The Pantropheon; Or, History of Food, Its Preparation, from the Earliest Ages of the World (part 2 of 3)

The Pantropheon; Or, History of Food, Its Preparation, from the Earliest Ages of the World (part 2 of 3)

No. 1. Remains of a kitchen-stove in the house of Pansa, at Pompeii, much like those of the present day; a knife, a strainer, and a kind of frying-pan with four cavities, probably intended to cook eggs.

No. 2. Stock-pot, in bronze, to hang over the fire, if we may judge from the eye at the top of the handle.

No. 3. A similar one of another shape, for boiling.

No. 4. Ladles of various forms, for making libation from larger vessels.

No. 5. A brazier; the thickness of the sides are hollow, and intended to contain water, and the four turrets are provided with moveable lids, at the side is a cock to draw off the water. The centre of course was filled with lighted charcoal, and if a tripod, or trivet, were placed above it, many processes of cooking, such as boiling, stewing, or frying, might be performed.--“Pompeii.”--“Lib. of Ent. Know.”

of the Metasudante,[XXII-39] of the Suburd Way,[XXII-40] and the Sacred Way.[XXII-41] Each one lays his basket at the feet of the procurator or major-domo, who examines the contents, and registers them on his tablets;[XXII-42] then he has placed in the pantry, contiguous to the dining room, those of the provisions which demand no preparation,[XXII-43] but whose graceful and symmetrical arrangement is confided to two Æolian servants designated under the name of structores.[XXII-44]

All these porters are under the immediate orders of a confidential servant--obsonator--charged with buying the provisions necessary for the household, and who is obliged to make himself acquainted with the taste of his master and also of each guest, that he may procure nothing which they dislike.[XXII-45]

The remaining comestibles are placed in an airy and spacious apartment adjoining the kitchen, and at the back of the house.[XXII-46] There, around a table loaded with numerous wooden figures, representing a variety of animals, some attentive young men are practising, under the direction of an experienced master, the difficult art of carving game and poultry;[XXII-47] whilst a melodious symphony accustoms their skilful hands to hasten or retard their graceful movements according to the time of the music.[XXII-48] In this learned rehearsal the eye and ear, alike charmed, pass alternately from the peaceful emotions of the pensive adagio to the lively cadences of the rapid allegro, and from the harmonious and calm andante to the captivating and joyous accents of a frenzied prestissimo.

In this spacious laboratory the most delicious emanations invite us. The chief of the cooks, the Archimagirus,[XXII-49] seated on a raised platform, embraces at a single glance the series of stock-pots and brick stoves,[XXII-50] very similar to those in use at the present day, at which the silent crowd of assistants,[XXII-51] ministers of his will, elaborate and watch the expensive dishes destined to form a splendid supper. As, at the moment of battle, the general, motionless on a height which commands a view of his army, hastens, orders, scolds his scattered battalions, absent and yet everywhere, animating with his own inspiration the warlike masses, and exciting them with the excitement of his own soul, he invokes victory, and victory replies, “Behold me!” The Archimagirus has also his days of triumph; and in the evening, perhaps, the king of the feast will place on his head a crown of flowers, precious recompense of his talent and success.

At some distance from the culinary autocrat, on the opposite side, an immense iron grate,[XXII-52] carefully supplied with wood,[XXII-53] which an unhappy slave unceasingly blows with his breath into a flame,[XXII-54] throws around its lurid glare. The Lares, grotesque figures, roughly carved in stone, protect this spot. A cock is sacrificed to them in the month of December.[XXII-55]

Some learned men have supposed that the Greeks and Romans had no chimneys; it is, however, easy to prove the contrary. Philocleo, a character in the comedy of the “Wasps” of Aristophanes, hides himself in a chimney. A slave who hears him, cries out, “What a noise there is in the pipe of this chimney!” Philocleo, being discovered, exclaims, “I am the smoke, and I am trying to escape.”[XXII-56]

Appian, speaking of the proscriptions of the triumvirs, relates that several citizens fled into the pipes of the chimneys.[XXII-57]

These two examples will preclude the necessity of more ample citations.

A vast cauldron of brass from Argos,[XXII-58] or Dodona,[XXII-59] placed on a tripod above the fireplace, furnishes the hot water required for the service of the kitchen. The frying-pan, beside it, serves in the cooking of certain delicate cakes or fish.[XXII-60]

The magiric laboratory, to which the reader is invited, is very nicely decorated with a profusion of utensils similar in every respect to our own in point of shape--such as gridirons, cullenders, dripping-pans, and tart dishes. These objects are of tolerably thick bronze, plated with fine silver.[XXII-61] Charming shells of the same metal, serve to mould the pastry,[XXII-62] which is afterwards disposed with order on the shelves of a country oven,[XXII-63] or in the upper part of the authepsa,--a kind of saucepan of Corinthian brass, of considerable value, and made with such art that its contents cook instantly and almost without fire.[XXII-64] This simple and ingenious vessel possesses a double-bottom; the uppermost one holds

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XII.

From the ancients very little is left us of their kitchen utensils; however, the vessels and instruments which they used must have been in great variety; they had boilers called by the names of caldarium, cacabus, cortina, adhenum; chaldron, lebes; stewpan, sartago; saucepan, pultarium; the cullender, with small holes perforated, Pliny calls colum, and more modern writers verna; spoons, in Latin, cochlear or cochleare; forks and hooks, to draw the meat out of the stockpots, they named creagra and fuscina; the dishes were called lances, disci, patina, patella, or catini; and distinguished from plates by the size, and sometimes the shape.

=No. 1.= Stockpot, with a large ladle and cullender attached, with small holes; appeared on the column of Trajan, together with the stewpan of Silenus.

=No. 2.= Broken stewpan, in bronze.

=No. 3.= Smaller one. These three articles of kitchen utensils are from the cabinet of M. l’Abbé Charlet.--“Antiquités de Montfaucon.”

the light delicacies destined for the dessert, and the fire is underneath.[XXII-65]

The diploma, or double-vase, which has sometimes been confounded with the authepsa, does not in the least resemble the latter. It is thus they named the vessel called by us a “bain-marie;”[XXII-66] the ancients made great use of this mild and gentle process of cooking, which is often mentioned in the treatise of Apicius.[XXII-67]

These brass boilers, which boil on the hearth, supported by three feet, are precisely like those used by the French at the present day.[XXII-68] Boilers also of a rather different kind are sometimes used, in which the operation of ebullition takes place sooner than in the first mentioned; they are closed with a cover in the form of a dome, and a large hollow cylinder, fixed beneath, hastens and keeps up the action of the caloric.[XXII-69]

The saucepans, around which a host of cooks are busily engaged, are for the greater part made of brass or earthenware,[XXII-70] tolerably wide and deep, which they place on the stoves, and in which are concocted the delicate and scientific preparations. Some are of silver.[XXII-71] The caprices of luxury have led them to suppose that certain expensive viands acquire greater perfection when cooked in this precious metal.

A confidential slave, charged with the care of the plate, is cleaning and polishing near a dresser a large number of bronze chafing-dishes, which are to be used at table to prevent the plates from becoming cold. It is in speaking of this useful invention that Seneca, the philosopher, says, “Daintiness gave birth to this invention, in order that no viand should be chilled, and that everything should be hot enough to please the most pampered palate. The kitchen follows the supper.”[XXII-72] Each of these elegant utensils is supported by three geese. It measures about seven inches from the extremity of one of the bird’s heads to the opposite edge of the circumference. This kind of tray is fifteen lines, or an inch and a-quarter deep, and the feet raise it about two inches above the plane. The three geese have their wings spread, and terminate by

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XIII.

No. 1. This boiler is made of bronze; the lower part was filled with water, and made to boil by means of the cylinder, covered with a lid, in which lighted charcoal was introduced; the ashes escaped through holes perforated at the bottom, and the basin has a tap to let the water out.

No. 2. A flat saucepan, or sauté pan, with a fluted handle, and a ram’s head at the end.

No. 3. A kettle similar to our teapots.

No. 4. A gridiron, and a dripping-pan.

No. 5. A trivet, a cleaver, and a butcher’s knife.--ST. NON, “Cabinet of Herculaneum.”

neats’ feet. The heads, raised on the breasts, form graceful handles.[XXII-73] These chafing-dishes, arranged systematically on the sigma, produce a delightful effect.

Dishes of massive silver occupy another compartment of the vast cupboard. An opulent family could not possibly do without this luxury. Sylla had some which weighed 200 marks, and Rome would produce more than five hundred of the same weight.[XXII-74] It was in fact a perfect furore, which afterwards greatly augmented. In the time of the Emperor Claudius, one of his slaves, named Drusillanus Rotundus, possessed a silver dish weighing 1,000 marks, which was served in the midst of eight smaller ones weighing 100 marks each. These nine dishes were arranged at table on a machine which supported and placed them prominently in view.

The patinæ such was the name of these magnificent pieces of plate, served for ragoûts and fish; the catinus, an immense vase of earthenware among the poor[XXII-75] and of silver with the rich, is more especially reserved for liquid dishes, with much gravy, and what we call pottage.[XXII-76]

Those silver cups and saucers, of the same shape and size as those we employ for tea, have a destination very strange to our ideas. They are used to drink hot water. They are worked in relief, with a taste and delicacy which we cannot too much admire.[XXII-77]

The Roman spoons, rather different from our own, end on one side by a point, to pick shell fish from their shell, and at the other by the bowl of a spoon, with which eggs were eaten.[XXII-78]

Doubtless, forks were unknown to the Greeks, since Athenæus relates, “that Pithyllus”--surnamed the Dainty--“did not content himself with covering his tongue with a species of net, to appreciate the taste of the various dishes, but cleaned and rubbed it with a fish. He also enveloped his hands in a kind of glove, to eat everything burning hot;”[XXII-79] a useless precaution if he had used a fork.

This indispensable addition to a modern table was, perhaps, not common at Rome, but nevertheless, it was to be seen at the residence of some wealthy families. The slave before-mentioned holds several in his hand. These forks are remarkable for the beauty of their workmanship.

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XIV.

No. 1. Chafing-dish to keep everything hot.

No. 2. Silver cup, beautifully chased, to drink hot water.

The stags’ feet which terminate the handles, and the fillets with which they are ornamented, bear witness by their execution to the rare talent of the goldsmith. They are five inches and a half in length, and have only two prongs.[XXII-80]

Other servants dispose the earthenware pails, in which the wine is to be placed to cool,[XXII-81] and prepare the drinking cups and crystal flagons.[XXII-82] One of them replenishes with vinegar, salt, and pepper, little vases designated by the name of acetabulum, “vinegar cruet.”[XXII-83] These are so many models of the most exquisite elegance, in bronze, silver, and, sometimes, gold. They are manufactured simply of earthenware, for the use of the middle classes of people.[XXII-84]

The knives, destined to serve at table, are of brilliant steel, and carefully sharpened; they bear each on the handle some whimsical ornament, and seem to have served as models for those which were so much in fashion towards the beginning of the 17th century, and which were called Chinese knives.[XXII-85]

The most precious plate is arranged before the arrival of the guests on the abacus, or sideboard, which decorates the dining room. This splendid piece of furniture, which will be noticed hereafter, was introduced into Rome 187 years B.C. It was also called the Delphic table.[XXII-86]

However, the Archimagirus has drawn up a list of the repast, which contains the bill of fare of the dishes, and which, both in Greece and Rome, was always presented to the guests.[XXII-87] He descends from his platform, and goes to cast an inspiring glance on the work of each subordinate. Nothing escapes his learned investigation, from the peacocks’ eggs of the first service, to the soft cheese commonly eaten at the third.[XXII-88] Above all, he examines with minute attention the ovens, at which preside those second cooks of whose talents he is not certain, and who belong to that class of erratic artists who are to be met with every day at the forum,

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XV.

No. 1. Roman silver spoon, found at Autun, in France. Martial says expressly that spoons were used by the ancients to eat eggs and shell fish.

No. 2. Brass knife, from Herculaneum. The shape of the handle is rather singular, being too small for the hand, but it was probably covered with horn, wood, or ivory. However, it may have been, the knife is thirteen inches in length, from the tip to the ring, which was used to hang it up. The handle is three inches long, and the blade in its largest width is one inch and a quarter. It was used no doubt for sacrifices.

No. 3. A simpulum, or a sort of spoon for salt or eggs.

No. 4. A simpulum, or cup with a long handle, commonly ending with a hook, which was used as a ladle to take wine or other liquids out of large vessels.

No. 5. Fork mentioned in the text, and given as antique in the “Recueil d’Antiq.,” III., Pl. 84.

where they wait till some one comes to request their services.[XXII-89] His remarks, full of sense and precision, proclaim profound study and consummate experience. “Never will this depsiticius bread,”[XXII-90] says he to one of them, “obtain the necessary lightness by baking; the flour should have been passed through a Spanish sieve of linen thread;[XXII-91] Use the Gallic sieve of horsehair for the artocreas,[N][XXII-92] and one of papyrus, or Egyptian rush,[XXII-93] for the coarser kinds of flour.” “The grasshoppers require great precaution,” he exclaims, an instant after, approaching a young Sicilian; “fry them so that they obtain only a light gold colour.”[XXII-94] Then, passing to a third stove, he shows to one of his favourite pupils how to season highly an excellent sauce of snails (this hors-d’œuvre, dear to the Romans), and by what marks to distinguish those fattened by art in particular inclosures, from those which feed in gardens and are only fit for the common people.[XXII-95] He then stops before a stewpan, where a cook is browning large worms of a whitish hue, which breed in the hollows of trees, and are considered by the Romans[XXII-96] as a most delicious dish: “The flour with which these cossi were fed was heated,” says he; “they will present to the teeth only a soft and insipid substance.”[XXII-97]

We will not accompany this great master any further: his instructions are already known to us. An enthusiastic disciple of Apicius, he practises the lessons of that illustrious professor; and we should only hear from him precepts which we have already faithfully transmitted.

When the moment of supper is arrived, we shall find the Archimagirus presiding at that gastronomic order of battle on which depends the success of the day. May Vesta and Comus be propitious to him.

In the 14th century, the refectories and kitchens of the numerous communities of Paris presented a curious scene. Immense coppers contained the pottage and boiled meat, and monster gridirons, on four wheels, covered vast braziers. All the utensils of these kitchens were of remarkable dimensions.

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XVI.

No. 1. Roman silver knife handle.

No. 2. Roman silver spoons.

No. 3. A very deep dish of metal, either for sauces or some kind of liquid.

XXIII.

SEASONINGS.

THE animal and vegetable kingdoms furnish us with an abundant and wholesome food, whose flavour gastronomic caprice unceasingly modifies by the aid of various substances which we denominate seasonings. It is, above all, the perfect knowledge of these ingredients, the manner of employing them, and their skilful mixture, which constitute the art of the cook. Labour and custom, and a kind of routine which the palate acquires easily, will suffice for those who content themselves with this calling, and who, carefully preserving the timid traditions of the past, view progress as ruin and devastation, and the fruitful boldness of inspiration as ridiculous and fatal innovations.

Heresy, and even schism (pardon these expressions), should be allowed in cookery, as soon as they receive the sanction of the doctors ès-banquets--the sole judges competent in such matters. It is to the art professed by Apicius that the celebrated line of Voltaire appears more peculiarly to apply:--

“Tous les genres sont bons, excepté l’ennuyeux.”

Innovate, then, studious disciples of the illustrious Roman: consult only the measures of your strength, the conscience of your genius, and the infallible good taste of some chosen guests. Create for your seasoning unheard-of combinations, the strangeness of which shall strike and astonish; whose flavour shall subjugate and stifle criticism beneath the sweet efforts of a voluptuous mastication.

Learn how to make your areopagitæ eat: this innocent seduction will insure your triumph.

Treat not with too much disdain these Roman recipes; for although the formidable list may excite a smile from the reader, and, perhaps, the scorn of the cook, a great and prolific idea slumbers beneath the cold ashes of the ovens of Apicius which a breath may rekindle; and, at the same time, resuscitate some of those culinary wonders of a bygone civilisation, and endow our modern age, so impatient of the future, so curious concerning the past.

Two Phœnicians--whose names are never mentioned by forgetful posterity--Selech and Misor, taught mankind the art of heightening the flavour of their food by mixing with it a certain quantity of salt. The science of seasoning has no other origin.[XXIII-1]

SALT.

The law of Moses commanded the Jews to mix salt with everything offered in sacrifice.[XXIII-2] This prescription sufficiently testifies the use of this condiment at an epoch which the uncertainty of profane writers appears to invade on all sides, and which the great Hebrew legislator alone enlightens with a ray invariably steady and pure.

The Asphaltite lake produced abundance of salt.[XXIII-3] It was sent even to Rome, and was considered by Galen as the most desiccatory and digestive of any kind.[XXIII-4]

The Greeks placed this substance in the list of things which ought to be consecrated to the gods; and it is in this sense that Homer gives it the epithet of divine. Pagan superstition, of which some traces may still be remarked in the 19th century, threatened with some great misfortune any one who spilt salt; and it was deemed a signal impiety to forget placing salt-cellars on the table, or to dare go to sleep before removing them. This strange superstition was common among the Greeks and Romans.[XXIII-5] Those nations never failed consecrating their repasts by filling salt-cellars, near to the vase in which they presented the gods with the first portion of meat and fruit.[XXIII-6]

Certain nations, among others the Numidians, were not acquainted with salt;[XXIII-7] and in the greater part of countries where it abounded, cupidity almost invariably subjected it to a heavy tax, which rendered its use less practicable.

The inhabitants of Troad provided themselves for a long time with salt from Tragase without cost. King Lysimachus one day thought of exacting a duty for every measure carried away. But, wonderful to relate, hardly was the royal edict published, when the salt springs were found to be so nearly dried up, that they hardly furnished wherewith to season a small stew. Lysimachus comprehended the meaning of this prodigy, and abolished the tax. The salt re-appeared.[XXIII-8]

At Rome, in the time of her Kings, every one was free to sell salt, and its price became excessively high. The republican government withdrew this right from private individuals, and from that time the common people easily procured all the salt they required, and which they willingly eat with bread.[XXIII-9]

Ancus Martius was the first Roman who established salt works near Ostia towards the mouth of the Tiber.[XXIII-10] Afterwards, others were formed, not only in Rome, but in the provinces. These were of two kinds, public and private. The first belonged to the republic, and formed part of the emperor’s domain; malefactors were condemned to labour in the salt-works, and it was generally women on whom this punishment was inflicted.[XXIII-11]

Ancus Martius was also the first who placed a duty on salt. It was abolished after the expulsion of the Kings, but was afterwards again established.

Down to the 14th century salt was a commodity of trade open to every one in France. Philip the Long and Philip of Valois were the first to impose a momentary tax on it; but after the fatal battle of Poictiers, in which John was taken prisoner, Charles, his son, in order to pay the ransom of that monarch, had recourse, among other extraordinary means, to the establishment of the salt tax. The idea was found to be good, and it has never since been given up.[XXIII-12]

There are four sorts of salt which are employed to season dishes, obtained either from the evaporation of sea water, from certain lakes or salt marshes, and also from saliferous sources drawn out of the bosom of the earth in compact masses. Its particular savour is well known; it is soluble in water, and easily becomes damp. In the scientific language, this substance is called hydrochlorate of soda.

BRINE.

This was water in which bay salt had been dissolved. At Rome, it was served at table to be mixed with the meat precisely in the same manner as we serve salt in salt-cellars. The Romans plunged in this muria any fish or meat they might wish to preserve.[XXIII-13]

Strong muria dura was water so completely saturated with bay salt, that no more could be dissolved in it.[XXIII-14] Olives were washed in it.

The brine most sought after was that of Antibes, of Thurium, and of Dalmatia.[XXIII-15] It was prepared with the blood and other juices which, after death, escaped from the tunny fish,[XXIII-16] mixed with garum, which rendered it more fluid and less expensive.

At the end of the repast, enigmas were often proposed to the guests. Some delicious dish served as a reward to those who were fortunate enough to guess them; the others were compelled to pour muria into their drink, and swallow a cup-full without taking breath.[XXIII-17]

DIGESTIVE SALTS.

The Romans were enormous eaters. Apicius, who was better aware of it than any one, imagined providing against those accidents to which his countrymen did not fear to expose themselves once every day, by offering to them a preparation which our habits of sobriety would, doubtless, render useless at the present day; but which the curious will not be sorry to discover in these sketches of antique gastrophagy. Take a pound of common salt, which torrefy and pulverize; mix it with three ounces of white pepper, two ounces of ginger, an ounce of lamoni, an ounce and a half of thyme, as much of celery seed, three ounces of wild marjoram, an ounce and a-half of rocket seed, three ounces of black pepper, an ounce and a-half of holy thistle, two ounces of hyssop, two ounces of spikenard, two ounces of parsley, and two ounces of anise-seed.[XXIII-18]

Take a small quantity of these salts after a too plentiful dinner; and the stomach will immediately defy the most imminent indigestion.

GARUM.

When we have read all that has been written by the ancients on this famous preparation, we become convinced, in spite of the obscurities and continual contradictions of commentators, that if garum is no longer manufactured in the present day, it is not on account of the impossibility we find in discovering the recipe of the Greeks and Latins, but solely because this rather strange brine has not the same charm for us that it had for them. Let us, however, scan the authorities.

The Greeks called the shrimp garos, the Romans garus: it may hence be supposed that garum had originally for basis the flesh of shrimps, if Pliny had not taken the trouble to inform us of the fact.[XXIII-19] It was afterwards composed of other fish, but it always retained the name which recalled its origin.[XXIII-20] In like manner the signification of certain words is now applied to things quite different from the original type: chicory, or succory, is received under the mask of coffee: a certain pottage boldly usurps the honours due exclusively to turtle soup. Nothing more easy than to multiply these examples of catachreses: there are few figures which have become so common.

Well, then, they macerated the intestines of fish in water, saturated with salt, until putrefaction began to show itself; they then added parsley and vinegar.[XXIII-21]

A thick garum was also frequently obtained, by allowing the entrails and other parts, generally thrown away, to liquefy in salt.[XXIII-22]

In the time of Pliny, mackerel[XXIII-23] was preferred, of which they employed either the gills and intestines, or only the blood, directly the fish left the water,[XXIII-24] and while yet living. They thus obtained a precious liquid, and which the care necessary for its production rendered so dear, that eight pints of it cost no less than from fifteen to twenty pounds.[XXIII-25]

This expensive garum was especially esteemed when it came from Spain: it was then called “garum of the allies”--garum sociorum--because it was received from a nation allied with the Romans;[XXIII-26] or, again, perhaps in allusion to the “band of gluttons,” of Rome, a sort of fraternity of free-livers, who made great use of it.[XXIII-27]

The blood and entrails of the tunny fish, mixed with salt in a vase, produced also a most elaborate garum. A hole was made in the vessel at the expiration of two months, and the rich seasoning flowed from it.[XXIII-28]

This brine became exquisite, and obtained an exorbitant price when made from the liver of anchovies macerated in vinegar, pepper, salt, parsley, garlic, white wine, and sweet herbs.[XXIII-29] But Apicius attained at the first step the apogee of refinement of the most sensual gluttony, by inventing garum made from the liver of red mullet.[XXIII-30] What we have already said elsewhere with regard to this fish will enable the reader to appreciate the value of this new preparation.

Amateurs who were more economical contented themselves with very little saxatile fishes,[XXIII-31] of which only the intestines were taken, or which were thrown whole into a vase with a great quantity of salt. These were exposed to the sun, and the mixture long and often stirred. When heat had caused fermentation, and the vessel contained only a kind of pulp, or paste, almost liquid, a kind of willow basket was introduced, into which the garum alone could penetrate. The thick part--the dregs which remained at the bottom of the vase--was termed alec.[XXIII-32]

The following method was also frequently adopted:--

Mackerel, or small fish, were placed in a small vase with a large quantity of salt; this was well stirred, and the mixture was then left quiet all night. The next day it was transferred into an earthen pot, which remained uncovered in the sun. At the end of two or three months, it was hermetically closed, after having added a quantity of old wine equal to one-third of the mixture.[XXIII-33]

When it was wished to obtain garum without waiting any length of time, they took brine, carefully filtered, and so saturated with salt that an egg would float on it; this was placed with the fish in a new saucepan; wild marjoram was added, and the whole boiled over a gentle fire, until the fish was entirely dissolved. Then wine, reduced to two-thirds by boiling, was added. It was left to get cold; the liquid was several times filtered, till it became quite clear, and was then finally placed in an uncovered vase.[XXIII-34]

Although fish was generally used, the flesh of several animals was sometimes employed in the formation of garum.[XXIII-35] It was, however, submitted to the same preparations as those already mentioned.

Such was this wonderful seasoning, forming the chief delight of the ancients, whose praises poets have sung, and the composition of which formerly exercised the singularly mad intelligence of Maître François Rabelais. The reader will doubtless remark, that the principal elements of garum are almost invariably the same: fish, salt, and a greater or less fermentation. But perhaps some one may exclaim: “This must be detestable!” No doubt, but then no one ever thought of regaling himself with this liquid; it was never taken alone; it was but reserved as a seasoning for a host of dishes, in order to heighten their flavour.

It must also be observed, that a skilful cook always took care to modify the garum before he sent it to table, by the help of various ingredients, such as pepper, vinegar, Falernian wine,[XXIII-36] water, and oil,[XXIII-37] according to the use to which it was destined, or the degree of strength it was expedient it should possess. Hence that variety of seasonings with garum,--sweet,[XXIII-38] sharp, mixed with water, wine, vinegar, and many other substances which changed or corrected the acid flavour of the primitive condiment,[XXIII-39] though without in the least depriving it of the qualities which fermentation had communicated to it.

It results from the different citations of which this chapter is composed, that recipes for the making of garum are to be obtained more easily than people seem to think at the present time. Everyone may not be of the same opinion with regard to the kind of fish generally used by the ancients to obtain this liquid, although all difficulties would be removed by admitting--which certainly is nothing but right--that they chose at one time mackerel or tunny fish; at others, gudgeons and small sardines; sometimes even the red mullet, in spite of its rarity and price. But it is evident that garum was prepared by either dissolving and liquefying these fish in their brine, either whole, their intestines, or their liver, and that, to effect this, it was only necessary to expose to the sun the vessel containing them; or that they simply put small fish into a dish, with vinegar and parsley, placed it on a charcoal fire, and stirred it for some time, when it was wanted for immediate use.

It must have been remarked in reading this work, that Apicius very frequently employs garum; he places it in every sauce, but never makes use of this seasoning unmixed, never does he serve it by itself as a special dish. This celebrated gastronomist has bequeathed us the recipe for a digestive garum. It is as follows:--

Mix with some honey, half an ounce of pepper, three scruples of eschalots, six scruples of cardamum, one scruple of spikenard, and six scruples of mint; add vinegar to this mixture, and then pour in some garum.[XXIII-40]

The Hypotrimma, or stomachic condiment, of the same master, merits also our attention:--Mix carefully some pepper, benzoin, mint, pine-nuts, dried raisins, and dates, with fresh (not salt) cheese, vinegar, oil, honey, and wine, reduced by boiling to one half; add garum to this mixture.[XXIII-41]

The Moretaria appears to be a variety of the Hypotrimma; it is a mixture of mint, rue, coriander, fennel, the whole fresh, with benzoin, pepper, honey, and vinegar; to this, garum is added.[XXIII-42]

Whatever may be the opinion the reader may form of this garum, of which mention has so frequently been made, and which has been alternately praised and despised by the moderns, it is certain that the most fastidious persons were madly fond of it, and that in the time of Pliny, it was so much esteemed, that its price equalled that of the most precious perfumes.

