as an imitation of the Dutch, to trading on a joint stock, arose out of the good sense of the English nation, which, from experience, had discovered the evil consequences of internal opposition, and had determined to proceed on a system better calculated to promote the general interest of the East India Company.
"Notwithstanding this resolution, the proportions of this aggregate sum were applied to what has been termed the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth voyages, in the following manner: In 1613, the tenth voyage was undertaken, the stock of which was estimated at £18,810 in money, and £12,446 in goods, the fleet consisting of eight vessels. In 1614, the stock for the eleventh voyage was £13,942 in money, and £23,000 in goods, the fleet being eight ships. In 1615, the stock for the twelfth voyage was £26,660 in money, and £26,065 in goods, with six ships. In 1616, the stock for the thirteenth voyage was £52,087 in money, and £16,506 in goods, the fleet containing seven ships. The purchase, repair, and equipment of vessels during these four voyages amounted to £272,544, which, with the specified stock and cargoes, accounts for the disbursement of the £429,000, the sum subscribed on the joint stock in 1613.[122]
[Footnote 122: The enumerated particulars amount to £462,060, and exceed the subscribed joint stock by £33,060.--E.]
"The profits on this joint stock are stated to have amounted, on the first two voyages, to £120 per cent. on the original subscription; but they were subsequently much diminished, by the difficulties which the English trade to the East Indies began to experience, from the opposition of the Dutch in the Spice Islands; so that, at the conclusion of this first joint stock, in 1617, the average profits of the four voyages did not exceed £87:10s. per. cent on the original subscription, notwithstanding the cargo of one of the vessels (the New-year's Gift) cost only 40,000 rials of eight, and the sale produce, in England, amounted to £80,000 sterling."
It is not the purpose of this Collection to enlarge on the history of the East India Company, any farther than by giving relations of its early voyages, so far as these have come down to us in the Pilgrims of Purchas, their only published record; and we now therefore proceed with such of these voyages as are contained in that curious collection, and seem to be worth including in this work.--E.
SECTION I.
Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614.[122]
The ships employed on this voyage, the second set forth by the joint stock of the East India Company, were the New-year's Gift admiral, of 650 tons, on board of which Captain Downton sailed as general or chief commander; the Hector of 500 tons, vice-admiral; the Merchant's Hope, of 300 tons; and the Salomon of 200 tons. We have thus only_ four_ ships enumerated by Purchas, as employed in the second voyage of the new joint stock, instead at eight mentioned in the Annals, as before stated in the introduction to the present chapter. In this voyage, Mr William Edwards was lieutenant, or next in command under Captain Downton, being likewise Cape merchant, and commander of the Hector. Mr Nicholas Easworth was Cape merchant, and commander of the Merchant's Hope. Mr Thomas Elkington, Cape merchant, and commander of the Salomon. Mr Peter Rogers minister; Martin Pring. Arthur Spaight, Matthew Molineux, and Hugh Bennet, masters of the four ships, assisted by sundry mates,--Purch.
[Footnote 122: Purch. Pilg. I. 500.--Extracted from the journal of Captain Downton]
§1. Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob and the English.
We sailed from England on the 1st March, 1614, and arrived in the road of Saldanha, or Table Bay, on Wednesday the 15th June, being saluted on our arrival by a great storm. While every person was busy in mooring the ship, John Barter, who had lost his reason in consequence of a long fever, was suddenly missing, and was supposed to have made away with himself. The 16th we erected our tents, and placed a guard for their defence. We landed half our casks on the 17th, to be overhauled and seasoned; and this day Choree, the Saldanian or Hottentot, presented me a young steer. The 18th we landed more of our beer casks, to be washed, repaired, and seasoned. This day, Choree departed into the interior, carrying with him his copper armour, javelins, and all things belonging to him, promising to be back the third day after, but he never returned.
The 29th I sent George Downton ashore, to take observations of the latitude and variation, in consideration of the great difference in the variations, as observed in this and my former voyage in the Pepper-corn. We made the latitude exactly 34° S. and the variation 1° 45' W. by an azimuth, whereas most of the former variations at this place were easterly. We this night took down our tents, and brought every thing on board, making our ships ready to depart next day, which we did accordingly.
We came to anchor in the bay of St Augustine in Madagascar on the 6th August, when the inhabitants abandoned the place, so that we could have no intercourse with them, but we afterwards got some refreshments from them. We here cut down some straight timber for various uses. We set sail on the 12th August, and anchored in Delisa bay in Socotora on the 9th September. Next day we went ashore to wait upon the king, who was ready with his attendants to receive me, and gave me an account of the existing war in India, where the Mogul and the kings of the Deccan had united to drive the Portuguese from the country, owing to their having captured a ship coming from Juddah in the Red Sea, in which were three millions of treasure. He also informed me of two great fights which Captain Best had with the Portuguese, and of other news in these parts. I here procured such refreshments as the place could furnish, and bought 2722 pounds of aloes from the king.
Leaving Delisa on the 14th September, we got sight of the Deccan coast near Dabul on the 2d October, where we found great hindrance to our navigation, till we learnt by experience to anchor during the ebb tide, and continue our course with the tide of flood. Continuing this procedure, we anchored in the evening of the 14th, two and a half miles short of the bar of Surat; when presently a fleet of fourteen frigates or barks came to anchor near us, which we discovered by their lights, as it was quite dark. But as they could easily see us, by the lights at our ports, that we were in readiness for them, they durst not come any nearer, so that we rode quietly all night. Early of the 15th, we weighed with the land-wind, and coming somewhat near the frigates, they also weighed and stood to the southwards. We held on our course past the bar, towards South Swally, where we soon after arrived, though much opposed by contrary winds.
Soon after we were anchored, I sent Molineux in his pinnace, and Mr Spooner with Samuel Squire in my gellywatte,[123] to take the soundings within the sands. In a channel where we found only five feet at low water in our former voyage, Mr Molineux had now three fathoms; and Mr Spooner had now seven or eight feet, where our boats could not pass at all formerly. Seeing some people on the shore in the afternoon, whom I supposed might be some of our merchants from Surat, I sent my pinnace to them; but they were some of the people belonging to Coge Nozan, sent to discover what nation we were of. From them I got farther information respecting the wars with the Portuguese, being told that the Moguls were besieging Damaun and Diu, Mocrib or Mucrob Khan being the general of the Mogul forces against Damaun; and I also learnt to my sorrow, that Mucrob Khan was governor and viceroy, as it may be called, not only over Surat, but all the country round, as, from former experience, I considered him to be a great enemy of our nation, and a friend to the Portuguese. From these people likewise, I heard of the health of Mr Aldworth and the rest of our factory, and wrote to hasten his presence, sending my letters by the servants of Coge Nozan.
[Footnote 123: From this singular term, what is now called the jollyboat has probably derived its name.--E.]
I sent my purser on shore in the pinnace, early of the 16th, to purchase such necessaries as I thought might easily have been got; but he returned about ten o'clock a.m. without buying any thing for our purpose, bringing with him Mr Aldword, the chief merchant of our factory at Surat, along with whom was one Richard Steel, who had come over-land to Surat from Aleppo.[124] Mr Aldworth endeavoured to persuade me that Mucrob Khan was our friend, and that we had now an excellent opportunity to obtain good trade and satisfactory privileges while the Moguls were engaged in war with the Portuguese; and as both the Nabob and all the natives were rejoiced at hearing of our arrival, they would assuredly give us a most favourable reception. Pleased with these hopeful circumstances, I yet still wished some other person here in command instead of Mucrob Khan, of whom I remained doubtful, and that we should have no free trade from him, but in his accustomed manner, which I believed to have been, of his own accord to cross us, and not as so constrained by direction of his king; and the event turned out accordingly, though we were wise behind the band, as will appear in the sequel. Even the name he bore ought to have opened our eyes as to his influence with the Great Mogul: as Mocrub signifies as much as his own bowels, Khan meaning great lord. Yet I was deluded to believe that his favour with the king was tottering, and that he might easily be brought into disgrace, by complaint of any thing done contrary to the will or humour of the king; so that we were too bold, and injured our business when we found him opposing us, as we thought unreasonably. On enquiring into the state of our business, and the health of our factory, Mr Aldworth informed me that Paul Canning and several others had died; that Thomas Kerridge had long since been agent in his room at the court of the Mogul, and that the factory at Surat now only contained himself and William Bidulph.
[Footnote 124: Mr Richard Stell, or Steel, had gone to Aleppo, to recover a debt from a merchant of that city, who had fled to India; and, following him through Persia, Mr Steel had arrived at Surat. On his report, the factors at Surat made an experiment to open a trade with Persia, which will form the subject of a future section of this chapter.--E.]
In the morning of the 17th, I called a council to advise upon the best manner of conducting our affairs here, and to consider who might be the best person to send to Agraas resident. Then entering upon the six interrogatories, inserted in the second article of our commission, I required Mr Aldworth to give direct answers to every question.--1. In what favour was Paul Canning with the emperor and his council, and how did he conduct himself at court in the business entrusted to him? He answered, That on his first arrival at court, he was well respected by the emperor, till the Jesuits made known that he was a merchant, and not sent immediately from our king; after which he was neglected, as he himself complained: and, as for his carriage and behaviour there, so far as he knew, it was sufficiently good;--3. Then demanding, whether it were needful to maintain a resident at court? Mr Aldworth answered, That it was certainly necessary, as the emperor required that one of our nation should reside there; and therefore, that the person ought to be a man of good respect, for preventing and counteracting any injuries that might be offered by the Jesuits, our determined adversaries; as he might also be extremely useful in promoting and directing the purchase and sale of various commodities.--6. Being questioned as to the expences of a resident at court? he said, according to the estimate of Paul Canning, it might be about £300 per annum; but, some time afterwards, his estimate was found to extend to five, six, and seven hundred pounds a year.--Being afterwards questioned, Whether he thought it fit that Mr Edwards should proceed to court under the designation of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the company's commission? his opinion was, by the experience of the late Mr Canning, that such a resident would not be at all respected by the king.
In the morning of the 24th, Coge Nozan came down to the water side, and rested in my tent till I landed. I repaired to him, accompanied by all our merchants, and attended by a strong guard, armed with halberts, muskets, and pikes, having a coach to carry me from the landing place to the tent. On alighting from my coach, Coge Nozan came immediately to meet me. Before entering on business, he was told that a present for the Nabob was to be delivered to him, which was brought in. This consisted of a case containing six knives, two pair of knives, six sword-blades, six Spanish pikes, one case of combs, one mirror, one picture of Mars and Venus, one ditto of the Judgment of Paris, two Muscovy hides, and one gilded case of bottles filled with strong rich cordials. I then made the following present to himself: Six knives in single sheaths, four sword-blades, two pikes, one comb-case, a mirror, a picture of Moses, and a case of bottles, in consideration of the promise made by the nabob to our people, that whatever Coge Nozan agreed to, he the nabob would perform.
I then moved for the enlargement of our privileges, and lessening of our customs, especially at Baroach, and that we might have a daily bazar or market at the water side, where we might purchase beef for our people, according to the firmaun already granted by the Mogul, and because other flesh did not answer for them. He answered, that the nabob would shew us every favour in his power, if we would assist him against the Portuguese; that the customs of Baroach were out of his power to regulate, as the king had already farmed these to another person at a stipulated rent; and that we should have a regular market, but that bullocks and cows could not be allowed, as the king had granted a firmaun to the Banians, in consideration of a very large sum of money, that these might not be slaughtered. In fine, I found he had no power to grant us any thing; yet, willing to leave me somewhat contented, he proposed that I should send some of our merchants along with him to the nabob, where our business might be farther discussed.
I accordingly sent along with him, Mr Aldworth, Mr Ensworth, Mr Dodsworth, Mr Mitford, and some others. Two or three days afterwards, they had access to the nabob, to whom they explained our desires, as before expressed. He then desired to know whether we would go with our ships to fight for him against Damaun, in which case, he said, we might count upon his favour? To this it was answered, that we could not on any account do this, as our king and the king of Spain were in peace. He then asked if we would remove our ships to the bar of Surat, and fight there against the Portuguese ships, if they came to injure the subjects of the Mogul? This likewise was represented to be contrary to the peace between our kings. On which he said, since we would do nothing for his service, he would do nothing for us. Several of the merchants of Surat endeavoured to persuade our merchants, that I ought to give way to the reasonable request of the nabob, and might still do what I thought proper; as, notwithstanding of our ships riding at the bar, the Portuguese frigates could go in and out on each side of me, owing to their light draught of water. To this I answered, that the proposal was utterly unfit for me to listen to; as whatever I promised I must perform, though at the expence of my own life and of all under my command, and that I could not possibly lend myself to fight against the Portuguese on any account whatever, unless they first attacked me, as it was absolutely contrary to my commission from my own sovereign. I added, that, if the Portuguese provoked me by any aggression, I would not be withheld from fighting them for all the wealth of the nabob: But he made small account of this distinction, and, seeing that we refused to fulfil his wishes, he opposed us in all our proceedings as far as he could, so that we nearly lost all our former hopes of trading at this place. In this dilemma, I made enquiry respecting Gengomar and Castellata, and also of Gogo:[125] but could get poor encouragement to change for better dealing, so that we remained long perplexed how to act, and returned to our business at the ships.
[Footnote 125: Gogo is on the west shore of the gulf of Cambay. In an after passage of this voyage, what is here called Gengomar and Castellata, is called Gengomar or Castelletto, which may possibly refer to Jumbosier, on a river of the same name, about sixty miles north from Surat. Castelletta must have been a name imposed by the Portuguese.--E.]
The 27th, in the morning, when Nicholas Ufflet went ashore, he found all the people belonging to Swally had gone away from the water-side in the night, as also all those who used to stay beside the tents, in consequence of an order from the nabob; and was farther informed that our merchants were detained at Surat, having been stopped by force when attempting to cross the bridge, and had even been beaten by the guard set there by the nabob. The gunner's boy and his companion, formerly supposed to have run away, and who were in company at the time with our merchants, being on their return to the ships, were also well beaten, and detained with the rest. The 31st we began to take in fresh water, to be ready for departing, as our stay here seemed so very uncertain. This day, Thomas Smith, the master's boy, had most of the outer part of one of his thighs bitten off by a great fish, while swimming about the ship. The ravenous fish drew him under water, yet he came up again and swam to the ship, and got up to the bend, where he fainted. Being brought into the gun-room, the surgeon endeavoured to do what he could for his recovery; but he had lost so much blood that he never recovered out of the swoon, and shortly died.
In the evening of the 2d November, Mr Aldworth and Mr Elkington came down from Surat, where they left Mr Ensworth very sick. They reported to me their proceedings with the nabob, as formerly stated; but said they were now reconciled, and that he had made fair promises of future respect, with a free trade through all the country under his government. I do not attribute his severe proceedings hitherto to any hatred or ill-will to our nation, but to his fears lest we might unite with the Portuguese against him, owing to my refusing to assist him against Damaun. These his doubts and fears were increased by a knavish device of the subtle and lying Jesuits; who, taking advantage of my refusal to fight against the Portuguese without cause, at Damaun or elsewhere, pretended with the nabob that they had a letter from the viceroy, saying, That he and his friends the English meant to join their forces and come against Surat. This devilish device gave much hindrance to our business, by occasioning continual doubt in the nabob's mind of our friendly intentions; and unfortunately likewise, Mr Aldworth had strengthened these doubts and fears, though ignorant of the lying inventions of the jesuits; for, thinking to mollify their rigour, he rashly advised them to beware, lest their ill usage might force us to join with the Portuguese against them. We likewise believed that the order of the nabob, forbidding the people to trade with us on board, proceeded entirely from his desire to thwart us: But we afterwards learnt, by letter from Thomas Kerridge, that Mucrob Khan, and all other governors of sea-ports, had express orders from the Mogul, not to allow any trade with us till they had first chosen and purchased, for the king's use, all kinds of strange and unusual things we might have to dispose of.
On the 3d I called a council to deliberate concerning our business, and especially how far we might proceed in aid of the natives against the Portuguese, for which purpose we carefully examined our commission and instructions. We also arranged the appointments of the merchants for their several places of employment, both such as were to remain in the factory at Surat, and those who were to proceed on the voyage. This day likewise, sixty bales of indigo, and eleven packs of cotton-yarn, came aboard from Surat, being goods that belonged to the twelfth voyage. It was my desire to have been ashore among our merchants, that I might assist in arranging our business at Surat; and this the rather because of the turbulent, head-strong, and haughty spirit of----,[126] who was ever striving to sway every thing his own way, thwarting others who aimed at the common good, and whose better discretion led them to more humility. But such was the uncertain state of our business, partly owing to the nabob and his people, and partly to the Portuguese, who I heard were arming against us; and besides, because I understood that the nabob proposed to demand restitution for the goods taken by Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, at under rates, as they say, though I know they had goods for goods even to the value of a halfpenny. On all these accounts, therefore, I thought it best to keep nearest my principal charge, referring all things on shore to the merchants of my council, in most of whom I had great confidence.
[Footnote 126: This name is left blank in the Pilgrims, probably because Purchas, a contemporary, did not wish to give offence.--E.]
The 22d November, I finished my letters for Persia; being one for the company, to be forwarded over land, one for Sir Robert Shirley, and one of instructions for Richard Steel. The 23d, Lacandus, the Banian, came down to us, with news of discontent and hard speeches that had passed between the nabob and our merchants, but who were now again reconciled. This was occasioned by Mr Edwards refusing to let him see the presents, which he was at last obliged to consent to. All these merchants wrote me at this time separately, that the viceroy was certainly arming against us. At this time Mr Ensworth and Timothy Wood died within an hour of each other. John Orwicke, Robert Young, and Esay But, were now dispatched to provide such cloths and cotton-yarns as we had formerly agreed on. The 25th Mr Edwards wrote me of the coming of three great men, bringing seven firmauns from the Great Mogul; in whose presence the nabob bestowed upon him 850 mahmudies, ten fine basties, thirty top-seels, and thirty allizaes; at the same time he gave ten top-seels to Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, a cloak to Mr Aldworth and another to Mr Elkington, Mr Dodsworth having had one before. He likewise promised free trade to all places under his command, and abundant refreshments for our people in the ships.
The 27th, John Crowther came from Surat, to inform me he had been appointed by the chief merchants at Surat to accompany Mr Steel into Persia, and had therefore come to take leave of me, and to fetch away his things from the ship. This day also Mr Edwards wrote to me, by Edmund Espinol, to send him fifty elephants teeth, indifferently chosen as to size, as a banian merchant was in treaty for them all, if they could agree on terms. The 6th December, the nabob seemed ashamed that he had not shewn me the smallest respect since my arrival, and, being desirous to excuse himself, he this day entreated Mr Edwards to go on board along with the great banian who had bought our ivory, and Lacandas, the banian merchant of the junk belonging to the king of Cushan.[127] He chose this last, on account of his former familiarity with our people, and commissioned him to buy sword-blades, knives, and mirrors. By them he sent me a present, consisting of two corge of coarse bastas, ten fine bastas, ten top-seels, ten cuttonies, and three quilts, together with a message, certifying that the nabob proposed to come down to visit me in a day or two at the most. At their going ashore, I gave them a salute of five guns.
[Footnote 127: Kessem, on the coast of Arabia Felix, is probably here meant.--E.]