“At the present day this celebrated seasoning is forgotten in Italy, but in Turkey it is still in use. The inn-keepers of Constantinople preserve in garum the cooked fish not consumed in the day.”--BOSC.

HONEY.

What is sweeter than honey?[XXIII-43] what is more pure,[XXIII-44] or more nourishing?[XXIII-45] It is the milk of the aged, it prolongs their existence,[XXIII-46] and when they descend into the tomb, it still serves to embalm them.[XXIII-47]

Pagan antiquity ascribed the honour of the discovery of this useful substance to the Athenian Aristæus, who taught mankind to feed on it. This valuable service procured him a patent of nobility. He was made a descendant of Bacchus or Apollo.[XXIII-48]

It is not necessary to say that honey was known in the east long before the rise of Athens; it is already mentioned in the first book of the holy writings.[XXIII-49]

It is said that Spain owed its knowledge of this delicious aliment to Gorgor, King of the Curetes, who was polite enough to take some on the occasion of a journey which he made into that country.[XXIII-50] The Peninsula could afterwards furnish this delicacy for the tables of Rome and Italy.

The Greeks esteemed honey most highly;[XXIII-51] they employed it in pastry, and in ragoûts;[XXIII-52] their philosopher, Pythagoras, eat nothing else with his bread, and, as he lived to be ninety years old, he recommended his disciples to follow the same régime.[XXIII-53] They profited by th sage’s counsel, and found themselves all the better for it.[XXIII-54]

A benevolent goddess protected bees, hives, and the honeycomb. She was called Mellona, and a grateful piety offered her honey every new-year’s day.[XXIII-55]

Theophrastus distinguished three kinds of honey: that which the bees extract from flowers, that which comes from the air, and lastly, the honey from reeds.[XXIII-16] We clearly perceive that he means honey, manna, and sugar.

Virgil thought that a gentle dew falls on the flowers, and became immediately the prey of bees, which deposited it in their cells.[XXIII-17] Pliny has adopted the same graceful error,[XXIII-18] and even Galen himself partakes of it.[XXIII-19]

The ancients caused honey to be served at the beginning of a repast;[XXIII-60] it was used in lieu of sugar in the preparation of preserves and some kinds of beverages, which will hereafter claim our attention. They preferred that of Attica,[XXIII-61] and insisted on its being thick, clear, granulated, transparent, fresh, and aromatic, with a somewhat sharp flavour.[XXIII-62] The faculty attributed to it great virtues.[XXIII-63]

Honey served as a basis to the wonderful seasoning of Apicius, which we present to the studious investigation of modern gastronomy:--Put fifteen pounds of honey into a brass vessel, containing two pints of wine. Warm at a very gentle fire, stir, and when it rises, pour over more wine. Let the mixture rise three times, then take it from the fire, and skim it the next day. Then add four ounces of ground pepper, three scruples of gum, a drachm of spikenard, a drachm of saffron, five drachms of dried dates, after softening them in wine; pour on the whole eighteen pints of light wine.[XXIII-64]

The Oxyporon was another seasoning much in vogue two thousand years ago, and in which honey was the principal ingredient. It was composed by mixing two ounces of cummin seed, one ounce of ginger, one ounce of green rue, and six scruples of nitre, with one ounce of pepper, and twelve scruples of fine dates; nine ounces of honey were then poured over the whole.[XXIII-65]

Sometimes they contented themselves with macerating cummin seed in vinegar, which they left to dry, and then pounded it; that done, it was put into honey.[XXIII-66]

“The honey most esteemed is the white, granulated, and of an aromatic flavour. The honey from the French provinces of Narbonne, the Gatinais, or Britanny, is the most esteemed. Honey is next of kin to sugar, having the same properties. It is frequently used in domestic economy, and in medicine as a laxative. It enters into a number of remedies, either as a corrective, or an excipient.”--“Dictio. Encycl.”

SUGAR.

Theophrastus, the first among the ancients who speaks of sugar, classes it among the number of honeys.[XXIII-67] Dioscorides also calls it “honey of reeds;” he adds that these reeds grow in India, or in Arabia Felix, and that the agreeable substance they contain has some analogy with salt.[XXIII=68] Pliny also gives it the same name. It is, according to this naturalist, a kind of honey, with which certain reeds are filled, and used only in medicine.[XXIII-69]

This was also the opinion of many ancient authors;[XXIII-70] one of whom, Paul Eginetta, calls sugar--Indian salt.[XXIII-71]

The sugar cane appears to be originally a native of the East Indies. From the most remote ages the Chinese have understood the art of cultivating it. The histories of the Egyptians, Phœnicians, and Jews, make no mention of it. The Greek physicians are the first who speak of it.

It was not till the year 1471 that a Venetian discovered the method of purifying brown sugar and making loaf sugar. He gained an immense fortune by this discovery.[XXIII-72]

Sugar cane, well purified, and disburthened of all foreign matter, is white, solid, inodorous, soluble in water, of a soft and agreeable savour. Its specific gravity is 1.6065; it is used as a seasoning in a multitude of dishes, in preparing syrups, preserving of fruits, &c., &c.

CINNAMON.

In the time of Theophrastus, it was said that cinnamon grew in a dark and silent valley, guarded night and day by fearful serpents. Animated by the hope of gain, some individuals, careless of their existence, risked their lives by gathering some of this precious bark. When they had the good luck to avoid the vigilant reptiles, they consecrated to the sun part of their booty, which the radiant orb immediately consumed to prove his acceptance of the offering.[XXIII-73]

Others, thinking this little tale on the subject of cinnamon rather too dramatic, pretended that the shrub furnishing it was found only on high mountains, to which man was forbidden all access. But fortunately certain birds--the phoenix, among others--great amateurs of aromatics, make their nests of its small branches; these nests are taken, and in this manner, whether the year be good or bad, a sufficient stock of cinnamon is obtained without much trouble.[XXIII-74] Pliny recognises two kinds of it--one white, the other black, both of which were brought to Rome from Ethiopia, in the reign of Vespasian.[XXIII-75]

Eighty years after (A.D. 164), Galen informs us that cinnamon was still very scarce in Italy; that the Emperors alone possessed any; and that they even preserved it among the curiosities they made it their pleasure to collect and keep in their palaces.[XXIII-76]

The same writer regards this so precious and uncommon cinnamon as an excellent cordial and a good digestive.[XXIII-77]

We may add that it was only well known in Europe after the frequent voyages of the Portuguese to India.[XXIII-78]

However, in 1168, an abbot of St. Gilles, in Languedoc, having a favour to ask of Louis-le-Jeune, thought there was no better means of persuading him to grant it than to send him a small stock of cinnamon.[XXIII-79]

Our forefathers (in the middle ages) had their tables furnished with cinnamon sauce; nutmeg, mustard, and garlic sauces; cold sauces; parsley and vinegar sauces, hot sauces, hell sauces, burgher sauces; cherry, plum, mulberry, grape, gorse, rose, and flower sauces. They were served with roast meat.

Cinnamon is daily employed in medicine, in diarrhœa, several fevers, &c., &c., and in pharmacy. That from China is much thicker than the others, its colour darker, and its odour more powerful; essential oil is drawn from it, and preserved in flagons, sealed with the arms of government, and sold at a very high price.

CLOVES.

Cloves were very little known to the ancients. Theophrastus, Dioscorides, and Galen do not speak of them.

Pliny says that some cloves were brought to Rome, very similar to grains of pepper but a little longer; that they were only to be found in India, in a wood consecrated to the gods; and that they served in the fabrication of perfumes.[XXIII-80]

The conquest of India by the Portuguese rendered them common throughout Europe.

Cloves contain a considerable quantity of essential aromatic oil, thick, brown, and very heavy, to which it owes its aromatic properties and sharp burning savour. Cloves are employed as a seasoning or as medicine.

PEPPER.

The two great cities of antiquity knew how to appreciate pepper, and employed it largely in their culinary labours. They distinguished two kinds: one round, the other long and thin.[XXIII-81]

Dioscorides and Pliny describe the shrub, on which are to be seen pods filled with seeds of pepper, resembling millet, according to the first of these writers, and like small beans, according to the other.[XXIII-82]

Our readers no doubt remember the importance which Apicius ascribes to pepper, in the learned recipes of that skilful Archimagirus.

VERJUICE.

Verjuice, the use of which is very ancient, was used more in pharmaceutical preparations than in the seasoning of food.[XXIII-83] Galen attributes to it refreshing qualities, and advises it in certain cases.[XXIII-84]

Verjuice is a kind of grape, very acid, and which never gets perfectly ripe. The suc of verjuice is used in medicine and culinary preparation as an astringent. The juice is not proper to make wine, but a very agreeable syrup is obtained from it.

VINEGAR.

The greater part of ancient nations were acquainted with the use of vinegar. Reapers in the east soaked their bread in it, to freshen it[XXIII-85] The Greeks esteemed that of Cnide, of Sphette, of Cleone, and above all the vinegar of Egypt,[XXIII-86] which was reputed to be the best among the Romans, who tempered its acrimony by mixing with it some sweet substance.[XXIII-87]

These masters of the world did not fancy they possessed all the comforts of life when they wanted vinegar; therefore they always had a large provision of it in their cellars, as all their seasonings proved.[XXIII-88]

This passion (for it certainly amounted to a passion) is easily explained by the admirable qualities they attributed to the pungent liquid. It was believed to be astringent, digestive, antibilious, refreshing, and an antiscorbutic.[XXIII-89] Mixed with water, it was the drink of the soldiers,[XXIII-90] who, thanks to this beverage, braved the intemperance of the seasons and the different climates of Europe, Africa, and Asia.

The Greeks and Romans esteemed highly their pickles: these consisted of flowers, herbs, roots, and vegetables, preserved in vinegar, and which kept a long time in cylindrical vases with wide mouths.[XXIII-91] They were prepared with the greatest care; and these plants were often macerated in oil, brine, and vinegar, with which they were impregnated drop by drop.[XXIII-92] Meat, also, cut in very small pieces, was treated in the same manner.

Vinegar of an exorbitant price was obtained from some precious wines, and that price was again increased by the proverbial cupidity of some butlers in great houses. We doubt much, however, whether any of those worthy personages ever made such a bill as a certain French seigneur dared to do under the reign of Louis XIII. It is said that the Duc de la Meilleraye, grand master of the artillery of France, presented to the minister a bill in which figured an article of 1,300,000 francs (£52,000), for vinegar to cool the cannons! The sum appeared rather large, but La Meilleraye was a near relation of Richelieu, and the article passed without the least contestation.[XXIII-93]

TRUFFLE.

A truffled turkey was to be eaten at a dinner where Buffon was invited. A few minutes before setting down to table, an elderly lady inquired of the celebrated naturalist where the truffle grew. “At your feet, madame.” The lady did not understand; but it was thus explained to her: “C’est au pied des charmes” (yoke elm tree). The compliment appeared to her most flattering. Towards the end of the dinner, some one asked the same question of the illustrious writer, who, forgetting that the lady was beside him, innocently replied: “They grow aux pieds des vieux charmes” (old yoke elm trees). The lady overheard him, and no longer thought anything of his amiability.

Nevertheless Buffon was right. It was around the yoke elm trees of Lampsachus, Acarnidea, Alopecomesia, and Elis, that those famous truffles were discovered, whose reputation was spread in all parts and which Italy envied Greece.[XXIII-94]

The truffle! beloved treasure that the earth conceals within her bosom--as she does the precious metals, which she seems to have yielded grudgingly to the patient researches of the gastronomist; the magiric records do not tell us at what memorable epoch this exquisite tubercle astonished, for the first time, the palate of man; but a doubtful tradition maintains that a vile animal (a pig), guided by his marvellous gluttony, found out the existence of this pearl of banquets.

Pliny was very much inclined to range the truffles amidst astonishing prodigies. He fancied that he saw it at its birth increase without roots, without the slightest fibre, without the least capillary vessel likely to transmit to it nutritious juices;[XXIII-95] therefore he believed that, sown by thunder-bolts in the autumnal storms,[XXIII-96] this daughter of thunder grew like minerals by juxta-position, and relates on this subject the history of Lartius Licinius, governor of Spain, who, while biting a truffle with avidity, broke one of his teeth against a Roman denarius which chance alone had inclosed within it.[XXIII-97]

The Greeks thought a great deal of a delicious species of truffles, smooth outside, red within, which were found just under the surface of the ground, and did not show the slightest appearance of vegetation.[XXIII-98] Another kind was also much sought after by amateurs, probably on account of their scarcity. They were originally from Africa, and called cyrenaïc, white outside, of an excellent perfume, and exquisite flavour.[XXIII-99]

The Athenians, enlightened appreciates of all sorts of merits, accepted with gratitude a ragoût with truffles, invented by Cherips. That culinary genius did not long enjoy his glory; a premature death carried him off from his stoves, his honours, and his fortune; but the Greeks did not bury their gratitude in his tomb; his sons became citizens of Athens, and the name of their father, more fortunate than that of Christopher Columbus, clung for ever to his brilliant discovery.[XXIII-100]

The doctors of other days did not exactly agree upon the quality either good or bad of truffles. Philoxenes, whose opinion met with many partisans, would have it that a great quantity should be eaten cooked under the ashes, and deliciously impregnated with a succulent sauce.[XXIII-101] It was, however, recommended to choose them with the most particular attention, because some had the reputation of being as poisonous as mushrooms.[XXIII-102]

The Romans were as fond of truffles as the Greeks, and that is not saying little.[XXIII-103] Apicius gives a method of preparing them which is as follows:--

After they are boiled in water, put a little stick through them, and then place them for an instant before the fire; season them afterwards with oil, a little meat gravy, some skirrets, wine, pepper, and honey, in proper proportions. When the sauce is boiling, make a thickening, and serve.[XXIII-104]

The illustrious epicurean prepared them also with pepper, benzoin, coriander and rue, to which he added a little honey, oil, and gravy.[XXIII-105]

The estimable Platina insists that, in the first place, truffles should be washed in wine, and afterwards cooked under the ashes; and that they be served hot, and sprinkled over with salt and pepper.[XXIII-106]

This is the composition of a syrup of truffles, taken from the old Arabian medicine. We believe it to be very little known, and should not be surprised if it were, some day, to obtain the renown it seems to deserve. It was composed of truffles, balm, and holy thistle, boiled in water with sugar; and to each pound of the decoction was added one scruple of water distilled from honey, and half an ounce of some spirit--say, for example, spirits of wine--to each pound of liquor. The whole was aromatised with musk and a little rose-water. Two ounces of this syrup were administered hot,[XXIII-107] in cases of weakness.

Salmasius, who knew much of the Greek tongue, and very little of cookery, avers that the ancients knew two different kinds of truffles. One species was similar to ours, and the other a variety from Africa, already mentioned, white outside and the size of a quince.[XXIII-108] Leo the African, says that the Arabs cook these truffles in milk, and that they think them exquisite. Thereupon Salmasius exclaims against the insipidity of this dish, or the ignorance of Leo the African; and immediately points out, with an air of triumph, the celebrated Avicenna, who informs us that, after the truffles were peeled and cut in small pieces, they were cooked in water and salt, and then dished up with oil, benzoin, and spices. Salmasius will have it that Avicenna’s truffles had no other flavour than that given by the sauce, and he has no forgiveness for those poor Arabs who dared to dress them otherwise.

If this clever Hellenist had studied this savoury tubercle with as much care as he bestowed on the writers of the history of Augustus, he would have learned that the peculiar perfume which distinguishes it retains, in the midst of seasoning the most laboriously prepared, the same power it possesses when eaten by itself, and without any dressing.

Apicius had less of literature than Salmasius, but he was most assuredly gifted in a very superior degree with that mens divinior which makes great cooks and illustrious poets. This assimilation has nothing surprising in it, if we only remember that genius is nothing else than the faculty of producing; and who ever bequeathed to posterity productions more exquisite than those of Archestrates and Apicius?

Let us hear from this latter how to preserve truffles. You must be careful not to put them in contact with water; that is to say, that they ought to be kept very dry. They are placed separately in vessels, and covered with iron filings, or saw-dust. Close each vessel hermetically with plaster, and keep them in a dark and cool place.[XXIII-109]

The truffle is a very remarkable vegetable, which, without stems, roots, or fibres, grows of itself, isolated in the bosom of the earth, absorbing the nutritive juice. Its form is round, more or less regular; its surface is smooth or tuberculous; the colour dark-brown outside, brown, grey, or white within. Its tissue is formed of articulated filaments, between which are spheric vesicles, and in the interior are placed reproductive bodies, small brown spheres, called truffinelles. Truffles vegetate to the depth of five or six inches in the high sandy soils of the south-west of France, of Piedmont, &c., &c. Their mode of vegetation and reproduction is not known. Dogs are trained to find them, as well as pigs, and boars also, who are very fond of them. They are eaten cooked under the ashes, or in wine and water. They are preserved, when prepared in oil, which is soon impregnated with their odour.

Poultry is stuffed with them, also geese’s livers, pies, and cooked pork, besides numerous ragoûts. They possess, it is said, exciting virtues.

MUSHROOMS.

Agrippina, desirous of securing the crown to her worthy son, Nero, went to a celebrated female poisoner, and procured a venomous preparation which defied the most powerful antidotes.[XXIII-110] The Princess slipped this terrible poison in a very fine morel (a species of mushroom), which Claudius eat at his supper. The unfortunate Emperor died according to the desire of his amiable consort, who was, of course, inconsolable for a long time, and placed among the gods the husband she had murdered.[XXIII-111] Nero ascended the throne, and every time that mushrooms were served at his table, true to the memory of his father-in-law, he facetiously called this preparation the “dish of the gods.”[XXIII-112]

To the poisonous effects of this vegetable have been attributed, also, the death of the Emperor Tiberius, that of Pope Clement VII., King Charles VI. of France, and many other important personages, who either knew very little of good cooks, or of morels. Notwithstanding these tragical events, mushrooms always retained a proud position, among the ancients, above the most inoffensive culinary plants; and their rather doubtful reputation has not prevented them from maintaining their ground down to our time, for we find that they now claim the same rank which they formerly occupied in the gastronomic réunions of Athens and Rome: a sad image of those fortunate criminals, whom society dreads, and yet often loads with its favours.

This “voluptuous poison,” as Seneca, the philosopher,[XXIII-113] calls it, which compels us to eat of it again, even when not hungry,[XXIII-114] was much relished by the wealthy inhabitants of Rome and Italy. These free-livers, careless of the morrow, preferred the field mushroom,[XXIII-115] which they devoured with delight, having previously covered it over with a pungent sauce, which they afterwards neutralized with various iced beverages.[XXIII-116] It is true that this dish, worthy of the gods, often inflicted a severe penalty on those who yielded to its irresistible seduction; but what mortal could think of the anguish of an uncertain poisoning, when he had the good luck to meet with some boleti, or mushrooms, of the rarest description, which the price of a beautiful toga would hardly have purchased,[XXIII-117] and which promised some mouthfuls of ineffable, although ephemeral enjoyment? Besides, does not pleasure possess more piquant charms when danger is attached to it? The greater part of mushrooms are very dangerous, say the ancients;[XXIII-118] but blind destiny, perhaps, reserves for us certain kinds which are not so. Re-assured by this judicious reflection, they gave orders to their cooks to stew some,[XXIII-119] and season them with vinegar, oxymel, and honey.[XXIII-120]

However, reasonable people--and there were still some to be found--abstained entirely from this vegetable, or procured it by the method which Nicander recommends; that is to say, they frequently watered the trunk of a fig tree after manure had been placed around it. That philosopher assures us that by these means we may grow mushrooms perfectly wholesome.[XXIII-121]

Those of our readers who are in possession of fig trees will be able to give their opinion on the merit of Nicander’s method.

To obtain the seeds of most mushrooms, it only requires to expose them, when fresh, upon glass; the superficies of the glass is soon covered with it. It is also obtained by shaking in the water the mushrooms which are sufficiently developed. This water, thus impregnated, is used to water the beds, which become thereby more productive.

The natural supply of mushrooms from the fields not being thought sufficient, the art of raising them on beds during the whole year was therefore indispensable, and required a mixture of crottin de cheval, rotten dung, and mould, which is deposited in layers of one foot and a-half in thickness and width. Seeds of mushrooms are sown on these beds--that is to say, some of the mould of a former bog impregnated with it. It is then covered over with all the dung not consumed, and then copiously watered.

“At the end of a very few days, the beds begin to produce mushrooms, and keep on producing until the winter.”--BOSC.

XXIV.

PASTRY.

The art of the pastry-cook consists in preparing certain delicate and nice pastes in all sorts of shapes, in seasoning them with discretion, and in sufficient quantity, with meat, butter, sugar, preserves, &c.[XXIV-1] It is a most important branch of the culinary science; unceasingly occupied with flattering the sight as much as the taste, it raises graceful monuments, delicious fortresses, seductive ramparts, which as soon as they are on all sides attacked, totter, crumble, and no longer present anything but glorious and ephemeral ruins, like every other work of man--all pass away whether they be temples, columns, pyramids, or pies.

This charming art was known to ancient nations as soon as their intellectual development had enabled them to understand a certain gastronomic truth, long since become a trivial axiom, and of which we dare scarcely remind the reader: “On ne mange pour vivre que lorsqu’on ne sait pas vivre pour manger.” (People only eat to live when they do not understand how to live to eat.)

The oriental nations were acquainted with the art of making pastry at a very early period. The Egyptians served many different sorts of cakes at their tables;[XXIV-2] the Jews knew of at least three kinds--one sort kneaded with oil, another fried in oil, and the last was merely rubbed over with oil.[XXIV-3]

The enlightened gluttony of the Greeks and Romans inspired them with a host of combinations more or less ingenious, and destined to revive a failing appetite, or one already greatly compromised by vigorous onslaughts.

Some of these pastries would appear very nice to us in the present day; others we should think but little worthy of the epicures of Rome and Athens. However, let us not be in too great a hurry to condemn these great masters. Doubtless they had excellent reasons to like that which modern taste may despise and dislike. In return, they might have thought some of our most fashionable dishes detestable; perhaps Apicius might have made a strange grimace at the sight of a dish of sour-crout, an olla-podrida, or an immense plum-pudding.

Oublies, a light dainty for those who have weak stomachs, were thin sheets of paste composed of flour and honey, which rolled into a spiral form as soon as they approached the oven. They were eaten soaked in cooked wine.[XXIV-4] Persons of taste preferred oublies to fritters--a bold mixture of flour kneaded with wine, seasoned with pepper, and then worked up with milk, and, finally, with a little fat or oil.[XXIV-5]

Some cooks employed the finest flour only, mixed with oil, and served this paste after having cooked it in a dish.[XXIV-6] Others worked sesame flour a long time with honey and oil, and fried it.[XXIV-7] These various kinds of fritters were, doubtless, much sought after by the populace, for Cicero speaks of them with profound disdain.[XXIV-8]

The Jews, less dainty than the eloquent orator, offered some of this paste in sacrifice. The recipe for its composition is given in Leviticus; it was made of the finest flour, moistened with oil, and cooked in the frying-pan.[XXIV-9]

Women and children--those two fragile roots of society--were always fond of sweet and delicate cakes. The pastry-cooks of Attica prepared for them some very excellent kinds; sometimes it was merely a sweet mixture of honey and milk;[XXIV-10] others were made of honey, sesame flour, and cheese or oil.[XXIV-11] Delicious fruit was frequently covered with a light and perfumed paste.[XXIV-12] These Athenian dumplings met with a great success.

Rome made the conquest of these precious recipes,[XXIV-13] and vanquished Greece, conquered by her, had still the glory of dictating laws to her haughty enemy: she imposed her cookery.

Gingerbread was not unknown to the ancients. Rhodes owed its reputation to it. It was sweetened with honey, and that island furnished it to the whole of Europe. The Greeks called this delicacy Melitates, and eat it with pleasure at the close of their repasts.[XXIV-14]

Let us not forget, in this rapid survey of ancient sweets, that learned and exquisite mixture now designated under the name of Nougat, which, among the Greeks was composed of dried currants and almonds, and which has lost none of its attractions, nothing of its celebrity, after so many centuries.[XXIV-15]

The Mustaceum did not deserve to occupy so high a standing; and yet this rustic cake, composed of sweet wine and flour, a symbol of abundance and happiness, never failed to be presented to the guests at a wedding repast, and the newly-married pair sent a piece of it to each of their absent parents or friends, who, in return, addressed them congratulations, and wishes for their happiness.[XXIV-16] The mustaceum was the wedding-cake of the Romans.

Modern civilization has also rejected with equal disdain the Savillum pie, always eaten with pleasure by the voluptuous inhabitants of Rome when they went to their villas in order to rest from their prodigious excesses, and from the fatigues of intemperance. This nourishing and agreeable dish required but little art in its composition. Half-a-pound of flour and two pounds and a-half of cheese were well mixed together; three ounces of honey and one egg were then added. When the whole had been well beaten, it was placed in an earthen vessel rubbed over with oil, and which was covered with a tart dish cover. It was carefully watched to see that the process of cooking was going on; afterwards it was taken from the dish, the pie was smeared with honey, and, for an instant, replaced under the tart-dish cover, after having dredged the top with pounded poppy seed. It was always served in the dish in which it had been cooked, and was eaten with spoons.[XXIV-17]

We have already mentioned the Artocreas, a kind of hashed meat mixed with bread, which Rome borrowed from Greece, together with its original name. This pie, welcomed by modern gastrophagy, has reached our days with merely some slight modifications, and deprived of its sonorous Hellenic appellation.[XXIV-18] Formerly the Roman Emperors, for the greater part, ruled badly; but, in return, they eat well. In that gastronomic era--gone, never to return--Cæsar’s supper engaged the attention of the court, the city, nay, the whole empire. The conquered universe furnished the details for a banquet, and a royal hand sometimes deigned to write the ordinance. Now and then, even the monarch, wrapped in profound culinary meditations, long reflected, dictated to his Archimagirus a new dish, on which complaisant senators the next day bestowed enthusiastic praises and a sincere admiration. Thus the Emperor Verus, inventor of a pie, barely escaped an apotheosis of which his genius was deemed worthy. It is true that, without any exaggerated flattery, this pie was excellent, and that never was there imagined a more happy mixture, a more ingenious combination, of meats, or a more refined flavour. If any one be curious enough to wish to test this imperial dish, let him prepare a succulent amalgamation of sow’s flank (sumen), pheasant, peacock, iced ham, and wild boar’s flesh; let him inclose this mixture within the thick casing of a laboriously worked crust, and he may attack this kingly dish when a gentle and slow cooking causes it to emit burning yet sweet emanations.[XXIV-19]

Here is a more modest recipe for a cake; but then it does not claim the paternity of an emperor. However, Cato brought it much into fashion, for the wise Cato often busied himself in the science of cookery, for which reason he is greatly worthy of esteem. Well, we recommend to the reader the Libum of that philosopher, who indicates the manner of preparing it:--

“Crush,” he says, “two pounds of cheese; mix with it a pound of rye flour, or, in order to render it lighter, throw in merely half a pound of wheat flour and an egg. Stir, mix, and work this paste; form of it a cake which you will place on leaves, and cook in a tart dish on the hot hearth.” This libum was much esteemed about twenty centuries ago; in honour of Cato may it again be brought to light, if not completely unworthy of our attention.[XXIV-20] Could we not also rehabilitate the reputation of the most celebrated of ancient pies, the Placenta, which so delighted mankind, and by which the gods even allowed their fury to be appeased?[XXIV-21] Renowned writers have granted it the authority of their praise;[XXIV-22] and the illustrious geoponist, already cited, describes with lengthened complaisance the manner of preparing this important dish:--

“Place, on one side, two pounds of rye flour, which will serve to form the foundation, on which must be placed biscuits, formed of crisp paste; on the other, put four pounds of wheat; and two pounds of alica (grains of fine wheat, stripped of their husks and crushed; to which was added, in order to whiten them, a peculiar kind of chalk found between Naples and Pouzzoli[XXIV-23]). This latter must be left to infuse in water, and, when well soaked, it must be thrown into a kneading trough, and well worked with the hand. You then mix with it the four pounds of wheat flour, in order to make the whole into biscuits, or dry marchpans. This paste must be worked in a basket, and, as it dries, each separate marchpan must be shaped. When they have acquired a convenient form, rub them on all sides with a piece of stuff soaked in oil, and the same must be done to the foundation of the placenta before placing the marchpans on it. During these preparations, make the hearth very hot, as well as the cover of the tart dish intended to cook it. Then spread the two pounds of rye flour you have in reserve over fourteen pounds of cheese of sheep’s milk. Make of this a light paste for the foundation already mentioned. This cheese ought to be very fresh, and previously soaked in three waters. It is allowed to drain slowly between the hands, and when it has been left to dry, it is kneaded. Take a flour sieve, and pass the cheese through it before mixing it with the rye. Then add four pounds and a half of good honey; mix well; place the foundation, furnished with its band, on a board a foot square, covered with bay leaves rubbed with oil, and form the placenta. Begin by covering the whole of the base with a layer of marchpans, which you place one after the other, and cover slightly with cheese mixed with honey. Finally, you arrange the marchpans on the foundation, and prepare the hearth to a moderate degree of heat; place the placenta on it; cover it with the tart dish cover already heated, and spread live charcoal underneath and all around. The cooking must be done very slowly, and as soon as the pie is taken from the hearth, it must be rubbed with honey.”[XXIV-24]

The great desire we had to inform the reader of some of the methods of making ancient pastry will, perhaps, induce him to receive with indulgence the rather diffuse recipe of the worthy Cato. The following is much more concise; it relates to the relishing Globi, little globes, or balls, eaten at dessert:

Mix cheese and alica, and of this mixture make the globi, which cook one after the other, or two at a time, in boiling oil. Stir them constantly with a spoon; take them out; rub them over with honey, and serve, having previously dredged over them a little poppy-seed.[XXIV-25]

Everyone will confess that all these cakes are inferior to the simple and elegant pastry with which the inhabitants of Picenum (marshes of Ancona) regaled themselves. They placed some alica to soak in water, and left it there for the space of nine days; the tenth day they kneaded it, and formed it into round, flat cakes, which they cooked in the oven in earthen baking-dishes easily broken. When these kind of biscuits were to be eaten, they were first softened in milk and honey.[XXIV-26]

Apicius also made globi of great delicacy with the crumb of fine bread, shaped into balls, which were left to soak in milk, and which, on their being withdrawn from the boiling oil, he lightly covered with honey.[XXIV-27]

We conclude with three recipes by this amateur cook, in the hope that they may appear worthy of his genius:--

“Mix pine nuts, pepper, honey, rue, and cooked wine; cover with eggs well beaten; submit this mixture to a slow fire, and serve, after having smeared it with honey.”[XXIV-28]

“Cook the finest flour in some milk, of which make a tolerably stiff paste; spread it on a dish; cut it in pieces, which, when you have fried in very fine oil, cover with pepper and honey.”[XXIV-29]

“Make a compact mixture of milk, honey, and eggs; let it cook very slowly, and serve, after having sprinkled over it a little pepper.”[XXIV-30]

These details will, we hope, give a sufficient idea of ancient pastry. We must remember that these recipes form, as it were, the starting point. The oil fritter of the Hebrews and the meringues of our period are wide apart: more than thirty-three centuries separate the two; two thousand years have elapsed since Cato wrote the recipe for his somewhat heavy tart. The author of the “Culinary Art,” Apicius himself, is very old. The private life of the ancient people appears to be worthy of serious study; but we too often only bestow on it our disdain. The author of this work has observed their customs in the kitchen and in the dining-room--the only places to which he had access--and he has taken the liberty of writing the result of his investigations. Sometimes he admires, but never does he despise, a civilisation different to our own, but which was not without its good side. He conjures the reader to believe him when he says, that whatever eccentricities the gastronomy of ancient nations may present to us, those people (he has, perhaps, acquired the right to venture such an assertion) doubtless eat in a very different manner from ourselves; but they certainly knew how to eat.

The pastry just mentioned is certainly not altogether irreproachable--that is clear; but many kinds reveal that exquisite sentiment of the good which is nothing else than taste--whether it relate to art, literature or cooking--and the entire development of which seems to have been the appurtenance of a small number of privileged centuries. Great epochs--such as those of Pericles, Augustus, Leo XII., Louis XIV., and Queen Anne--have seen roses and myrtles flourish by the side of the laurels with which the muses are crowned. Charles XII. was fond of tartlets; Frederic II. gave himself fits of indigestion by eating Savoy cakes; and the Maréchal de Saxe rested from the fatigues of glory before a plate of macaroons.

We have renounced the kind of pastry with which our ancestors used to regale themselves in the 14th century. Their stag pies[XXIV-31] are no longer in vogue; neither have we any taste for their great pies which contained a lamb or a stuffed kid, surrounded with goslings by dozens and scores.[XXIV-32]

Their tarts have fallen into the same oblivion. Who thinks now of their Janus, or double-faced, tarts, herb tarts, rose-leaf tarts, oat tarts, or chesnut tarts?[XXIV-33]

The first statutes given to the pastry cooks by St. Louis (May, 1270), sanctioned their custom of working on all festival days without exception. Now, the motive for such a toleration was probably this: the pagans had their festivals, which they passed in banqueting; the Romans called them dies epulatæ.[XXIV-34] The early Christians, although they gave up the worship of false gods, preserved certain customs in which they had been brought up, among which was that of public and private banquets on festival days.[XXIV-35] We still see some remains of these customs in the village rejoicings on the Continent, on the day of their patron saint. The Fathers of the Church and the Councils raised their voices against this abuse;[XXIV-36] but they were obliged to tolerate it, and the pastry-cooks, who were very busy on those occasions, profited by the indulgence. It is as well to remark that they were, at one and the same time, publicans, roasters (that is, they would roast anything for anybody), and cooks.

Under the ministry of the Chancelier de l’Hôpital, little pies, or patties, were hawked through all the streets of Paris, and there was an enormous consumption of them. The severe minister considered them a luxury, which it was incumbent upon him to suppress; so he prohibited, not their sale, but the crying of them, as a temptation to gluttony.

There is a kind of cake much in vogue in England, on Good Friday, designated hot-cross-bun, because it is always marked with a cross. The reader will, perhaps, take some interest in the observations of Bryant on the subject of this pastry:--

“The offerings,” says he, “which people in ancient times used to present to the gods were generally purchased at the entrance of the temple; especially every species of consecrated bread, which was denominated accordingly. One species of sacred bread which used to be offered to the gods was of great antiquity, and called Boun.” It was a kind of cake, with a representation of two horns. Julius Pollux mentions it after the same manner--a sort of cake with horns. Diogenes Laertius, speaking of the same offering being made by Empedocles, describes the chief ingredients of which it was composed:--“He offered one of the sacred liba, called a bonse (bons), which was made of fine flour and honey.”[XXIV-37] England seems, then, to have retained the name and the form of the ancient bons, though the people do not recognise in the bun anything sacred or holy.

Titus Livy said, in speaking of Rome, “The greatest things have small beginnings.” This applies equally to pastry, which appears so unworthy of attention at the commencement of the middle ages that nothing seems to announce its high destiny. At first, in the southern provinces, people simply mixed flour, oil, and honey. The Roman school was still in force. The inhabitants of the north had a mind to innovate; they employed eggs, butter, and salt. Then came the idea of inclosing within this paste cooked meat, seasoned with bacon and spices; and, from progress to progress, they at last inclosed cream, fruit, and marmalades.[XXIV-38]

We find pastry mentioned for the first time in a charter of Louis-le-Débonnaire (802). It is there said that a certain farm of the Abbey of St. Denis is to furnish, at certain festivals, sixteen measures of honey, eleven hundred oxen, and five hogsheads of flour to make pastry.[XXIV-39]

A charter of the church of Paris, 1202, mentions simnels or wigs, under the name of “panes leves qui dicuntur echaudati.” Joinville speaks, in “The life of St. Louis,” of cheese fritters cooked in the sun, which the Saracens presented to that king and his knights when they restored them to liberty. And, finally, so early as the 13th century, the flans of Chartres, the patties of Paris, and the tarts of Dourlans, were in great renown; and a charter of 1301 informs us that, at that epoch, several lords imposed on their vassals a tribute of fugués, or puff-pastry.[XXIV-40]

The cook of Charles V. says, that the word tourte signified a household loaf of a round form; that this name was afterwards given to delicate pastry; and that, by corruption, it was called tart in certain provinces.[XXIV-41]

Taillevant speaks of cream, almonds, and rose-water, as the accompaniments of Darioles, a kind of custard; and of Talmouses, a sort of cheese-cake, made of cheese, eggs, and butter, coloured with the yolks of eggs.[XXIV-42]

Platina cites tarts made with radishes, quinces, gourds, elder-berry flowers, rice, oatmeal, millet, chesnuts, cherries, dates, May-herbs, roses, and, lastly, the white, or cream tart.[XXIV-43]

XXV.

WATER.

Thales, who borrowed from Egypt the elements of philosophy, which he afterwards spread in Greece, taught that water is the vivifying principle of all things; that nature is thereby made fruitful; that without it the earth, arid and laid waste, would be a frightful desert, where every effort of man to support his existence must fail.[XXV-1]

These ideas, for a long time adopted by Pagan theology, peopled fountains, rivers, and seas, with divinities, and often confounded in the same worship those gods, sons of gratitude, with the limpid waters consecrated to them.

The Persians carried their veneration for this element so far, that they dared not wash their hands, and would have preferred being consumed to the very bone rather than dip themselves in a river.[XXV-2]

The Cappadocians were proud of treading in the same path.[XXV-3]

The Egyptians offered prayers and homage to water.[XXV-4] The Nile, in particular, received their adorations under the name of Ypeus, or Siris, and they offered to it--as a sacrifice--barley, wheat, sugar, and fruit.[XXV-5]

The Scythians honoured the Danube on account of its vast extent; the Thessalians prostrated themselves before the majestic shores of the Peneus; the ancient combat of Achelous with Hercules made it sacred to the Ætolians; by a special law, the Lacedæmonians were compelled to implore the Eurotas; and a religious precept forced the Athenians to incense in honour of the Ilissus.[XXV-6]

The Greeks and Romans did not fail to follow such good examples. The fountains and rivers had their altars. The Rhine was called a god; and when Æneas arrived in Italy, he prayed it might be favourable to him.[XXV-7]

However strange such superstition may appear, it is, nevertheless, conceivable that Paganism, struck with wonder at the flux and reflux of the sea, and at the phenomena presented by several celebrated springs, and seduced by the charming fictions of doubtful poesy, should have deified an element both beneficial and terrible, since it could not cry out with the prophet king: “The Lord on high is mightier than the noise of many waters, yea than the mighty waves of the sea.”[XXV-8]

Thence came the innumerable number of tutelary gods to which the Ocean alone gave an asylum. By Thetis it became the father of the seventy-two Oceanides, and the fifty Nereides called it their grandfather. Hesiod numbered three thousand nymphs, and he probably forgot a few of them. We say nothing of the Naiades, the Napææ, the Limnades, and so many others whom fable was pleased to recognise, and whom it described as joyfully disporting in the water.

Greece exhausted the treasures of its poetical imagination to embellish her fountains, beloved retreats of the timid Naiades. Several were remarkable for the beauty of their architecture and the extreme delicacy of their execution.

Megara, in Achaia, possessed one celebrated for its magnificence. That of Pirene, at Corinth, was surrounded with white marble, in which were placed grottoes which unceasingly supplied a vast and superb basin. Another fountain of Corinth, named Lerna, offered to loungers an elegant portico, under which some very commodious seats allowed them to enjoy, during summer, the freshness which the water communicated to the atmosphere.

In the sacred wood of Æsculapius, at Epidaurus, a splendid fountain was seen whose marvellous beauty attracted all eyes.[XXV-9] Lastly, those of Messina, known under the names of Arsinoe and of Clepsydra, yielded nothing in richness of material and finish of details to the most renowned monuments of Greece.

The Athenians named four officers to keep watch and ward over the water.[XXV-10] The other Greek towns followed the example. These officers had to keep the fountains in order and clean the reservoirs,[XXV-11] so that the water might be preserved pure and limpid.

The Romans at first contented themselves with water from the Tiber. King Ancus Martius[XXV-12] was the first[XXV-13] to build aqueducts, destined to convey the water of the fountain of Piconia from Tibur to Rome, a distance of about thirty-three thousand paces. Some have honoured the censor, Appius Claudius, for this magnificent undertaking,[XXV-14] to whom is certainly due the celebrated Appian Way.[XXV-15] These gigantic works greatly multiplied in time. Under the reign of Nero, Rome had nine principal aqueducts[XXV-16] constructed, the pipes of which were of bricks, baked tiles, stone, lead, or wood.[XXV-17]

According to the calculation of Vigenerus,[XXV-18] 500,000 hogsheads of water were conveyed into Rome every twenty-four hours, by 10,850 small channels, the internal circumference of which was one inch. The water was received in large closed basins, above which were raised splendid monuments. These basins--or châteaux d’eau--castella Aquarum--supplied other subterraneous conduits connected with the various quarters of the town,[XXV-19] which conveyed water to small reservoirs--fontes--furnished with taps, for the exclusive use of certain streets.[XXV-20] The water which was not drinkable ran out by means of large pipes into extensive inclosures, where it served to water cattle. At these places the people washed their linen, and here, too, they had a ready resource in case of fire.[XXV-21]

Augustus created water commissaries, who took care that all water coming into Rome by the aqueducts was fairly distributed in every public place, and to those of the inhabitants who had obtained the privilege of having it enter their houses.[XXV-22]

But the “ingenious thirst”[XXV-23] of the conquerors of the world could not content itself with a delicious water which nature furnished free of expense. Was it not too much for human endurance, that not only the air and the sun could not be offered to the highest bidder,[XXV-24] but that the same spring was to quench the thirst of obscure plebeians on equal terms with the rich patrician?

Intemperance and luxury very soon contrived to find excellent means of remedying a state of things so intolerable. The custom of preserving snow in cellars, to obtain cool beverages, is very old. Aristotle pointed out the method of boiling water, and putting the vessel afterwards in snow, in order to obtain ice. Rome had recourse to this expedient, which was afterwards replaced with advantage, under Nero, by constructing ice houses for the use of opulent epicureans.[XXV-25]

This even was not enough for voluptuous Romans, slaves to their strange caprices; their beverages did not appear to them as yet sufficiently cool,[XXV-26] and the summit of the Alps was put under contribution to furnish ice for the fashionable tables of the imperial city.[XXV-27]

The Romans were also frequently supplied with snow water,[XXV-28] clarified by being passed through the colum nivarium, or snow cullender,[XXV-29] a charming little utensil of silver, pierced with a great number of holes, through which the iced beverage passed into a recipient beneath. This drink was sometimes mortal, but always exquisite.[XXV-30] From this vessel, it was poured into an ampula, or a sort of crystal bottle of rotund form, which was often enormously dear on account of the elaborate chasing with which it was embellished.[XXV-31] This water bottle, with its long and narrow neck, was the principal ornament of the sideboards and tables, when it bore the name of some skilful artist from Campania or the Island of Samos.[XXV-32][O]

Iced beverage lost all its charm at the end of the fine season, and hot water took its place during winter.[XXV-33] The same custom existed in Greece in the best classes of society.[XXV-34] At Rome, it was much more general, for there were a great number of taverns, where the middle classes and citizens of the lowest order gorged themselves copiously with pork and warm water. The Emperor Claudius caused them to be closed, and severely punished the proprietors of those houses who opposed his ordinance.[XXV-35]

At the commencement of the repast, a copper vessel was placed on the table purposely to boil water. It was much like a French bouilloire (which nearly resembles a tankard), and contained a cylinder of about four inches in diameter, covered with a moving lid, and pierced with holes for the ashes to pass through. They fell into the lower part of the cylinder. The space around was filled with water by means of a small funnel soldered to the boiler. The taps of these vases were always slightly above the bottom, so that the sediment of the water should not pass into the cups.[XXV-36]

Ancient medicine attributed to water a singular curative virtue, which it has also been supposed to possess in our days. This system, so much talked about now by some persons, is, therefore, not new. Hippocrates carefully distinguished the difference between good and bad water.[XXV-37] The best, according to him, ought to be clear, light, inodorous, without any flavour, and drawn from springs exposed to the east.[XXV-38] He interdicts all those which proceed from melted snow.[XXV-39]

Asclepiades made his patients drink plentifully of water, and frequently ordered them cold baths.[XXV-40]

The physician, Musa, prescribed to Augustus the same regimen, and the Emperor found himself much benefited by it.[XXV-41]

Under the reign of Nero, Charmis acquired a great vogue by extolling cold baths,[XXV-42] even in the depth of winter. This dexterous native of Marseilles knew so well how to persuade people, that he could hardly attend to his immense connection; and as he sometimes required as much as £800 from his patients,[XXV-43] he soon became as celebrated for his riches as for his pretended medical genius. Who will say, after this, that the water-cure system is good for nothing?

“In Egypt, rich people have the water brought to them from the Nile in leather pouches. Large and porous earthen pots of an oval shape, kept up by supporters, are filled with it. The water at the end of a few hours has deposited the slime it contained. It is afterwards distributed in small vases of terra cotta, called bardaks, of the size of our water-jugs. These vases are taken in the most showy part of the habitation. In a short time the clay of the bardaks is impregnated; their surface is covered with water, which, after borrowing from the liquid within the caloric it requires for evaporation, reduces this to a temperature of six or seven degrees under that which it had before.”--PARMENTIER.

More than five centuries ago the Sieur de Joinville described the same process. “The water of the Nile,” he said, “is of such a nature, that when we hung it in white earthen pots, made in the country, to the rigging of our ships, the water became in the heat of the day as cold as spring-water.”[XXV-44]

Sea-water is not potable, but it has long since been remarked that the vapours which rise from the sea are soft, and it was thence concluded that, by collecting and condensing them, it would be possible to obtain a potable liquid fit for domestic purposes. This phenomenon was known in the time of Pliny, who informs us that, “fleece spread about the ship, after having received the exhalations from the sea, becomes damp, and that fresh water may be extracted from it.”[XXV-45]

About the middle of the last century means were found to remove

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XVII.

No. 1. Pail, of bronze, with movable handle, covered with hieroglyphics, to carry water from the Nile for the Feast of Isis.

No. 2. Pail, with two handles, same metal, placed on a small tripod to stand upon, owing to the convexity of the bottom.--ST. NON, “Herculaneum.”

the saline substances from sea-water. Boyle, Leibnitz, the Count of Marsigli--all had made a great number of fruitless experiments. Mr. Poissonnier invented a very simple distillating machine, with which, and an absorbing powder, he succeeded in depriving sea-water of its insufferable bitterness, and rendering it perfectly salubrious. About 1784, a successful experiment was made at York with a machine which produced the same result.

Some travellers have related, that, at the Iron Island, the only soft water was that which was collected from a large tree, in the centre of the island, and which was incessantly covered with clouds. The water ran continually from the leaves, and fell into two large cisterns, constructed at the foot of the tree, which, according to Jackson, furnished enough for 8,000 souls, and 100,000 cattle. “Let us see,” says Bory de Saint-Vincent, “what amount of credit is due to the marvellous tree of the Iron Island.” Abreu Galindo, in his manuscript treatise on the Canary Islands, preserved in the archives of the country, says that he wished to see with his own eyes what the tree was. He embarked, arrived, took a guide to conduct him to a place called Tigulahe, which is separated from the sea by a valley, and there, at the extreme boundary, under a large cliff, was the holy tree, which in the country is called Garoë. Its trunk is twelve spans in circumference, four feet in diameter, and nearly forty feet in height. The branches are wide apart and tufted; its fruit resembles an acorn, and the kernel is, in colour and taste, like the little aromatic almonds which pine nuts contain. It never loses its leaves, that is to say, the old ones do not fall until the young ones are formed. On the north side, are two large stone pillars, of twenty square feet, hollowed out to a depth of twenty spans. These pillars are so placed that the water falls into one, and is preserved in the other. Vapours and mists rise almost every day from the sea, particularly in the morning, and at no great distance in the offing; these vapours are carried by the east wind against the cliffs, which block their passage, so that they cover the tree, become condensed on its smooth leaves, and run off drop by drop. The more the east wind reigns, the more abundant is the supply of water. It is distributed by a man who guards the tree. A whirlwind tore up the Garoë in 1625.[XXV-46]

XXVI.

BEVERAGES, OF WHICH WATER IS THE FOUNDATION.

Water is certainly the most ancient beverage, the most simple, natural, and the most common, which nature has given to mankind. But it is necessary to be really thirsty in order to drink water, and as soon as this craving is satisfied it becomes insipid and nauseous. What is then to be done? Cyrus would have said: “Drink no more;” so would a teetotaler of the present day. In the first ages of the world, the human race, bound by no oath of temperance, succeeded, by sheer application of their ingenuity, in finding something better, or perhaps worse, according to the ideas of certain moralists, whose wise teaching, however, commands respect. Certain it is that water, continuing to be regarded with peculiar favour, was called to play a principal part in various combinations by which it lost its insipidity and inoffensive properties, and acquired the wonderful power of provoking a sort of madness, known by the name of drunkenness.

Those beverages which man imbibes when he is no longer thirsty, which cloud his weak mind, and render him ill when in good health, are called fermented liquors.

Beer is one of the most ancient. If we are to believe Diodorus of Sicily, Bacchus himself invented it.[XXVI-1] However, it is certain that the absolute injunction not to drink wine, caused the inhabitants of Egypt to have recourse to a factitious beverage obtained from barley,[XXVI-2] often mentioned in history under the name of zythum and curmi,[XXVI-3] and whose invention has been often attributed to Osiris--which means, that its precise origin is entirely unknown.

It was a kind of beer composed of barley, and capable of being preserved for a long time without decomposing;[XXVI-4] for instead of hops, utterly unknown in that country, a bitter infusion of lupins was added.[XXVI-5]

The Egyptians also used Assyrian corn in its composition, and probably other aromatic plants, in which each one followed his peculiar taste. The method of brewing varied much among them;[XXVI-6] but the one here mentioned was that most generally in use to procure zythum in Lower Egypt, where it was converted, like our beer, into vinegar, which the Greek merchants of Alexandria exported to the European ports.[XXVI-7]

The Egyptians long drank nothing but this fermented liquor, because the followers of Osiris believed that when Jupiter crushed the Titans with thunderbolts, their blood, mixing with the earth, produced the vine. They invented the zythum as a substitute for wine.[XXVI-8]

It is not probable that the Greeks, whose wines were so renowned in antiquity, thought much of beer. Nevertheless, Aristotle[XXVI-9] mentions drunkenness being caused by drinking a beverage drawn from barley. Æschylus[XXVI-10] and Sophocles[XXVI-11] mention a liquor procured from the same cereal.

The use of beer spread rapidly in Gaul, where wine was but little known before the time of Probus. The Emperor Julian, governor of this country, acquaints us of this fact in an epigram.[XXVI-12]

The Spaniards, and the aborigines of Britany and Germany, also delightfully intoxicated themselves with an “infusion of barley,” called by the first of these nations, cœlia, ceria, cerevisia,[XXVI-13] and curmi by the two latter. These various denominations signify literally, strong water,[XXVI-14] and this fermented drink was common to the nations just indicated.[XXVI-15] All the people of Western Europe drank a strong liquor made with grain and water. The manner of preparing it was not the same in Spain, in Gaul, and elsewhere; but everywhere it possessed the same dangerous properties.

“Man,” says Pliny, “is so skilful in flattering his vices, that he has even found means to render water poisonous and intoxicating.”[XXVI-16]

The Danes and Saxons gave themselves up to an enormous consumption of zythum and curmi, kinds of ale and beer, varying in no other respect than in the manner of preparing them.[XXVI-17] The warlike piety of their ingenuous and coarse-minded heroes, desired no greater recompense, after a life of fatigue and rough combats, than to sing the praises of Odin amidst eternal banquets, where these exhilarating beverages might unceasingly maintain the joy and bravery of the warriors.[XXVI-18]

The ancient Britons had many vines, but they esteemed them only as ornaments to their gardens; and they preferred, says Cæsar, the wine of grain to that of grapes.[XXVI-19] It is historically demonstrated that the English, at a very early epoch, applied themselves to the making of beer.

It is mentioned in the laws of Ina, Chief, or King, of Wessex; and this liquor held a distinguished rank among those that appeared at a royal feast in the reign of Edward the Confessor.[XXVI-20]

Under the Normans, ale acquired a reputation it has ever since maintained. Two gallons cost only one penny in the cities; in the country, four gallons might be obtained at the same price. Happy age! happy ale drinkers! At that period--the golden age for the apostles of the Britannic Bacchus--the brewers rendered no account of the preparation of this beloved beverage. The English nation did not yet purchase the right of intoxicating themselves: it was not till the year 1643 that this authorization was to be bought.[XXVI-21]

The use of hops would appear to be of German invention. They were employed in the Low Countries at the beginning of the 14th century; but it was not till the 16th that they were appreciated in England.[XXVI-22]

Can it be true that beer or ale possessed, in certain cases, strange curative properties? We find the following fact in a statistical account of Scotland.[XXVI-23]

A poor coal miner of the county of Clackmannan, named William Hunter, had been long suffering with acute rheumatism, or obstinate gout, which deprived him of the use of his limbs. The eve of the first Monday of the year 1758, some of his neighbours came to pass the evening with him. Ale was drunk, and they got merry. The jolly fellow never failed to empty his glass at each round. Scotch ale is a seductive drink, and as perfidious as pleasure: it bewilders the senses, and finally masters the reason. William Hunter lost his, completely; but his legs were restored, and he was able to make marvellous use of them for more than twenty years. After that happy evening, never did his old enemy, the gout, dare approach him; and the worthy coal miner took care to keep it at a distance, by reiterating the remedy which had proved so beneficial. Nobody could blame him. Ale had become so dear to him! Gratitude and prudence combined to make it a duty to remain unalterably attached, and he was faithful to it till he breathed his last.