They told me, that the nabob had certain intelligence from Goa, that the viceroy was fitting out all the force he could muster to come against us; and expressed a wish, on the part of the nabob, that I would convoy one or two of his ships for two or three days sail from the coast, which were bound for the Red Sea. To this I answered, that I could not do this; as, if once off the coast, the wind was entirely adverse for our return: But, if he would further our dispatch, so that we might be ready in any convenient time, I would do any thing reasonable that he could desire. The 9th, the nabob's son came to the shore, but would not venture on board, wherefore I went ashore to him. He had a horse ready for me on landing to fetch me, and desired me to sit down beside him, which I did. He then commanded some horsemen, who accompanied him, to amuse me, by shewing their warlike evolutions on the sands, chasing each other after the fashion of the Deccan, whence they were; and at his desire I caused eleven guns to be fired, to do him honour. Though he refused to drink any wine at this interview, he sent for it after his departure, as also for a fowling-piece he had seen in the hands of one of our people, both which I sent him, together with a bowl from which to drink the wine.
§2. Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts, and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed.
On the 16th of December, 1613, Mr Elkington wrote me, That the nabob had told him the Portuguese frigates had burnt Gogo, with many gouges or villages in its vicinity, together with ten large ships, of which the Rehemee was one, and an hundred and twenty small vessels. He said likewise, that the nabob was much displeased with me for not having fired upon the Portuguese vessels, as they passed our anchorage, which circumstance had renewed his suspicions of our friendly intelligence with the Portuguese; and, although Mr Elkington had said every thing he could to explain the reason of our conduct, as stated formerly, he could not satisfy the nabob of its propriety. The 23d two boats came off to us for lead; and on the same day we saw twenty-two Portuguese frigates, which came to anchor in the night between, us and the mouth of the river, where they continued most part of next day.
The 24th, in the morning, we saw four boats coming down the river towards us; but, on seeing the Portuguese frigates, they immediately turned back, and were chased up the river by two of the frigates. Finding they could not get up with the boats, the Portuguese landed and set fire to two or three poor cottages, and carried off two or three cattle, and then returned to their squadron at the mouth of the river. In the afternoon, they all went up the river in company. In the morning early of the 25th, we saw five or six frigates under sail. An hour or two after, we saw a boat standing towards us, which was presently chased by two frigates, on which the men in the small boat ran her a-ground and forsook her; but as the frigates could not float near where the boat was, and the tide was ebbing fast, they departed without farther harm. The 26th in the morning, I sent the Hope a good way to the northward from the rest of our fleet, to see whether the Portuguese would assail her.
Early in the morning of the 27th, the Portuguese frigates came and made a bravado before our ship, and then before the Salomon, which was next us; and from thence went directly against the Hope, which rode a great way from us, in which manoeuvre they had all their men close stowed below, and not one to be seen. The master of the Hope hailed them twice, but they would give no answer; on which they let fly at them from the bow-chases of the Hope, which only could be brought to bear, and by which they were forced with some loss to stand away. The master of the Hope was satisfied, if he had not shot at them, that they would have attempted to board, or to have set his ship on fire, as they had the advantage of both wind and tide, and were so directly a-head of his ship that he could hardly get any of his guns to bear upon them, while the rest of our ships could not have come up to his rescue. In the afternoon, I sent the Salomon to keep company with the Hope; and, going to the northwards of her, she made several shots at the frigates, but we did not perceive that any harm was done. I therefore ordered a gun to be fired, as a warning to desist, on which the Salomon stood in again and came to anchor.
In the morning of the 28th, I went in the pinnace aboard the Hope and Salomon, to enquire the reason of their firing. And the Portuguese, seeing our boats pass to and fro, removed in the afternoon, and anchored a little way without us, obviously for the purpose of cutting off our intercourse. In the meantime, the boat which had been chased ashore on the 25th, came aboard the Gift, bringing some letters from Mr Elkington, which our master sent to me, as I was then in the Hope. Having answered Mr Elkington's letter, I sent back the gelliwat to the Gift, with directions to go thence to Surat in the night. But, as the gelliwat [galivat] returned, she was chased by the frigates; which perceiving, I waved her to return, but she held on her way, not observing my signal. The frigates held her so close in chase, that they got within shot of her, and even fired one gun; and had not the Gift slipped one cable and veered another, and plied her ordnance at the Portuguese, they had surely taken or sunk the gelliwat. This forced the Portuguese to give over the chase, not without damage. Late at night, on the tide of ebb, I made the Hope and Salomon set sail and come near the other two ships, and then returned on board the Gift.
Perceiving on the 29th, that my continuing off the bar of Surat was quite unavailing, as the Portuguese frigates could pass and repass to and from the river, by going across the sands, where there was not water to float my ships; and that no boats could come to us to fetch away our goods, for fear of the frigates, neither could we have any intercourse with our friends ashore, to know what passed; I therefore set sail for Swally roads, where I arrived next day, having very little wind.
On the 14th January, 1614, we heard of many frigates being arrived, which rode at the bar of Surat all next day till night; and, leaving that place after dark, they came and rode within shot of us till next morning, when they weighed and stood back to the southwards. While they remained at anchor, supposing they might be the Mallabars, which the nabob had formerly promised to send me, I put forth a flag of truce, and sent Mr Spooner, one of our master's mates, towards them, directing him to keep a watchful eye to our signals, which we should make if we saw any reason of suspicion. Seeing our gallivat draw near, and no sign of friendship in answer to ours, I hoisted my flag and fired a shot to recall our boat, which immediately came back. At this time, our sentinel at the mast-head descried another fleet of frigates, which afterwards assembled at the bar of Surat, and went all into the river. By this I was satisfied they were all Portuguese, and was glad our men and boat had escaped their hands. Thinking these frigates were forerunners of a greater force, I ordered the decks to be cleared, all our guns thrown loose, and every thing to be in readiness for action, both for the great guns and small arms, and to fit up barricades for close quarters. In the night of the 17th, all the frigates came out of the river, and in the morning were all at the point of the bar.
The 18th, Maugie, the banian captain formerly mentioned, accompanied by another great man, who was son to Clych Khan, came to the water side to speak with me, to whom I went ashore. Not long after, word was brought from on board, that they had descried a fleet of ships far off, which looked very big, but which we could not see from the shore, owing to its being very low. Taking leave of my visitors, I returned aboard, and made every thing be put in readiness, which was done immediately. Towards night, we made them out to be six galleons, with three smaller ships, besides the sixty frigates which were here before. Two gallies belonging to this armament were not yet come up. The tide being spent, they came to anchor till next day. The 19th, they plied up to the entrance of our new channel, where they came to anchor, and where they were joined by the two gallies. One of their great ships, being too forward, came too near the sands and grounded, but was soon got off again.
On this occasion, Mucrob Khan, the nabob of Surat, sent the sabandar and several others of the principal men of Surat, with a great present of provisions to the Portuguese, and to endeavour to enter into terms of peace; but though great policy was used on both sides, they broke off without coming to any terms. This was done by the nabob to my great mortification, for he and all the country despaired of my being able to resist such disproportionate force, and he was therefore willing before hand to conciliate the viceroy by presents; considering, if I were once overthrown, his own turn would come next, either to endure a severe assault, or to make such a peace as the enemy chose to dictate. Peace was certainly most desirable for the viceroy, that he might restore trade with the Moguls. Yet, seeing the tractableness of the nabob, and his apparent earnestness for peace, the viceroy made light of it for the present, expecting to bring it to bear with great advantage after he had overthrown us, which he made no doubt easily to accomplish. When this was performed, he expected to receive great presents, and great submission from the Moguls to the dictates of the conqueror. But it pleased God, who beheld the injustice of his attempt, to turn the event contrary to the expectations both of the viceroy and the nabob. After failing in all his attempts against me, and finding he could not even gain a boats thole from me in all the time he spent here, with loss and disgrace, the viceroy was fain to revive the former despised proffer of peace with the nabob: While the nabob on the other hand, confirmed by the experience of a month, and seeing that the viceroy, after all his boastful threatenings, and with so vast an armament, was unable to prevail against our four merchant ships, or even to remove our small force one foot from their place, gave for answer, that he would not make peace with the viceroy. Thus was the viceroy frustrated in both his hopes, of an easy victory over us, and an advantageous peace with the Moguls. After this digression, I now return to our proceedings.
When we formerly heard of the force which the viceroy was fitting out against us; we had no conception it would be so formidable as it now appeared, and therefore deemed it expedient to consult how, by God's help, we might best resist. The odds and advantages on their side, made me calculate every thing that made against me. Being far out-numbered by his forces, which I esteemed the principal ships and means belonging to the Portuguese in India, and having all the people of greatest rank and valour, I considered it might be too hazardous for us to put out into deep water, as by their numbers they would be able to intercept and overcharge me, and to force me irrecoverably aground, on one side or other. Such were my apparent disadvantages in going out to sea; while I knew, on the other hand, that their numerous smaller vessels might much annoy us with fire-works, or put us otherwise into great hazard, in the place where we now rode at anchor, where I was hopeful their great ships could not or durst not come, owing to the shoal water. Though my numbers were considerably lessened by sickness and deaths, all my people, from the highest to the lowest, seemed quite courageous, yet ignorant both of our danger and how it was to be prevented; but their brave spirit gave me great hope. Yet my anxiety was not small, how I might best act in maintaining the honour of my country, and not neglect the valuable property entrusted to my care by my friends and employers; as not only was the present charge to be put in hazard, but all hopes also of future benefits, if I were now overthrown; as the enemy, if he now got the mastery, would be able to make peace with the Moguls on his own terms, to the expulsion of our nation for ever.
Besides these considerations, I leave to such parents as are tender for the safety of their dutiful and obedient children, to imagine how great was my anxiety for the safety of the people under my command. So great was my cares all this time, that I had little time for conversation, or even almost to shew myself sensible of the approaching dangers. Whenever I could get free from others, I very earnestly craved the aid and direction of the almighty and ever merciful God, who had often delivered me before from manifold dangers, praying that he would so direct me that I might omit nothing having a tendency to the safety of my charge, and our defence against the enemy. I had strong confidence that the Almighty would grant my request, and yet was often led to doubt, through my manifold and grievous offences. I resolved at length what to do, by God's assistance, providing the masters of the ships would agree to second me. Being satisfied, if we should-receive a defeat while at anchor, our disgrace would be great, and our enemies could in that case be little injured by us; while by setting sail, the viceroy, in his greediness and pride, might do himself some wrong upon the sands, by which he might cripple his own force, and thereby open a way for our getting out through the rest. Yet this plan seemed only fit for ultimate necessity, considering that much of our goods were now on their way, and others were expected from day to day; and, if once out, unless it pleased God to make us the conquerors, so as to drive the viceroy clean away, I should on no account be able to return to my anchorage, where only I could get in my lading. Considering also that the viceroy would hold his honour in such high estimation, that he would rather die than give way; and besides, that my people would be tired and half spent with labour, before going to fight, by heaving at the capstan to get up our anchors, setting the sails, and so forth, which in this hot country makes them both weary and faint, to the great diminution of their courage; while the viceroy and his soldiers being troubled with no labour, which among them is done by slaves and inferior mariners, would come fresh into the battle. Likewise, even supposing the viceroy to lose many men in the fight, he could be again supplied from the nearest towns belonging to the Portuguese, by means of his frigates; whereas we could not have a single man replaced, whatever number we might have slain or disabled.
Having none of our merchants aboard, as they were all employed in the country, or with Mr Elkington in our factory at Surat, I sent for all the masters, on the night of this Thursday the 19th January, desiring them and some of the mates to come to supper with me on board the Gift. I then made them a speech on our present situation, desiring every one to give his opinion freely, how we might best proceed in our present straits. I declared to them my confidence in God, notwithstanding all the force of these bragging Portuguese, that their injurious attempts would not prevail against us, who had been careful not to wrong them in the Indies. I represented also to them, the jealousy entertained of us by the nabob and other chief men of the country, because we had refrained from firing at the saucy bragging frigates.
I found all the masters willing and tractable to my heart's desire. We had some few discourses about our provident mooring, as also about removing a little lower down. I then proposed my plan to them, desiring to have their free opinion. I represented that our ships were now in as good condition for battle as we could make them, yet our danger by night, if we continued where we were, was not small, however provident we might be. Wherefore, I thought it fit in the morning at low water, to send one ship to ride as far down as we could have water for all our ships at the lowest ebb, at which time none of the enemies ships could come to annoy her. This, as I thought, might induce the viceroy to make some attempt at high water, when our other three ships might bear down against the stream, the springs being now at the highest, when we should see what efforts the viceroy might make, and might attend to the same and act accordingly, in the hope that the viceroy might commit some error to the weakening of his own force and our advantage. And if such should happen, it would then be proper for us to put out to sea, in the darkness of the following night, when the viceroy would not be in condition to make sail to hinder us. Or, if we saw reason, we might make sail daily on the flood, working to and again, which would somewhat dismay the Portuguese, and encourage our own men. My proposal was unanimously agreed to, as the best way of proceeding; and finding Mr Molineux quite willing to fall down with the Hope at low water next morning, this was directed accordingly.
In the morning of the 20th, at low water, the Hope went down to induce the enemy to make some attempt against her when the tide rose, and then we in the other ships stood after her. The viceroy, and all the worthy knights about him, thinking I was about to flee, hastened as soon as the flood would permit to stop the passage, and prevent our getting out. We all came to anchor short of the Hope, yet not so as to leave her destitute of our help, but rather doubting of sufficient depth for our ships at low water so far down. On coming to anchor, I went down into my cabin, meaning to have given our friends ashore notice of my purposes, that they might know it proceeded from no rashness, but in good discretion to wait upon advantages to the prejudice of our enemies. But presently I had notice, that three of the Portuguese ships and most of their frigates were coming stem on before the wind upon the Hope, followed by all the galleons.
We endeavoured to weigh our anchor, but having no time for that, we cut our cables, and made sail for the rescue of the Hope. Before we could get sufficiently near, the enemies ships were close aboard of her, and had entered their men, boarding her with great appearance of resolution. But they had no quiet abode there, nor could they rest in their own ships, neither could they cast them loose from the Hope, so greatly were they annoyed by our great guns and small arms. At length, their principal officers being slain, the rest in great numbers leapt into the sea, whence many of them were taken up by their frigates. But, before quitting their ships, they set them on fire, thinking to have burnt the Hope along with them. But, praised be the Lord of Hosts, they were burnt without harm to the Hope; for, so soon as the fire had well kindled, the flaming ships were cast loose and drifted on the sands, where they continued burning till quenched by the flowing tide. So long as day-light lasted, we continued exchanging shots from all our ships with the galleons, they being on the outside of a spit of sand, and we on the inside. They did us little injury in our hulls, but much to our ropes and sails overhead. In this conflict, besides those who were wounded, we had five men slain. By a great mischance, the main-top-sail, top-mast, and shrouds got afire, communicated from the main-top, in consequence of the fire-works lodged there taking fire, the man being slain who had the charge there. All these were burnt quite away, together with a great part of the main-mast; and this misfortune prevented us from going out into deep water to try our fortune with the viceroy in close fight. We were likewise put to our shifts, not knowing by what means we might get the mast replaced.
The 21st I got the anchor weighed, which we had been obliged to cut from the day before. On the 22d, I was informed that many great men, accompanied by a Portuguese friar, and escorted by five or six hundred horse, had come down to Swally, meaning to send the friar next day, with three or four principal Moors, to negociate a peace with the viceroy. But the nabob sent me word, that he sought for no such thing, and was resolved to conclude no peace, unless we were included. He also granted me what timber we might need, of which we availed ourselves, and promised to supply us with provisions. The Portuguese remaining quiet on the 25th, the muccadam of Swally came to me, saying that the before-mentioned friar had sent to entice him to poison the well whence we had our water, which he would not consent to, and had therefore put some live tortoises into it, that these might shew by their deaths, if poison should be put therein by the Portuguese. At night, part of the 120 bales of indigo we had purchased came to the water side, and was presently got aboard. This day Isaac Beg sent me a present of fruit from his own garden; and this day likewise the rest of the timber for repairing the Hope's mast was brought down to us.
The 27th, I sent all our boats to sound the Swash at low water, being chiefly on purpose to keep the Portuguese in ignorance of my real intentions. They sent one galley and five frigates, thinking to have cut off our boats; but in this they failed, as in every thing else they attempted against us. The 28th, the nabob sent great store of provisions to the viceroy, as goats, bread, plantains, and the like, together with a banquet of sweetmeats. Coge Nozan sent me a present of five bullocks. Several of our men died about this time of fluxes and other diseases. The 31st, we received aboard from Cambay, fifty bales of indigo. In the afternoon, one Coge Arson Ali came aboard, and presented me with several goats, a large supply of bread, roast-meat, plantains, sugar, and other such things. Along with him came an old acquaintance of mine, a Persian, who said there were news from Damaun, that the Portuguese had sent there 350 men to be buried; and we computed, that there could not be less than 100 more, killed and burnt in their ships, besides those who were drowned. They also told me, that not only were the Portuguese opposed here in India, but also by the Persians at Ormus, and that the Malays were in arms against them at Malacca. They likewise assured me, that the negociations between Mucrob Khan and the viceroy were entirely at an end, and that no peace would take place between them.
I had long wished to see this man, who, till now, could never get leave of the nabob, without which no one dared use that freedom. This jealousy of the nabob proceeded, as he said, from a great charge enjoined by the king to procure for his use all curious things of value, and he is fearful lest any of these should pass through other hands, to his disgrace, which forces him to employ strange and severe means to prevent this happening. Day being nearly spent, I sent them ashore, making them a present, and giving money to all their people, having first shewn them how far some of our great guns could throw a ball. They then took their leave and departed.
§3_Supplies received by the Portuguese, who vainly endeavour to use Fire-boats. They seek Peace, which is refused, and depart. Interview between the Nabob and Captain Downton, and Departure of the English_.
On the 3d February, 1615, there arrived at the waterside twenty-four bales of indigo, seven packs of white, seven of black, and four of blue bastas, six packs of cotton yarn, three of candikens, and one pack of crecany, all of which were brought immediately on board. This day also the supplies for the viceroy came in sight, being two ships of burden, two junks, and eight or ten of the country boats. The nabob sent me a message by Lacandas, that these were not for the purpose of fighting, but were full of combustibles, meant to be set on fire, and allowed to drift with the tide upon our ships in the night. I was glad of this information, and took immediate measures to prevent the consequences of such an attempt, as well as to defend ourselves from the smaller vessels. The spring-tides were now near the highest, and were consequently fittest for their attacks, so that I expected them every tide; and to let them see I was ready for their reception, and how little I cared for them, I directed the setting and clearing our watch, mornings and evenings, to be announced by a volley of shot from every ship, pointing the best piece in my ship at the prow of the viceroy's ship, to try his temper, and to daunt the courage of his people. It pleased God this morning, when I had least leisure for mourning, to call my only son, George Downton, to his mercy, who was buried next morning ashore, and the volleys intended to insult the viceroy, served also to honour his obsequies.
This morning also, while expecting an assault from the Portuguese, I was visited by one Mousa Attale, a Malabar captain, together with his troop, from whom I got a description of the principal ports and harbours of his country, expressing my anxious desire to become acquainted with them, and to have league and intercourse between them and the English, with mutual trade and friendship. He seemed willing to encourage this proposal, and requested letters to that effect from me, which their ships might shew to my countrymen when they happened to meet, which I gave him, as also a letter for his king, requesting kind usage for my countrymen if any of their ships should come into his harbours. After some conference, he departed, and I presented him with a sword-blade, and three or four knives.[128] This day the master of the Hope represented that he had several men killed in the former engagement, and many hurt, bruised, and disabled from service, on which I sent him three men from my ship, four from the Hector, and four from the Salomon.
[Footnote 128: These knives, so often mentioned as presents in India, were probably daggers.--E.]