Antecedent to the use of hops beer was made in England as follows:

“To make a Hogshead of Strong Ale.--It was necessary, first of all, to make the grout, which was thus done:--Nine gallons of water was to be well boiled, and put into a brewing-vessel; when it was a little cool there was put therein three pecks of malt, which was left standing for an hour and a-half, and then it ought to be drawn off into a cooler. When it was near cold, it was put into a vessel provided for that purpose, perfectly clean, and having a cover to stop it down close. Being therein, it was closely covered down, that it might there stand to sharpen; if the weather should be cold it might require about eighteen hours, but if it was hot not quite so long. When it was ripe enough, upon the sudden opening of the vessel, the strength of the fume arising from the liquour would near, if not entirely, extinguish a lighted candle, which ought to be provided short on purpose, and holden over for the proof thereof. When the brewer was satisfied that the grout was properly ripened, he poured it forth into the copper, and boiled it moderately upon a slow fire for about an hour, constantly stirring it all the while, and to know when it was boiled enough he provided a small ashen stick, which, being alighted at the fire, he thrust suddenly into the boiling liquor, drawing it forth as quick as possible, when, if the fire on the stick remained still unextinguished, it was well boiled, but not if it were otherwise. This being done, the liquor was put into a vessel of twenty gallons, or thereabouts, and yeast put to it, that it might work, which when it had sufficiently done, it was ready for the wort to be put to it. The wort might be brewed of what strength the brewer should please, so that it did not exceed sixty gallons to the above proportion of grout. The grout being now properly ripe, and having worked enough, a quantity of the wort, sufficient to fill up the twenty-gallon vessel into which the grout is put, must be poured upon it, and then the whole drawn off into the yeeling fatt, and there, being mixed with the remainder of the wort, is left to work together, which when it hath sufficiently done, it must be strained off into the hogshead, through a hair sieve made for that purpose, where it must also work like other beer or ale.”[XXVI-24]

In the ninth year of Edward II., things being very scarce, a gallon of ale was sold for twopence, of the better sort for threepence, and of the best for fourpence; but the Londoners ordained that, in the City, a gallon of the bettermost sort of ale should be sold for three-halfpence, and of the small ale for one penny only.[XXVI-25]

Holinshed says[XXVI-26] that every kind of wine could be procured in England. “Nevertheless,” he adds, “ale and beere beare the greatest brunt in drincking, which are of so many sortes and ages as it pleaseth the brewer to make them. The beere that is used at noblemen’s tables is commonly of a yeare olde (or, peradventure, of twoo yeares’ tunning, or more, but this is not general); it is also brued in Marche, and is therefore called Marche beere; but for the household it is usually not under a monthe’s age, eache one coveting to have the same stale as he might, so that was not soure, and the breade new as possible, so that be not hote.”

Formerly, they drank beer in some parts of France--in others, wine. Perhaps it is the same now. This difference of taste gave rise to a rather jocose dispute between a grey friar and a white friar. One, who was a Fleming, was for beer; the other, who was from Bordeaux, was for wine. The Fleming cited passages without number from antiquity in proof of the excellence of beer, known by the ancients under the name of zithum, or curmi. The one from Bordeaux was not so learned, but he was a native of Bordeaux, and with one word he terminated the dispute. “Brother,” said he to his adversary, “I maintain that there is as much difference between wine and beer as there is between St. Francis and St. Dominick.” The whole community were for the Bordeaux monk, and the Fleming was reduced to silence.[XXVI-27]

Braket was formerly the cherished drink of the lower classes in England. Arnold describes the preparation of it, in his “Chronicles of London:”

“Take a pot of good ale and put thereto a porcyon of honey and pepper, in this manner:--When thou hast good ale, lete it stonde (stand) in a pott two dayes, and then drawe out a quart, or a pottell, of that ale, and putt to the honey, and set it over the fyre and let it sethe well, and take it of the fyre and scume it clene; and then sat it over the fyre and scume it agayne, and then let it keele a whyle, and put thereto the pepper, and then set hym on the fyre and let him boyle well togyder, with esy fyre, but clere. Take four gallons of good ale, a pynte of fyn tryed hony, and about a saucerful of powder of peper.”

Beer was hot unknown in Italy, but the Romans never granted it their serious attention.[XXVI-28] We will give a brief sketch of those beverages which, among them and the Greeks, replaced wine with greater or less advantage.

Convalescents, sober persons who resisted the sweet seductions of Falernian and Chios wines, drank a kind of barley-water ptisana, a sorry liquid, of which the following is the recipe for the use of the abstemious of the present day. They placed barley in water, and left it there until it swelled; it was then dried in the sun, then beaten to deprive it of its husk, and ground. Then, when it had been boiled in water for a long time, it was again exposed to the sun. When they wished to drink barley-water, a small quantity of this flour was boiled, the water was strained off, and a few drops of vinegar were added.[XXVI-29] The disciples of Comus have always shuddered at this beverage, when only mentioned.

The oxycratus was not much better. It was a mixture of water and vinegar, with which the lower orders contented themselves when they could obtain nothing more exhilarating to drink;[XXVI-30] and with which the soldiers, especially in the camp, were compelled to quench their thirst.[XXVI-31]

Some passages from Pliny, and also from other authors, prove that the ancients were acquainted with cider.[XXVI-32] It is, however, asserted that the use of this beverage goes no farther back than three or four centuries, either in England or France;[XXVI-33] but this cannot be a fact with regard to the last-named country, since the capitulars of Charlemagne place among the number of ordinary trades that of sicerator, or “cider maker.” This “wine of apples,”[XXVI-34] it is said, was very common among the Hebrews. That is possible, but it would, nevertheless, be difficult to prove it from the holy writings, since the word schecar, which has been translated by sicera, and which, again, has been rendered into cider, signifies all kinds of intoxicating beverage, whether made from grain, honey, or fruit.[XXVI-35]

Gaul, covered with forests, and swarming with bees, possessed an immense quantity of wild honey, of which, by the aid of fermentation in water, the inhabitants composed a strong and intoxicating drink, called hydromel. This beverage, highly esteemed both in Rome and Greece, was prepared in the following manner: rain water was kept some time, and then boiled until reduced to one-third, to which honey was added.[P] This mixture was exposed to the sun for the space of forty days; it was then placed in a vessel, and by these means they obtained, in time, a vinous hydromel very similar to our Madeira wine.[XXVI-36] To make oxymel, still more heady, ten pounds of honey were mixed with two pints and a half of old vinegar, and one pound of sea-salt; the whole boiled only an instant in five pints of water. This liquor was left to get very old.[XXVI-37]

Juice of quinces and honey, boiled in water, produced hydromelon, a delicious drink, which our century might envy the delicate drinkers of Athens and Rome,[XXVI-38] especially when roses had been added to this nectar, which changed it into hydrorosatum.[XXVI-39]

The apomeli was nothing more than water in which honeycomb had been boiled.[XXVI-40] Omphacomeli, an ingenious mixture of honey and verjuice, quenched thirst during the summer, and produced that agreeable gaiety which is to drunkenness what doziness is to sleep.[XXVI-41]

A mixture of honey and juice of myrtle seed, of course diluted with water, composed myrtites, the aromatic flavour of which flattered the palate, and rendered the breath more sweet.[XXVI-42] Sometimes pomegranates were substituted for the myrtle, and it was then called rhoites, and possessed an agreeable and pungent flavour.[XXVI-43]

Wine made of dates enjoyed a general esteem in the east. The Romans, who knew also how to appreciate it, prepared it by throwing into water some common, though very ripe, dates; and when they had well soaked, they were put under a press.[XXVI-44] The same means were employed to procure fig wine; but often the sediment of grapes was used instead of water, to prevent its being too sweet.[XXVI-45]

“Artificial wines” were also procured by the aid of several other kinds of fruits, such as sorbs, medlars, and mulberries.[XXVI-46] Fermentation dispelled the sweet and insipid flavour which generally distinguishes these fruits; and, at the commencement of a repast, the guests swallowed with delight large cups of these beverages.[XXVI-47]

It was also the custom to serve very cold water, in which certain plants had been infused, and which was freshened by being surrounded with snow after it had been boiled for some time. The invention of this iced water is attributed to the Emperor Nero, who made great use of it; and who appears to have bitterly regretted it when, dethroned and flying from his assassins, he was constrained through excessive thirst to drink muddy water from a ditch. The unfortunate Cæsar then, for the first time, thought of the strange vicissitudes of fortune, and casting a sorrowful glance at the disgusting fluid he held in his hand, “Alas!” he exclaimed, with a sigh, “is this the iced water that Nero drank?”[XXVI-48]

TEA.

This plant is a native of China, and it is only in the Celestial Empire that tea is cultivated to any great extent. Why, then, is it neglected on all other points of the globe situated in the same latitude? Doubtless, because the soil of China is superior for its culture to that of any other country.

The shrub that produces tea is cultivated between the twenty-third and thirty-third degrees of latitude; it thrives on the mountainous parts, on the slope of the hills, and that which grows on high ground is far superior to that gathered in the valleys. It is the same with this plant as with the vine in France and in Europe; it grows on flat land, and succeeds wonderfully on plains exposed to the sun’s rays.

The Chinese export teas of the first quality in much greater proportion than those of an inferior kind. In England there is a larger consumption than in any other country in the world.

In China, the tea that forms the habitual beverage of the people is a very inferior species of the Boo tea.

The provinces of Kiang-Nang, Kiang-Si, and Che-Kiang, furnish green tea to Russia, the United States, Calcutta, and various European countries; the province of Fo-Kien furnishes black tea to England, with the exception of a third of the boo tea, or bohee, which is exported from a district called Wo-Ping, lying to the north-west of the province of Canton.

It is in Fo-Kien that the cultivation of this precious shrub is held in the highest estimation. In this province it is deprived of a large number of its buds at the beginning of the spring. Of these are made the tea Pé-ko, the most renowned of all kinds. Congo tea serves to perfume part of these buds, and to impart to them a more agreeable flavour.

A first gathering of full-grown leaves takes place at the commencement of May, a second towards the middle of June, and a third and last at the end of the summer. This produces a tea inferior to the preceding kinds in point of quality and perfume.

The inhabitants of Fo-Kien cultivate tea in inclosures; and at the time of harvest sell the leaves to a class of persons who undertake their preparation, which consists in drying the leaves in houses, first by the simple contact with the air, afterwards in heated warehouses. When the preparation is terminated, the merchants come and make choice of the best qualities; then the desiccation of the tea is finished, and it is forwarded in packets, each bearing its proper designation.

As soon as the leaves have been gathered and selected, they are plunged in boiling water, where they remain about thirty seconds; they are then quickly withdrawn, strained, and thrown on iron plates, large and flat, placed above a furnace: the workmen’s hands can hardly endure the heat of these plates. They continually stir the leaves till they are sufficiently heated, after which they take them off, and spread them on large tables covered with mats. Other workmen then busy themselves with rolling them with the palm of the hand, while others cool them as quickly as possible by agitating the air with large fans. This operation must be continued until the leaves have completely cooled under the hand of the person who rolls them, for it is by being quickly cooled that the leaves remain longer curled. Thanks to the operation of rolling them, which is repeated two or three times, the leaves are deprived of their humidity, and the unwholesome bitter juice they contain. For teas of the first quality, each leaf must be rolled separately; but for more common kinds, several may be rolled at once. Tea, thus prepared, is dried, and put into boxes or cases free from moisture. The Chinese then aromatise it with various odoriferous plants, such as the flowers of the olea fragrans, and those of the camellia sesangua, shrubs of the same family as tea; or those of the scented tea-roses and orange-flowers.

This tea is destined for mandarins of the higher class, for the Calaos or ministers, and even for the celestial sovereign of the Centre of the Earth--or, in more simple words, the Emperor.

There are, in reality, but two kinds of tea, black tea and green tea; each kind is again subdivided into many varieties. The best black tea is the scented Liang-sing, worth in China about 10_s._ the pound.

The first of all green teas, destined for the great, and bearing an exquisite perfume, is that called Koo-lang-fyn-i. M. de Rienzi assures us that he has seen it sold in Canton for 32s. a pound.

New tea is considered by the Chinese as a powerful narcotic, therefore it is never sold until a year after the gathering.

The Europeans and Americans, who trade with tea in Canton, have recourse for their transactions with the Chinese to native tasters, or others, who know how to distinguish the different qualities at the sight of the colour produced by the infusion.

It is generally believed in Europe that tea exported thence has already served as a beverage to the Chinese. It is a mistake, propagated by persons who, having seen the tea put in water, have doubtless not well understood the reason of this operation. We must, however, admit that the merchants sometimes mix tea already used with tea of good quality; a fraud only to be discovered by the weakness of the infusion.

Tea seems likely to spread over the world. Our books, wines, brandy, cutlery, and jewellery, go round the globe, and are sought after by the civilized nations as well as the wild tribes. On the other hand, we receive our food, together with spices, from Malaisia; we sweeten them with sugar from the Antilles or Siam; we enjoy the flavour and perfume of coffee from Arabia and the Island of Bourbon; we intoxicate ourselves with tobacco from Manilla, Virginia, of Havannah, and Latakia; and we imbibe with luxurious pleasure the tea of those Chinese we are continually laughing at, but of whom we have borrowed so many useful things. We must, however, acknowledge that France is the country the least advanced in this respect, and the use of this beneficent drink is far from being as common as it ought to be. We do not fear to say that when once acquainted with the method of preparing it better than is generally done, this inferiority in the consumption will disappear. Some witty delineator of manners and customs has pourtrayed upon the joyous scene of a comic theatre of Paris, that famous tea party of Mother Gibou and Madame Pochet, one of those ridiculous Parisian and really home-scenes, much more common than is generally supposed, and although the picture is over-charged, it is nevertheless true.

It is not necessary here to give our private recipe to prepare an infusion in which that excellent lady, Madame Pochet, thought herself so perfect; suffice to say, that to make it agreeable to her guests she added salt, pepper, some cinnamon, the yolk of an egg, and a tiny drop of vinegar. We would beg the reader not to fail in attending these charming and daily meetings, at which each housewife presides, and we would say to strangers, let us seriously study an English tea.

“The use of tea in China dates from the greatest antiquity. The Japanese attribute to it a miraculous origin. They say that Darma, a very pious prince, and son of an Indian king, landed in China in the year 510 of the Christian era, and wishing to edify mankind by his example, imposed upon himself privations of all kinds. It happened, however, that after several years of great fatigue, in spite of his care he fell asleep; and believing he had violated his oath, and in order to fulfil it faithfully for the future, he cut off his eyelids and threw them on the ground. The next day, returning towards the same spot, he found them changed into a little shrub, hitherto unknown to the earth. He eat some of the leaves, which made him merry and restored his former strength. Having recommended the same food to his disciples, the reputation of tea soon spread, and has continued in use since that time.”--DESFONTAINES. See, also, KŒMPFER, in his “Aménités Exotiques.”

We are ignorant of the period and motives which persuaded the Chinese to use tea in infusion. Perhaps it was to render water more agreeable, which is said to be brackish and of a bad taste in many parts of China. In 1641, Tulpius, a Dutch physician, was the first to mention this plant, in a dissertation he published. In 1657, Joncquet, a French physician, called it the divine plant, and compared it to ambrosia. In 1679, Cornelius Bentekoe, a Dutch physician, published a treatise, in which he declared himself a partisan of tea, and asserted that this beverage in no way could injure the stomach, even if drank to the extent of two hundred cups a day. Many of his countrymen went even beyond this: they made of it a universal panacea.

As at first the leaves of the tea plant were rare and but little known, many persons thought they had discovered in Europe what others fetched from such a distance. Thus Simon Pauli introduced the royal pimento (myria gale of LINN.), as the real tea of China. Others thought to have found the marvellous virtues of tea in plants growing in our own country, such as marjoram, veronica, myrtle, sage, agrimony, &c.; but it happily ended in granting the preference to the real tea of China and Japan.

COFFEE.

In the trade five principal kinds of coffee are enumerated--or rather, five sorts--according to the different countries from whence they come, although all derived from the same kind of coffee tree, Coffea Arabica. These five kinds are as follows:--

1st. Mocha coffee, thus called from the country whence this kind of coffee originates, a plant now so commonly spread over every American colony. The grain of this coffee is generally round and small. From Mocha coffee is derived the most sweet and agreeable beverage; it is also the most esteemed, the dearest, and holds the first rank in the trade.

2nd. The Bourbon coffee, cultivated in the Island of Bourbon; for some time it occupied the second place in quality, but the gourmets prefer to it coffee from Martinique or Guadaloupe.

3rd. There are several kinds of Martinique or Guadaloupe, distinguished by the various preparations.

4th. The Cayenne coffee. This kind is less known on account of the small quantity cultivated there, and introduced in trade. This kind is superior to the Martinique coffee.

5th. The St. Domingo coffee, in which is comprised that from Porto Rico, and other leeward islands, is considered inferior to the four other kinds.

Let us mention a few of the methods by which coffee in infusion is obtained.

It is not exactly known who introduced the custom of taking coffee. Some attribute its use to the prior of a convent, who becoming acquainted with the properties of this plant by the effect it produced on the goats which fed upon it, tried its influence on his monks, in order to keep them awake during the performance of divine service. According to others, the discovery is due to a mufti, who, wishing to surpass in devotion the most religious dervishes, made use of coffee so as to banish sleep, and thus be enabled to pray longer without interruption. Whatever may be the origin of the use of coffee, it has become so general up to the present day that it may almost be classed among the articles of the greatest necessity. This extensive use has stimulated the industry of inventors to seek means of rendering it most pleasant to drink, as also its great consumption and high price have awaked both economy and fraud, in order to find a substitute for this agreeable beverage.

It would be useless here to describe the different methods of making coffee; it will be sufficient to mention that all those which tend to prepare it without boiling the water in which the pulverised coffee is placed, are almost equally good.

In order to supplant coffee, which in Europe was found very expensive, many different means have been tried. About fifty years since the Swiss porter of a nobleman in Paris thought of roasting acorns, which he mixed with roast coffee, ground; he sold it cheaper than any one; all bought it, and the Swiss made his fortune.

The trick, however, being discovered, all sought means of gratifying their taste without emptying their purses; barley and rye began to be mixed with coffee.

In the mountains of Virginia, in America, the inhabitants make a coffee simply of roasted rye; they by these means obtain a beverage in no way resembling coffee, but it goes by that name, and at least the imagination is satisfied.

In Belgium, in the province of Liege, coffee is mixed with wild chicory root. This method, generally known, is at the present time practised throughout the whole of Europe; and wild chicory root then opened for Liege a new branch of commerce. Lastly, in Flanders some of the inhabitants cultivate the lupin, which they complacently call coffee, and whose seed, roasted, they drink instead of real coffee.

“The infusion of coffee is thought to be beneficial to stout and phlegmatic persons, and for pains in the head; but it appears that its admixture with cream or milk prevents these good effects, on account of the relaxation it thus causes to the stomach. On the contrary, it gives strength when taken pure. It is doubtless for this reason that the inhabitants of the colonies take it three and four times a day--that is, at four o’clock in the morning, a very strong infusion, sometimes without sugar; at breakfast, with milk; after dinner, pure; and often in the afternoon, for the fourth time.”--BEAUVAIS.

We are unacquainted with the period of the introduction of coffee into Europe. Rauwolf is the first who speaks of coffee, in 1588. Prospero Alpini then came, and described the coffee tree in Egypt by the name of bon, bun, or boun: his work appeared in 1591. In 1614, Bacon mentioned this oriental beverage, and Meissner published a treatise on it in 1621.

It was not, however, until towards the year 1645, that it began to be drunk in Italy. The first cafés were opened in London in 1652, and in Paris in 1669, a time at which a pound of coffee was worth forty crowns. It was principally Soliman Aga, the ambassador from Turkey, who caused coffee to become fashionable in Paris.

It penetrated into Sweden in the year 1674, where it was thought of use in scorbutic diseases. The first person who made trial of coffee with milk was Nieuhoff, the Dutch ambassador in China, in imitation of tea with milk.

“The physical effects of coffee are well known: it accelerates the circulation of the blood, but sometimes causes palpitation of the heart and giddiness; it has even been thought to occasion apoplexy and paralysis. Nevertheless, celebrated writers--such as Fontenelle and Voltaire--made constant use of it, almost to an abuse. They were told, it is a slow poison; it was indeed slow for these learned men, who died, the one at a hundred, the other eighty-four years of age. However, at the present time coffee is a beverage whose power over our intellectual or moral habits has, perhaps, never been calculated as it deserves, since it has become general, and almost suppressed the drunkenness which disgraced our ancestors at the end of their grand repasts.”--VIREY.

The subject we have just slightly touched upon recalls to our recollection a whim of the charming Sévigné: “Le café et Racine passeront,” said this amiable lady, nearly two hundred years ago. The beautiful marchioness was mistaken: both coffee and Racine have remained, and do not appear likely soon to bid us adieu.

CHOCOLATE.

Every one is aware that chocolate is an aliment obtained from the cocoa-nut, roasted and reduced to paste, with sugar and aromatics.

But first, the choice of cocoa nuts is not indifferent.

Those from Soconusco, from Caracas, and Maracaibo, are the best and sweetest; it is, however, well to mix with them other kinds, to correct their insipidity by a certain sharpness far from being unpleasant; thus, to four parts of Caracas cocoa, earthed--that is, rendered mild by a sojourn of some weeks under the moist earth--a part of cocoa from the Antilles, or Maragnon and Para, is added; this kind contains more of sharp and bitter matter. These cocoas are slightly torrefied in an iron pan. The Spaniards burn their cocoa much less than the Italians. Being left to grow cold, this cocoa is slightly crushed, to separate the envelopes or shells, which are thrown away. However, in England, Switzerland, and Germany, these shells serve to make, with boiling water, a warm infusion, mixed with milk and drank in lieu of real chocolate. The envelopes of torrefied coffee are employed in a similar manner in the east for the “Sultana coffee.” The mixtures of torrefied cocoa are reduced into a fat paste of a brown colour, either between stones, or by means of an iron roller upon a porphyry rock, warmed underneath by live coals; this paste, regularly ground, is at last incorporated with sugar, equal to its weight, then it is mixed together as perfectly as possible. In this chocolat de santé a small quantity of very fine cinnamon powder is admitted, which makes it more palatable, and neutralizes the action of the fat and heavy substance, or vegetable butter, contained in the cocoa.

“The term chocolate belongs, it is said, to the language of the Mexicans, and is derived from the two words choco, sound or noise, and atle, water, because it is beaten in boiling water to make it froth, according to the custom of this people. Before their conquest by the Spaniards, it formed the principal aliment of the Mexicans. They held the cocoa tree in such estimation, that its kernel served as current coin, and this custom even now remains.”--HUMBOLDT.

The Mexican chocolate, besides the pimento, contained the chile, or Indian wheat-flour, with honey, or sweet juice of the agava. To this was added annotto, an astringent tinctorial juice, of a rosy hue, obtained from the seeds of the Bixa Orleana. The chieftains, or lords and warriors only, enjoyed the right of feeding on chocolate, as the most restoring aliment, and the most capable, in their opinion, of repairing worn-out strength and producing vigour. The addition of the perfume of vanilla, again, augments this quality, according to the testimony of physicians and travellers. Dias of Castilho relates that Montezuma drank vanilla chocolate, and the Maréchal de Bellisle says, in his “Testament Politique,” that the regent, Louis Philippe d’Orléans regaled himself every morning with chocolate at his petit lever.

The ladies of Chiapa, in Mexico, are so fond of these perfumed chocolates that they even have them carried to eat in church. The Spanish Creole nuns have also brought to great perfection the art of preparing fine chocolate, perfumed with amber.

The use of chocolate was soon brought from Mexico, after its conquest by Fernando Cortes, into Spain, and this food has there become quite habitual. First, it easily deceives hunger by reason of its oily qualities and slow digestion; then it is softening and cooling, which renders it particularly desirable in warm climates, especially such as the Iberian peninsula. Thus the Spaniards but slightly roast their cocoa-nuts; they prefer preserving but a very slight bitterness, and mixing with it more aromatics. Besides, chocolate, so useful to dry and nervous temperaments, is an agreeable analeptic, recommended against hypochondria and melancholy, two affections so common to the Spaniards. The beggars, even, could not live without it, and they accost each other in the morning with inquiring if their lordships have taken their chocolate.

This aliment is favourable to idleness, augments the calm of the body and mind, and plunges one in a sweet quietude of far niente at a small expense.

From Spain the fashion of taking chocolate was introduced into Italy, especially by the Florentine, Antonio Carletti. The Italians extract from cocoa more exalted qualities by torrefication: they burn it till it becomes bitter. The grave question arose among them, whether chocolate taken in the morning by the monks broke the fast principally in Lent. The Cardinal Brancaccio, and other learned casuists, battled long in order to prove that chocolate, being evidently a beverage made of water, could not be in the least considered as an aliment, nor break the fast. We see, indeed, in the correspondence of the Princess des Ursins--all powerful at the court of Philip V. of Spain--and Madame de Maintenon, that the consciences of pious persons had been placed in full tranquillity by this decision, and that any one might fast during the whole Lent as perfectly by drinking chocolate as if he had only partaken of a glass of cold water.

“Chocolate became pretty common in France from the time of Anne of Austria, mother of Louis XIV.; however, it does not appear to have ever excited the same enthusiasm as coffee; it is not favourable to good cheer, nor is it exhilarating. To this may be traced, perhaps, the indifference of the English for this beverage.”--VIREY.

In trade, as we have said, are distinguished a great variety of cocoas, and they are called by the name of the country whence they come. Thus we have the Caracas cocoa, the Surinam cocoa, &c. That which comes from the French possessions is called also “cocoa of the isles.” The Caracas is the most esteemed of all: it is more oily than the other kinds, and has no sharpness of flavour. It is known by being larger, rough, of an ovoid, oblong shape, not flattened, covered with a greyish dust, and by the kernel being easily divided into several irregular fragments. “The name of cacao, of which in French has been made the word cacaoyer, is that given by the inhabitants of Guiana to this grain. As to the scientific name, theobroma, Linnæus formed it from two Greek words, signifying ‘food of the gods.’ ”--DEMEZIL.

XXVII.

DRINKING CUPS.

If men were wiser, the 19th century would probably not have seen a beneficent apostle preaching temperance everywhere, and making his name cherished and celebrated by a series of successes which could hardly have been expected; numerous societies of Hydropotes, or “teetotallers,” would not alarm, in our days, those joyful disciples of Bacchus’s temple, hydrophobes by profession, by taste, and interest, who sincerely bewail the desertion of newly made abstemious members; and no person would promise, by a solemn and formidable pledge, to forego the drinking of anything but water! The abuse must have been very great, since it was necessary to have recourse to such a remedy.

It is true that the evil had taken deep root, and that the most ancient people, the gods, and the heroes, have left us examples of this dangerous seduction. The Scythians, the Celts, Iberians, and Thracians,[XXVII-1] were confirmed drunkards. The wise Nestor himself, who was so good a match for Agamemnon, often felt some difficulty in finding his tent.[XXVII-2] Alexander the Great slept sometimes two days and two nights, after having paid too much devotion to the god of good cheer;[XXVII-3] and Philip, his father, very frequently left the table with a very heavy head and staggering legs.[XXVII-4]

It is reported that Dionysius the Younger, tyrant of Sicily, lost his sight through drinking too much, which will not be wondered at, if

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XVIII.

No. 1. Drinking-cup, of terra cotta, in the form of a pig’s head, found at Herculaneum.--HAMILTON, I., IIe.

No. 2. Also that of a dog’s head.--CAYLUS, I., Plan 35.

what is supposed, be true, that this miserable man was drunk every day, without fail, for three months together![XXVII-5] Shall we mention Tiberius--surnamed by the army, Biberius (Tippler)--who, after he became Emperor, passed the days and nights drinking with Flaccus and Piso, at the very time they were working at the reformation of the Romans?[XXVII-6]

This pagan Solomon, having to choose from among several very distinguished candidates who offered themselves for the quæstorship, preferred the least known, because he had drunk a whole pitcher of wine, which the prince himself had condescended to fill.[XXVII-7]

Intoxication, with the Greeks, was noted as belonging to low company, if we are to judge by certain personages whom Æschylus and Sophocles did not fear to bring on the stage, and who struck each other with vases--a thing which the modern theatre has judiciously banished.[XXVII-8] Homer is more reserved; for Achilles, after copious libations, only threw a neat’s foot at Ulysses’ head,[XXVII-9] which probably was not of much consequence.

The fact is, that the ancients did not at all profess the same principles that we do respecting intemperance. Hippocrates himself, advised men to seek mirth now and then in wine;[XXVII-10] Seneca recommends us to drown cares and fatigue in it;[XXVII-11] and Musæus decorates with crowns of flowers the foreheads of the sages who, sitting by the side of Plato at all new banquets, should find in continual drunkenness the sweetest reward for their virtues.[XXVII-12] A singular bliss, which only reason in delirium could have imagined.

We have spoken of the delicious beverage which was so costly a seduction to choice epicureans, who took merit to themselves for not resisting it; for this reason, it was necessary to invent vessels worthy of containing it; and art, encouraged by luxury, produced those magnificent vases of which ostentatious antiquity has only left us a faint idea.

The cups of the Homeric times were all of equal capacity; one of them was offered to each guest, but several were offered to persons of high distinction.[XXVII-13]

The Greeks thought much of their cups; for them they were sacred relics from father to son, and were only used on certain solemnities. Thus Œdipus delivers the most frightful imprecation against his son Polynices, who had presented, at a common repast, the cup of his ancestors.[XXVII-14] That of Nestor was so large that a young man could hardly carry it; as to him, he lifted it up without the slightest difficulty.[XXVII-15]

The Athenians drank from cups in the shape of horns.[XXVII-16] Wax vases were sufficient for the Spaniards.[XXVII-17] The Gaul who had thrown down an Urus (wild ox) took its horns, decorated them with silver and gold rings, and made his guests drink out of them.[XXVII-18] Often the skull of an enemy, killed in single combat, was transformed into a cup of honour, and reminded a Gallic family of the memorable action of a valiant ancestor.[XXVII-19]

The first cups of the Romans were made of horns, or of the earthenware of Samos.[XXVII-20] Those conquerors of the world had not yet enervated their manly courage with the luxurious spoils of conquered nations. Afterwards, some very simple ones were made of beech-wood[XXVII-21] or elder;[XXVII-22] these possessed a marvellous property which they ought to have always preserved--the wine only escaped from them, and they retained the water which had been mixed with it.[XXVII-23]

But Rome, already tired of its austere simplicity, and its disdain for the Greek cups of glass and crystal, soon began to desire something finer. Those magnificent chalices, master-pieces of patience and skill, in which gold and silver were amalgamated with a more brittle material,[XXVII-24] were soon in much request, and appeared worthy of their renown.

But it is to be observed, that the crystal of which the most precious cups were made, had not the slightest similarity to that which we make use of now, and which the least shock will break; it was flexible and malleable;[XXVII-25] it might be thrown on the pavement with impunity, and remained unhurt.[XXVII-26]

Here is, on this subject, a curious anecdote, which has been left to us by Petronius:--

A certain skilful workman used to make crystal vases as strong as vases of gold and silver. He produced an incomparable masterpiece; it was a chalice of astonishing beauty, which he thought worthy of Cæsar only, and which he felt a pride in offering to him. Tiberius highly praised the skill and the rich present of the artist. This man, wishing to increase still more the admiration of the prince, and secure his favours to a greater degree, begged of him to give back the vase. He then threw it with all his might on the marble pavement of the

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XIX.

Nos. 1. and 2. Drinking horns; these give us an idea how the ancient Greeks and Romans made use of the horns: taken from two paintings at Herculaneum.

No. 3. A horn, with a chimerical head, in Grecian terra cotta.--“Herculan. Bronsi,” II., 2, 3.

apartment: the hardest metal could never have resisted this terrible shock. Cæsar appeared moved, and was silent. The artist, with a triumphant smile, picked up the vase, which had only a slight dent, and which, by striking it with the hammer, was soon brought to its original state. This being done, no doubt remained on his mind that he had conquered the good graces of the Emperor, and the esteem of an astonished court. Tiberius asked him if he was the only one who knew how to work crystal in so remarkable a manner? The workman immediately answered that no one possessed his secret. “Very well,” said Cæsar, “let his head be struck off without loss of time; for if this strange invention were known, gold and silver would very soon have not the least value.”[XXVII-27] Thus did the Emperor Tiberius encourage artists and the arts.

There were, besides, cups made of the most pure crystal, “the brittleness of which seems to have added to their price,”[XXVII-28] and which were paid for dearer than gold and precious stones;[XXVII-29] but much less, however, than those famous Murrhine vases, which have so long exercised the useless sagacity of ancient commentators.

Among the rich spoils that Pompey, conqueror of Mithridates and master of a part of Asia, ostentatiously displayed in his triumph,[XXVII-30] the Romans, for the first time, admired vases and cups, the material and workmanship of which surpassed all that the imagination could fancy the most graceful and delicate.[XXVII-31] They were much in request; the price was exorbitant, and thenceforth they were indispensable. One of the ancient consuls thought himself too happy to give only a little more than £6,000 for one of those Murrhines. Such was the name given to this brittle and rare novelty. Petronius paid for a large basin £28,800;

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XX.

This vase, made of one single piece of crystal, is in its original size; the delicacy of the work gives a great value to it. The body of the vase, and all other parts in relief, are of glass. It was discovered in 1725, and is preserved in the cabinet of the Marquis of Trivulsi, at Milan. The fillet round the body, and those forming the ordinary motto of the feasts--“BIBE VIVAS MULTIS ANNIS”--are isolated from the body of the cup about one quarter of an inch, and are attached to it by threads or fillets of glass, very fine. They are not soldered to the cup, but the whole of the labour is worked on a turning lathe, being seen more or less angular as the instrument may have been led to penetrate in the most difficult parts. The inscription is green; the fillet is blue: these two colours are very bright. The cup is an opaque or changing colour, without being able to distinguish whether that hue was intended to be so, as it happens to glass which has remained a long while buried, exposed to the vapours of a dunghill, or a sewer, &c., &c. A second antique vase is known to exist, whose workmanship is similar.--“Histoire de l’Art,” Liv. I., Chap. I., page 45.--Paris: Janson.

and Nero spent the like sum for a vase with two handles, which he forgot two days afterwards.[XXVII-32]

The Murrhine cups appeared on the table with the wine of the “hundred leaves,” and the Falernian was poured into them, so as to preserve all the generous delicacy of its odour.[XXVII-33]

The Murrhines were much sought after, on account of their form and brilliant transparency: they were made of mother of pearl, according to Belon, but others say of agate. Their dimensions, however, would incline one to doubt it. Scaliger,[XXVII-34] Cardan,[XXVII-35] and Madame Dacier,[XXVII-36] thought that the ancients gave unheard-of prices for simple porcelain vases, which were precious on account of their rarity. This opinion, which several modern literati[XXVII-37] have adopted, rests plausibly enough, it appears, on one verse of Propertius, in which this poet speaks of “Murrhine cups, baked in the furnace of the Parthians.”[XXVII-38] It has been said that, perhaps the Parthians learnt from the Chinese how to make porcelain; but this supposition, entirely void of proof, has been contradicted in a most peremptory manner by the author of a very curious book, who demonstrates irrefragably that the Murrhines were not of porcelain, but of stones of the species of onyx.[XXVII-39] The following fact will leave but very little doubt on that subject:--

In 1791, the Constituent National Assembly, appointed a commission to make an inventory and valuation of all objects in the Garde-Meuble of the crown. They found, among other very beautiful sardonyx, two very antique vases: one made in the form of an ewer, ten inches in height and four inches in diameter, having its handle cut out of the same piece, and the second, hollowed out as a bowl, ten inches in diameter, which were recognised as real Murrhines--beautiful white and blue veins and other shades, circulated about the bowl without interfering with its semi-transparency; the bottom was of the same colour as the ewer. The jewellers estimated these vases at £6,000 each, although there was nothing engraved in the hollow nor in relief, but merely on consideration of the beauty of the material, the fineness of the polish, and the difficulty that must have attended the hollowing out of the ewer.[XXVII-40]

These valuations would appear exaggerated, if it were not known that the antique vase of the Duke of Brunswick, which formerly belonged to the Dukes of Mantua, in 1631, and made of sardonyx, in the cruet shape, was valued at 150,000 German crowns--or dollars of 4_s._ 3_d._ The relief engraving represented the mysteries of Ceres and Bacchus; but it had no primitive handle, and the diameter was only two inches and a-half.[XXVII-41]

By the side of these inestimable Murrhines were standing very graceful chalices of amber, the prodigious workmanship of which absolutely gave to them a most arbitrary value,[XXVII-42] but which Roman prodigality never found too high.

Silver cups engraved were also nearly as much esteemed, when they came from the hands of some well-known workman--such as Myos, Mentor, or Myron.[XXVII-43] They were even preferred to gold cups,[XXVII-44] unless these latter were enriched with precious stones.[XXVII-45]

All these vases presented still greater varieties in their forms than in the materials employed. There were very large ones, some narrow, some oblong; many ornamented with two handles, others had only one.[XXVII-46] Some were much like a tympanon--or zoph, a musical instrument of the ancient Hebrews--a small boat or ewer.[XXVII-47] In one word, the Greek or Roman artist never listened to anything but his own fancy, and was then far from supposing that he was preparing very long and wakeful hours of study to many antiquarians, zealous to explain seriously the strange wanderings of a fantastical imagination.

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXI.

MURRHINE VASE.--This vase is the most precious of all those which have come down to us. It is drawn here half the original size, and belongs to Prince de Biscari, in Sicily, which has been described by him in the dissertation entitled, “De Vasi Murrini Ragionamenti.” Three pieces of opal in the first place form the cup; the second, the stem; and the last, the base of the foot. If this vase is an antique, as it is said by the Prince de Biscari; if true that several pieces of opal have often been found as large and as fine (which appears doubtful, in the actual state of mineralogic knowledge), the question upon the Murrhine vases would be decided. They would have been of opal, and not porcelain; neither of sardonyx--Pierre de lard--as many have believed, nor of cacholong (a species of chalcedony, opaque, and of a yellowish white), as I have described it.

XXVIII.

WINE.

Bacchus, son of Ammon, was born in Egypt, and was the first who taught his countrymen the art of cultivating the vine, and of making wine. He is the same as Osiris, the famous conqueror of India.[XXVIII-1] Should this assertion be contradicted, we shall only entreat any and every disputant to make his own choice of the god of vineyards, from among the five heroes bearing the name of Bacchus, as we are too impartial to prefer any one in particular.[XXVIII-2]

Œnopion, worthy son of one of these heroes, enriched the inhabitants of Chios with the first rosy wine that ever yet obscured their reason.[XXVIII-3] Greece, Italy, and Sicily owed this wonderful liquor to the Egyptians. The Gauls received this sweet present from a Tuscan, who had been banished from Clusium, his country;[XXVIII-4] and the cultivation of the grape spread rapidly till the reign of the sanguinary Domitian, who completed the catalogue of his crimes by tearing up the vines.[XXVIII-5] The Emperor Probus restored them to the disconsolate Gauls.[XXVIII-6] That prince was certainly worthy of his name!

Modern science, agreeing with holy writ,[XXVIII-7] looks upon the east as the common cradle of the vine and the human race.

Palestine was renowned for its vines. Pliny speaks in praise of them.[XXVIII-8] The vineyards constituted a part of the riches of the country, and they were preserved with the greatest care; so much so that Moses, with an especial view to vines, forbade the sowing of different seeds in the same field, on pain of confiscation:[XXVIII-9] and it was done to encourage their cultivation, that that wise legislator exempted every person who had planted one from military service, and from all public duties, until the first vintage.[XXVIII-10]

The growths of Lebanon,[XXVIII-11] of Helbon,[XXVIII-12] and of Sorec,[XXVIII-13] enjoyed an extraordinary reputation, and the delicious wine they produced was capable of inspiring the lyric David with that celebrated praise[XXVIII-14] by which intemperance has often dared to authorize reprehensible excesses.

However, the Hebrews, a sober people, like all eastern nations, rarely made use of pure wine; they generally mixed it with a quantity of water, and only drank a little at some ceremonial feasts, and at the end of their repasts.[XXVIII-15] They sometimes mixed with it perfumes and odoriferous drugs.[XXVIII-16]

Some nations seem to have had a great horror of wine. The Persians drank nothing but water;[XXVIII-17] and the inhabitants of Pontus, the Scythians, and the Cappadocians, partook of this strange taste.[XXVIII-18] The Arcadians, who lived on chesnuts and acorns, were not worthy of the favours of Bacchus; neither were the troglodytes, the ichthyophagists, and other swarms of hydropotes who were as yet too little civilized to ask of drunkenness its illusions and its enchantments.[XXVIII-19]

The Egyptians would have thought it a profanation of their temples to carry in a flagon of the rosy liquid; but Psammetichus came (670 B.C.), and that wise prince made them understand that a pot of beer is not worth a cup of good wine.[XXVIII-20]

The Romans asserted that their old king, Janus, planted the first vine in Italy,[XXVIII-21] and that, later, Numa taught them how to trim it.[XXVIII-22] That noble people knew how to appreciate such blessings, and in order to demonstrate that wisdom is always to be found in wine, they never failed to place on their altars the statue of Minerva beside that of Bacchus.[XXVIII-23]

The inflexible muse of history has preserved to us the name of the individual who doomed himself to a sorry sort of immortality by inventing the custom of mixing water with wine; it was Cranaüs, King of Athens, 1532 B.C.[XXVIII-24] The gods, doubtless to punish him, caused a great part of Greece to be inundated, and it was not long before he was dethroned.[XXVIII-25] Pliny accuses the obscure Staphil, sou of Sithen,[XXVIII-26] of this depravation of taste, which gained upon imitators to such an extent that, in the time of Diodorus of Sicily (45 B.C.), the guests still mixed water with their wine at the end of the repast.[XXVIII-27] It is true that they were then all intoxicated.

Lycurgus was, no doubt, ignorant of this practice, when he had the barbarity to destroy the vines of the Lacedæmonians, under pretext of putting an end to the disorders caused by intemperance. It would have been preferable, says Plutarch, to have united the nymphs with Bacchus.[XXVIII-28] The ingenious philosopher insists on the mixture being made by a fourth, a fifth, or an octave, in the same manner as the chords in music, which charm our ears. The fifth was obtained by pouring three measures of water on two of wine; one part water and two parts wine made the octave; a quarter of wine and three quarters of water produced the fourth,[XXVIII-29] a most inharmonious chord, struck only by inexperienced and unskilful hands.

Hippocrates, great physician as he was, had already somewhere advised[XXVIII-30] this deplorable dereliction from all wise doctrines, so true is it, that science sometimes goes astray; but, happily for his glory, that learned man, further on,[XXVIII-31] recommends us to drink pure wine, and to drink enough for joy to dissipate our griefs, and rock us in the sweet errors of hope.

The god of grapes had everywhere fervent admirers, except, perhaps, among the Scythians. These schismatics refused to worship a divinity who caused the faithful to become intoxicated.[XXVIII-32] In other places they sacrificed to him a tiger, in order to show the power of his empire;[XXVIII-33] and zealous disciples, with their heads crowned with branches of the vine, holding in one hand a crater and in the other a torch, ran with dishevelled hair about the streets, shouting to the son of Jupiter, the terrible Evius,[XXVIII-34] in the silence of the night.[XXVIII-35]

The Romans addressed to him special prayers twice a year, on the occasion of the wine festivals,[XXVIII-36] which took place in the months of May and September. In the first, they tasted the wine;[XXVIII-37] and, during the second, they implored the god to grant Italy fine weather and abundant vintages.[XXVIII-38]

The god could not reasonably refuse this request, for the vine-dressers spared neither labour nor fatigue to procure an abundant harvest. They were constantly seen disincumbering the plant of a too luxurious foliage, thereby exposing the grapes to the sun’s rays, which bring them to maturity, and breaking with indefatigable perseverance the least clods of earth which, accumulating around the tendrils, appeared to fatigue them by their weight.[XXVIII-39] And woe to the thief whom they detected by night stealing any of these carefully reared grapes; his crime was punished with death, unless the inexperience of youth pleaded in his favour. In that case a severe flagellation impressed on him permanently the remembrance of his fault and of the rights of property.[XXVIII-40]

The imperial jurisprudence afterwards softened the Draconian rigour of this law of the Decemviri.[XXVIII-41]

The ancients, like ourselves, were fond of seeing fresh grapes appear on their tables at all periods of the year. They preserved them by covering them with barley flour,[XXVIII-42] or by placing fine bunches in rain water, diminished to a third by boiling. The vase was hermetically sealed with pitch and plaster, and then placed in a spot where the sun’s rays could not enter. This water was an excellent beverage for the sick.[XXVIII-43]

The method of making wine was precisely the same both in Greece and Italy.

The vine gatherers carefully rejected the green grapes,[XXVIII-44] and piled the others in deep baskets,[XXVIII-45] the contents of which were instantly emptied into large vats. There men, hardly clothed in the lightest garments, trampled them under their feet,[XXVIII-46] whilst joyous songs and sounds of flutes hastened their movements, and animated them to work faster.[XXVIII-47]

Wine obtained in this manner was much esteemed, and kept very well.[XXVIII-48] The wort which escaped from the vat as soon as they had thrown in the grapes, and which came from the pressure occasioned by their laying one on the other, enjoyed the preference. This first liquor was transformed into an exquisite wine.[XXVIII-49]

The grapes, crushed by the feet, were placed under the press,[XXVIII-50] and an opening made in the lower part of the vat allowed the wort to flow into earthen jars, whence it was subsequently poured into the barrels.[XXVIII-51]

The press was always raised at a little distance from the cellar and kitchen.[XXVIII-52] Its mechanism was very simple. The antiquities of Herculaneum will furnish us with an example. Two trees were firmly fixed in the ground, at a few feet distance one from the other, and a strong horizontal beam rested on their summit. Other pieces of wood, similar

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXII.

No. 1. Wine-press, explained in the text.

No. 2. A large vase, in which a man is sitting, supposed to be Diogenes. This amphora is broken, and the pieces are joined by ties of lead, cut dove-tailed. It is a bass-relief, from the Villa Albani, published by Winkelman.

No. 3. Represents a beast of burthen, with a pack saddle, loaded with two amphoræ. This piece of terra cotta, drawn the size of the original, is taken from the collection of children’s playthings of Prince de Biscari. The difficulty of carriage was so great in mountainous countries, that the inhabitants of the Alps substituted for vessels of terra cotta, casks, or wooden tubs, put together with wooden circles, similar to our own. (See Plate III., No. 4., Chariot with four wheels, loaded with a cask.)

to the top piece, were placed underneath. The grapes occupied the space between the vat and the lower plank. Between each of the cross planks wedges were introduced, and two persons kept striking them with hammers, one on each side; it is thus the pressure was effected.[XXVIII-53] Wine from the press, inferior to those just mentioned, served for the ordinary consumption of the family, and for the servants.[XXVIII-54] It was not racked, but simply taken from the barrel as it was wanted.[XXVIII-55]

The lees were taken from the press when it yielded no more liquor; a certain quantity of water was poured over them, and the whole subjected to a second pressure. The weak kind of wine obtained by this new operation must have somewhat resembled that acrid stuff called piquette, in France; it was the beverage of the people, and especially of the country people during the winter.[XXVIII-56]

A part of the wort--that which was required for immediate use--was put aside, and clarified with vinegar.[XXVIII-57] A portion of that obtained from the crushed grapes was put to boil on furnaces, supported on three legs, at a little distance from the press, in coppers, the contents of which were continually stirred.[XXVIII-58] This liquor, reduced by a third, was called carenum;[XXVIII-59] when the half only remained, it was called defrutum;[XXVIII-60] and, lastly, when the ebullition left only a third part remaining, this substance, very similar to honey, took the name of sapa.[XXVIII-61] It was mixed with flour, to fatten the snails reared by skilful speculators, who reserved them for the Roman sybarites.[XXVIII-62]

This wort, thus prepared by night, when the moon did not shine,[XXVIII-63] and carefully skimmed,[XXVIII-64] served to preserve wines, to give more body to those which were thought too weak, and became the base of several beverages sought in preference by Roman ladies, at that period of life when maturity of years made alliance with sensuality.[XXVIII-65]

Those who wished to preserve sweet wine during a whole year, filled with the second wort--that is to say, that which was produced by the pression of the feet--some amphoræ covered with pitch inside and out. They were then hermetically sealed, and buried in the sand, or plunged in cold water, where they remained at least two months.[XXVIII-66]

There still was left a large quantity of wort as it came from the grapes. This was taken into the cellar,[XXVIII-67] which was always situated a little below the level of the ground; or to the ground floor, where no kind of smell was allowed to penetrate, or any emanation capable of spoiling the bouquet of the wine it contained.[XXVIII-68]

At Herculaneum a spacious cellar has been discovered, round which hogsheads were ranged, and built into the wall.[XXVIII-69] Another cellar, at Pompeii, remarkable for its small size, is divided into two compartments, both containing barrels, and divided one from the other by an horizontal wall.[XXVIII-70]

Large earthen vessels were found there, with and without handles, very carefully executed, and smeared with pitch.[XXVIII-71] We know that the cynic, Diogenes, dwelt in one of these vases; and that the king, Alexander, found him crouching in his strange kind of carapace.[XXVIII-72] The ancients had butts also, but they used them only in cold countries.[XXVIII-73]

The Dolia--for so they were named--were first subjected to a fumigation with aromatic plants; then watered with sea-water, and buried half way in the earth. They were separated each one from another, and strict attention was paid to see that the cellar contained neither leather, nor cheese, nor figs, nor old casks. Sometimes persons who inhabited the country paved the store-room, spread sand, and placed the dolia on it.[XXVIII-74]

At the end of nine days, when the fermentation had cleared the wine from those substances it rejects, they carefully covered the dolia, after having smeared all the upper part of the inside, as well as the covers themselves, with a mixture of defrutum, saffron, mastic, pitch, and pine nuts.[XXVIII-75] The butts of aqueous wine were exposed to the north; spirituous wines often braved the rain, the sun, and every change of temperature.[XXVIII-76]

They accelerated the fining of the wine by throwing in plaster, chalk, marble dust, salt, resin, dregs of new wine, sea-water, myrrh, and aromatic herbs.[XXVIII-77] The butts were uncovered once a month, or more frequently, in order to refresh the contents; and before the head was put on again, it was rubbed with pine nuts.[XXVIII-78] Wine was also clarified by drawing it off into another butt, and mixing yolks of eggs beaten with

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXIII.

COLUM NIVARIUM.--A strainer, used to separate the dregs from the wine. Two are preserved in the collection of Herculaneum; they are made of white metal, and worked with elegance. Each is composed of two plates, round and concave, of four inches in diameter, supplied with flat handles. The two dishes (as it were) and their handles adapt to each other so well, that when put together they appear as one; holes in great number are symmetrically perforated in the upper dish, which keeps the dregs, and lets the clear liquid pass through the lower one. The strainer here represented is taken from Montfaucon’s “Antiquities,” and was found at Rome, towards the end of the 17th century. It is of bronze, and ornamented. On the handles are reliefs in silver, referring to the worship of Bacchus.

salt,[XXVIII-79] or straining it through the colum nivarium (already described),[XXVIII-80] covered with a piece of linen.[XXVIII-81]

Fine wines were kept in the wood for two, three, or four years, according to their different properties; after which they were transferred to amphoræ, and that operation required the greatest care.[XXVIII-82]

The amphoræ were earthen pitchers with two handles,[XXVIII-83] reserved for choice wines.[XXVIII-84] To prevent evaporation through their pores, they covered them with pitch, and stopped the neck with wood or cork, covered with a mastic composed of pitch, chalk, and oil, or any other fat substance. The name of the wine was inscribed on the amphora; its age was indicated by the designation of the consuls who were in office when it was made. When the amphora was of glass, it was ticketed with these details.[XXVIII-85] For this kind of vessels they had store-rooms, which were commonly at the top of the house.[XXVIII-86] By exposing them to the sun and to smoke the maturity of the wine was hastened.[XXVIII-87] The discovery of this means of ripening, which the Roman œnophiles never failed to practice, was attributed to the Consul Opimius.[XXVIII-88]

Pliny assures us that the vineyards of the entire world produce 195 different kinds of wine; or double that number, if we reckon every variety.[XXVIII-89] The whole universe, says he, furnishes only 80 of superior quality, and of this number, two-thirds belong to Italy.[XXVIII-90] Modern agriculture must have singularly disturbed the calculations of the Roman naturalist.

Let that be as it may, the best Greek wines were those of Thasos,[XXVIII-91] Lesbos,[XXVIII-92] Chios,[XXVIII-93][Q] and Cos.[XXVIII-94] Italy boasted of the Sentinum,[XXVIII-95] the

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXIV.

No. 1. Amphora, or Dolium. Upon one of the handles is engraved the sigles P. S. A. X; the first two, probably, are the initials of the proprietor, and the last describes the capacity of the vase, being 250 quarts.--MONTFAUCON’s “Antiquities,” expl.

Nos. 2 and 3. Smaller Dolium, found at Herculaneum, buried at the bottom of a cellar. The mouths of these vases were fixed in a marble slab, and closed with a cover of the same material. There is in the Villa Albani, an amphora of terra cotta of this kind, which contained 18 Roman amphoræ, or 463 quarts, as marked by numerical letters, engraved upon the outside. In 1750, one of these amphoræ was found at Pouzzole, which was five feet six inches in height, and five feet in diameter, containing 1,728 quarts. Several amphoræ from Herculaneum and Pompeii have inscriptions written in colours, and which give the name of the Prætor Nonnius; the same as those found at Rome, which were inscribed with the name of the consul, to fix the year of the vintage.

Falernum,[XXVIII-96] the Albanum,[XXVIII-97] and the Mamertinum.[XXVIII-98] After these, a number of other excellent wines occupied a very distinguished place in a long nomenclature to be found in Pliny[XXVIII-99] and Athenæus.[XXVIII-100]

The ancients professed to have a very particular veneration for wines of a renowned growth, which had ripened slowly in amphoræ. Some gastronomic archæologists produced, on their tables certain wines which had so far dried up in leather bottles, that they were taken out in lumps;[XXVIII-101] others, placed in the chimney corner, became in time as hard as salt.[XXVIII-102] Petronius speaks of a wine of a hundred leaves.[XXVIII-103] Pliny says that guests were served with wine more than two hundred years old: it was as thick as honey.[XXVIII-104] This wine was thinned with warm water, and passed through the straining bag (saccatio vinorum).[XXVIII-105]

This predilection for good old wine was common to the Greeks;[XXVIII-106] the Romans--who liked it for the bitterness it had contracted by age;[XXVIII-107] and the Egyptians, who, notwithstanding their time-honoured love of beer, were not unjust towards the beverage with which their Osiris found it so delightful to intoxicate himself.[XXVIII-108]

Athenæus sets no bounds to his praise of old wine. He says it is excellent for the health; it is the best thing to dissolve the food; it strengthens; it assists the circulation of the blood, and assures a peaceful sleep.[XXVIII-109] Who, then, would be ungrateful enough to refuse to drink?