The 5th I had letters from Mr Aldworth, informing of his arrival at Baroach with his companions, and saying that he had been set upon by 200 Rajput thieves, nine coss from Baroach, the day before, the thieves being armed with pikes, matchlocks, and bows and arrows; but, after some skirmishing, they fled, three of them being slain, and more wounded. In this affair Humphrey Elkington was shot through the thigh with an arrow, one of the horsemen sent by Surder Khan to guard our people was killed, and Mr Aldworth's horse sore wounded. The nabob sent me word that the viceroy proposed to assault me this day, and therefore sent Coge Nozan to guard the land. Nozan came accordingly to the water side, and sent his son, Mamud Iehad, to visit me on board, accompanied by a chief named Kemagee, the son of Leckdarsee, rajput chieftain of Guigamar or Castelletto,[129] who had for a long time maintained war with the Moguls and Portuguese. These chiefs entreated permission to see and partake in the fight, and as no assault was made that day, they remained all night on board. The rajput chief went ashore next morning, but the other remained on board two or three days, and seeing the enemy would do nothing, he went likewise ashore.
[Footnote 129: On a former occasion supposed to have been Jumbosier.--E.]
On the forenoon of the 8th, we received more indigo aboard, and in the afternoon all the Portuguese frigates, with the two junks, and two gallies, came driving up with the flood, as if for some attempt against us, either by fire, which I most doubted, or otherwise. We therefore got under weigh and advanced to meet them, upon which they all made off as fast as they could, and we came again to anchor. This was merely a device, to make us believe their fire-boats were to come against us from the south, and that we might have no suspicion of their coming from the northwards; wherefore they again assembled all their junks, frigates, and galleys next night, a little without the sands, to call our attention from the northern quarter. But I was aware of that being the place of greatest danger; and though I commanded a careful outlook to be kept both ways, I especially enjoined to be watchful in the north quarter, as it fell out accordingly. A little within the night, between us and a great light to the westwards, upon the island of Gogo, we could discern them creeping up to the north upon the flood; and then, about ten o'clock at night, when very dark, and before the moon rose, upon the last quarter of the ebb tide, there came down towards us two fire-boats, towed by two frigates, which we happily descried before they came nigh, and plied them heartily both with great guns and small arms. By this we soon beat off the frigates, which set the fire-boats adrift, and made sail from us.
One of the fire-boats drifted clear of the Gift, Hector, and Salomon, but got athwart the cable of the Hope, and presently blew up; but, blessed be God, the Hope received no harm, having cut her cable and got clear. The other fire-boat came up likewise on the quarter of the Hope, all in flames, but did no harm, as she drifted past with the ebb. She came up again with the tide of flood, and was like to have got foul of us; but our boats towed her ashore continually burning. The former one floated likewise back with the flood, but sank near us in the morning. This day I had a letter from Thomas Kerridge, specifying that Nicholas Whittington had gone distracted, and expressing some doubts of Richard Steel.
The 10th, at night, about the same time as before, two other fire-boats came against us, towed by four or five frigates, bearing directly on the Hector. Immediately on perceiving them, the Gift and Hector let drive at them with great guns and small arms, so that the frigates threw them adrift, firing them sooner than they otherwise would. The burning boats floated toward the Hector, but having a stiff breeze, drifted past to leewards. Within half an hour after, we perceived many boats drifting towards the Hector, against which we again let drive, forcing the frigates to abandon them in such a hurry that they only set two of them on fire, there being four of them chained together. Fortunately we had a stiff gale, and by edging up to windward, they all floated clear to leeward. While passing, our gunner made a shot at one of the boats that was unfired, which struck her and set her on fire. The vehemence of the flames reached the fourth boat, and set her likewise on fire; so they all drifted ashore in flames, hard by our landing-place. My pinnace took three of the actors in a small canoe, in which they thought to have escaped. Two of these men were brought aboard my ship, the third being left in the Hector. Besides these, our gelliwat picked up another, which she brought with her. Thus did God disappoint all the malicious practices of our enemy.
Seeing himself foiled in all his injurious attempts, the viceroy set sail on the 11th, and fell down to the bar of Surat, where he anchored. Being suspicious that he meant to attempt taking Surat, I resolved, in that case, to have gone with my ships to set upon his fleet, which must have constrained him to desist from his enterprise against Surat, as I was desirous to assist in defending a place where we had so great a stock, and so many of our merchants. But the viceroy durst not trust me so far as to unman his ships, lest I should come against him. In the night he sent all his frigates into the river, and sent some person to propose peace, but received a flat denial. The 12th, the nabob sent Lacandas to inform me that five or six frigates had gone to the northwards, having four or five fire-boats, which they meant to let drive upon us in the night, and therefore wished me to keep a good look-out. I acknowledged his kindness, and was glad of his care, though needing no such admonition, as I was equally suspicious of their practices when out of sight as when they rode near us. The nabob had this intelligence from the Jesuits, with whom he kept on fair terms, for his better security, if he should have been put to the worst. As the frigates, or other vessels in the offing, could not well discern the place where our ships rode during the darkness of the night, by reason of the shadow of the shore, they had lights made for them ashore for guiding them where to find us during their hellish incendiary plans. Having observed this light, night after night, always in the same place, and seeing it as before on the night of the 13th, I sent William Gurdin ashore with twenty men, armed with muskets and pikes, directing them to endeavour to surround this fire-blazer, supposing him to be some traitor inhabiting the neighbourhood. But, on coming near, the fire was presently put out, and was again seen at another place, quite contrary to the direction of their pursuit; and so going up and down for a long time, they gave it over, esteeming it some delusion of the devil. This night the viceroy set sail from the bar of Surat, leaving about twenty of his frigates in the river to keep in check the Malabar frigates which were there for the defence of the town.
The 14th, the nabob sent a great man, who, in token of friendship, was called his brother, to visit me. This person gave as his opinion that the viceroy was gone with all his fleet to Goa, leaving some frigates to keep possession of the river, and others to return to Diu and Ormus. But my own opinion is, that the viceroy has only gone somewhere to refresh his people, and to reinforce his ships, against our putting to sea, when no sands will be in the way of his greatest ships coming against me. He also told me that the king had sent down forces for the purpose of conquering Damaun and all the sea coast. He said likewise, that they were more willing to give entertainment and trade to our nation than the Portuguese, which I thought very reasonable, as the Portuguese had always been injurious, and had done many vile things against them. Yet, unless we continue able to resist the Portuguese, they will soon unsay that speech for their own ease. When he had viewed our ship, with our ordnance and defensive preparations, we sent him and his train on shore in oar boats, in all courtesy.
We now set seriously to work in clearing and loading the Hope for England, having hitherto taken in our goods confusedly and by hasty snatches, some into one ship, and some into others, not deeming it proper to hazard all in one bottom while exposed to so much danger from the Portuguese. I had resolved to send home the Hope, not that I esteemed her burden the fittest for the goods we had provided, but because of the many impediments and disabilities of that ship, as daily complained of by the master and carpenter; in particular, that her stern-post within the rudder was unsheathed, a strange and dangerous neglect and unaccountable oversight, on which account it was fitting she should soonest return; besides, we were in danger of losing our quicksilver which was in her, and lay on her keel and bilges.
The 18th, the nabob sent to me Cage Arson Ali, the sabandar, and other merchants of Surat, requesting me to remain for fifteen days, which I would in no sort consent to. They then importuned me to stop for ten days, which likewise I refused, shewing them how prejudicial so long delay might be to my voyage. The cause of their request was, lest the viceroy might come with all his forces against Surat after my departure. Seeing them discontented at my denial, and loth to give displeasure to the nabob, which might be prejudicial to our affairs afterwards, and considering that it would require six days of the ten before we could get the Hope ready, I at last consented to their request, to their great satisfaction. At night on the 22d I had a letter from Surat, informing me that the nabob meant to visit me next day, and accordingly two elephants and six camels came down in the morning of the 23d, bringing his tents and other matters for his reception. The 24th, Mr Aldworth came down with the rest of the merchants to finish all business with me previous to our departure.
In the morning of the 25th, the nabob came down with a great train, with six other elephants, and was two hours at the water side before I knew of his arrival. When told, I was sorry for the neglect, and sent Mr Aldworth, Mr Elkington, and Mr Dodsworth ashore to compliment him, and to keep him in discourse till I could go on shore, which I did soon after. I proposed to have gone to him as a son to his father, in my doublet and hose, without arms or any great train, according to custom, to shew the trust and confidence I reposed in him; but my friends persuaded me to the contrary, insisting that I should go well appointed, and attended by a sufficient guard, to which I consented, though I afterwards repented that I had not followed my own way. I went accordingly ashore with about 140 men, part pikes, and part firelocks, who gave me a volley of small arms as I entered the nabob's tent. The nabob received me with much kindness, seeming much pleased at my coming ashore to him. We sat for some time under a very fair tent, open on all sides, and surrounded by many people, both his attendants and mine.
At length he brought me into a more private room, near adjoining, having only along with him Ali Khan, a great Persian captain, with Henie the Banian as his interpreter; while I was accompanied by Messrs. Aldworth, Elkington, and Dodsworth. We there conferred about the state of his country, and about our affairs. At last I invited him to go on board to view our ship, to which he readily consented. He then presented me with his own sword, with many complimentary speeches, saying it was the custom of his country to honour with arms such captains as had deserved well. This sword, as he said, was made in his own house, the hilt being of massy gold. In return, I presented to him my own arms, being sword and dagger, together with my girdle and hangers, by me much esteemed, and making a much finer shew than his, though of less value. We came forth together from the private tent, and I walked down to the shore to wait for his coming, whither he sent me a present of ten cuttonee quilts and twenty topseels.
Soon after the nabob came to the shore, and we took boat together, going on board my ship. Having shewn our ordnance, and the manner of pointing the guns, and explained all our other preparations for defence, I presented him with a very handsome gilt cup and cover, some fair knives, a rundlet of Muscadine wine, and some other toys. Desiring to see some of our ordnance shot off, and how far they could carry their balls on the water, I caused three guns to be fired. He would then have taken leave, but I accompanied him ashore, and ordered him to be saluted at his departure with eleven guns. When we parted at the water side, the nabob gave me four baskets of grapes. He likewise gave among the gunners and trumpeters 200 mahmoodies, and 500 among the ship's company, together with 100 books of white bastas, worth two mahmoodies each. Thus, after some compliments, we took leave of each other and parted. While rowing up along shore for my better getting on board, as the tide ran very swiftly, Lacandas came running towards the boat, bearing a message from the nabob to ask if he should erect a tomb over the grave of my son. I returned my hearty thanks for the kind offer, desiring Lacandas to say that I had already begun to do so. The nabob then went away to Surat, and not long after his tent was taken down and went after him, with all the rest of his carriages.
The 26th, the nabob's son and son-in-law, a very ingenious young man, came to visit me, upon whom I bestowed some knives and other things, such as I had left, which could not be much, as I had every now and then some great man or other to visit me, to all of whom I had to give something. The 27th, the three sons of Ali Khan came to visit me, the eldest of whom, named Guger Khan, presented me with two antilopes, a male and a female, of which I was very glad, having endeavoured before ineffectually to send some home to Sir Thomas Smith. After viewing all our ship, with our ordnance and warlike preparations for defence, I gave him four Spanish pikes, and some other things of my own, and saluted him with eleven guns at his departure.
In the afternoon of the 3d March, upon the tide of ebb, and having a light gale from the north, sufficient to give steerage-way to our ships, we hastened to get up our anchors, meaning to set sail in the prosecution of our voyage, though our friends, the Malabars, who had desired to go with us, made no attempt to come out. At this time we saw another fleet of Portuguese frigates standing in from the westwards, and being willing to do my best to hinder them from going into the river of Surat, were it only to shew our good-will to the country people, we shot at the nearest of them, though without hope of doing them any hurt, as there was room for them to pass on either side of us, beyond reach of our shot. I was willing also to shew our friends on land, as also to those who I made no doubt would go down the coast to give notice to the galleons of our coming, that we shot at their frigates going into Surat, that they might also expect that we cared little for their greater strength.
In our passage this night we had various flaws of inconstant winds, which obliged us to come to anchor for some time. As the wind became afterwards steady, though faint, we again made sail, continuing our course S. by E. along shore. At day-light nest morning we began to descry, between us and the shore, the Portuguese galleons and two gallies; all of which made sail on perceiving us, following with a light breeze, while we stood somewhat out of our course with all our sails, partly to gain time to prepare ourselves perfectly for battle, and partly to give rest to my people, who had taken much fatigue the night before, as also to draw the enemy farther from the coast, and from having the convenience of fresh supplies. Ere long, the tide of flood obliged us to anchor, not having sufficient wind to stem the current. The enemy, resting his hopes on the wind, kept longer under sail, to his great disadvantage. But as I did not consider this at the time as an error in them, I was is great doubt lest they might intend going against Surat with all their force, now that we were at sea, and there work their wills upon our friends and goods, which I could only prevent by following them. Yet the season was now so far advanced that I doubted, even with our best haste, we should hardly get off the coast before the foul weather set in; and this gave me hope that the viceroy would not expose himself to the danger of the approaching winter. While considering these things, the tide of flood was spent, and it was time for us to use the ebb, when, to my great satisfaction, I saw the viceroy and his whole fleet standing towards us, with a fresh breeze. We likewise made sail, and stood our course before him all that ebb, and so spent that night to the best advantage, partly at anchor, and partly under sail, according as wind and tide served.
In the morning of the 5th, the enemy had gained very little way upon us. We spent this day, as before, in riding or sailing, as the tide answered. This night the viceroy gained much ground upon us, and by this time we had got a good way from the coast, and had advanced well to the southwards, so that I was now satisfied the Portuguese forces could not this year give any annoyance to Surat. I considered that my purposes in these parts, both by the authority of my king, and to fulfil the designs of my employers, were, in merchant ships, fitted indeed for defence, to seek honest commerce, without striving to injure any; wherefore I held it fit for me to proceed soberly and discreetly, neither basely to flee from the enemy, nor to tempt danger by proudly seeking it, if it might be honourably avoided. The viceroy was quite differently situated. He had been sent by his master with the principal ships of all India, and all the gallants and braggarts of these parts, not only to disturb and intercept the peaceable trade of the English with the subjects of the Mogul, but to take and burn them in the harbours of that great king. The viceroy was furnished with abundance of all things the country could afford, and only wanted an upright cause. He found what he was in search of,--four poor merchant ships, having few men, many being dead, and more sick; and these bragadocios, measuring our hearts by their own, thought we could never stand against what they esteemed so superior a force; and, seeing their intent, I baited my hook, which the fish presently ran after.
The Hope, being heavily laden, was in tow of the Hector, and being sternmost, three of the Portuguese ships, and thirty or forty of their frigates, as I had expected, boarded her with the flower of all their chivalry. But, by the hand of God, and to their great amazement, they received such a blow that few of them escaped, and these by extraordinary chance, and three of their ships were burnt.[130] Thus it pleased God to baffle this their first assault. Ever after, though they beleaguered us round about for many days together, with all sorts of ships, our people still in action, and sadly worn out with continual labour, even shifting goods from ship to ship in that time, yet did they never gain from us even the value of a louse in all that time, except our bullets, which we most willingly gave them roundly, their fire-boats always failing, and nothing prospering in all their efforts. For many days together I sent the viceroy a defiance once every twenty-four hours, which must needs lie heavy on the stomach of so courageous a gentleman. Craving pardon for this digression, I now proceed with my narrative.
[Footnote 130: I strongly suspect this to be a mere recapitulation of what happened in Swally roads, as already related, as this second attack on the Hope by the Portuguese is entirely omitted by Elkington and Dodsworth.--E.]
The 6th, in the morning, I sent for my master, letting him know that I proposed, when the viceroy should come up near us, to cast about and charge him suddenly, that we might strike unexpected terror in his people, who now bragged us, seeing us flee before them. To this end I went on board all the ships, giving them directions how to act, and gave orders to the Hector, by means of her pinnace and mine, to take in an hundred bales of goods from the Hope, to lighten her, and even staid to see it done. By this time it was mid-day, when my ship struck sail for my better getting on board; at which, the viceroy thinking it staid for him in contempt, as we imagined, be and his consorts bore up with the shore, and gave up all hope of mending their fortunes by following us any farther; which course I very well liked, as there is nothing under his foot to make amends for the loss of the worst man's finger in all our ships. Besides, I wished for no occasion of fighting unless for the honour of my king and country as I would rather save the life of one of my poorest sailors than kill a thousand enemies.
Having now finished with the viceroy, I set myself to write letters for the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to have stood in for the bar of Goa to endeavour to have left some compliments there for the viceroy at his return. This was my earnest desire, but we were so long delayed in dispatching the Hope, that by the time we had finished, we were far beyond Goa.
* * * * *
"The rest of this journal is wanting, as he is also wanting who should have finished it. But, alas! this is the imperfection of man's best perfections; death lying in ambush to entrap those whom by open force he could not devour. He dying in this voyage, and following his son, hath left this glorious act, memoriae sacrum, the memorable epitaph of his worth, savouring of a true heroic disposition, piety and valour being in him seasoned by gravity and modesty."--Purch.
SECTION II.
Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to the former Voyage.[131]
"Since writing the voyage of Captain Downton, I have obtained the journal of Captain Elkington, in which the reader may proceed with this worthy captain to Bantam, and thence to his grave; this history succeeding the former, as its author did in command."--Purch.
[Footnote 131: Purch. Pilgr. I. 514.]
In employing the journals of Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, to continue the account of the voyage set forth under the command of Captain Downton, only so much of both are here inserted as answers that purpose, to avoid prolix repetition of circumstances, already sufficiently related. The journal of Elkington breaks off abruptly, like that of Downton, and probably from the same cause; as we learn from Purchas, in the preceding notice, that Elkington died at Bantam. The journal of Dodsworth entirely relates to the voyage of the Hope to England, after parting company with the other two ships, except that it mentions several incidents of the transactions previous to the departure of that ship, most of which are here omitted, as already sufficiently explained.--E.
§1. Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas Elkington.
On the 4th March, 1615, we descried the Portuguese fleet, which immediately gave us chace, which it continued all that day and the next. On the 6th, the general came aboard us, wishing us to make ready, as he proposed to turn suddenly round and give an onset upon the enemy: But, about noon that day, the Portuguese bore up and stood for the coast, and in three hours after we lost sight of them. At night of the 10th, the Hope departed from us. The 15th we saw three water-spouts at no great distance; one of them, which was very large, continued for the space of half an hour. The 19th we doubled Cape Comorin.
The 10th May, the wind and current both against as, the general went to a green island, to the north or the salt hill, where we came to anchor in twenty fathoms on good sand. We here sought fresh water, but found none. There were plenty of bogs and pigs on this island, where likewise we gathered abundance of cocoa-nuts. All about this island is good anchorage, within a stone's throw of the shore, in twelve fathoms. The pinnace brought water from another island, about four leagues off but it was brackish.[132] The 2d June we came to anchor in Bantam road.
[Footnote 132: So vaguely is this journal expressed, or rather so miserably abbreviated by Purchas, that there are no indications by which to guess even where this island lay, except that it was on the way between Cape Comorin and Bantam.--E.]
The 3d July we weighed mace, and received silk towards furnishing the Salomon for Masulipatam, to which place we agreed to send the following merchants: George Chancie, Ralph Preston, Humphry Elkington, Timothy Mallory, George Savage, and Robert Savage. The 8th we loaded porcelain into the Salomon. This day we had news by a junk from the Moluccas, that the Thomasine was there; and that there were twelve sail of Hollanders at Ternate, who endeavoured to prevent all others from trading. The 11th our old house very narrowly escaped burning, in conscience of a fire very near. The 20th, Mr Jordan had letters from. Mr Ball at Macasser, complaining of violent ill usage from the Hollanders, who had driven him from thence, and stating that they proposed coming with all their force to take possession of Bantam, and to place the king of Motron in the government. The 21st Mr Bennet set sail in the Salomon. The 25th, the Advice and Attendance arrived from England, after a voyage of eight months. They met the Globe and James at the Cape, to which ships they spared eighteen men. These ships departed for England on the 17th July, and the Advice and her consort on the 18th, meeting a ship near the Cape, which we suppose might be either the Samaritan or the Hope, bound for England.
The 5th of August I went aboard to visit the general, Captain Nicholas Downton, who was then very ill, and we got word of his death next day.[133] Mr Evans the preacher, and Mr Hambdon, followed him, on the 8th, as we supposed by taking laudanum, as they were both well a little before. On the 11th the Advice was sent to Japan, having a complement of twenty-two Englishmen, together with five blacks, and Fernando the Spaniard. The Concord returned on the 14th from Succadanea in Borneo and Macasser. That night we had a prodigious tempest of rain, with thunder and lightning, and the mosque of Bantam was split in two by a thunderbolt, on which occasion the chief priest was nearly slain, which the king and people took for a bad omen, and therefore determined to make peace with Jacatra. The 16th the boat belonging to the Thomasine came to Bantam, with twenty-two English and five blacks, bringing intelligence of that ship having been lost on certain flats the night before, twenty-two leagues from Macasser, owing to the carelessness of Wilson the master, while all the people were asleep, he only being at the helm. They saved all the money, which they brought along with them; and as Mr Bailey told us that his wrecked crew had compelled him to pay them their wages, we caused them to restore the money.
[Footnote 133: By order in the box, Mr Elkington succeeded in the command.--Purch.]
On the 19th, the Hollanders clapped three blacks into the bilboes, whom Mr Bailey had brought with him from Celoar, pretending they were caught, climbing over the rails of their house, and also, as they were brought from a place under their protection, they refused to give us them back. We are in various ways most vilely abused by these Hollanders, neither do I see any means to right ourselves, unless we go to war with them; for we believe this matter to have been done on purpose, and these blacks enticed by them to it, as if taken by force. I was much offended with Mr Bailey for his conduct in taking away these blacks, as the means of making us hated as man-stealers, in, places where we used to be well received, which the Hollanders will take care to blaze abroad to our disgrace.
In the night of the 13th September, the watch discovered a fire in the thatch over the house in which Mr Jordan lodged, which was soon extinguished; but we could plainly perceive it had been done apurpose, as we found the cane by which it had been kindled sticking in the thatch, for which we suspected a Spaniard named Francisco, who had appostatized and turned Javan. The 2d October, Sophonee Cossock, a merchant, came in a small pinnace from Puloway, accompanied by an Orancay, to confer on trade with that place. The 22d, I went ashore, accompanied by Mr Pring and Mr Bailey, to confer with the Dutch general, concerning certain idle complaints made by them against our mariners. I found him and the president of their factory very impatient, calling us insolent English, threatening that our pride would have a fall, with many other disgraceful and opprobrious words.[134] Such was the entertainment we received from that boorish general, named Garrat Reynes, in his own house. He had formerly shewn the like or worse to Mr Ball, on going aboard his ship at Banda: And four of our men, who took passage with him from thence to Cambello, were brought all the way in the bilboes, for no cause.
[Footnote 134: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? It was Dutch policy to cry rogue first.--Purch.]
I went ashore on the 3d November, when Captain Jordan called together the merchants, and sent for the orancay of Banda, whose letter he got translated; the purport of which was, that, in regard to the ancient friendship between them and the English, especially with Captain Keeling, and provoked by the cruelty and injustice of the Hollanders, their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the spices of Puloway, Puleron, and Nera, on condition that the English would supply them with provisions, ordnance, and ammunition, and help them to recover the castle of Nera, desiring that some person might be sent to Banda, to confer with the orancays. To this we answered, That we could not give them assistance to recover the castle of Nera, without orders from England, and that at present we had no ordnance to spare; but would willingly supply them with provisions, and every thing else in our power, till we had farther orders from England, and would trade with them for spices, for which purpose we proposed to send a ship, and a person to confer with the orancays, and particularly to know how we might have security, and whether they would grant us permission to build a fort for that purpose.
The 23d five Hollanders anchored in the outer road, four of which came last from the Mauritius, having been nineteen months on the voyage from Holland. At that island they found that General Butt had been cast away with three ships, two being totally lost, the men and goods of the third being saved. A fourth, which was in company, went home under jury-masts, along with a pinnace that came there by chance. One of these ships that was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, and they found her driving up and down off the mouth of the straits, having lost 160 men, and having only eight remaining. The 25th, by letters from Priaman, we had notice of the death of Mr Ozewicke and Samuel Negus.
§2. Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England in the Hope.
The 16th October, 1614, while in the bay of Surat, Mr Aldworth and Mr Steel came on board, and next day Mr Aldworth was examined, according to the company's commission and instructions,[135] concerning the behaviour of Paul Canning to the king, and the king's conduct towards him. To which he answered, That his behaviour was right, and the king's entertainment of him satisfactory, till the Jesuits insinuated he was only a merchant, and not sent immediately by the king of England. After this he was neglected, and died since.[136] Also, that he thought it fit that some one of our nation of good respect should remain at court, to procure redress of any wrongs that might be offered; to which function Mr Edwards was chosen to go to Agra, as the person most answerable to the company's instructions, on which occasion some question was made, whether it would be proper he should proceed in the character of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the instructions, which Mr Aldworth conceived would procure him disrespect with the king; and, after some contest, some way was given to Mr Edwards in this affair, lest they should disagree in their proceedings, especially as it had been reported by some already, that he was a messenger from the king of Britain.
[Footnote 135: This commission had six questions, of which I only insert what is fit for the public eye.--Purch.]
[Footnote 136: It has been said on a former occasion, that he died of poison, given, as was thought, by the jesuits.--Purch.]
After much opposition to our desire of trade, there came a firmaun from the king on the 24th November, which, according to custom, the nabob met in state two miles from the city, attended by 600 horse. Next day we were kindly entertained, and the nabob gave Mr Edwards 850 mahmoudies, thirty pieces of topseels, ten of fine calicoes, and other things. The money being to bear the charges of carrying up the present to the king, who was not willing we should incur any expence on that account, and the stuffs as a gratification to those who carried them up. To the merchants also he gave fifteen pieces of topseels, five to each, with his chop or licence for our departure, and promises of kind usage, all this being done in presence of those who brought the firmaun. The 30th, Mr Edwards and we set out for Amadavar [Ahmedabad.]
The 2d of December we reached Broach, whence the governor sent a guard of horse with us to Demylode, and there we had a new escort of horse and foot to Charmondo;[137] whence we departed on the 7th with twenty-five soldiers, all notorious thieves, as we afterwards found. With these we went ten coss, when we pitched our tents in a plain, barricading ourselves as usual with our carts. While at supper, we had nearly been assaulted by fifty horse, who passed close by us, but they found us well provided for our defence, and it appeared that the charge we carried was well known in all the country through which we travelled. The 8th we came to Brodera, [Brodrah] and made a present to the governor, who received it very kindly, and particularly requested to see our mastiff dog. Brodrah stands in a plain, which seemed fertile, and is well watered, a thing rather uncommon in those parts. We departed thence with an escort of 100 horse and foot, voluntarily offered from respect for the king's present, yet were they a considerable charge to us. We came next to Arras,[138] a town mostly inhabited by banians, and where their superstition of not killing any thing occasioned us to have very bad fare. On the 13th we came to Ahmedabad, whence we gave a commission to Richard Steel and John Crowther to proceed on their journey to Persia; and hence Mr Edwards departed from us for Agra.
[Footnote 137: On this part of the indicated route, between Broach and Brodrab, no stations are to be found in our best maps resembling these two names, unless Simlode may have been corrupted into Demylode by typographical error.--E.]
[Footnote 138: No such name is now to be found in the road between Brodrah and Ahmedabad, neither is it of much importance in any view, as the route is so vaguely indicated in the text.--E.]
All this time, the merchants at Ahmedabad, being in hopes of peace with the Portuguese, held up the price of their indigos, on which we resolved to proceed for Sarques [Sarkess,] to make trial with the country people who are the makers of that commodity. We did so on the 7th, and found plenty of employment, packing in four days no less than 400 bales: after which Mr Edwards returned to Ahmedabad, where he found the merchants greatly more tractable. Sarkess is a town of no great size, three coss from Ahmedabad, its territory being considered the best soil in all these parts for the production of indigo. All of the dealers in this commodity are apt to put tricks upon us, by mingling or otherwise. At Sarkess there are two of the most ancient monuments that are to be found in all that country; one being the tomb of a saint or prophet who was buried there, to which many pilgrims resort from great distances; and the other is the sepulchres of their ancient kings. To the north of the town, is the place where Khan-Khana first put the Guzerates to flight, who were the original inhabitants of the country, all the rest of the kingdom being shortly after reduced under the subjection of Akbar, father to the present Great Mogul. This field of victory is strongly walled round with brick, about a mile and half in circuit, all planted within with fruit-trees, and delightfully watered; having a costly house called by a name signifying Victory; in which Khan-Khana resided for some time, but he now resides at Burhanpoor.
The 24th of December we had leave from the governor of Ahmedabad to depart; but hearing that several persons had been robbed and murdered that night close by the city, order was given for us to wait till a sufficient guard could be provided for us. The 26th we departed, having with us forty carts, loaded with indigo and other goods, and came on the 27th to Mundeves,[139] where the gates were shut upon us by order of Sarder Khan. This put us in much doubt, and we procured a person to speak with the governor, who told him of letters he had received from Mucrob Khan, nabob of Surat, informing of the gallant action of our general at Swally and the safety of Surat from the Portuguese, through the bravery of the English. It was therefore agreed that we should not depart without a sufficient guard, which was to be ready for us next day. We did not however depart till the 29th; and, at Brodrah, the men belonging to Sarder Khan procured more soldiers to assist them, as there were several companies of rajputs lying in the way to intercept us, and many robberies and murders were committed daily in that part of the country.
[Footnote 139: This name also is so corrupted as not to have any resemblance in the modern geography of Hindoostan.--E.]
On the 2d of February, while passing through a narrow lane inclosed on both sides with hedges, we were assaulted by above 300 rajputs, where we could not hurt them, as they did our caffila or caravan by their arrows and shot. We therefore made all the haste we could to gain the plain, while they in the mean time cut off two of our carriages. Having got to the open ground we made a stand; but the rajputs betook themselves again to their hedges, to look after their prey, lest one thief should rob another. Many of our party were hurt on this occasion, among which was Humphrey Elkington. Next day we got to Baroach, and on the 5th to Surat, where we returned thanks to Macrob Khan for the care he had taken of our safety.
Hearing of an assault to be made next day on our ships by the Portuguese, we got his leave to go down to Swally and went aboard, but the Portuguese deceived our expectation. On occasion of the last attempt of the Portuguese to set our ships on fire, by means of four fire-boats chained together, four of them were taken in smaller boats, which captives confessed that this was the last attempt of the viceroy for this year, as he was now under the necessity of returning to Goa, for want of water and provisions. One of these captives, taken in Swally roads, and carried aboard the New-year's Gilt, emitted the following declaration:--
Examination of Domingo Francisco, on the 20th of February, 1615.
"He saith, that he was born in Lisbon, being the son of a mariner, and served under Nunna d'Acunha in the seafight against Captain Best, in one of the four galleons. He afterwards went to Macao on the coast of China, and returned thence to Goa; where, after remaining ten months, he was ordered on board a galleon called the St Antonio, in this expedition for the road of Swally, where he was made prisoner on the 8th of this month. The purpose of the viceroy, Don Jeronimo de Savedo, in this expedition, as the examinant says, was to destroy the English at Surat. The viceroy's ship was called the All-saints, of 800 tons, with 300 men, and twenty-eight cannon. Michael de Souza was captain on the St Bennet of 700 tons, 150 men, and twenty guns. John Cayatho of the St Lawrence, of 600 tons, 160 men, and 18 guns. Francisco Henriques of the St Christopher, of 600 tons, 155 men, and 18 guns. Francisco de Mirande of the St Jeronymo, of 500 tons, 180 men, and 16 guns. Gaspar de Meall of the St Antonio, of 400 tons, 140 men, and 14 guns. These were the galleons: The ships were, the St Peter of 200 tons Captain Francisco Cavaco, 150 men and eight guns; the St Paul of 200 tons, Captain Don Juan de Mascarenha, 150 men and eight guns; a pinnace of 120 tons, Captain Andrea de Quellio, eighty men and four guns. Lewis de Bruto was captain of one galley, and Diego de Suro of the other, each having fifty men. There were sixty barks or frigates, each having twenty soldiers, and rowing eighteen oars of a side. The reinforcement which joined afterwards, consisted of two ships of 200 tons each, two India junks, and eight small boats, which were employed to endeavour to set us on fire. In the viceroy's ship, the ordnance were all of brass, those in the other galleons being half brass and half iron:" Against all which the Almighty protected us, blessed be his name for ever.
On the 11th March, 1615, we parted from the general, he and the other two ships being bound for Acheen and Bantam, and we in the Hope for England. On the 12th we passed by the north end of the Maldives, where we found many shoals and islands most falsely laid down in the charts, as if purposely to render the navigation of these seas more dangerous. We arrived on the 17th of June in Saldanha bay, where we found a fleet of four English ships bound for Surat, under the command of Captain Keeling; which fleet, after consultation held with us, and receiving intelligence of the state of affairs there, departed on its voyage. On the 20th I met with Crosse and his company, left there for discovery,[140] and entreated some of them to acquaint Coree with my arrival. These were set upon by the savages and wounded, wherefore I delivered four muskets to Crosse at his earnest request; after which he procured Coree to come down with his whole family, and we afterwards got some cattle. He told me that there was discord among the savages, through which the mountaineers had come down and robbed them. We departed on the 26th June, leaving our longboat with Crosse, together with powder, shot, and provisions.
[Footnote 140: Of Crosse and his company of condemned persons, set on shore at the Cape of Good Hope, see afterwards in Peyton's voyage.--Purch.]
In the latitude of 29° N. we fell in with a Dutch ship from the Mauritius, having gone there to cut timber, which seemed a bastard ebony. Contrary to their expectation, they found there the lamentable wreck of four ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, which had gone to pieces on the rocks. The goods and men of two of these were totally lost, most of the goods of the third were saved, with part of which this ship was laden. The fourth was driven out to sea in a storm, and returned under jury-masts. The master of this ship promised to keep us company, but finding us a hindrance, he left us after ten days, without so much as a farewell or offering to carry a letter, which I imputed to their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much weakened; yet, I thank God, we lost none till my arrival in Ireland off the river of Limerick on the 27th October, 1615; where also we had to endure a storm, till we hired a Scottish bark, detained by contrary winds, to pilot us into harbour. There also, a remainder of Captain M. his ungodly crew, who had lately obtained their pardon, put me in great fear; till Sir Henry Foliat secured us by a supply of men, and I sent off letters for London.
SECTION III.
Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther, from Ajmeer in India, to Ispahan in Persia, in the Years 1615 and 1616.[141]
Having been detained at Agimere[142] from February, Mr Edwards received a letter on the 17th March, 1615, from the Great Mogul, of which he delivered a copy, together with his other letters, to Richard Steel, promising to procure the king's firmaun for our safety and furtherance, and to send it after us to Agra, where he directed us to wait for its reception. We went that night two coss to Mandill.[143]We had four servants, two horses, and a camel. The 18th we went twelve coss to Bander Sandree, [Bunder-Sanory,] a small aldea.[144] The 19th, ten coss to Mosobade, [Morabad.] The 20th to Pipelo, [Peped,] thirteen coss. The 21st to a town called Chadfoole, [Gohd?] seven coss. The 22d to Lalscotte, thirteen coss. The 23d to Mogolserai, twelve coss. The 24th to Hindone, fourteen coss. the 25th to Bramobad, twelve coss. The 26th to Futtipoor, twelve coss. This has been a fair city, which was built by Akbar, and contains a goodly palace belonging to the king. It is walled round in a handsome manner, and has many spacious gardens and sumptuous pleasure houses; but is now falling to ruin, and ranch ground within the walls is now sown with corn, the king having carried off much of the best stone to his new city of Agra. The 27th we went twelve coss to Agra. In the English house there, we found one Richard Barber, an apothecary, who came over with Sir Robert Shirley, and had been sent here by Mr Kerridge to take care of Nicholas Whithington.
[Footnote 141: Purch. Pilgr. I. 519.--In the title of this article in the Pilgrims, Agimere, or Azmere, as it is there called, is said to have been the residence of the Great Mogul at the commencement of this journey, and Spahan, or Ispahan, the royal seat of the kings of Persia.--E.]
[Footnote 142: This place, named Azmeer in the Pilgrims, is known in modern geography under the name of Ajmeer, or Agimere.--E.]
[Footnote 143: A coss, or course, as it is uniformly denominated in the Pilgrims, is stated on the margin by Purchas, to be equal to a mile and a half, and in some places two English miles. As more precisely determined in modern geography, the Hindoostanee coss is equal to 1 4/7th English miles, and the Rajput coss to 2 1/6th miles nearly. It would overload this article to attempt critically following all the stations in the present journal, in which the names of places are often so corrupt as to be unintelligible. Such corrections of the text as can be ventured upon are included within brackets.--E.]
[Footnote 144: This is a Spanish or Portuguese term, signifying country village.--E.]
Within two days journey of Agra, we passed by the country and city of Biana, where the finest indigo is made, the best being then worth thirty-six rupees the maund at Agra, but much cheaper in the country. Finding the promised firmaun came not, and the hot season of the year fast approaching, we departed on the 3d April in the prosecution of our journey, leaving directions with Richard Barber to send it after us. We came that night to a serai called Boutta, six coss. The 4th to the town of Matra, fourteen coss, where we lay in a fair serai,[145] and there we received the firmaun. The 5th we went twelve coss to a serai called Chatta, [Chautra.] The 6th to a serai built by Azam Khan, nine coss. The 7th to a serai built by Sheic Ferreede, called Puhlwall, eleven coss. The 8th to a serai built by the same person, ten coss. The 9th to Dillee, [Delhi,] nine coss. This being a great and ancient city, formerly the seat of the kings, where many of them are interred. At this time, many of the great men have their gardens and pleasure houses here, and are here buried, so that it is beautified with many fine buildings. The inhabitants, who are mostly Banians or Hindoos, are poor and beggarly, through the long absence of the court.
[Footnote 145: These are fair buildings for the accommodation of travellers, many of which were erected by great men.Purch.]
The 10th we went ten coss from Delhi to Bunira. The 11th to Cullvower, twelve coss. The 12th to Pampette, [Paniput,] twelve coss. This is a small handsome city, where they manufacture various sorts of girdles and sashes, and great quantities of cotton-cloth, and have abundance of handicrafts. The 13th to Carnanl, twelve coss. The 14th to Tanisera, [Tahnessir,] fourteen coss. The 15th to Shavade, [Shahabad,] ten coss. The 16th to Mogol-Sera, or Gaugur, fifteen coss. The 17th to Sinan,[146] fourteen coss, which is an ancient city, where they manufacture great store of cottons. The 18th to Duratia, fifteen coss. The 19th to Pullower, [Bullolepoor,] eleven coss. We this day passed in a boat over a great river called Sietmege[147] which is very broad, but full of shoals, and runs westward to join the Sinde, or Indus. The 20th we came to a small town called Nicodar, eleven coss. The 21st to Sultanpoor, an old town having a river which comes from the north, over which is a bridge of six arches. At this place great store of cotton goods are made. Four coss beyond this place we passed another small river. The 22d to Chiurmul,[148] eleven coss. We were this day boated across a river as broad as the Thames at Gravesend, called Vian, which runs westwards to join the Sinde. On its banks Allom Khan, ambassador from the Great Mogul to the king of Persia, had pitched his camp, which looked like a little city. The 23d we went to Khan Khanum Serai, seventeen coss, and the 24th we reached Lahore, seven coss.