The topers of antiquity did not disdain white wine, but they seem to have viewed it as of secondary importance. It digests easily, says the writer just cited, but it is weak, and has but little body.[XXVIII-110] Red wine, on the contrary, is full of strength and energy, and it is the first that the inhabitants of Chios learned to make,[XXVIII-111] when Œnopion, the son of Bacchus, had planted the vine in their country.[XXVIII-112]

However, there was no lack of amateurs of white wine, and, like ourselves, the ancients doubtless preferred it when they eat snails, oysters, or any of those shell fish with which the Lucrine lake abounded. They even took it into their heads (how ingenious is gluttony!) to change red wine sometimes into white. To do this it was only necessary to put three whites of egg, or some bean flour, into a flagon, and shake it a long time. The same result was obtained with ashes from the white vine.[XXVIII.113] Now, is Apicius jesting with us a little when he gives this recipe; or was it a legerdemain trick to amuse the guests at the end of a repast, when too frequent libations had rendered them incapable of distinguishing clearly one colour from another?

The Greeks endeavoured to preclude the disastrous effects of intoxication by putting sea-water into the wine; a mixture which they also thought had the effect of assisting digestion. One measure of water was enough for fifty measures of wine.[XXVIII-114] And, again, the merchants of that nation took so much interest in the health of foreign consumers that they never shipped the wines of the Archipelago for Rome or elsewhere without diluting them in this manner. Such, for example, was the course followed in concocting that celebrated wine of Chios, which Cato imitated so as to deceive the best judges.[XXVIII-115] That honest geoponic has transmitted us his secret. Fifty-six pints of old sea-water are thrown into a pipe of sweet wine made with grapes dried in the sun; or two-thirds of a bushel of salt are put into a rush basket, and suspended in the middle of the pipe, where it is left to melt.[XXVIII-116]

This very simple process metamorphoses the most indifferent liquor into that delightful nectar which gave renown and fortune to the isle of Cos.

The saline wine of the Greeks (vinum tethalassomenon) was nothing else.[XXVIII-117] Their thalassites wine, so much in demand in Italy on account of its apparent age, owed its reputation to the fact of its having been plunged for some time in the sea.[XXVIII-118] This little trading knavery was a tolerably innocent means of increasing the profits of the speculator, who hastened the maturity of his wines without employing any of those deleterious ingredients which illicit traders have introduced at a later period. When the wine had remained a sufficient time in the sea to give it age, it was drawn off into goatskin bottles, well coated with pitch, and, in this manner it supported the longest sea voyages.[XXVIII-119]

The following are the made wines most in vogue in olden times.

The Passum was one of those most esteemed in Rome, particularly, when it came from Crete.[XXVIII-120] It was made with grapes, spread in the sun until they were reduced in weight to one-half. The pips, thus dried, were then put into a butt containing some excellent wort. When they were well soaked, they were crushed with the feet, and then subjected to a slight pressure in the wine-press. Sometimes they simply plunged the fresh grapes into boiling oil, instead of exposing them to the sun, and the result was the same.[XXVIII-121]

The Dulce wine was obtained by drying the grapes in the sun for three days, and crushing them with the feet on the fourth, at the time of the greatest heat.[XXVIII-122] The Emperor Commodus thought this a most delectable drink.[XXVIII-123]

The Mulsum, or honeyed wine, was an exquisite mixture of old Falernian wine and new honey, from the Mount Hymettus.[XXVIII-124] The physician, Cœlius Aurelianus, recommends the holding of warm mulsum in the mouth as a palliative in cases of violent head-ache.[XXVIII-125]

The name of Anisites wine was given to that in which some grains of aniseed had been infused.[XXVIII-126]

The Granatum was prepared by throwing thirty broken pomegranates into a pipe of wine, and pouring over them ten pints and a-half of a different wine, hard and sour. This drink was fit for use at the end of thirty days.[XXVIII-127]

Apicius gives us the recipe for the Rosatum:--“Put,” says he, “some rose leaves into a clean linen cloth; sew it up, and leave it seven days in the wine; take out the roses, and put in fresh ones; repeat the operation three times, and then strain the wine. Add some honey at the time of drinking. The roses must be fresh, and free from dew.”[XXVIII-128]

The Violatum is made in the same manner, only violets are used instead of roses.[XXVIII-129]

Rosatum may also be obtained without roses, by putting a small basket filled with green lemon leaves into a barrel of new wine before the fermentation has taken place, and leaving them there for forty days. This wine is to be mixed with honey before it is drunk.[XXVIII-130]

Myrrh wine--Myrrhinum, among the ancients--was wine mixed with a little myrrh, to render it better and make it keep longer. They thought much of it.[XXVIII-131]

All these wines, like those previously mentioned, were strained through the colum vinarium before they were served to the guests. This strainer was composed of two round, deep dishes, of four inches in diameter. The upper part was pierced, and received the wine, which ran into the lower recipient, whence the cups were filled.[XXVIII-132]

In Rome the price of common wine--sometimes adulterated[XXVIII-133]--was 300 sesterces for 40 urns, or 15 sesterces for an amphora; that is to say, about sixpence per gallon.[XXVIII-134] At Athens it was thought dear when it cost fourpence per gallon. This measure was commonly sold for not more than twopence.[XXVIII-135]

In the early days of the Roman republic women were forbidden to drink wine;[XXVIII-136] but that law fell into disuse, and noble matrons often carried intemperance as far as their toping husbands.

LIQUEUR WINE.

It must be owned that the Roman law was, for a long time, tyrannical in the extreme with regard to women. Totally interdict the use of wine! Kill the unfortunate creatures who were unable to resist the seductions of that dangerous liquor! For the Roman history furnishes us with more than one example of that atrocious chastisement inflicted on the guilty thirst of the fair sex. The barbarous Micennius immolated his wife on the butt, at which he caught her one day, quenching her thirst at the tap or the bunghole. The ferocious Romulus thought this act simple and natural: he did not even reprimand the cruel husband.[XXVIII-137]

Another unfortunate creature discovered the place where her husband kept the keys of the cellar. She took them, and had the imprudent curiosity to go and visit the mysterious and inauspicious treasure, to which she was forbidden all access. Her family perceived this innocent larceny, and refused her every kind of food, to punish her for an imaginary crime. She died in the tortures of hunger.[XXVIII-138]

Is it necessary to speak of C. Domitius, that uncourteous judge, who deprived a lady of her marriage portion because she had taken the liberty to drink a spoonful or two of wine unknown to her lord and master?[XXVIII-139] But, let us say it at once--Roman civilisation put an end to such strange manners; and so early as the age of Augustus, Livia, the consort of that emperor, affirmed, when eighty-two years old, that she was indebted to Bacchus for her long existence.[XXVIII-140] Let us remark, by the way, that the great prince, her husband, honoured the labours of the vine-dresser and the serious study of wines,[XXVIII-141] to which little attention had been paid down to his time. It began then to be understood that this grateful drink draws the ties of friendship closer,[XXVIII-142] and all honest people, all generous souls, were eager to taste it.

The good Trajan quaffed off numberless cups every day: of course he became the idol of the human species.[XXII-143] Agricola wished to drink before he died.[XXII-144] The imbecile Claudius often found some ray of wisdom at the bottom of an amphora.[XXVIII-145] Domitian merited the pardon of his crimes, thanks to the streams of wine which during the night ran from the fountains;[XXVIII-146] and Caligula would, perhaps, have obtained that popularity which always failed him, had he possessed sufficient sense to offer to the Roman people the delicious Falernian wine he allotted to his favourite horse.[XXVIII-147]

The ladies ventured, in the first place, to wet their lips with a few drops of those light wines which the sun seemed to ripen for them at Tibur, in the environs of Cumæ, and throughout Campania.[XXVIII-148] After a short time, they braved the Falernian itself--true, they generally mixed it with iced water or snow;[XXVIII-149] but the boldest are reported to have risked that dangerous liquor without taking such timid precautions. Falernian was a noble wine! They began to drink it as soon as it had reached its tenth year. Then it was possible to bear up against it. When it was twenty years old, it could only be mastered after it was diluted with water. If older, it was unconquerable; it attacked the nerves, and caused excruciating headache.[XXVIII-150] The ladies struggled a long time for the victory; but, alas! the Falernian always had the best of it. Tired out, at length, with so many useless efforts, the wisest of them left it to their husbands, and sought other beverages which possessed less dangerous charms. Greece and Italy invented new drinks for them, which had a well-merited vogue, notwithstanding the discredit into which they have fallen for many centuries past. Our modern beauties would smile with an air of incredulity if we were to extol asparagus wine, winter savory wine, wild marjoram wine, parsley seed wine, or those made from mint, rue, pennyroyal, and wild thyme; and yet these liquors were the delectable drinks of the most distinguished women of ancient Rome, of those women who could never find in the culinary productions of the entire universe anything sufficiently delicate or rare. Are we, then, to blame their taste, or question our own?

Leaving aside this knotty question, which we do not feel ourselves called upon to resolve, let us state that these different drinks were prepared in a very simple manner. Two handfuls of one of the above-named plants were put into a butt of wort; a pint of sapa and half a pint of sea-water were added.[XXVIII-151] This wine was drunk by the Greek and Roman ladies at breakfast,[XXVIII-152] and was an excellent substitute for the silatum, a drink prepared with ochre, and which we can hardly believe to have been introduced by sensuality alone.[XXVIII-153]

It frequently happened, after a banquet, that the wearied and palled stomach refused with loathing the least nourishment. An intelligent slave failed not, under such circumstances, to present his languishing mistress with a cup of wormwood wine, before she quitted her couch. Anon, the livid paleness of her complexion brightened into the rosy hue of health, the dimmed eye resumed its wonted lustre, and that very evening the brilliant matron could seat herself fearlessly at a fresh banquet. That precious wine, that fashionable tonic, which modern sobriety--be it said to our praise--has rendered almost useless, sold well in Rome under the reigns of the Emperors. It was composed by boiling a pound of wormwood in 240 pints of wort until it was diminished one-third. There was also a more simple method of making it, which was to throw a few handfuls of wormwood into a butt of wine.[XXVIII-154]

The live wood, or the leaves of the cedar, the cypress, the laurel, the juniper-tree, or the turpentine-tree, boiled a long time in wort, produced different bitter liqueurs, to which intemperance complacently attributed benign qualities and numerous medical virtues.[XXVIII-155] Equal praise may be accorded to hyssop wine, that famous mixture of three ounces of the plant in twelve pints of wort.[XXVIII-156] Its effects were surprising, and the most popular physicians would not have failed to prescribe it for their languishing patients, whose strength and gaiety it restored.

But, thank Heaven! our Roman beauties were not always obliged to have recourse to the gloomy experience of the disciples of Æsculapius; and when they were in good health, more exhilarating liqueurs lent their aid to toast their return to health and pleasure. They were then seen sipping myrtle wine, a mild beverage, the light vapours of which brought down calm and profound sleep. It was wisdom to drink it; for, alas! not all that would, can sleep! If the reader be troubled with wakefulness, he will hail with joy the recipe for this beneficent narcotic. Let him take young myrtle branches with the leaves, pound them, and boil one pound in eighteen pints of white wine, until it is reduced to two-thirds.[XXVIII-157] Let him drink this liqueur of the Roman ladies, and, without doubt, he will sleep as they did.

The petites maîtresses, those delicate women, whose life seemed to be a tissue of vapours mingled with tears--Rome abounded with them--would have fainted even at the smell of the wines made up in the manner indicated above. Their frail, nervous organization, required a different kind of drink, and one was invented for them,--the Adynamon. This adynamon, or wine without strength, was the most inoffensive of liqueurs. It was obtained by boiling ten pints of water in twenty pints of white wort.[XXVIII-158] A small cup of this salutary beverage restored a debile Cynthia, a sickly Julia, when, negligently seated at her toilet, a Bœotian slave brought a nosegay of lilies instead of a crown of roses. These charming creatures would soon have lost the use of their senses, if the adynamon had not been promptly applied to their lips. But hardly had they tasted the marvellous liqueur when animation resumed its calm and peaceful course; nay, after the lapse of a few seconds, they were enabled, without any inconvenience whatever, to witness the chastisement of the slave, whose naked shoulders and breasts were lacerated by their orders with a thong studded with sharp points.[XXVIII-159] Who, after that, would dare doubt the properties of the adynamon wine?

The Œnanthinum wine was destined for more vigorous constitutions, for natures of less exquisite delicacy. The Roman ladies, somewhat fond of rusticating, who passed a part of the year in their villas, prepared it by putting two pounds of wild vine flowers into a butt of wort. They were left there thirty days, and then the liquor was drawn off into other vessels.[XXVIII-160]

Such were the vinous drinks which fashion formerly brought into repute in the capital of the world. The women set no bounds to their taste for these concocted wines; but went on from one excess to another as long as the empire lasted. These strange habits, now buried under the Roman colossus, have been replaced by a new order of civilisation. Woman, that graceful being of whom antiquity was not worthy, now appears such as Christianity has made her, to reveal to us virtues which ancient Greece and Italy never knew. Daughter, wife, and mother, she consoles, encourages, and supports man amid the trials of life. Her sweet smile welcomes him at the cradle; her prayer accompanies him to the tomb. It was she who softened the ferocious instincts of the barbarous hordes that the forests of the north vomited over Europe; and still exercising her empire over modern society, she is hailed as a queen, whose virtues and chaste attractions render her the living embodiment of the flower and the angel, those sweet symbols of love and beauty, between which a modern poet has gracefully placed her throne.

* * * * *

The primitive inhabitants of Great Britain learned from the Romans to plant the vine, under the reign of the Emperor Probus. The conquerors taught them also the art of cutting it, and how to make wine. But, as Strutt observes, the vine could never be of any great utility in this country. It was more ornamental than useful, with the exception that it afforded the means of procuring a cool retreat and shade.[XXVIII-161] However, some provinces of England became celebrated for their wines. “The county of Gloucester is renowned for its vines,” says William of Malmesbury; “and the wines it produces are scarcely inferior to those of France.”[XXVIII-162]

Saint-Louis was the first who established statutes for the dealers in wine.[XXVIII-163] New ones were framed in 1585,[XXVIII-164] and the dealers were then divided into four classes, each of which was designated by a particular name, viz., the inn-keepers, the publicans, the tavern-keepers, and the wine-dealers by measure. The inn-keepers had accommodation for man and horse; the publicans served drink with table-cloth and plates--that is to say, they might serve food and drink at the same time; the tavern-keepers served drink alone; and the retail dealers could only sell it in considerable quantities at one time.[XXVIII-165] In 1680 these four classes were reduced to two--wine-merchants and retail wine-dealers.

Under the reign of Louis XIV., a great dispute arose concerning the relative merits of Burgundy and Champagne wines, and the preference due to the one or the other. This quarrel originated in a thesis, maintained at the commencement of the 17th century at the Medical School of Paris, in which it was asserted, that the wine of Beaune, in Burgundy, was not only the most agreeable but the most wholesome. This thesis excited no murmur at the time: from the 13th century the wine of Beaune had always enjoyed the highest reputation, and no one dreamed of disputing it. But forty years later they risked a proposition much more rash than the preceding one: it was maintained, in the same school, that the wines of Burgundy were not only preferable to those of Champagne, but that the latter attack the nerves, cause a fermentation of the humours, and infallibly bring on the gout in persons not naturally subject to it. They fortified this incredible opinion with the authority of the celebrated Fagon, chief physician of Louis XIV., who had just forbidden the king, as they said, the use of Champagne wine.

The Champagne people took fire--it was time--the dangerous heresy threatened to spread; so they attacked the Burgundians bravely. The latter defended themselves with equal courage. The battle waxed warm. Each party sought to crush their antagonists with heavy writings. The inhabitants of Burgundy pretended that the wine of Champagne owed its vogue entirely to the influence of Colbert and Louvois, the then ministers, one of whom was a native of Champagne, and the other in possession of immense vineyards. The Champagne growers proved that this assertion was false in every particular. Long before the time of these two statesmen, said they, the French got tipsy on Champagne wine; ergo, they valued that exhilarating liquor. This argument was irrefragable. They might have added that, from the 16th century, the wine of Aï, a canton of Champagne, enjoyed such renown that the Emperor Charles V., Pope Leo X., Henry VIII. of England, and Francis I. of France, were anxious to possess this nectar, and tradition assures us that each of these great sovereigns purchased a close at Aï, in which a little house was built for a vine-dresser, who sent them every year a stock of wine, which enlivened their repasts.[XXVIII-166]

The epicureans took part in this great discussion, and that they might give their judgment after mature deliberation, founded on a perfect knowledge of facts, they have been tasting Champagne and Burgundy wines these two hundred years. May the vouchers in this suit never fail them!

Wine was long used for presents and fees--a custom established under Charlemagne. After a baptism, a marriage, or a burial, the priests received the vicar’s wine; before marriage, wedding wine was offered to the intended bride; after a law-suit, the counsellor was presented with clerk’s wine; the wine of citizenship was given to the mayor of a town in which any person took up his abode. This present subsequently took the name of pot-de-vin (bribe), still in great favour. It has changed its character, certainly, but the variations have multiplied to infinity.[XXVIII-167]

In the middle ages sober people intoxicated themselves regularly once a month. Arnaud de Villeneuve examines seriously the advantages of this Hygienic custom.[XXVIII-168] There was a kind of glory attached to the swallowing of more wine than any other man without being non compos mentis. There was, however, a means of avoiding these bacchanalian encounters. It was, to choose a champion who, as in judicial combats, accepted the challenges for his candidate, to whom the victory or defeat was attributed, as if he himself had drank.[XXVIII-169]

In the middle ages, and in the 16th century, intoxication was severely punished in France.

By five ordinances, in the years 802, 803, 810, 812, and 813, Charlemagne declares habitual drinkers unworthy of being heard before courts of justice in their own cause, or as witness for another.[XXVIII-170]

Francis I. decreed, by an edict, in the month of August, 1536, that whosoever should be found intoxicated was to be imprisoned on bread and water for the first offence; the second time, flogging in the prison was added; the third time, he was publicly flogged; and if the offender was incorrigible, his ears were out off, he was deemed infamous, and banished the kingdom.[XXVIII-171]

Now every one is free to quench his thirst, and drink more if he chooses.

“The Crafte to make Ypocras.--Take a quarte of red wine, an ounce of synamon, ane halfe an once (ounce) of gynger, a quarter of an unnce (ounce) of greynes and long pepper, and halfe a pound of suger, and brose all this (not too small), and then put them in a bage of wullen clothe, made therefore (for that purpose), with the wire, and it hange over a vessel tyll the wine be run thorowe (through).”[XXVIII-172]--Quoted by STRUTT.

The English were extremely partial to a drink they called Clarey, or Clarre. According to Arnold[XXVIII-173] it was compounded in the following manner:--

“For eighteen gallons of good wyne, take halfe a pounde of ginger, quarter of a pound of long peper, an ounce of safron, a quarter of an ounce of coliaundyr, two ounces of calomole dromatycus, and the third part as much honey that is clarifyed as of youre wyne, streyne them through a cloth, and do it into a clene vessell.”

John, in the first year of his reign, made a law that a tun of Rochelle wine should not be sold for more than twenty shillings, a tun of wine from Anjou for twenty-three shillings, and a tun of French wine for twenty-five shillings, except some that might be of the very best sort, which was allowed to be raised to twenty-six shillings and fourpence, but not for more, in any case. By retail, a gallon of Rochelle wine was to be sold for fourpence, and a gallon of white wine for sixpence, and no dearer.[XXVIII-174]

XXIX.

REPASTS.

Mortals were formerly remarkably sober, and the gods themselves set them the example, by feeding exclusively on ambrosia and nectar.[XXIX-1] The most illustrious warriors in the Homeric ages were generally contented with a piece of roast beef; for a festival, or a wedding dinner, the frugal fare was a piece of roast beef; and the king of kings, the pompous Agamemnon, offered no greater rarity to the august chiefs of Greece, assembled round his hospitable table. It is true that the guest to be most honoured received for his own share an entire fillet of beef.[XXIX-2]

The vigorous but uncultivated appetites of these heroes were hardly satisfied when everything disappeared, and none of them thought to prolong the pleasures of good cheer.[XXIX-3] Happy times of ingenuous and ignorant frugality! what has become of you?

It must not, however, be imagined that they were entirely destitute of more refined aliments. Homer gives to the Hellespont the epithet of fishy; Ithaca, and several other islands of Greece, abounded in excellent game;[XXIX-4] but the magiric genius was asleep--it awoke at a later period.

Beware, however, of a mistake: those men--with so little choice respecting their viands--all possessed stomachs of astounding capacity.[XXIX-5] Theagenes, an athlete of Thasos, eat a whole bull;[XXIX-6] Milo of Crotona did the same thing--at least once.[XXIX-7] Titormus had an ox served for supper, and when he rose from table, they say not a morsel remained.[XXIX-8] Astydamas of Miletus, invited to supper by the Persian, Ariobarzanes, devoured a feast prepared for nine persons.[XXIX-9] Cambis, King of Lydia, had such an unfortunate appetite, that one night the glutton devoured his wife![XXIX-10] Thys, King of the Paphlagonians, was afflicted with voracity nearly similar.[XXIX-11] The Persian Cantibaris, eat so much and so long that his jaws were at last tired, and then attentive servants used to press the food into his mouth.[XXIX-12]

These are facts of which we do not exactly guarantee the truth, for history--it is no secret--has some little resemblance to the microscope: it frequently magnifies objects by presenting them to us through its deceitful prism.

We close this singularly incomplete list of the ancient polyphagists by adding that the Pharsalians[XXIX-13] and the Thessalians[XXIX-14] were redoubtable eaters, and that the Egyptians consumed a prodigious quantity of bread.[XXIX-15]

In more modern times, some men have acquired, by the energy of their hunger, an illustration they would have vainly demanded from their genius or their virtues. The Emperor Claudius sat down to table at all hours and in any place. One day, when he was dispensing justice according to his own fashion in the market-place of Augustus, his olfactory nerves scented the delicious odour of a feast which exhaled from one of the neighbouring temples. It was the priests of Mars, who were merry-making at the expense of the good souls in the surrounding locality. The glutton emperor immediately left his judgment-seat, and, without any further ceremony, went and asked them for a knife and fork.[XXIX-16] Never, no, never, adds the biographer of this prince, did he leave a repast until he was distended with food and soaked with drink, and then only to sleep. Yes, the ignoble Cæsar slept; but still, the “peacock’s feather,” an unseemly invention of Roman turpitude, was called into requisition to prepare the monarch for new excesses.[XXIX-17]

Galba could taste nothing if he was not served with inconceivable profusion. His stomach imposed limits upon him, but his eyes knew none; and when he had gloated to his heart’s content upon the magnificent spectacle of innumerable viands for which the universe had been ransacked, he would have the imperial dessert taken slowly round the table, and then heaped up to a prodigious height before the astonished guests.[XXIX-18]

Vitellius, the boldest liver, perhaps, of the whole imperial crew, and the most active polyphagist of past times, caused himself to be invited the same day to several senatorial families. This deplorable honour often caused their ruin, for each repast cost not less than 400,000 sesterces (£3,200). The intrepid Vitellius was equal to the whole, thanks to the peacock’s feather, which, doubtless, was cursed more than once by the unfortunate victims of his dreadful gluttony.[XXIX-19]

True, this poor prince was continually tormented with a hunger that no aliment seemed capable of satisfying. In the sacrifices, like the Harpies of whom Virgil speaks,[XXIX-20] he took the half-roasted viands from the altars, and disputed the sacred cakes with the gods. As he passed through the streets he seized the smoking-hot food spread out before the shops and public-houses; he did not even disdain the disgusting scraps that a miserable plebeian had gnawed the evening before, and which a hunger-stricken slave would have hardly contested with him.[XXIX-21]

Such were the masters of the world, the proud Cæsars! before whom haughty Rome bowed the head and trembled, and from whom it basely implored a smile, up to that day when some soldiers, tired of their shameful obedience, kicked the imperial corpse into the Tiber, after having mutilated it in presence of the populace, who crowded joyously around the Gemoniæ.[XXIX-22]

These terrific examples of insatiable voracity have become rare and obscure. A few isolated facts may perhaps be met with at very distant periods, which remind us of the polyphagic celebrities of Greece and Italy. There are, however, two which would have merited the attention of Vitellius himself.

The ingenuous Fuller[XXIX-23] speaks of a man, named Nicholas Wood, to whom the county of Kent proudly claims the honour of having given birth, who once eat a whole sheep at one meal. One day three dozen of pigeons were placed before him, of which he left only the bones. Another day, being at Lord Wootton’s, and having a good appetite, he devoured eighty-four rabbits and eighteen yards of black-pudding for his breakfast. We leave to Fuller the responsibility of the figures. Any how, the brave Nicholas Wood must have been a vigorous trencher-man!

The second anecdote is from Berchoux:--

Marshal Villars had a house-porter who was an enormous eater. “Franz,” said he, one day, “tell me, now, how many loins you could eat?” “Ah! my lord, as for loins, not many: five or six at most.” “And how many legs of mutton?” “Ah! as for legs of mutton, not many: seven or eight perhaps.” “And fatted pullets?” “Ah! as for pullets, my lord, not many: not more than a dozen.” “And pigeons?” “Ah! as for pigeons, not many: perhaps forty--fifty at most, according to the appetite.” “And larks?” “Ah! as for that, my lord--little larks--for ever, my lord, for ever!”[XXIX-24]

A truce to gluttons. Let us speak of epicureans.

It is to them that gastronomic civilization owes the laws by which it is regulated; they were the legislators of the table: they introduced regularity and order at repasts. The breakfast, dinner, collation, and supper were created by those sages. Fashion has often modified the nomenclature, but assuredly it will never be able to supersede it.

The Greeks submitted to it for many years;[XXIX-25] and then, that fickle people, whom everything wearied, declined the drudgery of masticating so frequently. The lower orders and the army eat twice a day;[XXIX-26] the fashionable people contented themselves with one repast,[XXIX-27] which some had served at mid-day,[XXIX-28] but the greater part just before sunset.[XXIX-29] The party of resistance had, as yet, yielded only on one point--the collation; and they continued bravely to breakfast, dine, and sup.[XXIX-30] But the monophagists were not sparing in their jokes, and the new fashion triumphed at last over the prescription of ancient usages.[XXIX-31] Pagan sobriety was doubtless far from suspecting that the Book of Ecclesiastes, in accordance with it on this subject, pronounces an anathema against the kingdom whose princes eat in the morning.[XXIX-32]

The Greek manners were introduced in Rome, and persons of a certain rank, who did not make a profession of gluttony, gave themselves up to the pleasures of the table only once a day.[XXIX-33]

The tyranny of fashion was not, however, such that all persons thought themselves bound to obey it under pain of being shamed and ridiculed. Many unscrupulously transgressed its laws, and more than one respectable Greek of good family, following the example of Ulysses, who prepared his breakfast at sun-rise,[XXIX-34] had the acratism brought so soon as the crowing of the cock announced the return of day.[XXIX-35] This frugal breakfast was composed of bread steeped in pure wine.[XXIX-36] The adults restricted themselves to this slight repast, but the children received more substantial nourishment.[XXIX-37]

The Romans, when they were not asleep, breakfasted at three or four o’clock in the morning.[XXIX-38] A little bread and cheese,[XXIX-39] or dry fruits,[XXIX-40] enabled them to wait for the solemn hour of the banquets.