[Footnote 146: This is probably Sirhind, which is directly in the route, but so disguised in the text as to defy emendation.--E.]
[Footnote 147: This is clearly the Sutuluge, or Setlege, called likewise the Beyah-Kussoor, and Chato dehr, being the easternmost of the Punjab or five rivers, which form the Indus. It was called Hesudrus by the ancients.--E.]
[Footnote 148: From the river mentioned in the text as passed, on this day's journey, this may have been what is now called Gundwall, a little beyond the river Beyab, which is here 100 yards broad.--E.]
All the country between Agra and Lahore is exceedingly well cultivated, being the best of India, and abounds in all things. It yields great store of powdered sugar, [raw sugar] the best being worth two 1/2 to two 3/4 rupees the great maund of forty pounds. The whole road is planted on both sides with trees, most of which bear a species of mulberry. In the night, this road is dangerously infested with thieves, but is quite secure in the day. Every five or six coss, there are serais, built by the king or some great man, which add greatly to the beauty of the road, are very convenient for the accommodation of travellers, and serve to perpetuate the memory of their founders. In these the traveller may have a chamber for his own use, a place in which to tie up his horse, and can be furnished with provender; but in many of them very little accommodation can be had, by reason of the banians, as when once any person has taken up his lodging, no other may dispossess him. At day-break the gates of these serais are opened, and then all the travellers prepare to depart; but no person is allowed to go away sooner, for fear of robbers. This made the journey very oppressive to us, as within two hours after the sun rose we were hardly able to endure the heat.
Lahore is a great and goodly city, being one of the fairest and ancientest in India. It stands on the river Indus or Sinde;[149] and from this place came the most valuable of the Portuguese trade when they were at peace with the Moguls, as it formed the centre of all their traffic in Hindoostan. They here embarked their goods, which were carried down the river to Tatta, and were thence transported by sea to Ormus and Persia; and such native merchants as chose to go that way between India and Persia, paid them freight. They had also a great trade up this river, in pepper and other spices, with which they furnished that part of India. At this time, the merchants of India assemble at Lahore, where they invest a great part of their money in commodities, and, joining in caravans, they pass over the mountains of Candahar into Persia; by which way it is computed there now pass yearly twelve or fourteen thousand camel loads, whereas formerly there did not go in this way above three thousand, all the rest going by way of Ormus. These merchants are put to great expences between Lahore and Ispaban, besides being exposed to great cold in winter and fervent heat in summer, and to bad and dangerous roads, usually spending six or seven months in the journey, and they estimate the charges of each camel's load at 120 or 130 rupees. In this way Persia is furnished with spiceries, which are brought all the way from Masulipatam by land. We remained in Lahore from the 24th of April to the 13th of May, refreshing both ourselves and our horses, and providing servants and necessaries for the journey. We also procured here recommendatory letters from an ambassador to the king of Persia.
[Footnote 149: Lahore is upon the Ravey, the second of the five rivers forming the Indus, counting from the east, and was the Hydroates of the ancients. The Indus proper, or Nilab, is considerably farther west.--E.]
We left Lahore on the 13th May, proposing to overtake a caravan which set out two months before, and went that day eleven c. to a small town named Chacksunder. The 14th to Non-serai, fifteen c. The 15th to Mutteray, eight c. The 16th to Quemal khan, nineteen c. The 17th to Herpae, sixteen c. The 18th to Alicasaca, twelve c. The 19th Trumba, twelve c. and this day we overtook a small caravan that left Lahore eight days before us. The 20th to Sedousehall, fourteen c. The 21st to Callixechebaut, fifteen c. The 22d to Multan,[150] twelve c. This is a great and ancient city, having the river Indus at the distance of three coss. All caravans must remain here ten or twelve days, before leave can be procured from the governor to proceed, on purpose that the city may benefit by their stay. It yields white plain cotton cloth and diaper. We remained five days, and were then glad to get leave to depart, by means of a present.
[Footnote 150: In the whole of this itinerary, from Lahore to Multan or Mooltan, down the Ravey river, not a single name in the text, except the two extremities, bears the smallest resemblance to any of those in modern geography.--E.]
We passed the river on the 28th, and went twenty c. to a small village named Pettoallee. The 29th we passed another great river by a boat, and came that same night to a small river called Lacca, where we found the caravan we wished to overtake.[151] We presented the caravan basha with a mirror and knife, when he directed us to pitch our tent near his own, that we might be more immediately under his protection. This caravan had been here ten days, and remained till the 2d of June, waiting for an escort of cavalry to convoy them to Chatcza,[152] a small fort in the mountains, having received information that a former caravan had been injured by the mountaineers. The 2d June we resumed our journey, and travelled twelve c. entering into the mountains, where we were much distressed for want of fresh water, what water we met with being brackish. The 3d and 4th we travelled all night, climbing high mountains, and following water-courses with various turnings and windings, insomuch that in travelling twelve coss our direct course did not exceed six c. The 5th we again followed the bed of a water-course or river, full of large pebbles, travelling eight c. The 6th we rested. The 7th we went four c. still along the water-course, the 8th eight c. the 9th twelve c. and the 10th three c. when we came to Chatcza, [Chatzan] a small fort with mud walls, inclosed with a ditch, where the Mogul keeps a garrison of eighty or 100 horse, to scour the road from thieves, yet these are as great thieves as any, where they find an opportunity. The captain of this castle exacted two abacees for each camel in the caravan, though nothing was legally due, as he and his troops have their pay from the king. In the whole of our way, from the river Lacca to Chatzan, we found no sustenance for man or beast, except in some places a little grass, so that we had to make provision at Lacca, hiring a bullock to carry barley for our horses. The Agwans or Afgans, as the people of the mountains are called, came down to us every day at our resting place, rather to look out what they might steal, than to buy as they pretended.
[Footnote 151: The great river passed on the 29th must have been the Sinde, Indus, or Nilab, and from the circumstance of falling in next day with the Lacca or Lucca, Pettoallee in the text may possibly be what is named Joghiwallah, on the east side of the Indus, almost opposite the mouth of the Lacca.--E.]
[Footnote 152: Chatzan, a town or fortress in Sewee, or the country of the Balloges; to the west of a ridge of rocky mountains, described as consisting of hard black stone, which skirt the western side of the vale of the Indus, and on the north join the mountains of Wulli in Candahar. Chatzan is in lat. 31° 3' N. and long 69° 42' W. from Greenwich--E.]
Having made provision for three days at Chatzan, we went thence on the 12th June, and travelled fourteen c. The 13th ten c. The 14th ten c. This day the mountaineers brought down to us sheep, goats, meal, butter, and barley, in abundance, sufficient both for us and our cattle, all of which they sold at reasonable prices; and from this time forwards, they did the same every day, sometimes also bringing felts and striped carpets for sale. The 15th we went six c. the 16th four c. the 17th ten c. the 18th nine c. the 19th nine c. when we came to a small town of the Afgans called Duckee, [Dooky], where the Mogul keeps a garrison in a small square mud fort, the walls of which are of a good height. This fort is a mile from the town. We stopt here three days, as the caravan could not agree with the captain of the fort, who demanded a duty on every camel, and at last an abacee and a half was paid for each camel. The 23d we went six c. the 24th we passed a place called Secotah, or the three castles, because of three villages standing near each other on the side of a hill, forming a triangle. We this day went eight c. The 25th we rested, on account of bad weather. The 26th we went ten c. The 27th fourteen c. This day we passed through the durues or gates of the mountains, being narrow straits, with very high rocks on both sides, whence with stones a few men might stop the passage of a multitude, and where many caravans have been accordingly cut off. We this night, where we lodged, suffered much insolence from the Afgans; and next day, as we passed a small village called Coasta, they exacted from us two 1/2 abacees for each camel. The 28th we went five c. the 29th, passing a village called Abdun, eight c. the 30th six c. The 1st. July in seven c. we came to a place called Pesinga [Pusheng or Kooshinge], where there is a small fort like that at Dooky in which is a garrison for securing the way. At this place the captain exacted half an abacee for each camel. The 3d we left the caravan and went forwards six c. The 4th we passed over a mighty mountain, and descended into the plains beyond, having travelled that day fourteen c. The 5th we went twenty c. and were much distressed to get grain for our cattle. The 6th, in like distress both for them and ourselves, we went twelve c. and on the 7th, after eight c. we got to the city of Candahar.
These mountains of Candahar are inhabited by a fierce people, called Agwans or Potans, [Afgans or Patans] who are very strong of body, somewhat fairer than the natives of Hindoostan, and are much addicted to robbery, insomuch, that they often cut off whole caravans. At present they have become more civil, partly from fear of the Mogul, and partly from experiencing the advantages of trade, by selling their grain, sheep, and goats, of which they have great store, and by purchasing coarse cotton goods and other necessaries. Still, however, if they find any one straggling or lagging behind, they are very apt to make them slaves, selling them into the mountains, and houghing them to prevent their running away, after which they are set to grind grain in handmills, or to other servile employments. The chief city, called likewise Candahar, is very ancient, and was in old times inhabited by Banians. At this place the governor of the whole country resides, who has a garrison of twelve or fifteen thousand horse, maintained there by the Great Mogul, in regard of the neighbourhood of the Persians towards the north. To the west, the city is environed by steep and craggy rocks, and to the south and east by a strong wall. In consequence of the frequent passage of caravans, it has been considerably increased of late, so that the suburbs are larger than the city. Within the last two years, in consequence of the Persian trade by way of Ormus being stopped, through war with the Portuguese, all the caravans between Persia and India must necessarily pass through this place; and here they hire camels to go into India, and at their return for Persia have to do the same. They cannot return without leave of the governor, who causes them to stop a month here, or at the least fifteen or twenty days; owing to which, it is inhabited by many lewd people, as all such places of resort commonly are.
Victuals for man and beast are to be had in great abundance at Candahar, yet are very dear owing to the great concourse of trade, occasioned by the meeting at this place of many merchants of India, Persia, and Turkey, who often conclude their exchanges of commodities here. At this place the caravans going for India usually unite together, for greater strength and security in passing through the mountains of Candahar; and those that come here from India generally break into smaller companies, because in many parts of the route through Persia, a greater number would not find provisions, as all Persia, from hence to Ispahan, is extremely barren, so that sometimes not a green thing is to be seen in two or three days travel; and even water is scarce, and that which is to be got is often brackish, or stinking and abominable. We remained at this city for fourteen days, partly to procure company for our farther journey, and partly for refreshment after the fatigues and heats of our late journey, especially on account of John Crowther, who was so weak that he at one time doubted being able to proceed any farther.
We joined ourselves to three Armenians and a dozen Persian merchants, along with whom we left the city of Candahar on the 23d July, and went ten c. to a village called Seriabe.[153] The 24th we came in twelve c. to Deabage, a small dea or village. The 25th in eight c. to Cashecunna, a small castle in which the Mogul has a garrison, being the utmost boundary of his dominions westwards, and confining with Persia. The 26th we travelled seventeen c. and lodged in the open fields by the side of a river. The 27th, after four c. we came to a castle called Greece, the first belonging to the king of Persia. Here we delivered to the governor the letter we had got from the Persian ambassador at Lahore, and presented him a mirror and three knives. He would take nothing for our camels, while the others had to pay five abacees for each camel. He promised to give us a safe conduct under an escort of horse to the next governor, but we saw none; neither were we sorry for the omission, for he was little better than a rebel, and all his people were thieves.
[Footnote 153: We here lose the almost infallible guide of Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindoostan, and are reduced to much inferior helps in following the route through Persia.--E.]
The 28th we departed at night, going two parasangs, and lodged at a dea or village called Malgee. A farcing or parasang is equal to two Indian cosses and a half.[154] The 29th we went ten p. and lodged in the open fields, where we could get nothing but water. The 30th we went five p. to a small castle named Gazikhan. The 31st other five p. to an old ruined fort, where we could get nothing but water, and that was stinking. The 1st August we proceeded other five p. to an old fort called Dilaram, where we paid an abacee and a half for each camel. We staid here one day to rest our cattle, which was termed making mochoane; and on the 3d we went seven p. to an old castle called Bacon. The 4th four p. and lodged in the open fields, where we found nothing but water. The 5th four p. and the 6th five p. to Farra.[155]
[Footnote 154: In a side-note, Purchas says a parasang consists of sixty furlongs. This is a most egregious error, as the parasang or farsang is exactly equal to 2.78 English miles, or twenty-two two-5ths furlongs.--E.]
[Footnote 155: Farra, the capital of a district of the same name in the north of Segistan, is in lat 33° 40' N. long. 62° 40' E.--E.]
Farra is a small town, surrounded by a high wall of bricks dried in the sun, as are all the castles and most of the buildings in this country, and is of a square form, about a mile in circuit. It has a handsome bazar or market-place, vaulted over head to keep out the rain, and in which all kinds of necessaries and commodities are sold. It is situated in a fertile soil, having plenty of water, without which nothing can be raised in this country; and it is wonderful to see with what labour and ingenious industry they bring water to every spot of good ground, which is but seldom to be found here, often carrying it three or four miles in trenches under ground. At this town, all merchants going into Persia must remain for seven, eight, or ten days; and here the king's treasurer sees all their packs weighed, estimating the value of their commodities at so much the maund, as he thinks fit, and exacts a duty of three per cent. ad valorem on that estimate. On their way into Persia, merchants are used with much favour, lest they should make complaints to the king, who will have merchants kindly treated; but on their return into India, they are treated with extreme rigour, being searched to the very skin for money, as it is death to transport any gold or silver coin from Persia, except that of the reigning king. They likewise look narrowly for horses and slaves, neither of which are allowed to be taken out of the country.
We remained here two days waiting for certain Armenians, with whom we travelled the rest of the journey, leaving our former companions. The 9th of August we went only one parasang to a river. The 10th we travelled seven p. and lodged in the open fields. The 11th, four p. to a small village, where we had plenty of provisions. The 12th, four p. where we had to dig for water. The 13th, eight p. and the 14th five p. to a village named Draw, [Durra,] where we remained a day, as it is the custom of those who travel with camels to rest once in four or five days. The 16th, we advanced three p. The 17th, four p. The 18th, five p. to Zaide-basha, [Sarbishe,] where abundance of carpets are to be had. The 19th we came to a village named Mude, [Moti,] where also are carpets. The 20th, five p. to Birchen, [Berdjan,] where are manufactured great quantities of fine felts, and carpets of camels hair, which are sold at the rates of from two to five abacees the maund. At this place we rested a day. The 22d, we went to Dea-zaide, [Descaden,] where all the inhabitants pretend to be very religious, and sell their carpets, of which they have great abundance, at a cheap rate. The 23d, three p. The 24th, five p. to Choore, [Cors or Corra,] an old ruined town. The 25th, three p. The 26th, seven p. when we had brackish stinking water. The 27th we came to Dehuge, [Teuke,] where is a considerable stream of hot water, which becomes cool and pleasant after standing some time in any vessel. The 28th we went seven p. to Dea-curma.
The 29th we went five p. to Tobaz,[156] where we had to pay half an abacee for each camel. At this plce all caravans take four or five days rest, the better to enable them to pass the adjoining salt desert, which extends four long days journey, and in which many miscarry. We found here a small caravan of an hundred camels, which set off the next day after our arrival. Here, and in the former village, there is great store of dates; and 3000 maunds of the finest silk in Persia are made here yearly, and is carried to Yades, [Yezd,] a fair city, where likewise they make much raw silk, and where it is manufactured into taffaties, satins, and damasks. The king does not allow the exportation of raw silk, especially into Turkey; but the Portuguese used to carry it to Portugal. Yades, [Yezd,] is about twelve days journey from Ispahan, and is twelve p. out of the way from the Indian route to the capital.
[Footnote 156: Tabaskili, or Tobas Kileke, in Cohestan, is probably the place here meant, in which case the route appears to have passed from Farra by the south of the inland sea or lake of Darrah, but which is not noticed by our travellers. Our conjectural amendments of the names of places on the route are placed within brackets.--E.]
The 30th of August we advanced nine p. into the desert, and lay on the ground, having to send our beasts three miles out of the way for water, which was very salt. The 31st, after travelling ten p. we came to water which was not at all brackish. The 1st September we went five p. and had to send two miles for water. The 2d we went nine p. to a small castle, where we procured a small quantity of provisions. The 3d, five p. and lay in the fields, having to send far for water. The 4th, ten p. to Seagan. The 5th, four p. The 6th, ten p. to a castle called Irabad, [Hirabad,] where we paid half an abacee for each camel. The 7th, six p. The 8th, eight p. to Ardecan, where we rested till the 10th, when we went four p. to Sellef. The 11th, three p. to a small castle named Agea Gaurume. The 12th, nine p. to a spring in the fields. The 13th, three p. to Beavas. The 14th, four p. to Goolabad, whence Richard Steel rode on to Ispahan, without waiting for the caravan. The 15th we came to Morea Shahabad, five p. The 16th, to Coopa, five p. The 17th, to Dea Sabs, five p. The 18th, four p. and lay in the fields. And on the 19th, after three p. we came to Ispahan.
Richard Steel reached this city on the 15th, at noon, and found Sir Robert Shirley already provided with his dispatches from the king of Persia as ambassador to the king of Spain. Sir Robert, attended by his lady, a bare-footed friar as his chaplain, together with fifty-five Portuguese prisoners, and his own followers, were preparing in all haste to go to Ormus, and to embark thence for Lisbon. The purpose is, that seeing the Portuguese not able to stand, the Spaniards may be brought in.[157] Six friars remain as hostages for his safe return to Ispahan, as otherwise the king has vowed to cut them all in pieces, which he is likely enough to do, having put his own son to death, and committed a thousand other severities.
[Footnote 157: The meaning of this passage is quite obscure in the Pilgrims, and the editor does not presume upon clearing the obscurity.--E.]
On his arrival at Ispahan, Richard Steel delivered his letters to Sir Robert,[158] who durst hardly read them, except now and then, as by stealth, fearing lest the Portuguese should know of them. He afterwards said it was now too late to engage in the business of our nation, and seemed much dissatisfied with the company, and with the merchants and mariners who brought him out. But at length he said he was a true-hearted Englishman, and promised to effect our desires. On the 19th, the friars being absent, he carried both of us to the master of the ceremonies, or Maimondare, and took us along with him to the Grand Vizier, Sarek Hogea, who immediately called his scribes or secretaries, and made draughts of what we desired: namely, three firmauns, one of which John Crowther has to carry to Surat, one for Richard Steel to carry to England, and the third to be sent to the governor of Jasques, all sealed with the great seal of the king. The same day that these firmauns were procured, being the last of September, Sir Robert Shirley set out for Shiras in great pomp, and very honourably attended.
[Footnote 158: Of the landing of Sir Robert Shirley, see Peyton's first voyage before; and of the rest of his journey see the second voyage of Peyton, in the sequel.--Purch.]
Copy of the Firmaun granted by the King of Persia.
"Firmaun or command given unto all our subjects, from the highest to the lowest, and directed to the Souf-basha, or constable of our country, kindly to receive and entertain the English Franks[159] or nation, when any of their ships may arrive at Jasques, or any other of the ports in our kingdom, to conduct them and their merchandize to what place or places they may desire, and to see them safely defended upon our coasts from any other Franks whomsoever. This I will and command you to do, as you shall answer in the contrary. Given at our royal city, this 12th of Ramassan, in the year of our Tareag, 1024. [October, 1615.]"
The chief commodities of Persia are raw silks, of which it yields, according to the king's books, 7700 batmans yearly. Rhubarb grows in Chorassan, where also worm-seed grows.
[Footnote 159: Frank is a name given in the East to all western Christians, ever since the expedition to the Holy Land, because the French were the chief nation on that occasion, and because the French council at Clermont was the cause of that event.--Purch.]
Carpets of all sorts, some of silk and gold, silk and silver, half silk, half cotton, &c. The silver monies of Persia are the abacee, mahamoody, shakee, and biftee, the rest being of copper, like the tangas and pisos of India. The abacee weighs two meticals, the mahmoody is half an abacee, and the shahee is half a mahamoody. In the dollar or rial of eight there are thirteen shahees.[160] In a shahee there are two biftees and a half, or ten cashbegs, one biftee being four cashbegs, or two tangs. The weights differ in different places; two mahans of Tauris being only one of Ispahan, and so of the batman. The measure of length, for silks and other stuffs, is the same with the pike of Aleppo, which we judge to be twenty-seven English inches.
[Footnote 160: Assuming the Spanish dollar at 4s. 6d. sterling, the shahee ought therefore to be worth about 4d. 1-6, the mahamoody,8d. 1-3, and the abecee, 1s. 4d. 2-3.--E.]
John Crowther returned into India, and Richard Steel went to England by way of Turkey, by the following route. Leaving Ispahan on the 2d December, 1615, he went five p. to a serail. The 3d, eight p. to another serail. The 4th, six p. to a village. The 5th, seven p. to Dreag. The 6th, seven p. to a serail. The 7th, eight p. to Golpigan, [Chulpaigan.] The 8th, seven p. to Curouan. The 9th, seven p. to Showgot. The 10th, six p. to Saro, [Sari.] The 11th, eight p. to Dissabad. The 12th, twelve p. to a fair town called Tossarkhan, where he rested some days, because the country was covered deep with snow. The 15th, six p. to Kindaner. The 16th, eight p. to Sano. The 17th to Shar nuovo, where I was stopped by the daiga; but on shewing him letters from the vizier, he bade me depart in the name of God and of Ali. The 18th we passed a bridge where all travellers have to give an account of themselves, and to pay a tax of two shakees for each camel. The 19th we came to Kassam-Khan, the last place under the Persian government, and made a present to the governor, that he might give me a guard to protect me from the Turkomans, which he not only did, but gave me a licence to procure provisions free at his villages without payment, which yet I did not avail myself of.
The 21st of December I began to pass over a range of high mountains which separate the two empires of Persia and Turkey, which are very dangerous; and, on the 22d, at the end of eight p. I arrived at a village. The 23d, after travelling seven p. I lay under a rock. The 24th I came to Mando, eight p. a town belonging to the Turks. The 25th, eight p. to Emomester. The 26th, eight p. to Boroh, passed over a river in a boat, and came that night to Bagdat. I was here strictly examined and searched for letters, which I hid under my saddle; but observing one trying there also, I gave him a sign, on which he desisted, and followed me to my lodging for his expected reward. I fared better than an old Spaniard, only a fortnight before, who was imprisoned in chains in the castle, and his letters read by a Maltese renegado. I found here a Portuguese, who had arrived from Ormus only two days before me. The pacha made us wait here twenty days for a sabandar of his.
The 16th of January, 1616, we passed the river Tigris, and lay on the skirt of the desert. The 17th we travelled five agatzas, being leagues or parasangs. The 18th we came to the Euphrates at Tulquy, where merchandize disembarked for Bagdat, after paying a duty of five per cent. passes to the Tigris, and thence to the Persian gulf. After a tedious journey, partly by the river Euphrates, and partly through the desert, and then by sea, we arrived at Marseilles, in France, on the 15th April, and on the 10th May at Dover.
SECTION IV.
Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton to India, in 1615.[161]
This voyage seems to have been under the command of Captain Newport, who sailed as general in the Lion; but is called, in the Pilgrims, The Second Voyage of Captain Peyton to the East Indies, because the former voyage of Newport was written by Peyton, who, though he occasionally mentions the general, never once names him. In this voyage Peyton sailed in the Expedition; the fleet consisting of three other ships, the Dragon, Lion, and Pepper-corn. The journal appears to have been abbreviated by Purchas, as he tells us it was gathered out of his larger journal. This voyage is chiefly remarkable as introductory to the embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, contained in the subsequent section, as Sir Thomas and his suite embarked in this fleet. Instead of giving the remarks of Sir Thomas Roe in his own journal, so far as they apply to the voyage between England and Surat, these have been added in the text of the present voyage, distinguishing those observations by T.R. the initials of his name, and placing them all in separate paragraphs.
[Footnote 161: Purch. Pilgr. I. 528.]
We learn by a subsequent article in the Pilgrims, I. 603, That Captain William Keeling was general, or chief commander of this fleet, and sailed in the Dragon, Robert Bonner master. The other two ships were the Pepper-corn, Captain Christopher Harris, and the Expedition, Captain William Peyton.--E.
§1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat.
We sailed from Gravesend on the 24th January, 1615, and on the 2d February Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador from his majesty to the Great Mogul, repaired on board the Lion, with fifteen attendants. At the same time, Mr Humphry Boughton embarked in the Pepper-corn, being recommended by the king to the company for a passage to India. We carried out in the fleet eleven Japanese, who were brought to England in the Clove, divided proportionally among the ships; likewise fourteen Guzerates, brought home in the Dragon, together with nineteen condemned persons from Newgate, to be left for the discovery of unknown places, the company having obtained their pardons from the king for this purpose. On the 20th, some of the Dragon's men, among whom were the Newgate birds, attempted to run away with the pinnace, but were prevented: Yet next night one of these condemned men, and two of the crew of the Pepper-corn, carried away her pinnace. Two of my men conspired to carry away my boat that same night, but were discovered.
The 23d February we set sail from the Downs, and on the 6th March we lost sight of the Lizard. The 26th we saw land, supposed to be the western part of Fuerteventura, but it proved to be part of Barbary. One of the points of land at the mouth of the river Marhequena, we found to be laid down wrong, a whole degree more northerly than it ought to be; as likewise cape Bajadore is misplaced a whole degree, which we found by experience, escaping great danger caused by that error in our charts. The 26th of April we got into the trade wind; and on the 10th May, being by estimation 620 leagues west of the Cape of Good Hope, we saw many pintadoes, mangareludas, and other fowls.
The 5th June we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, having only buried three or four men since leaving England, out of our whole fleet, and had now about thirty sick, for whom we erected five tents ashore. Corey[162] came down and welcomed us after his manner, by whose means the savages were not so fearful or thievish as at other times. They brought us cattle in great abundance, which we bought for shreds of copper. Corey shewed his house and his wife and children to some of our people, his dwelling being at a town or craal of about an hundred houses, five English miles from the landing place. Most of these savages can say Sir Thomas Smith's English ships, which they often repeat with much pride. Their wives and children came often down to see us, whom we gratified with bugles, or such trifles; and two or three of them expressed a desire to go with us to England, seeing that Corey had sped so well, and returned so rich, with his copper suit, which he preserves at his house with much care. Corey also proposed to return with us, accompanied by one of his sons, when our ships are homeward-bound. On the east side of the Table mountain there is another village of ten small houses, built round like bee-hives, and covered with mats woven of bent grass.
[Footnote 162: Corey, or Coree, was a savage, or Hottentot chief; who had been in England.--Purch.]
"The land at the Cape of Good Hope, near Saldanha bay, [Table bay] is fertile, but divided by high and inaccessible rocky mountains, covered with snow, the river Dulce falling into the bay on the east side. The natives are the most barbarous people in the world, eating carrion, wearing the guts of sheep about their necks, and rubbing their heads, the hair on which is curled like the negroes, with the dung of beasts and other dirt. They have no clothing, except skins wrapped about their shoulders, wearing the fleshy side next them in summer, and the hairy side in winter. Their houses are only made of mats, rounded at the top like an oven, and open on one side, which they turn as the wind changes, having no door to keep out the weather. They have left off their former custom of stealing, but are quite ignorant of God, and seem to have no religion. The air and water here are both excellent, and the country is very healthy. The country abounds in cattle, sheep, antilopes, baboons, pheasants, partridges, larks, wild-geese, ducks, and many other kinds of fowls. On the Penguin isle [Dassen or Robber's island,] there is a bird called penguin, which walks upright, having no feathers on its wings, which hang down like sleeves faced with white. These birds cannot fly, but walk about in flocks, being a kind of mixture, or intermediate link, between beast, bird, and fish, yet mostly bird. The commodities here are cattle and ningin roots; and I believe there is a rock yielding quicksilver.[163]The Table mountain is 11,853 feet high.[164] The bay is full of whales and seals, and is in lat. 33° 45' S."--T.R.
[Footnote 163: Ningin, or Ginseng, is mentioned afterwards. The quicksilver rock has not been found.--E.]
[Footnote 164: This height is probably an exaggeration, or was measured up its slope or talus, not ascertained perpendicularly.--E.]
On the 16th of June, after a consultation, we set ashore ten of our condemned persons to remain at the Cape. These were John Crosse, Henry Cocket, Clerke, Brand, Booth, Hunyard, Brigs, Pets, Metcalf, and Skilligall. These men agreed that Crosse should be their chief, and we gave them weapons for their defence against men and wild beasts, together with provisions and clothes. The natives at this place are especially desirous of brass, and care not much for copper, chiefly wishing to have pieces of a foot square. They care little for iron hoops. We caught seven or eight hundred fishes in the river, at one haul of our seyne. The country people brought us for sale a root called Ningin,[165] of which we bought a handful for a small piece of copper an inch and half long. Our men got some of this, but not so good, this not being the season when it is ripe; for, when in full perfection, it is as tender and sweet as anise-seeds.
[Footnote 165: A medicinal root, much prized at Japan, somewhat like a skerrit.--Purch. Probably that named Ginseng, in high repute in China and Japan for its fancied restorative and provocative powers, like the mandrake of holy writ, but deservedly despised in the Materia Medica of Europe. Its whole virtues lay in some supposed resemblance to the human figure, founded on the childish doctrine of signatures; whence, at one time, every thing yellow was considered specific against jaundice, with many other and similar absurd notions.--E.]
We sailed from Saldanha on the 20th June, and on the the 21st we had sight of land in 34° 28' S. being the land to the west of cape de Arecife, laid down 28' more northwardly than it ought in the charts of Daniel. On the 6th July we ought to have seen the coast of Madagascar, by most of our computations, and according to Daniel's charts, upon Mercator's projection, which proved false by seventy leagues in distance of longitude between the coast of Ethiopia at cape Bona Speranza and the isle of St Lawrence, as is evident from the charts projected in plano by Tottens. The 22d all the four ships anchored at Mohelia, where we had water from wells dug a little above high-water mark, eight or nine feet deep, close by the roots of trees. Doman is the chief town of this island, where the sultan resides, to whom we gave a double-locked piece and a sword. For very little money we were plentifully supplied with provisions, as poultry, goats, bullocks, lemons, oranges, limes, tamarinds, cocoa-nuts, pines, sugar-canes, and other fruits. Among the inhabitants of this island there are Arabs, Turks, and Moors, many of whom speak tolerable Portuguese. From them I had a curious account of the current at this place, which they said ran alternately fifteen days westerly, fifteen days easterly, and fifteen days not at all; and which I partly observed to be true: For, at our first coming, the current set westerly, and on the 28th it set easterly, and so continued during our stay, which was six days, but we went away before trial could be perfectly made of this report.
I learned here that the king of Juanni [Joanna or Hinzuan] was sovereign of this island, but entrusted its government to the sultan, who resides here. The 29th, a vessel arrived at Doman from Gangamora, in the island of Madagascar, and I was desired by the general to examine what were its commodities, which I found to consist of rice, and a kind of cloth manufactured of the barks of trees, which makes very cool garments. I enquired from the pilot, who spoke good Portuguese, respecting Captain Rowles and the other Englishmen who were betrayed on that island. He knew nothing of all this, but said that two or three years before, an English boy was at Gangamora along with the Portuguese, whom he now thought dead, but knew not how he came there. This town of Doman contains about an hundred houses, strongly built of stone and lime, and its inhabitants are orderly and civil. They carry on trade with the coasts of Melinda, Magadoxa, Mombaza, Arabia, and Madagascar, carrying slaves taken in their wars, which they sell for nine or ten dollars each, and which are sold afterwards in Portugal for 100 dollars a-head. At Mombaza and Magadoxa, they have considerable trade in elephants teeth and drugs; and it was therefore agreed to advise the honourable company of this, that they might consider of sending a pinnace yearly to make trial of this trade. In Mohelia, we bought two or three bullocks for a bar of iron of between twenty and twenty-five pounds weight. We bought in all 200 head of cattle, and forty goats, besides poultry, fruits, &c.
"Malalia [Mohelia] is one of the Commora islands, the other three being Angazesia, [Comoro] Juanny, [Joanna or Hinzuan] and Mayotta, stretching almost east and west from each other. Angazesia [Comoro] bears N. by W. from Mohelia, and is the highest land I ever saw. It is inhabited by Moors trading with the main and the other three eastern islands, bartering their cattle and fruits for calicoes and other cloths for garments. It is governed by ten petty kings, and has abundance of cattle, goats, oranges, and lemons. The people are reckoned false and treacherous. Hinzuan lies east from Mohelia and Mayotta. All these three islands are well stored with refreshments, but chiefly Mohelia, and next to it Hinzuan. Here lived an old woman who was sultaness of all these islands, and under her there were three deputies in Mohelia, who were all her sons. The sultan in whose quarter we anchored is so absolute, that none of his people dared to sell a single cocoa-nut without his leave. Four boats were sent to his town to desire this liberty, which was granted. Captain Newport went ashore with forty men, and found the governor sitting on a mat, under the side of a junk which was then building, and attended by fifty men. He was dressed in a mantle of blue and red calico, wrapped about him to his knees, his legs and feet bare, and his head covered by a close cap of checquer work. Being presented with a gun and sword, he returned four cows, and proclaimed liberty for the people to trade with us. He gave the English cocoa-nuts to eat, while he chewed betel and areka-nut, tempered with lime of burnt oister shells. It has a hot biting taste, voids rheum, cools the head, and is all their physic. It makes those giddy who are not accustomed to its use, producing red spittles, and in time colours the teeth black, which they esteem handsome, and they use this continually. From the governor they were conducted to the carpenter's house, who was a chief man in the town. His house was built of stone and lime, low and little, plaistered with white lime, roofed with rafters, which were covered with leaves of the cocoa-nut tree, the outsides wattled with canes.
"Their houses are kept clean and neat, with good household stuff, having gardens inclosed with canes, in which they grow tobacco and plantains. For dinner, a board was set upon tressels, on which was spread a fine new mat, and stone benches stood around, on which the guests sat. First, water was brought to each in a cocoa-shell, and poured into a wooden platter, and the rinds of cocoa-nuts were used instead of towels. There was then set before the company boiled rice, roasted plantains, quarters of hens, and pieces of goat's flesh broiled. After grace said, they fell to their meat, using bread made of cocoa-nut kernels, beaten up with honey, and fried. The drink was palamito wine, and the milk of the cocoa-nuts. Those who went to see the sultan, named Amir Adell, found all things much in the same manner, only that his behaviour was more light, and he made haste to get drunk with some wine carried to him by the English. The people of these islands are strict Mahomedans, and very jealous of letting their women or mosques be seen. For, on some of the English coming near a village, they shut them up, and threatened to kill them if they came nearer. Many of them speak and write Arabic, and some few of them Portuguese, as they trade with Mosambique in junks of forty tons burden, built, caulked, and rigged all out of the cocoa-nut tree. Here we bought oxen and cows, fat but small, Arabian sheep, hens, oranges, lemons, and limes in abundance, paying for them in calicoes, hollands, sword-blades, dollars, glasses, and other trifles."--T.R.
We sailed from Mohelia on the 2d August, and on the 17th got sight of cape Guardafui, where the natives seemed afraid of us. The 20th we anchored in the road of Galencia in Socotora, where the fierceness of the wind raised the sea into a continual surf all round about us, and by the spray, blown about us like continual rain, our masts, yards, and tackle were made white all over by the salt, like so much hoar-frost; The 23d we anchored at Tamara, the town where the king resides, and on the 24th at Delisha. They here demanded thirty dollars for the quintal of aloes, which made us buy the less. The Faiking told us that Captain Downton had bought 100 quintals, and it was still so liquid, either from newness, or because of the heat, that it was ready to run out of the skins. The quintal of this place, as tried by our beam, weighed 103 1/2 pounds English. Aloes is made from the leaves of a plant resembling our sempervivum, or house-leek, the roots and stalk being cut away, the rest strongly pressed, and the juice boiled up to a certain height, after which it is put into earthen pots, closely stopped for eight months, and is then put into skins for sale. The north part of Socotora is in 12° 30', and the body in 120° 25'.[166] It is fourteen leagues from this island to Abdul Curia, and as much more from thence to cape Guardafui. Such as mean to sail for Socotora, should touch at that cape, and sail from thence next morning a little before day-break, to lose no part of the day-light, the nights here being dark and obscure, with fogs and boisterous winds, during the months of August and September. On getting into Abdul Curia, they may anchor on the west side in seven or eight fathoms, under the low land; or, if they cannot get to anchor, should keep close hauled in the night to the southward, lest the wind and northerly current put them too much to leeward before day. Notwithstanding the monsoon, the winds do not blow steadily, being sometimes S. by W. and S.S.W. but seldom to the east of south.
[Footnote 166: These two numbers unquestionably relate to the longitude and latitude respectively, though strangely expressed. The true lat. is 13° 20'N. and long. 53° E. from Greenwich.--E.]
"Socotora is an island not far from the mouth of the Red Sea, being the Dioscuria or Disoscordia of the ancients, in lat. 13° 20' N. It was governed when we were there by a sultan, named Amir Ben-said, son of the king of Fartaque, in Arabia Felix, which lies between the latitudes of 15° and 18° N. on the coast of Arabia. This king was in peace with the Turks, on condition of assisting them with 5000 men when required, and then these troops to be paid and maintained by the Turks, to whom he paid no other acknowledgement. Near to the sea about Dofar, there is another petty Arab sovereign, whom he of Fartaque dare not meddle with, because he is under the protection of the Grand Signior.
"The sultan of Socotora came down to meet us at the shore, accompanied by 300 men, and had a tent set up for his accommodation. He was on horseback, as were two of his principal attendants, and a third on a camel, the people running before and behind him shouting. He had two companies of guards, one composed of his own subjects, and the other consisting of twelve hired Guzerates, some armed with Turkish bows, some with pistols, and some with muskets, but all having good swords. He had also a few kettle-drums, and one trumpet. He received the general in a courteous manner, and was so absolute, that no person could sell any thing except himself. His people sat about him very respectfully; his clothes were of Surat cloths, made in the Arabian fashion, with a cassock of red and white wrought velvet, and a robe of which the ground was cloth of gold. He wore a handsome turban, but his legs and feet were bare.