It would appear that the Jews dined at mid-day;[XXIX-41] it was the hour at which St. Peter was hungry.[XXIX-42] This repast took place also among the Greeks about the middle of the day,[XXIX-43] if we are to believe Athenæus. However, Cicero relates that the philosopher Plato appeared to be very much astonished, when travelling in Italy, to see the inhabitants eat twice every day.[XXIX-44] It will only be necessary to repeat that the supper alone formed the rule, and that the breakfast and dinner were exceptions; they depended entirely upon the casualties of will.

About mid-day[XXIX-45] the sober Romans had a slight collation.[XXIX-46] Seneca, who never loses sight of himself in his fastidious treatises on wisdom, informs us that a little bread and a few figs were all that his virtue required.[XXIX-47]

The senators, the knights, and the luxurious freed-men, spared no expense either for dinner or supper. The priests of Mars, of whom we have already spoken, set them an example too seductive for them not to follow it.[XXIX-48] It is to be remarked, by the way, that those worthy ministers of the god of war took this repast in the most secret part of their temple, where they hardly allowed any one to come and interrupt them. This gastronomic quietude was also very much the taste of a celebrated modern sailor, the Bailiff de Suffrein. He was at dinner in Achem, India, when a deputation from the town was announced. Being a witty glutton, he conceived the happy thought of sending word to the importunate troop that an article of the Christian religion expressly prohibited every Christian from occupying himself with anything besides eating, that function being of the most serious importance. This reply singularly edified the deputation, who retired with respect, admiring the extreme devotion of the French general.[XXIX-49]

The collation--merenda--was little in use. It took place about the end of the day, before supper, particularly in summer, among the workmen and farm labourers.[XXIX-50]

We now come to the principal repast, to that which threw such brilliancy over the latter centuries of Rome, when a culinary monomania, a sort of gastronomic furor, seemed to have seized the sovereign people, who, no longer great by their conquests, betrayed a desire to become so by the number and audacity of their follies.

The Hebrews supped at the ninth hour, that is to say, about three o’clock in the afternoon.[XXIX-51] Their custom of two repasts would be sufficiently proved by the fact that, on fast days, they took food only in the evening.[XXIX-52] Hence, when they did not fast, they also eat at another hour. Their ordinary aliment was very simple; we shall have to speak of it hereafter.

In the primitive times, kings prepared their own suppers.[XXIX-53] Beef, mutton, goat’s flesh--such were the viands which then satisfied the daintiest palates.[XXIX-54] Baskets, filled with pure wheaten bread, were carried round to the guests,[XXIX-55] and heaps of salt, placed on the table, gave proof of the hospitality of those simple and unsophisticated ages.[XXIX-56]

The fierce warriors of that warlike period never forgot to invoke the gods before they satisfied their appetites: libations of wine rendered them favourable.[XXIX-57] This pious duty once fulfilled, they gave themselves up without restraint, to the joys of good cheer; and the sounds of the lyre and the buffooneries of mountebanks enlivened the banquet,[XXIX-58] which again received fresh animation from the copious healths, which persons the least versed in the forms of society never forgot.[XXIX-59]

It often happened that each one paid his share, or brought provisions with him[XXIX-60] to these joyous suppers, of which the last rays of the setting sun always gave the periodical signal.[XXIX-61] The uncertainty of these amicable meetings constituted their charm. Pic-nics, as we see, may be traced rather far back.

It was then that pleasure presided at those repasts; dulness had its turn when luxury proscribed the supper in open air, and in common,[XXIX-62] after the manner of the Jews, who assembled in gardens, or under trees,[XXIX-63] and mingled the sweet harmony of music with the less delicate seductions of their banquets.[XXIX-64]

The breakfast has always taken place after rising; dinner in the middle of the day; the collation in the course of the afternoon; and the supper in the evening. In the 14th century, people dined at ten o’clock in the morning.[XXIX-65] One or two centuries later, they dined at eleven o’clock. In the 16th century, and at the commencement of the 17th, they dined at mid-day in the best houses. Louis XIV., himself, always sat down to table at that hour.[XXIX-66] This order was not modified until the 18th century.

The Sicilian cooks taught unheard-of refinements, and were sought after with strange eagerness.[XXIX-67] The chine of beef and haunch of mutton of the Homeric epoch, gave way to sumptuous banquets, and a learned prodigality divided them into two or three acts, or courses,[XXIX-68] the order and luxurious majesty of which have been adopted in modern times.

It appears that three or four o’clock in the afternoon--the ninth hour--was the time invariably fixed for the supper of the Romans.[XXIX-69] Like the Greeks of yore, they contented themselves at first with simple aliments, and few in number; subsequently, three courses, sometimes seven,[XXIX-70] or even many more, appeared to them to be hardly sufficient to satisfy the ardent voracity of their eyes, and glut stomachs which odious precautions assimilated to the buckets of Danaus’s daughters.

These suppers, the details of which always appear to us as bearing the impress of exaggeration, notwithstanding the authority of the writers who furnish them, were insufficient for certain prodigies of extravagance and furious gluttony, who were served at midnight with a sort of “wake” (comissatio),[XXIX-71] at which some of them gave proof of renewed greed and vigour.

Vitellius was renowned for this kind of nocturnal debauchery;[XXIX-72] others shone in the second rank, but no one equalled that monarch-cook, who made the empire a market, and his shameful reign an unceasing banquet.

Sensual enjoyments, and every variety of barbarity that follows in their train, were carried to the highest pitch. There was something vast and monstrous, of which nothing can give us an idea, in the eclipse of mind, and the depravity of their hearts. All that force of intelligence and will which, under the influence of Christian spiritualism, has revealed itself in modern times by so many chivalric inspirations, so many moral institutions, so many scientific discoveries, so many industrial works, then ingulfed in the senses, was taxed solely for their gratification. The sensual organization of man had acquired a development apparently as vast as that of intelligence, because intelligence had become the handmaid of the senses: hence those colossal proportions in the tastes, the banquets, the pleasures of the ancients, when compared with ours, which make us regard them as an extinct race of giants, if we consider them in a sensual point of view; and as a race of pygmies, if we measure them by that power of ideas--that metaphysical and moral elevation--to which we have attained, and which would make a child of our days the catechist of all the philosophers of antiquity.[XXIX-73]

Down to the time of the conquest of the north of Europe by the Romans, the food was very simple. Chopped herbs boiled in cauldrons, served in wooden bowls on the hide of an ox, spread on the ground, in the midst of the forest; balls composed of different kinds of flour, and some strips of meat grilled on the embers--such was the food of our forefathers.[XXIX-74]

The table at which the Anglo-Saxons took their repasts, was covered with a very clean cloth. Each one received a horn cup, which contained some kind of pottage, or ale--the beverage for which they had a predilection.[XXIX-75] The plates with which Strutt has enriched his work give a satisfactory idea of the culinary intelligence of the nation. They had spits, knives, plates, and dishes in abundance. England was marching with giant strides towards civilization.[XXIX-76]

The Anglo-Saxons were particularly fond of boiled meat. They cut up the animal they intended to cook, put the pieces into a cauldron, supported by a tripod, and then lighted a fire on the ground. They stirred their ragoût incessantly with a long two-pronged fork, which also served them to take out the meat when it was done.[XXIX-77]

All the deplorable excesses of the Romans ought not to divert us from the fact, that religion and sound policy seem to have consecrated repasts in common, as one of the means best calculated to unite men more closely in the bonds of concord and friendship.[XXIX-78] The Scriptures furnish us with the first examples. Among the Israelites, the banquets which followed the sacrifices always took place in an assembly of relations, neighbours, or friends.[XXIX-79] They eat together and in public on wedding days and solemn festivals.[XXIX-80]

The first Christians promptly adopted this custom: their love feasts--their agapæ--were served in the church, after the Communion. The rich contributed to them abundantly; the poor according to their means; and the indigent who presented themselves with nothing in their hands, were received and treated as brethren.[XXIX-81] Admirable association of penury and opulence, which will never be replaced by the crude Utopias of modern philanthropy!

As an act of justice to Pagan legislators, we are compelled to say that sometimes they had excellent views, which go far to extenuate many of their aberrations. The laws of Minos prescribed to the Cretans the annual levy of an impost, the half of which was to be consecrated to the nourishment of the people. No one could eat alone; a certain number of families met together to take their repasts in common.[XXIX-82] At Lacedæmon, each one brought his share of the provisions necessary for the supper of the whole;[XXIX-83] or he sent at the commencement of the month to the steward of the common halls, wine, cheese, figs, a measure of flour, and a small sum of money to defray other expenses.[XXIX-84] Friendship, sobriety, and concord presided, without exception, at these meetings.

Solon decreed that the Athenians should assemble at the Prytanea to eat together--sometimes one, sometimes another--at the public expense. Each was invited in his turn, and was expected to be there on the day named.[XXIX-85] The Prytanea of Athens, Megara, Olympia, and Cyzica, contained a great number of porticoes, under which were the tables at which the citizens sat.

The founder of Rome also had the wisdom to ordain that, in certain cases, the inhabitants of the same ward should take their repasts in common, as a sign of peace and good feeling; nay, more: he decreed these suppers to be a part of the religious worship, and they were called “sacred banquets.”[XXIX-86]

Man abuses every thing. The Romans, tired of eating merely to support life, and disdaining, little by little, that austere sobriety which rendered them the masters of the world, gave themselves up at last to unbridled luxury, which appears to have redoubled during the war of Italy, and the civil wars of Marius, 83 B.C. Cornelius Sylla assumed the government, and one of the terrible dictator’s laws (Lex Cornelia) renewed the ancient sumptuary regulations, and fixed the prices of provisions.[XXIX-87] Julius Cæsar also made great efforts to oppose the redoubtable invasions of Roman gastronomy. That prince stationed guards in the markets, with orders to seize whatever they found there in contravention of the laws. If, through want of vigilance or fidelity, they allowed anything to escape, it was sure to be confiscated by more active agents, on the very tables, and in presence of the assembled guests.[XXIX-88] Resistance only increased the evil. Augustus thought to render the laws more efficacious by modifying them. He permitted twelve persons to meet in honour of the twelve great gods, and to spend eight shillings in ordinary repasts; twelve shillings in the banquets of the calends, the ides, and the nones; and even two pounds on wedding days and the day following.[XXIX-89]

Tiberius granted still more. Under his reign, a worthy citizen might spend for supper the sum of four pounds, without having to fear that any one would find fault with it.[XXIX-90]

Caligula, Claudius, and Nero--doubtless better judges of liberty than their predecessors--allowed every one the right to ruin himself as joyously as he pleased. These good princes, so far from repressing the luxury of the table, strove to fortify it with the authority of their examples.[XXIX-91]

Vitellius was by nature a non-reformer. That voracious Cæsar operated on a large scale; he spent in four months, for his suppers, a little more than five millions sterling.[XXIX-92] A trifle for a Roman emperor! Did not the riches and labour of Europe, Asia, and Africa, form his civil list? It is quite true that out of this modest revenue he had to find corn to stop the cravings of the proletarians, and provide the games of the Circus, in order to amuse them in their dangerous idleness. But Vitellius, who had no other passion than that of good cheer, was royally equal to the task. And these things cause no surprise when we remember that a Roman general, Lucullus, spent not less than £1,000 to offer a little collation to two of his friends, who refused him the time he required to treat them in a less unceremonious manner.

We find in the history of “Jack of Newbury”[XXIX-93] instructions relative to the manner in which an English tradesman was to feed the persons in his employment in the 16th century, which would certainly not be very pleasing now to that useful and laborious class:--

“You feed your folks with the best of beef and the finest of wheat, which is an oversight; neither do I hear of any knight in this country that doth it, and, to say the truth, how were they able to bear that part which they do, if they saved it not by some means? Come thither, and I warrant you that you shall see brown bread upon the board; if it be of wheat and rye mingled together, it is a great matter, and bread most highly commended, but most commonly they eat barley bread, or rye mingled with peasen or such-like coarse grain, which is doubtless of small price, and there is no other bread allowed except it be at their own board; and in like manner for their meat, it is well known that necks and points of beef is their ordinary fare; which, because it is commonly lean, they seeth therewith now and then a piece of bacon or pork, whereby they make their pottage fat, and therewith drive out the rest with more content: and this you must do. And besides that, the midriffs of oxen, and the cheeks, the sheep’s heads, and the gathers, which you give away at your gate, might serve them well enough; this would be a great spareing to your meat, and by this means you would save much money in the year, whereby you might better maintain your French hood and silk gown.”

The following is the style of living at the court of the Dauphin of France in the 14th century:--

As in all well-regulated houses, there were five repasts, viz.: the morning (except on fast days), the breakfast; the repast of ten o’clock,--(dix heures, or the décimheure; by abbreviation décimer, and by a second abbreviation, dîner)--the dinner; the second dinner, the supper (souper), at which they eat no more soup than we do; and lastly, the night repast, which they called a collation.

As an every-day fare, the Dauphin took for his dinner a rice pottage, with leeks or cabbage, a piece of beef, another of salt pork, a dish of six hens or twelve pullets, divided in two, a piece of roast pork, cheese, and fruit; at supper, a piece of roast beef, a dish of brains, neat’s feet, with vinegar, cheese and fruit. Other days, other dishes, which were also pre-arranged with respect to kind and quantity. The barons of the court had always the half of the quantity of the Dauphin; the knights, the quarter; the equerries and chaplains, the eighth. The distributions of wine and bread were made in the same proportions; such a rank, such weight, such measure; so that the young and delicate baroness had four pots of wine, while the chorister and the chaplain had but one.[XXIX-94]

We are indebted to the learned Monteil for the following details relative to the public repasts of Louis XIV.:--[XXIX-95]

The usher of the court, at the hour named, goes and knocks with his wand at the door of the hall of the body-guard, and says: “Gentlemen, to the king’s table!” a guard is dispatched, who follow him to the goblet, where one of the officers for the service of the table takes the nave. The guard accompany him, marching by his side, sword in hand.

Having arrived at the dining-room, the officers spread the cloth, try the napkins, the fork, the spoon, the knife, and the tooth-picks; that is to say, they touch them with a morsel of bread, which they afterwards eat.

The usher returns again to the hall of the body-guard, knocks at the door with his wand, and cries: “Gentlemen, the king’s meat!” Four guards then follow him to the ambry, where the equerry of the household and the chief steward, or major-domo, test the dishes, by dipping a piece of bread, which they eat. After this, the king’s meat is carried, the guards marching with their drawn swords on either side; the chief steward, preceded by the usher, walking in front. When he arrives near the table, he approaches the nave, and makes his obeisance to it; and if the announcer, or any other person desire also to do it, he may. The gentlemen-in-waiting place the dishes successively, and the table being covered with them, the king then enters.

It is to be remarked, that it is always a prince or a great personage who presents the wet napkin to him with which to wash his hands, whereas it is a simple valet who presents him with the dry napkin to wipe them.

The king takes his seat.

The equerry-carver carves the viands.

The king serves himself on a plate of gold.

When he asks for drink, the cup-bearer calls aloud: “Drink for the king!” At the same time he makes his obeisance to him, goes to the buffet, takes two crystal decanters, one of which is filled with wine, and the other with water, returns to the king, makes another obeisance, removes the cover of the glass, and presents it to the king, who pours out wine and water according to his own pleasure.

During the dinner or supper of the king, a group of lordly courtiers stand behind his chair, and endeavour--though frequently in vain--to divert him, and make him laugh; and another group, composed of ladies of the court, stand behind the queen’s chair, who, on their part, try to amuse her, and excite a smile.

Whether the king eat in public or private, the table is always served in the same manner:--

AT DINNER.

TWO LARGE TERRINES OF SOUP. TWO MIDDLING-SIZED ONES. TWO SMALL ONES AS SIDE DISHES.

FIRST COURSE. SECOND COURSE. TWO LARGE DISHES. TWO LARGE DISHES OF ROAST. TWO MIDDLING-SIZED ONES. TWO MORE, AS SIDE DISHES. SIX SMALL ONES, AS SIDE DISHES.

AT SUPPER.

The same number of dishes, only there is but three-fourths of the quantity of soup.

The king eats only with the royal family and princes of the blood.

Sometimes, however, the Pope’s nuncio has the honour of sitting at his table, but always at the distance of four places.[XXIX-96]

The luxury of the table was carried so far under Edward III. of England, that that prince was constrained, in the 17th year of his reign, to impose sumptuary laws on his subjects, forbidding the common people the indulgence of costly food and fine wines.[XXIX-97]

The necessity for this measure is demonstrated by the fact, of which we read in the chronicles of Stow,[XXIX-98] that, “at the marriage of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, the third son of Edward III., with Violentis, the daughter of Galeasius II., Duke of Milan, there was a rich feast, in which above thirty courses were served at the table, and the fragments that remained were more than sufficient to have served a thousand people.”

The same chronicler also informs us that King Richard II. held the Christmas feasts in the great hall of Westminster in 1399, “and such numbers came, that every day there were slain twenty-six or twenty-eight oxen and three hundred sheep, besides fowls without number.”[XXIX-99]

Richard Nevil, Earl of Warwick, kept so good a table, that his guests often eat six fat oxen for their breakfast.[XXIX-100] “In number of dishes and change of meate,” says Holinshed,[XXIX-101] “the nobilitie of Englande do most exceede, sith there is no daye in maner that passeth over their heades, wherein they have not onely beefe, mutton, veale, lambe, kidde, pork, conie, capon, pigge, or so many of these as the season yieldeth, but also some portion of the redde or fallow deere, beside great varietie of fishe and wilde fowle, and thereto sundrie other delicates, wherein the sweet hand of the portingale is not wanting.”

So early as the 16th century the inhabitants of the City of London were remarkable for the astonishing profusion of their repasts, if we are to believe the poet Massinger--

“Men may talk of country Christmas, and court gluttony, Their thirty pounds for buttered eggs, their pies of carps’ tongues, Their pheasants drenched with ambergrise; the carcases Of three fat wethers bruised for gravy, to Make sauce for a single peacock:--yet their feasts Were fasts, compared with the City’s.”[XXIX-102]

The description of one dish will enable us to judge of the others--

“Three sucking pigs, served up in a dish, Took from the sow as soon as she had farrowed, A fortnight fed with dates and muskadine,[Z] That stood my master in twenty marks a piece; Besides the puddings in their bellies, made Of I know not what.”[XXIX-103]

Hang thyself, voluptuous Apicius! thou hast never dreamed of such delicate fare!

In the comedy of the “Parson’s Wedding,”[XXIX-104] the captain orders for his supper “chines fry’d and the salmon calver’d, a carp and black sauce, red deer in the blood, and an assembly of woodcocks and jacksnipes, so fat you would think they had their winding-sheets on; and upon these, as their pages, let me have wait your Sussex wheatear, with a feather in his cap; over all which let our countryman, general chine of beef, command. I hate your French pottage, that looks as if the cook-maid had more hand in it than the cook.”

The luxurious munificence of Norman kings is almost as remarkable as that of the emperors of degenerate Rome.

William the Conqueror had himself crowned three times in the same year, and the banquets he gave on those occasions were such that they impoverished the kingdom.[XXIX-105]

At the dinner given on the marriage of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, and brother of Henry III., with the daughter of Raymond, Earl of Provence, more than thirty thousand dishes were served on the table of the bride and bridegroom.[XXIX-106]

In the year 1252, “John Mansel, the king’s counsellor, gave a stately dinner to the kings of England and Scotland and their queens; there was also present Edward, the king’s son, the Bishop of London, and many earls, barons, knights, and citizens; in short, so large was his company, that his house at Totehill could not contain them; therefore he set up tents and pavilions for their reception; seven hundred messes of meat was not sufficient to serve them for the first course.”[XXIX-107]

The following details, which we borrow from Monteil’s excellent work,[XXIX-108] give us some idea of the style of living in the mansions of France during the 14th century:--

“Whenever there is a dinner of ceremony, the clerks of the church are requested to bring holy water. The repast is commenced and concluded with fruit. The bread eaten is in loaves of nine ounces only. Every bason of meat is surrounded with sage, lavender, or other aromatic herbs; and on Sunday, or any holiday, negus is given. The sideboard, or buffet, is always in the middle of the room, covered with jugs and large drinking cups of gold and silver.

“The cellars, store-rooms, kneading troughs, dairies, and fruit-stores, are filled and emptied unceasingly--take who will, when he will, and as much as he will. Provisions of every kind are heaped up with a profusion that announces magnificence allied with riches.

“The great number of nobles, knights, huntsmen, falconers, pages, kitchen servants, butlers, bakers, the numerous valets, workmen, gardeners, harbingers, door-keepers, porters, and guards are not equal to the task of consuming so much. From all sides come relations, allies, neighbours, friends, pilgrims, and travellers, all of whom remain or depart at will, being feasted as if it were the morrow of a wedding, or a patronal festivity.

“The kitchen chimney-places are not less than twelve feet in width. One man would not have strength sufficient to use the tongs or the shovels. The andirons do not weigh less than a hundred pounds, the trivets forty pounds; copper saucepans of thirty pounds are common, and so are spits of eleven and twelve pounds. One roast is composed of one, two, or three calves, two, three, or four sheep, besides game, venison, and poultry. The boiling of the saucepans, the exhalations from the grease, render the atmosphere so fat, so thick, that it is only necessary to breathe in it to feed. A person would not dare enter one of those kitchens on the eve of a feast day, for fear, as it were, of breaking his fast.

“In the 16th century persons washed their hands at the commencement of a repast, and a second time when it was concluded. When the master of the house was particular on the point of civility, he had a bason sent round at this second ablution, filled with perfumed water.[XXIX-109]

“When the person seated in the chief place was a guest of distinction, politeness made it indispensable to present him with water to rinse his mouth.[XXIX-110]

“One of the most difficult points of French civility in the 16th century was to drink to a person’s health, or return the compliment in a proper manner.[XXIX-111] A guest at one end of the table held up his glass, and called out: ‘Mr. Such-a-one, to your health!’ He replied: ‘I love it from you!’[XXIX-112] During the whole of the repast, healths were bandied to and fro, in every sense. At the end they touched glasses together at a central point, which created a very singular kind of clash, and, at the same time, the arms underneath formed a sort of fasces of sleeves and cuffs.”[XXIX-113]

XXX.

VARIETY OF REPASTS.

The fertile country inhabited by the Jewish people furnished them with a very great variety of excellent provisions. Those of which they made the greatest consumption, and which we find generally mentioned in the Scriptures, are bread, flour, barley, beans, lentils, wine, raisins, figs, honey, butter, oil, sheep, oxen, fatted calves, &c.[XXX-1]

The fat of animals offered in sacrifice was reserved for the Lord;[XXX-2] but, with this exception, the Hebrews could freely make use of it. They esteemed it much, and when they wished to speak of a rich banquet, they called it “a banquet of fat animals.”[XXX-3] “He that loveth wine and oil,”[R] says Solomon, “shall not be rich.”[XXX-4]

The extreme simplicity of the greater part of the Biblical repasts ought not to induce us to suppose that the Jews were entire strangers to the inspirations of good cheer. “Solomon’s provisions for one day were thirty measures of fine flour, and three score measures of meal, ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures, and an hundred sheep, besides harts, and roebucks, and fallow-deer, and fatted fowl.”[XXX-5]

That primitive nation also knew different kinds of banquets, which, conformably with their naïve manners, were associated with the celebration of a religious solemnity, a sad or a joyful event, a family festivity or mourning, a victory or a public calamity.[XXX-6]

The Greeks and Romans, skilful masters in the art of good living, were early on the alert to assure the collection of all things necessary for the support of life. “Take care,” said Aurelian to Flavius, “take care, above all things, that the markets of Rome be well supplied: nothing more gay or more peaceful than the people, when they are well fed.”[XXX-7] This remark is much more profound than it at first appears.

At Athens, special officers visited the markets, and only permitted each citizen to purchase and keep in his own house the quantity of provisions necessary for one year.[XXX-8]

The ediles of Rome performed nearly similar functions.[XXX-9] The prefect of the town was invested with the power of making regulations for the markets,[XXX-10] and the prefect of provisions had the inspection of the sale of bread, meat, wine, fish, and all other kinds of aliment required either for the table of the rich or poor plebeian.[XXX-11]

During a long time, in Greece and Italy, the only charm of repasts was, that they furnished an opportunity for the exercise of those duties of kind hospitality, which Apollodorus has described in the following ingenuous style: “As soon as a friend,” says he, “steps on the threshold of his host, the porter receives him with a smiling face; the dog of the house comes immediately to caress him, amicably wagging his tail; then some one runs and presents him a seat without being told.”[XXX-12] This last trait is charming.

But afterwards, they thought much more of honouring the god of good cheer than Jupiter Hospes, and joyous Comus became everywhere the fashionable divinity. One of the ancients describes him in the following manner: “He is seen at the door of an apartment communicating with the banqueting hall; his smiling face is fresh, plump, and ruddy; his head is crowned with roses, and he sleeps standing; his left hand rests on a thyrsus, but sleep makes him loose his hold; he staggers, and the torch will soon fall from his grasp.”[XXX-13]

The Greeks were fervent in their worship of this god, at an epoch when Rome still prided herself on her transcendant sobriety. Conon gave a banquet to all the Athenians after the battle of Cnidos, about four centuries before the Christian era; and his celebrated contemporary, the handsome Alcibiades, conqueror in the Olympic games, magnificently regaled the numerous spectators who had just applauded his triumph.[XXX-14]

The pagan temples themselves often rung with the sound of the music, the chaunts, and the dances which always accompanied the religious banquets. These feasts in honour of the immortals must have been rather unedifying to the truly faithful, for gaiety generally degenerated into extreme licentiousness.[XXX-15]

The conquest of Asia was fatal to the Romans. Their savage rudeness yielded to the effeminate manners of the vanquished; and henceforth, the epicureans of Italy studied but one thing--gastronomic delectation; had but one worship--that of the goddess Victua,[XXX-16] protectress of food, and sovereign of the table.

Luxury made appalling progress. Nearly a century B.C., the Romans did not blush to give 50 denarii (£1 16_s._) for a young fatted peacock; 3 denarii at least (more than 2_s._) for a thrush;[XXX-17] and, a century later, 4,000 sesterces (£36) were given for a couple of fine young pigeons.[XXX-18]

Worse followed!

Seneca describes in few words the luxury of the table among the voluptuous Romans:--“Behold,” says he, “Nomentanus and Apicius, those happy conquerors of all that is delectable on earth or in the sea. Behold them at table, stretched on their couches, and contemplating innumerable viands. Harmonious songs flatter their ears, a variety of pleasing objects occupy their eyes, and the most exquisite savours captivate their insatiable palates.”[XXX-19]

The genius of gluttony multiplied the banquets by prescribing luxurious gastronomic assemblages, sometimes in honour of the gods, and often for the gratification of simple mortals themselves.