"Every night these people all stand or kneel towards the setting sun, the zerife throwing water on their heads, being all Mahomedans. The king's town, named Tamara, is built of stone and lime, all whited over, the houses built with battlements and pinnacles, and all flat-roofed. At a distance it looks well, but within is very poor. Mr Boughton had leave to see the king's house, and found it such as might serve an ordinary gentleman in England. The lower rooms were used as warehouses and wardrobe, a few changes of robes hanging about the walls, and along with them were some twenty-five books of their law, religion, history, and saints lives. No person could be permitted to go up stairs to see his three wives, or the other women; but the ordinary sort might be seen in the town, their ears all full of silver rings. In the mosque the priest was seen at service. Mr Boughton had for his dinner three hens, with rice, his drink being water, and a black liquor called cahu, [coffee] drank as hot as could be endured.
"On a hill, a mile from Tamara, there is a square castle, but we could not get leave to see it. The inhabitants are of four sorts. The first are Arabs, who have come in by means of conquest, who dare not speak in presence of the sultan without leave, and kissing his hand. The second sort are slaves, who kiss his foot when they come into his presence, do all his work, and make his aloes. The third sort are the old inhabitants of the country, called Bedouins, though I think these are not the oldest of all, whom I suppose to have been those commonly called Jacobite Christians: For, on Mr Boughton going into a church of theirs, which the Arabs had forced them to abandon, he found some images and a crucifix, which he took away. The Mahomedans would not say much about these people, lest other Christians might relieve or support them. These Bedouins, having had wars with the Arabs, live apart from them in the mountains. The fourth kind of people, or original natives, are very savage, poor lean, naked, and wear their hair long. They eat nothing but roots, ride about on buffaloes, conversing only among themselves, being afraid of all others, having no houses, and live more like wild beasts than men, and these we conjecture to have been the original natives of the place.
"The island is very mountainous and barren, having some beeves, goats, and sheep, a few dates and oranges, a little rice, and nothing else for the food of man. All its commodities consist of aloes, the inspisated juice of a plant having a leaf like our house-leek. The only manufacture is a very poor kind of cloth, used only by slaves. The king had some dragon's blood, and some Lahore indigo, as also a few civet cats and civet. The dead are all buried in tombs, and the monuments of their saints are held in much veneration. The chief of these was one Sidy Hachun,[167] buried at Tamara, who was slain about an hundred years before we were there, and who, as they pretend, still appears to them, and warns them of approaching dangers. They hold him in wonderful veneration, and impute high winds to his influence."--T.R.
[Footnote 167: Sidy, or Seid, signifies a descendant or relative of Mahomet, and Hachem, a prophet.--E.]
The 31st of August we sailed from Socotora. The 10th September we had quails, herons, and other land-birds blown from the land, and unable to return. The 14th we had sight of Diu, and the 16th of Damaun, both inhabited by the Portuguese, and strongly fortified. On the 18th we passed the bar of Surat, and came to anchor in the road of Swally. Next day we sent a messenger on shore, and our boat returned the same night, bringing off Mr William Bidulph, who told us of all the affairs of the country, and that Zulphecar Khan[168] was now governor of Surat. At this place we bought sheep for half a dollar each, and got twenty hens for a dollar. On the 22d Mr Barker and other merchants were sent to Surat to provide furniture for a house to accommodate the lord ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe. They were searched most narrowly, even their pockets, and the most secret parts of their dress, according to the base manner of this country, in which a man has to pay custom for a single dollar in his purse, or a good knife in his pocket; and if one has any thing rare, it is sure to be taken away by the governor, under pretence of purchase.
[Footnote 168: In the Pilgrims this person is named Zuipher-Car-Chan, but we believe the orthography in the text is more correct.--E.]
The lord ambassador landed on the 25th, accompanied by our general, all the captains and merchants, and eighty men under arms, part pikes, and part muskets. Forty-eight guns were fired off from the ships, which were all dressed out with colours and streamers, flags and pendants. On landing, he was received in a splendid tent by the chief men of Surat, who welcomed him to India. There was much to do about their barbarous search, which they would have executed on all his attendants, which he strenuously resisted, and at length he and three or four of his principal followers were exempted, while the rest were only slightly handled for fashion-sake. A great deal passed on this occasion between the governor and the ambassador, about these rude and barbarous exactions, Sir Thomas justly contending for the honour and immunity of an ambassador from an independent king; while they insisted to make no difference between him and others of similar rank in those parts, and of our own likewise, who had formerly assumed the name of ambassadors. Their barbarous usage not only perplexed him there, and detained him long till an order came from court, but gave him much plague all the time he remained in the country, as will appear afterwards from his own journal. They could not easily be persuaded to allow of any difference between him and Mr Edwards, who had been considered by them in the same light with Sir Thomas.
Mr Barwick's man, who had been inveigled to run away by a deserter from Captain Best who had turned Mahomedan, was brought back from Surat on the 1st of October. Others afterwards ran away to Damaun, and wrote to their comrades to induce them to do the same. The 2d, two Hollanders came on board, who had travelled by land from Petapulli, on the Coromandel coast. On the 10th, the governor's brother came on board, making many fair speeches, and had a present given him. The governor impudently urged us to give him presents, though he had already received three, but found fault with them, and even named what he would have given him, being beggar and chooser both at once. We had this day news of Mr Aldworth's death; and on the 5th November we received intelligence of the lord ambassador having fallen sick at Burhanpoor, and that Mr Boughton was dead.
The most current coin at Surat is rials of eight, or Spanish dollars, of which the old with the plain cross passes for five mahmoodies each. The new dollars, having flower-de-luces at the ends of the cross, if not light, are worth four 3/4 mahmoodies. The mahmoody is a coarse silver coin, containing thirty pice, and twelve drams make a pice. The English shilling, if full weight, will yield thirty 1/2 pice. Larines are worth much the same with mahmoodies.[169] There are sundry kinds of rupees, some of which are worth half a dollar, and others less, by which one may be easily deceived. The trade at Surat is conducted by brokers, who are very subtle, and deceive both buyer and seller, if not carefully looked after. In weights, each city of India differs from another. The commodities are infinite, indigos being the chief, those of Lahore the best, and those from Sarkess inferior. Great quantities of cloths made of cotton, as white and coloured calicoes, containing fourteen yards the book or piece, from 100 to 200 mahmoodies each. Pintadoes, chintzes, chadors, sashes, girdles, cannakens, trekannies, serrabafs, aleias, patollas, sellas, quilts, carpets, green ginger, suckets or confections, lignum aloes, opium, sal amoniac, and abundance of other drugs. Vendible commodities are knives, mirrors, pictures, and such like toys; English cloth, China wares, silk, and porcelain, and all kinds of spices. The Guzerates load their great ships, of nine, twelve, or fifteen hundred tons, at Gogo, and steal out unknown to the Portuguese.
[Footnote 169: From this explanation, the mahmoody and larine may be assumed as worth one shilling; the pice as equal to a farthing and a half, and the dram at about 1-10th of a farthing.--E.]
The chief places for trade on the river Sinde, or Indus, are Tatta, Diul-sinde, Mooltan, and Lahore. The Expedition, on her former voyage, had landed the Persian ambassador, Sir Robert Shirley, at Diul-sinde; and of him I have thought it right to give the following particulars, as an appendix to my former voyage, having learnt them from some of his followers at Agra. Being weary of Diul-sinde, through the evil conduct of the governor, and the attempts of the Portuguese to molest him, who even used their endeavours to cut him off, for which purpose twelve of them had gone there from Ormus, he asked leave to proceed to Tatta; but, being refused permission, he went without leave, and having by the way to pass a river where none durst ferry him over, because prohibited by the governor on pain of death, he constructed a raft of timber and boards, on which he and Nazerbeg embarked. They were no sooner shoved off than twenty or thirty horse came from the governor in great haste to detain them. And as Nazerbeg was unable to guide the raft against the tide, some men swam to the raft and brought them back, on which occasion they narrowly escaped being drowned. Some of his followers being indignant at this rude dealing, one Mr John Ward shot off his pistol in their faces, and was instantly slain by another shot, and all the rest were carried back prisoners to Diul-sinde, being pillaged by the soldiers on their way. After some time in prison, they were permitted to proceed to Tatta, where they were kindly entertained by the governor of that place, who was a Persian. Before leaving Diul-sinde, Sir Thomas Powell and Mr Francis Bub died. Sir Robert Shirley remained at Tatta till a fit opportunity offered of proceeding to Agra, where he went at last, finding the way long and tedious, and much infested by thieves. He went there however in safety, going in company with a great man who had a strong escort, and for whom he had to wait two months.
In this time Lady Powell was delivered of a son, but both she and her child died soon after, together with Mr Michael Powell, brother to Sir Thomas, losing their lives in this tedious waiting in boats for the great man. On his arrival at Agra, Sir Robert was favourably entertained by the Great Mogul, who sent for the Banian governor of Diul-sinde to answer at court to the complaint, and promised Sir Robert to have his own revenge if he would stay; but he hasted away to Persia, after receiving many presents from the Mogul, who gave him an escort, and all necessaries for his journey, in which he had not a single English attendant, as John Heriot died at Agra, and Mr Richard Barber, his apothecary, returned to Surat. Of all his company, three only remained with him, his lady and her female attendant, two Persians, the old Arminian, and the Circassian. His Dutch jeweller came to Surat along with Mr Edwards.
§2. Occurrences at Calicut and Sumatra, Miscarriage of the English Ships, Abuses of the Dutch, and Factories in India.
We took a Portuguese prize on the 29th of February, 1616. The 3d March, while at anchor in the road of Calicut, the deputy of the Zamorin came aboard, attended by many boats, signifying the joy of his master at our arrival, and his earnest desire to confer with our nation, and entreated therefore that we would tarry a few days, that he might send to the Zamorin, who was then at Cranganore besieging a castle belonging to the Portuguese. We had here abundance of provisions brought to us on board, and at reasonable rates. That same evening, there came a messenger from the Zamorin, entreating us to anchor for two or three days off Cranganore, which we accordingly did on the 5th, anchoring two leagues off shore. About noon the Zamorin sent to request the general would come ashore, to visit him, but this was not deemed right without a pledge, and Mr George Barkley went ashore to wait upon him; but the Zamorin refused to reveal his intentions to any one except our general, and seemed much displeased at his not coming ashore.
The general accordingly landed on the 8th, and had an audience of the Zamorin, who wished the English to establish a factory in his dominions, for which purpose he offered a good house rent-free, freedom from custom or other exactions, for all goods brought there or carried thence, and made many protestations of affection for our nation. This was for the present declined, because most of our goods had been left at Surat, and because we were now bound for Bantam. To this the Zamorin answered, that it was no matter whether any goods were left for the present, as he only desired we might leave two or three Englishmen there, who should want for nothing, as he only wanted to be assured of our return next year with a supply of men and goods. He assured us we might be sure of loading one ship yearly with pepper, and might make sale of our commodities to a considerable extent. Upon this it was agreed to leave a factory at this place, with such goods as we could spare, which went accordingly on shore on the 9th; George Woolman being appointed chief of this new factory at Cranganore, Peter Needham and Roger Hares under-factors, together with Richard Stamford, and a boy named Edward Peake, who was appointed to learn the language. The name of the king is Pendre Quone[170] Zamorin, to whom was given, as a present, a minion or small cannon, and a barrel of powder; on which he promised, if he won the fort of Cranganore, to give it up to the English.
[Footnote 170: Named Underecon Cheete in a subsequent article.--E.]
The 10th we received the Zamorin's letter of agreement for our privileges, with many fair protestations of love. We sailed the same day, passing before Cochin, which we could see distinctly. Next day we had a view of the town and castle of Coulan, where was a ship riding at anchor under the guns of the castle, which we boarded and brought forth without any hurt from the guns, all the crew having fled ashore. This was a Portuguese ship of four or five hundred tons, lately arrived from Bengal and Pegu, laden with rice, grain, Bengal cloths, butter, sugar, gum lack, hard wax, drugs, and other things. The 12th we espied another ship, to which we gave chase, and came up with about midnight, when she surrendered at the first shot.[171] I sent for her chief men on board my ship, the others being three or four miles a-stern, and set some of my people on board the prize, with strict charges to hurt no person. There were in this ship eighteen or twenty Portuguese, and about eighty others, men, women, and children. Her chief loading was rice, butter, sugar, lack, drugs, and Bengal cloths. We offered these people our first prize, with victuals to carry them ashore, which they refused, as fearing to be ill-used by the Malabars, having lately escaped with difficulty from a fleet of theirs of fourteen sail. Next day we landed them where they desired, and allowed them to go away unsearched for money or jewels. We had now three English ships[172] and three prizes.
[Footnote 171: These prizes were taken from the Portuguese in part satisfaction for their unjust vexations and hostilities at Surat and other places.--Purch.]
[Footnote 172: No notice is taken of the fourth ship, the Lion, probably left at Surat; indeed, the whole of this relation is exceedingly vague and unsatisfactory, the name even of the general never being once mentioned.--E.]
The 14th we arrived at Brinion, in lat. 8° 30', where we took out of the first prize what we thought useful, and then set her adrift. At Brinion there is a small town in a round bay, which may be known by a long white beach to the north, and to the south is all high land, having a red cliff two leagues to the south, close to the sea. From thence to cape Comorin is sixteen leagues, the course being S.E. by S. along a bold free coast. The inhabitants of Brinion[173] are no way subject to the Portuguese. The 1st of April the island of Ceylon bore E. by S. seven leagues off. On the 10th the Peak of Adam bore north. I this day took my leave of the general, the Dragon and Pepper-corn being bound for Acheen, while I, in the Expedition, went for Priaman, Tecoo, and Bantam.
[Footnote 173: In 8° 22' N. at the distance indicated from cape Comorin, is a place called Billingham, which may possibly be the Brinion of the text.--E.]
It is good to remain in Brinion till the end of March, when the easterly monsoon ends, and not to pass cape Comorin sooner, on account of calms, and because the southerly current sets towards the Maldives. All who come from the west for Priaman and Tecoo, ought to continue so as to have sufficient day-light for passing between Nimptan[174] and the other adjacent islands, the best channel being to the north of that island. On the 30th of April I met the Advice going for Tecoo; but, at my request, she returned for Bantam, whence she was sent to Japan. I arrived at Bantam on the 1st of May, where I found the Hosiander newly arrived from Japan, and the Attendance from Jambo, most of their men being sick or dead. I here learnt the death of Captain Downton, and of the arrival of Captain Samuel Castleton with the Clove and Defence, which, with the Thomas and Concord, were gone to the Moluccas, the Thomas being appointed to proceed from thence to Japan.
[Footnote 174: Pulo Mintaon, off the S.W. coast of Sumatra, nearly under the line, is probably here meant.--E.]
The 19th of May I sailed from Bantam, and the 10th June I put into Tecoo. The 3d July I hove my ship down on the careen to sheath her. It is of great use to double sheath such ships as go to Surat, as though the outer sheathing may be eaten like a honey-comb by the worms, the inner is not at all injured. It were also of great use to have the rudder sheathed with thin copper,[175] to prevent the worms from eating off its edges, which is very detrimental in steering, and cannot be easily remedied, being so deep in the water. The natives of Sumatra inhabiting Priaman are barbarous, deceitful, and continually craving presents or bribes; and sometimes I have been in imminent hazard of being murdered, a hundred of them drawing their crisses upon us at once, because we refused to let them have our goods on trust, or at prices of their own making. The 20th, Thomas Bonnar, master of the Expedition, died, and was succeeded by John Row, who was the third master in this voyage.
[Footnote 175: We had formerly occasion to notice a ship sheathed with iron at Japan, and this is the first indication or proposal for using copper in that way. Iron sheathing has never been adopted into British practice, while copper sheathing is now universal. Captain Peyton does not appear to have been aware that copper sheathing is incompatible with iron fastenings, which indeed was only learnt long after, by woeful experience, and the loss of many ships and men. In consequence of a strong predisposing chemical afinity, exerted by the contiguity of the copper and iron in the sea water, the muriatic acid corrodes the iron bolts and other fastenings, all of which are now made of copper in ships that are to be copper sheathed.--E.]
The 26th, the Dragon and Pepper-corn arrived from Acheen, where they had purchased pepper, carried there from Tecoo in large junks and praws, which navigate between these places, but never out of sight of land. The king of Acheen commands the people of Tecoo to bring their pepper to his port, and allows none to purchase it there, but those who barter their Surat goods at such rates as he pleases to impose. Often likewise, he sends to Priaman and Tecoo the Surat commodities procured by him in that manner, obliging the merchants there to buy at rates by him imposed, and no person is allowed to buy or sell till his goods are sold. This makes our trade with them the better.[176] Jambo is on the east side of Sumatra, and yields a similar large-grained pepper with what is procured at Priaman, but is not under the dominion of the king of Acheen, as are Baruse, Passaman, Tecoo, Priaman, Cottatinga, and other places on the western side of that island. Baruse is to the north of Passaman, and yields considerable quantities of benzoin; Cottatinga yields gold, and the other places pepper. Our general brought the king of Acheen's letter to these places, where the chief men received it with great submission, each of them kissing it and laying it on his head, promising to obey its injunctions, yet all failed in performance. It were proper, in these letters from the king, to procure all the particulars of the trade to be inserted. I set sail from Tecoo for Bantam on the 4th September.
[Footnote 176: It is so expressed in the Pilgrims; yet it would seem that such arbitrary proceeding in the sovereign, assuming the character of merchant, would be destructive of all trade.--E.]
The best gold, and the largest quantity, is to be had at the high hill of Passaman, where likewise is the best, cheapest, and most abundant produce of pepper. But the air is there so pestiferous, that there is no going thither for our nation without great mortality among the men. Fortunately this is not necessary in procuring pepper, as the Surat commodities at Tecoo are sufficiently attractive. I have even observed many of the natives to labour under infectious diseases, the limbs of some being ready to drop off with rottenness, while others had huge wens or swellings under their throats, as large as a two-penny loaf; which they impute to the bad water.[177] Though a barbarous people, they are yet acquainted with the means of curing their diseases. The people of Tecoo are base, thievish, subtle, seeking gain by every kind of fraud, or even by force when they dare; using false weights, false reckonings, and even attempting to poison our meats and drinks while dressing, and crissing our men when opportunity serves: But it is to be hoped they may be inforced to keep better order, by the influence and authority of the king of Acheen. At Acheen our Portuguese prizes were disposed of, and shared according to the custom of the sea, a sixth part being divided among the captors, and the rest carried to the account of our employers. There were only five left in the factory. Many of our men were sick, owing to their immoderate indulgence in drinking arrack.
[Footnote 177: The goitre was long ignorantly imputed in Europe to drinking snow water; but is now well known only to affect the inhabitants of peculiar districts, as Derbyshire in England, and the Valais in Switzerland, and this district in Sumatra, where certain mineral impregnations render the water unwholesome.--E.]
When at Bantam, in October 1616, there were four English ships, and five Hollanders at Jacatra, which raised the price of pepper; and that the more, because the Dutch boasted of having brought this year in ready money 1,600,000 dollars, which is probably a great exaggeration to brave our nation. Their last fleet of six ships took two or three ships of the Portuguese, of which they made great boasts. They endeavour to depress our nation by every manner of abuse throughout the Indies, acting towards us in a most unfriendly and unchristian manner. Even in Bantam, where they acknowledge our equal right, they threaten to pull our people out of our factory by the ears, sometimes picking quarrels with them in the streets, and even imprisoning them; and when they themselves have caused an uproar, complaining to the king of Bantam of our unquietness, and bribing him to take their parts. He receives their money, and tells us of their dealings, taking advantage of this disagreement to fleece both sides. Even at Pulo-way, an island freely surrendered to the king of England, they abused our people, leading them through the streets with halters round their necks, carrying an hour-glass before them, and proclaiming that they were to be hanged when the sand was run out. And though they did not actually proceed to that extremity, they kept them three or four days in irons, and afterwards sent them aboard the Concord and Thomasine, under a forced composition never to return. Likewise, at the return of the Hosiander from Japan, which brought thirty tons of wood for them, free of freight and charges, they reported she would have returned empty, but for their timber; which also they might have said of my ship, which brought for them, from Surat to Bantam, thirty-one churles of indigo and a chest of pistoles, freight-free.
Captain Castleton went to the Moluccas with four ships, the Clove, Defence, Thomas, and Concord, that he might be better able to defend himself against the Hollanders; yet, being threatened by eleven of their ships, they returned without doing much business, having only a few cloves in the Clove. The captain died there of the flux; and the bad success of that expedition, together with other faults, was laid to his charge. The Trades-increase was twice set on fire by the Javans, and the fire quenched by our people; but on a third attempt, she was fired in so many places at once, that it was impossible to save her. The Darling was laid up at Patane, in June 1615, by order of Mr Larkine and the factory, as incapable of repair. Herrold, her master, was reported of having a design to carry her off to the Portuguese; and, being prevented, he went himself. The Thomasine was cast away, in September 1615, upon a shoal in the night, seventeen leagues W. from Macasser, while returning from the Moluccas. On this occasion her goods were lost, which were not of much value, but they saved the money, being 2000 dollars, and all their provisions, remaining fourteen days on a desolate island, where they fitted up their boat, which brought themselves and their money to Bantam. All their goods and other things were left behind, and seized by the king of Macasser, who refused to make restitution. At Jacatra the Hector sunk in three fathoms water while careening, her keel being exceedingly worm-eaten. The Concord is there also laid up, so rotten and leaky that they had to take out her provisions, and let her sink close to the shore. The Hosiander, on the 15th October 1616, was appointed to sail for the Coromandel coast.
The factories which are at present established for our company in the East Indies, so far as I could hear, are these: Bantam, Jacatra, Ahmedabad, Agra, Agimere, Burhanpoor, Calicut, Masulipatam, Patepulli, Patane, Siam, Banjermassen, Succodania, Macasser, Acheen, Jambo, Tecoo, Banda, and Firando in Japan. At Bantam, Mr George Barclay was chief, with John Jordan, George Ball, Ralph Copendale, and several other factors and assistants. The principal purpose of the factory at Acheen, is to solicit for our better proceedings at Priaman and Tecoo. The place is unwholesome, more especially for such as indulge in the use of hot fiery drinks, as arack and aracape, which bring many to untimely graves; and throw discredit on the voyage. It is not to be imagined at home, how unruly are the common men abroad, never being satisfied unless when their brains are reeling with liquor. Even the king of Acheen is said to have a strange habit of getting drunk when the English resort to him, as if thereby to do them honour, and it seems dishonourable to them not to conform with him, in sitting in the water, drinking hard, and many other strange customs. He is very tyrannical and cruel to his subjects, daily cutting off the hands, arms, and legs of many, on very small and frivolous causes; or causing them to be thrown to the elephants, he himself commanding a sagacious elephant to toss the culprits so high and so often, as either to bruise or kill them, according to his caprice at the time. No one that arrives at his port may land without his chop or licence. On one occasion, a Dutch general came on shore without his licence, by desire of the principal factor, who presumed on his favour with the king. When the general came to the palace-gate, where another chop is necessary, the king found this irregularity to have proceeded from the presumption of the resident, whom he sent for and laid before the elephant, who tossed him three times, but so gently as not to bruise him much, giving him thus a warning how he should neglect the king's commands another time. The Dutch general stood by the while, fearing to come in for his share of this strange discipline; but the king forgave him, as ignorant of the law. The poor factor, being called into the king's presence, humbly acknowledged his punishment to have been merited, yet fled with the rest of the factory at the departure of the ships; on which the king placed us in their house.
We sailed from Bantam, homeward bound, on the 1st November 1616. The 5th January 1617, I was unable to weigh our anchor, owing to the violence of the wind, to follow the Dragon to Penguin island. Ships that go round the Cape of Good Hope from India, at this season of the year, ought not to anchor short of Saldanha road, [Table Bay,] but ought to bear to leeward for Penguin island, and anchor there with two anchors at once, till the wind serve. In December, January, and February, the S.S.E. wind blows there with great violence from new to full moon. Yet I hold it dangerous to neglect this place, trusting to refreshments at St Helena, a certainty for an uncertainty; as the obscurity of the sun and moon, owing to thick mists at this season, may disappoint the most experienced navigators, and occasion the loss of ship, cargo, and men. While at the Cape, Corey came down with three sheep, and promised more, but went away in great haste to his wife and family, who dwelt now farther from the bay than formerly. It appears that the Hollanders had frightened the natives, by landing and going up the country with above an hundred men at once. Owing to this, our chief refreshment here was fresh fish.
The 9th April 1617, we passed through great quantities of sea-weeds, called seragasso, which float in long ridges or rows along with the wind, and at considerable distances from each other. This plant has a leaf like samphire, but not so thick, and carries a very small yellow berry. It reaches from 22° 20' to 32° both of N. latitude. We anchored in the Downs on the 29th of May 1617.
3. Brief Notice of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited by, and traded with, by the Portuguese between the Cape of Good Hope and Japan, in 1616.
The river of Quame, or Cuamo, on the eastern coast of Africa, where they are said to trade yearly for gold, elephants teeth, ambergris, and slaves. Mozambique, an island on the same coast, where they trade for gold, ambergris, and slaves, in barter for iron, lead, tin, and Cambay commodities, Magadoxo, which has abundance of elephants teeth, some ambergris, and various kinds of drugs. From these ports they trade yearly to Cambay, the Red Sea, and other places, observing the monsoons, which blow W. in April, May, June, July, August, and part of September, and the E. monsoon prevails an the other months. A few days between the cessation of one monsoon and the commencement of the other, the winds are variable, attended by calms, but become regular in a few days. To the east of Sumatra, however, the two monsoons continue only five months each way, the two intermediate months having variable winds.
Ormus in the gulf of Persia, whence the Portuguese trade to Persia, Diul-sinde, Arabia, &c. They fetch much pearl from Bassora;[178] and they load a ship or two with Persian commodities for Diul-sinde, where they arrive between the end of August and middle of September, taking likewise with them great store of dollars. Ormus is their best place in the Indies except Goa. At Muskat they have a fort and some small trade, keeping the natives in such awe by land and sea, that they dare not trade without their licence, and this practice they follow in all parts of India where they are strong. Diul-sinde on the Indus in the dominions of the Great Mogul. Diu, where they have a strong castle. Damaun, where they have a castle, and are said to have an hundred villages under their authority. Basseen, or Serra de Bazein, a little south from Damaun, and bordering on the Deccan; between which and Chaul they have three ports, Gazein, Banda, and Maia. Chaul is a great city with a castle. At Dabul they have a factory, but no fort.
[Footnote 178: This is a mistake for the isle of Bahrein.--E.]
Goa is their metropolitan city in India, which stands in a small island, being the seat of their viceroy, and the anchoring place of their caracks. Onore has a small fort. Barcellore, a town and castle, yields pepper, ginger, and many kinds of drugs. Mangalore, a town and castle. Cananore, a city and castle, yielding similar commodities with Barcellore. From Calicut they have been expelled by the Zamorin, who endeavours to do the same at Crangator, [Cranganore,] where they have a fort. Cochin is a strong city and castle, pleasantly situated on the sea in a wholesome air, with a fine river for the reception of ships. Coulan, a town with a small castle; near which is a village named St Lawrence, chiefly inhabited by friars and jesuits. Quiloan, a small city with a castle. Tuckatra, a town and castle, the inhabitants being mostly Christians.
Manaar is on the island of Ceylon, between Cape Comorin and Point-de-Gale, where they have a town inhabited by Portuguese. In this island also they have Columbo, and many other small places, having conquered most of the island, which yields cinnamon and various drugs. Negopatnam is a city of great trade, on the coast of Coromandel, where they have only a factory. St Thomas, or Meliapoor, is a walled town inhabited by the Portuguese. In Bengal, up the river Ganges, they have a town, besides some factories and many small habitations. They have a factory in Pegu, another in Aracan, and one in the river of Martaban. Also at Junkceylon they have a great factory, whence they fetch considerable quantities of tin to the Malabar coast.
Malacca is a strong city and castle belonging to the Portuguese, and the centre of a great trade in those parts of India. From this place the king of Acheen has long sought to root them out, and has burnt and plundered some of their ships this year, 1619. At Macao, an island on the coast of China, they have a city with a castle, where they are said to carry on much trade with the Chinese. They have a factory in Japan, but neither town nor fort; and trade thence with the coast of China. The Dutch are said to make much spoil of the vessels employed on this trade, Portuguese, Chinese, and others, accounting all fish that fall into their net.
SECTION V.
Notes, concerning the Proceedings of the Factory at Cranganore, from the Journal of Roger Hawes.[179]
[Footnote 179: Parch. Pilgr. I. 608.--Hawes sailed in the fleet under Keeling, in 1615, which carried out Sir Thomas Roe, already related in Sect. IV. of this chapter; and the present short article almost exclusively relates to the new factory at Cranganore on the Malabar coast, in which Hawes was left as one of the factors. This is a very imperfect and inconclusive article, yet gives some idea of the manners and customs of the Malabars.--E.]
On the 4th of March 1615, we chased a Portuguese frigate, which ran into a creek and escaped. While on our way towards Cape Comorin, a Tony came aboard of us, with messengers from the Zamorin to our general, Captain William Keeling. Next day, the governor sent a present, and entreated the general to proceed to Cranganore, which we did next day, taking with us the messengers sent from the Zamorin, who requested the general to come on shore to speak with him. But, while he was doing so, some frigates came and anchored near the shore, by which he was constrained to go on board the Expedition, Captain Walter Peyton. On this occasion some shots were exchanged, but little harm was done. The general went ashore on the 8th, accompanied by Mr Barclay, the cape merchant, and several others. They were well used, and agreed to settle a factory in the dominions of the Zamorin, the following being the articles agreed upon:--
"UNDERECON CHEETE, Great Zamorin, &c. to JAMES, King of Britain, &c. Whereas your servant and subject, William Keeling, arrived in my kingdom at the port of Cranganore, in March 1615, with three ships, and at my earnest solicitation came ashore to see me; there was concluded by me for my part, and by him for the English nation, as followeth.
"As I have ever been at enmity with the Portuguese, and propose always so to continue, I do hereby faithfully promise to be and to continue in friendship with the English, both for myself and my successors: And, if I succeed in taking the fort of Cranganore, I engage to give it to the English, to possess as their own, together with the island belonging to it, which is in length along the sea-coast nine miles, and three in breadth; and I propose to build therein a house for my own people, to the number of one hundred persons.
"I shall hereafter endeavour, with the aid of the English, to conquer the town and fort of Cochin, which formerly belonged, to my crown and kingdom, and shall then deliver it to the English as their own. Provided that the charges of its capture be equally borne by both parties, one half by me, and the other half by the English nation; and in that case, the benefit of the plunder thereof, of whatsoever kind, shall belong half to me, and half to the English. And thereafter, I shall claim no right, title, or interest in the said town, precincts, or appurtenances whatsoever."
"I also covenant for myself, my heirs and successors, that the whole trade of the English, in whatsoever commodities, brought in or carried out, shall be entirely free from all custom, imposition, tax, toll, or any other duty, of any quality or description."
"To these covenants, which the shortness of time did not permit to extend in more ample form, I, the Zamorin, have sworn to perform, by the great God whom I serve, and not only for myself but for my successors; and in witness thereof have laid my hand upon this writing.[180] And the said William Keeling promises to acquaint the king his master with the premises, and to endeavour to procure his majesty's consent thereto."
[Footnote 180: This probably alludes to a custom mentioned in one of our earlier volumes, of imprinting the form of the hand, smeared with ink, on the paper, instead of signature or seal.--E.]
This being agreed upon, a stock was made out for a factory, such as the shortness of time would permit, and three factors were appointed. These were, George Woolman, chief, Peter Needham, second, who was one of the general's servants, and I, Roger Hawes, third; together with a youth, named Edward Peake, as our attendant, who was to learn the language. John Stamford, a gunner, was likewise left to assist the Zamorin in his wars. On the 10th the ships departed, leaving us and our goods in a shrambe at the water side, together with a present for the Zamorin. We continued there till the 13th, at which time the last of our goods were carried to the Zamorin's castle; whose integrity we much suspected, after having thus got possession of our goods. On the 20th, he insisted to see Mr Woolman's trunk, supposing we had plenty of money. Needham had told him we had 500 rials; but finding little more than fifty, he demanded the loan of that sum, which we could not refuse. He offered us a pawn not worth half; which we refused to accept, hoping he would now allow us to proceed to Calicut, but he put us off with delays. He likewise urged us to give his brother a present.
On the 28th, the Zamorin came into the apartment where we were, and gave Mr Woolman two gold rings, and one to each of the rest; and next day he invited us to come to his tumbling sports. That same night, Stamford went out with his sword in his hand, telling the boy that he would return presently. The next news we had of him was, that he was in the hands of the Cochin nayres. He had lost His way while drunk, and meeting with some of them, they asked where he wished to go; he said to the Zamorin, to whom they undertook to conduct him, and he knew not that he was a prisoner, till he got to Cochin. This incident put us in great fear, but the Zamorin gave us good words, saying he was better pleased to find him a knave now, than after he had put trust in him.
We had leave in April to depart with our goods to Calicut, where we arrived on the 22d of that month, and were well received; but had to remain in the custom-house, till we could get a more convenient house, which was made ready for us on the 6th of May, with promise of a better after the rains. We were very desirous, according to our orders from the general, to have sent a messenger with his and our letters to Surat, to acquaint our countrymen that we were here; but the governor would not consent till we had sold all our goods. On the 18th of June, one was sent. On the 26th, part of our goods were sold to the merchants of Calicut, by the governor's procurement, with fair promises of part payment shortly. But it is not the custom of the best or the worst in this country to keep their words, being certain only in dissembling. Mr Woolman was desirous of going to Nassapore to make sales, but the governor put him off with divers shifts from time to time. The 3d July, our messenger for Surat returned, reporting that he had been set upon when well forwards on his way, and had his money and letters taken from him, after being well beaten. Among his letters was one from Captain Keeling to the next general, the loss of which gave us much concern; yet we strongly suspected that our messenger had been robbed by his own consent, and had lost nothing but his honesty. A broker of Nassapore told Mr Needham, that our dispatches had been sold to the Portuguese, and when the governor heard of this, he hung down his head, as guilty. We here sold some goods to merchants of Nassapore.
Mr Woolman died on the 17th of August. We could not procure payment of our promised money, and were told by our broker, that some one of our debtors would procure a respite from the governor, by means of a bribe, on which the rest would refuse till they all paid. On the 24th, the Zamorin's sister sent us word, that she would both cause our debtors to pay us, and to lend us any money we needed; but we found her as false as the rest The queen mother also made us fair promises, and several others made offers to get letters conveyed for us to Surat; but all their words were equally false. Thus wronged, Mr Needham farther wronged himself by his indiscretion, threatening, in presence of a nayre who attended us, and who revealed his threats, that he would go to the king of Cochin, making shew of violent revenge to put the governor in fear. He behaved outrageously likewise to a scrivano,[181] who is the same as a justice with us, taking him by the throat, and making as if he would have cut him down with his sword, for detaining some of our money which he had received. Our broker also told Mr Needham, that it was not becoming to go up and down the streets with a sword and buckler; and indeed his whole conduct and behaviour more resembled those we call roaring-boys,[182] than what became the character of a merchant. For my admonitions, he requited me with ill language, disgracing himself and injuring the affairs of the company.
[Footnote 181: This term is obviously Portuguese, and cannot be the proper appellation for a judge on the Malabar coast.--E.]
[Footnote 182: This character is now only to be met with in some of our old plays such as Captain Bobadil in Every Man in his Humour.--E.]
A Dutch ship, which had been trading in the Red Sea, arrived here on the 23d of September, with the intention of settling a factory, and they were referred by the governor to the Zamorin, promising to carry a letter for us, but went without it; so that our delays continued. Mr Needham went himself to the Zamorin on the 4th November, and returned on the 25th, having got a present of a gold chain, a jewel, and a gold armlet, with orders also from the king to further our purposes; but the performance was as slow as before. The 20th December, a Malabar captain brought in a prize he had taken from the Portuguese, and would have traded with us; but we could not get in any of our money, due long before. We also heard that day of four English ships being at Surat. The governor and people continued their wonted perfidiousness; the former being more careful in taking, and the latter in giving bribes, than in paying our debts. We used a strange contrivance of policy to get in some of these; for, when we went to their houses, demanding payment, and could get none, we threatened not to leave their house till they paid us. We had heard it reported, that, according to their customs, they could neither eat nor wash while we were in their houses; and by this device we sometimes got fifty fanos from one, and an hundred from another. They would on no account permit us to sleep in their houses, except one person, with whom we remained three days and nights, with three or four nayres. They were paid for watching him, but we got nothing. The nayre, who had been appointed by the king to gather in our debts, came to demand a gratuity from us, though he had not recovered any of our money. He would go to the debtor's houses, taking three or four fanos, and then depart without any of our money.
On the 9th of January, 1616, Mr Needham went to demand payment of a debt, and being refused permission to pass by a nayre who struck him, as he says, he gave the nayre a dangerous wound in the head with his sword, of which it is thought he cannot recover, and others of the natives were hurt in the fray. Word was presently brought to us to shut up our doors, lest the nayres should assemble to do us some mischief, as feuds or kindred-quarrels and murders are common among them, having no other law or means of vengeance. Our nayre with his kindred, to the number of thirty or more, with pikes, swords, and bucklers, guarded Mr Needham home, on which occasion we had to give a gratuity. Our house had to be guarded for three or four days and nights, none of us daring to go out into the streets for money or other business for a week, though before we used to go about in safety. After that, our broker advised us never to go out, unless attended by a nayre, as they had sworn to put one of us to death, in revenge for him who was slain.
The 20th, the Portuguese armado of thirty-four sail, passed by from the south, of which fourteen were ships, and the rest frigates or grabs. They put into the harbour, in which three Malabar frigates lay at anchor, and a hot fight ensued, in which the Portuguese were forced to retreat with disgrace, having only cut the hawser of one of the frigates, which drove on shore and was stove in pieces. This belonged to the governor, who was well served, for he remained like a coward in the country, keeping four or five great guns that were in the town locked up, except one, and for it they had only powder and shot for two discharges. Before the fight ended, some 4000 nayres were come in from the country, and several were slain on both sides. Nine or ten Portuguese were driven ashore, and two or three of the chiefs of these were immediately hung up by the heels, and being taken down after two days, were thrown to be devoured by wild beasts.
On the 28th of January, we were told by a Pattemar, that the governor was only our friend outwardly, wishing rather to have the Portuguese in our room, as we did no good in the country, bringing only goods to sell, whereas the Portuguese did good by making purchases. The 8th of February we had letters from Surat; and on the 4th of March, the Zamorin wrote to us, that if our ships came, he wished them to come to Paniany, and that we need not be anxious for our money, as he would pay us, even if he were forced to sell his rings.
SECTION VI.
Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from King James I, to Shah Jehanguiro, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan.[183]