Each year, at the ides of November, a repast was offered to Jupiter in the Capitol (cœna Capitolina). The statue of the god was present at the banquet, reclining on a magnificent couch, with Juno and Minerva seated on either side. These divinities were splendidly served, and, as they touched nothing, in the middle of the night the seven epulary priests joyously eat the supper of the three immortals.[XXX-20]

The cereal banquet (cœna Cerealis) was equally splendid, and Ceres maintained the same frugality.[XXX-21]

A sterile reminiscence of the equality which reigned among men in the golden age, placed the slaves at table by the side of their masters, during the celebration of the Saturnalia (cœna Saturnalis).[XXX-22] This usage was common to the Greeks and Romans.[XXX-23]

The ninth day of the August calends, and the thirteenth day of the November calends, a gastronomic solemnity--a monstrous gala--brought together the Roman pontiffs to celebrate the day of their inauguration (cœna pontificalis). This banquet was worthy of the proverbial delicacy of those sacred stomachs.[XXX-24]

The augurs treated themselves magnificently in their turn (cœna auguralis), when they entered on their functions. The pagan priests of Rome vied one with another in a noble emulation of exquisite refinement and ruinous viands;[XXX-25] but it is said that the ministers of Mars, who had the reputation of being arch-epicureans (cœna saliaris), always won the palm in this struggle of magnificence and voluptuousness.[XXX-26]

The day the Emperor took the title of Augustus, he gave a supper (cœna imperatoria) to the senators and magistrates. The tributes of a year were sometimes hardly sufficient to indemnify the grand master of these imperial orgies.[XXX-27]

The triumphal banquets (cœna triumphalis) were less elegant, no doubt, but they cost the victor who invited the people immense sums.[XXX-28] The guests crowded into the vast inclosure of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus,[XXX-29] or the temple of Hercules.[XXX-30]

They sat down to table to celebrate the anniversary of a birth-day (cœna natalitia),[XXX-31] the happy wedding-day (cœna nuptialis),[XXX-32] the arrival of a friend (cœna adventitia),[XXX-33] the sad day of his departure (cœna viatica).[XXX-34] The melancholy ceremony of interment was followed by a supper (cœna funebris), at which the guests were the relations and friends of the deceased.[XXX-35] They drank to his manes, and, by degrees, the wine not only stifled their laments but called forth joyous smiles. The Romans have bequeathed to certain modern nations more than the remembrance of their funeral repasts.

In the palmy days of Athens, the Greeks evinced more of the epicurean than the glutton--a fact which may be inferred from the description of the supper of Dinias.[XXX-36] The most magnificent of their repasts was, perhaps, that which Alexander the Great had served to ten thousand guests, who received, each one, a present of a golden patera.[XXX-37]

In Greece, as in Rome, the greater part of the events of life occasioned the joyous meeting of relations and friends. At the birth of a child,[XXX-38] a banquet was given in his honour; he was named on the tenth day, and the ceremony terminated with a banquet,[XXX-39] in which they offered the guests cooked Cherso cheese, cabbage boiled in oil, pigeons, thrushes, fish, and brimming cups of excellent wine.[XXX-40] The teething repast took place when the child had attained his seventh month, and the weaning supper when he began to eat.[XXX-41]

These family feasts, more or less sumptuous according to the fortune and rank of the individuals who gave them, were generally signalized by a custom which ridiculous and egotistical vanity could alone authorise and maintain. On the banquet day care was taken to throw the feathers of the poultry before the door of the house, in order to excite the fruitless greed of the poor wretches, who, as they passed,[XXX-42] prayed heartily that the infernal divinities might take the proud amphitryon, his guests, and even the meanest of his servants.

* * * * *

In France, about 1350, the setier (about twelve English bushels) of--[XXX-43]

£ s. d. Wheat was worth 0 0 7 Rye 0 0 3 Oats 0 0 2½ Beans 0 0 5 Peas 0 0 6 A Hogshead of Wine 0 4 7 A Load of Hay 0 1 10 An Ox 0 6 10 A Horse 0 11 6 A Calf 0 1 2 A Sheep 0 0 4 A Fat Pig 0 2 0 A Gosling 0 0 1 A Hen 0 0 0¾ 100 Eggs 0 0 1½ 1lb of Butter 0 0 3½ 1lb of Honey 0 0 10½ 1lb of Wax 0 1 10

Prices of a few articles in France during the 15th century:[XXX-44]

£ s. d. 1lb of Bread 0 0 0¼ 1 Pint of Wine 0 0 0¼ 1 Pint of Mustard 0 0 0¾ 1 Bushel of Salt 0 0 2½ 1lb of Pepper 0 0 2 1lb of Cinnamon 0 1 2 1lb of Bacon 0 0 0¾ A Pair of Pigeons 0 0 1¼ A Pair of Partridges 0 0 2½ A Cart-load of Wood (une voie) 0 0 8 A Sack of Charcoal 0 0 1 1lb of Candles 0 0 0½

In England, under the reign of Edward III., a royal proclamation fixed the price of the following articles:--[XXX-45]

£ s. d. A Swan 0 0 4 A Porcelle 0 0 8 An Ewe 0 0 6 A Capon 0 0 6 A Hen 0 0 4 A Pullet 0 0 2½ A Poucyn 0 0 2 A Coney 0 0 4 A Teal 0 0 2 A River Mallard 0 0 5 A Snipe 0 0 1 A Woodcock 0 0 3 A Partridge 0 0 5 A Plover 0 0 3 A Pheasant 0 1 4 Twelve Eggs 0 0 1 Twelve Small Birds 0 0 1

The funeral repast of Sir John Redstone, Mayor of London, who died in 153l, occasioned the following expenses:--

£ s. d. Shipe Brede 0 7 5 7lbs of Sugar for the same 0 4 1 Two unces of Saffrun 0 2 0 Two unces of Clovys and Mace 0 1 8 Seven unces of Pepper 0 0 10½ Sixty Eggs 0 0 7½ Seven dysshes of Butter, at 4¼_d._ the gallone 0 3 3¾ Manchet Brede 0 1 0 400 of Peers 0 2 4 1lb of Bysketts 0 0 8

TO THE PYKE-MONGER.

Sixteen Pikes, at 1_s._ 4_d._ a piece 1 1 4 Eight roundes of Sturgeon 1 2 0

TO THE PULTER.

Six roundes of Brawne 0 11 8 Ten Swannes, at 6_s._ a piece 3 0 0 Two dozen of Quayles 0 10 0 Three dozen of Rabetts 0 6 6 Twenty-two Capons 0 12 10 Nine dozen of Pygeons, at 10_d._ per dozen 0 7 6 Four Gese 0 2 8 300 Eggs 0 3 9

TO THE BOWCHER.

A Surloyne of Beffe 0 2 4 Half a Vele (Calf) 0 2 8 Four Marybones 0 0 8

TO THE MYLKE-WYFFE.

Two Gallones and Six Dishes of Butter 0 4 2 Eight Gallones of Creme 0 4 0 Twelve Gallones of Curdde 0 1 6

TO THE BREWER.

Three Barrelles of Ale 0 11 0 A Kylderkyn of Bere 0 1 0 For Double Bere to the Tabull 0 0 4 Yest 0 0 4

TO THE VYNTENER.

Thirty two Gallones of Redde and Clarett Wyne, at 10_d._ per gallon 1 6 8 Three Gallones of Mackeray 0 0 4 A Rundlett of Muskadine 0 6 0 1lb of Bread 0 0 0¼

THE GROCER.

£ s. d. Six unces of Pepper 0 0 9 Four unces of Clovys and Mace 0 2 4 Two unces of Saffrone 0 1 10 18lb of Pruenes 0 3 0 8lb of Corans 0 1 8 6lb of Dates 0 2 0 11lb of Byskettes 0 0 10 12lb of Sugar 0 7 0 Five unces of Cynimion 0 1 3 Four unces of Gynger 0 0 6

THE BAKER.

Four busshelles of Chete, at 1_s._ 10_d._ the busshelle 0 7 4 For Hot Brede 0 4 0 For Fyne Flour 0 0 11 For Basterde Flour 0 1 10

THE CHAUNDELER.

A Peck and a-half of Salt 0 0 6 For Candelles 0 0 4 For Vennyger 0 0 4 For Vergeys 0 0 6 For Pack-threade and Mustarde 0 0 2 For Cappys (Capers) 0 0 2 For Lop of Pottes 0 0 8 For Hyer of Pottes 0 0 4

THE COOKE.

For hys labor and companye for eighteen messes of meat 0 15 0 For Yerbys 0 0 8 A Quarter of a Hundred of Fagottes 0 1 2 For Coles 0 1 6 Paide the turners of broches and skulyons, four of them 0 1 4

The following is a correct copy of a monster bill of fare, from a paper found in the Tower of London:--[S]

300 Quarters of Wheat. 300 Tuns of Ale. 104 Tuns of Wine. One Pipe of Spiced Wine. 10 Fat Oxen. 6 Wild Bulls. 300 Pigs. 1004 Wethers. 300 Hogs. 3000 Calves. 300 Capons. 100 Peacocks. 200 Cranes. 200 Kids. 2000 Chickens. 4000 Pigeons. 4000 Rabbits. 4000 Ducks. 204 Bitterns. 400 Hernsies. 200 Pheasants. 500 Partridges. 5000 Woodcocks. 400 Plovers. 100 Curlews. 100 Quails. 1000 Eggets. 200 Rees. 4000 Bucks, Does, and Roebucks. 155 Hot Venison Pasties. 4000 Cold Venison Pasties. 1000 Dishes of Jellies. 2000 Hot Custards. 4000 Cold Custards. 400 Tarts. 300 Pikes. 300 Breams. 8 Seals, and 4 Porpoises.

At the feast, the Earl of Warwick was steward; the Earl of Bedford, treasurer; the Lord Hastings, comptroller, with many noble officers; servitors, 1000; cooks, 62; kitcheners and scullions, 515.

In France (14th and 15th centuries) the repasts were commonly divided into five parts, called courses, or dishes.[XXX-47]

The first course was composed of cherries, tender fruits, citrons, and salads.[XXX-48]

Milk-porridge, puddings, and pottages followed; it was the second course.[XXX-49]

The third consisted of roast, with various sauces.[XXX-50]

The second roast, or fourth course,[XXX-51] presented the guests with venison and game.

The fifth course took the name of fruit-course. At this they served tarts made with all sorts of herbs, flowers, grains, vegetables, and fruit.[XXX-52]

XXXI.

THE DINING-ROOM.

The cœnaculum (dining-room), properly so called, was the place in the upper part of the house where they eat.[XXXI-1] It was reached by a staircase,[XXXI-2] and thither persons repaired during the summer, particularly in the country. The Roman villas terminated by a platform, on which the Romans often collected at meal-time; the air was not so hot, and the panorama of the neighbouring country-seats was presented without obstruction, to the gaze of the guests.[XXXI-3]

The dining-room was commonly decorated with fasces of arms and trophies,[XXXI-4] which served as a momento of the warlike virtues of the ancestors of the master of the house. Enchanting frescoes stood out marvellously from the obscure shading of the wall, round which were twined fresh garlands of flowers; and a mosaic floor--master-piece of art and patience--harmonised with the fascinating landscape of the ceiling, the site of which varied with every course.[XXXI-5]

The Emperor Nero, who carried this taste for the beautiful rather too far, devised a sort of vault, in the most elegant style, and entirely composed of movable leaves of ivory, which exhaled sweet

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXV.

No. 1. Large vase, or cratère; a vessel which was placed in the banqueting-room, and also on the empty space left on the tables. In it was put wine and water, which was taken out with a simpulum, a kind of small cup, fixed to a very long handle, bent at the extremity as a hook, to fill the cups of the guests. When the cratères were not fixed on tripods (engytheca, or angotheca), which supported them, they only differed from the cups by their size. Some were of such dimensions that Herodotus speaks of two cratères, one containing 300 amphoræ, and the other 600; there vases commonly exceeded ten-fold the size of the cups, to which they were very similar in shape and handles.

No. 2. A glass vase, with two handles, for iced water.

No. 3. Glass bottle, with its cup, placed on the table for each guest.

perfumes, and whence flowers fell on the guests. In another of his dining-rooms admiration was excited by a magnificent dome, the rotary movement of which imitated, day and night, the course of the celestial bodies.[XXXI-6] These prodigies of ancient mechanism adorned the palace that the prodigal Cæsar called “the gilded house.”[XXXI-7] The colossal statue of that prince rose in the middle of the hall: it was 120 feet high![XXXI-8]

Studious people, or those who wished to appear so, covered some part of the dining-room with books; for it was a custom introduced into Rome to have recitations or readings during the repast.[XXXI-9] Atticus had always a reader;[XXXI-10] and Juvenal promises the friend he invites to supper that he shall hear some fragments from Virgil and Homer.[XXXI-11]

The Greeks yielded willingly to this intellectual pastime at the commencement of the banquet, whilst incense and other perfumes filled the room with a light vapour.[XXXI-12]

Opposite the entrance-door stood a buffet, sometimes of iron, but more generally among the Greeks of sculptured wood, bronze, or silver, on which were represented the heads of oxen or satyrs.[XXXI-13] This piece of furniture was placed under the protection of Mercury, and a curtain commonly veiled the front of it. It served for the display of precious plate--vases of silver, silver-gilt, and gold, enriched with magnificent precious stones.[XXXI-14]

The buffet of the Romans,--a sort of sideboard, of rare workmanship,--was appropriated to the same use.[XXXI-15] Sometimes a single foot supported a white marble table, surrounded with a border of vert-antique, and plates and dishes were arranged on two elegant shelves placed above.[XXXI-16] Again, the artist frequently conceived the idea of giving a whimsical form to the buffet, which enhanced its price--it was a ship laden with the vases necessary for the banquet; four enormous amphoræ occupied the deck, on the two sides of the mast; towards the prow was a candelabrum, and at the stern was displayed a large-bellied cantharus, or vase, with mobile handles;[XXXI-17] the main-topmast

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXVI.

No. 1. A glass vase, with two handles.

No. 2. A glass vase, with three handles.

No. 3. Etruscan vase, with three handles, terra cotta.

No. 4. A large silver vase, to hold wine and water; when placed on the table, the liquor was taken out with simpulum, to fill the drinking cups.

No. 5. A large-bellied cantharus--“Herculaneum.”

was replaced by a large urn, and two cups of Bacchus were gracefully balanced at either extremity of the yard,[XXXI-18] along which were suspended craters, or vases, used in drinking wine.[XXXI-19]

The buffet of the Greeks and Romans survived the ruins of those two celebrated nations; we find it again in the middle ages, and even in more modern times. Then also, rich people loved to display their plate on a very apparent piece of furniture, which, being dressed, took the name of “dresser.” Monstrelet, describing the magnificence of the Duke of Burgundy during his sojourn in Paris, relates: “that in the room of his mansion in which he eat was a square dresser (dressoir) with shelves, which dresser was covered and loaded with very rich gold and silver plate.”[XXXI-20]

Sovereigns who affected great munificence had buffets of metal; there were three--one for silver, one for silver-gilt, and one for gold. At the banquet which the King of France, Charles V., gave to the Emperor Charles IV., his uncle, each of the three buffets was of the same metal as the plate it supported.[XXXI-21]

After the birth of a child, ladies, when they received visits, had a dresser placed in their room. Those of countesses and great ladies had three shelves; those of the wives of the younger sons of baronets had two; women well-connected but not titled could have no shelf. Those who enjoyed the honours of the court placed by the side of the buffet a little table, covered with a white cloth, destined for the hippocrass and spiced wine they offered their visitors,[XXXI-22] and which they drank in hanaps, or a kind of chalice of earthenware, gold, or silver. Those of crystal were much esteemed. Charles the Bald gave to the Abbey of St. Denis a hanap, said to have belonged to Solomon. “It was of pure gold, fine emeralds, fine garnets, and the work so marvellous that in all the kingdoms of the world never was there anything so perfect.”[XXXI-23]

The great lords also indulged in metal dressers,[XXXI-24] to which the 16th century gave the name of “buffets.” Under Henry II. of France the court called them crédence, from an Italian word bearing the same meaning,[XXXI-25] and which they have retained.

The Hebrews probably knew nothing of chimneys. When King Jehoiakim burned the book which Jeremiah had written, “he sat in the winter-house in the ninth month: and there was a fire on the hearth burning before him.”[XXXI-26]

When, among the Greeks or Romans, they wanted to warm the dining-room, they also had recourse to braziers or bronze furnaces of the dimension of a middling-sized table, resting on lion’s claws. Foliage in copper, bronze, and silver, was artistically incrusted round the edge. The bottom was a very thick iron grating. Above and beneath, brick-work prevented the coal from touching the upper part, or escaping through the interstices.[XXXI-27]

They also made use of two kinds of stoves to warm the dining-room--the one was concealed under ground in the massive wall, and little pipes extended from its orifice to the apartment; the other, portative and light, disappeared whenever it was judged expedient.[XXXI-28]

Among the pagans, the dining-room was lighted by torches made of a resinous wood,[XXXI-29] or tallow candles.[XXXI-30] The rich had lamps, candelabra,[XXXI-31] or magnificent lustres suspended from the ceiling.[XXXI-32] They even knew the luxury of wax candles.[XXXI-33]

In the middle ages, the sovereigns and the great lords had, in the middle of their dining-rooms, fountains playing, which poured fourth wine, hippocrass, and other liquors. Some gave rose-water and divers odoriferous liquids to perfume the banqueting-hall.

Rubruquis found in Tartary a Parisian goldsmith, Guillaume Boucher, who had settled under the sway of the Khan, and had made him one of those fountains.

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXVI A.

THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK’S VASE.--This is one of the finest monuments we have yet seen, which has reference to the mysteries and sacrifices of Ceres and Bacchus. It is a precious vase, made of one single piece of onyx, from the cabinet of the Duke of Brunswick, and of the size represented in the engraving. It was published, and learnedly explained, in 1682, by Jean Henry Eggeling, and printed in the same year. This vase is of a singular form; has one handle, and on the other side a spout, which begins at the bottom, and finishes by a bend towards the top, to pour out the liquor. Eggeling believes that this vase is of the number of those the ancients called guttus, because the liquor came out drop by drop: he comes to that conclusion from a passage of Varro--“Quo vinum dabant, ut minutatim funderent, a guttis guttum appellarunt.” The vase is divided in three parts by two bands of gold, by which it is girdled: that of the middle, which forms the largest space, contains also a larger number of figures. The third diminishes towards the foot, and has figures also, all of which represent the mysteries and sacrifices of Ceres and Bacchus.

The reader will probably feel interested how this vase came into the possession of the Duke of Brunswick. It was in the cabinet of the Duke of Mantua. When that city was taken and sacked, in 1629, a soldier, who had possession of the vase, offered it to Francis Albert, Duke of Lower Saxony, his commander, who gave him a hundred ducats as a reward. This prince left it by will to the Princess Christina Marguerite of Mecklenburg, his wife, who left it in the same way to her sister, the Princess Sophia, Duchess of Brunswick. She also gave it by will to her son, Ferdinand Albert, Duke of Brunswick. The lapidaries thought so much of it, that they offered, in turn, from sixty to ninety thousand imperials. In the inventory of the Princess Sophia it was valued at one hundred and fifty thousand imperials.[T]

The municipal bodies adopted them. At the entrance of Charles VII. into Paris, one of this kind was seen in the Rue St. Denis:--“One of the tubes spouted milk, another vermilion-coloured wine, another white wine, and another pure water; and persons stood all round with silver cups to give drink to the passers-by.”

In the 17th century playing fountains were still used at repasts.[XXXI-34]

XXXII.

THE TABLE.

It is pretended, says Athenæus, that in the Homeric times each guest had a table to himself,[XXXII-1] on which he was served with “a saddle-back of beef, or a whole sheep or goat.” It was the custom among the heroes, all men of high lineage, and tolerably aristocratic in their tastes. The burghers of those warlike times and the villeins of the epoch eat their dinner, without form or ceremony, on a heap of grass, which also served them as a seat or couch.[XXXII-2]

Wooden tables--at first very clumsy ones, no doubt--only came into use when the development of human industry had enabled men to understand that they might be preferable to a truss of hay.[XXXII-3] A passage in Homer would seem to show that they were very much like ours.[XXXII-4] Perhaps the circular form was generally preferred.[XXXII-5]

Luxury soon called for the most precious materials, and the Greeks had, at a very early period, tables of bronze,[XXXII-6] and even of fine silver.[XXXII-7] The isle of Rhenea produced magnificent ones,[XXXII-8] and an expensive fashion caused those luxurious pieces of furniture to be prized when they presented delicate incrustations of silver, bronze, or ivory, and rested on lions’ claws or leopards’ feet.[XXXII-9]

Cneus Manlius introduced these rarities into Rome after the conquest of Asia.[XXXII-10] He was also the originator of tables veneered with plates of gold,[XXXII-11] which ere long adorned the dining-rooms of princes and senators, and the excessive price of which was only surpassed by that of tables made of precious woods from distant countries.[XXXII-12] The maple, the whitten, and a species of African lemon-tree occupied the first rank,[XXXII-13] and the prodigious skill of the workmen gave them a value superior to gold and silver.[XXXII-14]

The most beautiful of these tables were spotted or veined to imitate the tiger’s or panther’s skin; but they acquired an exorbitant claim upon the admiration of connoisseurs when they bore the marvellous design of a peacock’s tail. This fantastic play of nature commanded a boundless price.[XXXII-15]

An artist of unrivalled talent, Carvilius Pollio, was the first, according to Pliny,[XXXII-16] who enriched these magnificent woods with buhl-work of ivory and shell in the acme of perfection.[XXXII-17] Under the reign of Nero, the Romans dyed this shell, and thought to increase its primitive value by giving it the tints and accidental shades of the cedar, the maple, and the lemon tree.[XXXII-18]

These splendid pieces of furniture were at first square;[XXXII-19] then round;[XXXII-20] then in the form of a half-circle or half-moon, and this horseshoe-shaped table they called a sigma, from the name of that Greek letter, which resembled our C.[XXXII-21] The guests whom any person wished to honour most were placed at the extremities of this hemicycle,[XXXII-22] overlaid with magnificent covers, which replaced the skins of beasts, formerly used for their adornment; and, in addition, they were spread with tissues of fine linen and rich stuffs elaborately worked.[XXXII-23]

The tables were changed at each course.[XXXII-24] The Greeks cleaned them with sponge;[XXXII-25] the Latins used a sort of thick, plushed, linen cloth.[XXXII-26]

The opulent citizens possessed a great number of tables; some were of ivory,[XXXII-27] others of maple wood, cedar of Mount Atlas,[XXXII-28] or lemon.[XXXII-29][U] Cicero had one of this latter kind of wood which cost him 200,000 sesterces--about £1,480.[XXXII-30] They rested on one, two, or three feet,[XXXII-31] and were called monopedes, bipedes, and tripedes.

The Romans often changed tables only twice during the repast. Fish and flesh appeared on the first, and the fruit was served on the second.[XXXII-32] The same custom was common to the Greeks and the oriental nations. The Hebrews had also two tables in their solemn feasts and sacrificial banquets; on one was served the flesh of the victim, and on the other they placed the cup of benediction, which passed round from one to another, and was called “the cup of praise.”[XXXII-33]

The luxury of Rome seemed to revive after she had become extinct. Saint Rémi, Bishop of Rheims, left to his heirs a silver table, embellished with figures.[XXXII-34] Charlemagne had three made of the same metal--the first represented the ancient capital of the world; the second, Constantinople; the third, every known region of the earth.[XXXII-35] Aymar, Viscount of Limoges, found on his estate a treasure, which consisted of a table, round which were seated an emperor, his wife, and several children--all as large as life, and of massive gold. Richard Cœur-de-Lion pretended that the treasure belonged to him as Lord of Limousin, and went to lay siege to the castle of Chalons, to which Aymar had retired, where the king received a wound, of which he died the 6th of April, 1199.[XXXII-36]

Silver tables still existed in the 17th century. Madame de Sévigné (1689), speaking of persons who, following the example of Louis XIV., sent their plate to the mint, says: “Madame de Chaulnes has sent her table, two guéridons, and her beautiful toilet of silver gilt.”

At some distance from the sigma, on a slightly raised platform, were three kinds of elegant crédences for the cups, wines, and vases.[XXXII-37] The major-domo himself, generally attended to this part of the service.

A very curious old book, cited by Strutt, “The Booke of Kervynge,”[XXXII-38] contains the following instructions as to the manner of laying the cloth for the King of England:--

“Serve your Soverayne with wafers and ypocras. Also loke your composte be fayre and clene, and your ale fyve dayes olde before men drynke it, and be curtays of answere to eche persone; and whan ye laye the clothe, wype the borde clene with a cloute (cloth); then lay a couch (cloth), take your feluwe, that one ende, and holde you the other ende, then drawe the clothe straught, the bought on the utter edge, take the utter parte and hange it even, then take the thyrde clothe, and laye it bought on the inner edge, and laye estat with the upper parte halfe a fote brode, then cover thy cupborde and thyne ewery with the towel of dyaper; than take thy towell about thy necke, and laye that on syde of the towel upon thy lefte arme, and thereon laye your soveraynes napkyn, and on thyn arme seven loves of brede, with thre or foure trenchour loves, with the ende of the towel, in the lefte hande as the maner is; then take thy salte seller in thy lefte hande, and take the ende of the

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXVII.

No. 1. Etruscan flat vase, of terra cotta, with a cover, to hold a particular drink (warm, perhaps).

No. 2. A marble vase, ornamented, for water.

No. 3. A metal vase, to fill the cups of the guests.

No. 4. A Greek Etruscan drinking vase, of terra cotta, in form of a seated Bacchanal.--“Hercul.” towell in your ryght hand, to bear in spones and knyves; than set your salte on the ryght syde, where your soverayne shall sytte, and on the lefte syde the salte set your trenchoures; than laye your knyves, and set your brede one lofe by another; your spones, and your napkyns, fayre folder besyde your brede, than over your brede, and trenchours, spones, and knyves, and at every ende of the table set a salte seller, with two trenchour loves, and yf ye wyll wrappe youre soverayne’s brede stately, ye must square and proporcyon your brede, and see that no lofe be more than another; and than shall ye make your wrapper manerly; than take a towell of reynes, of two yerdes and an halfe, and take the towell by the endes double, and laye it on the table; than take the ende of the bought a handfull in your hande, and wrape it harde, and laye the ende so wrapped betwene two towells, upon that ende so wrapped laye your brede, bottom to bottom, syx or seven loves; than set your brede manerly in fourm, and whan your soverayne’s table is thus arrayed, cover all other bordes with salt, trenchours, and cuppes; and se thyn ewery be arrayed with basyns and ewers, and water, hote and colde; and se ye have napkins, cuppes and spones; and se your pottes for wyne and ale be made clene, and to the surnape make curtesy, with a clothe, under a fayre double napry; than take the towelle’s ende next you, and the utter ende of the clothe, on the utter syde of the table, and holde these three endes at ones, and folde them at ones, that a plyte passe not a fote brode; than laye it as it should lye: and after mete wasshe with that, that is at the ryghte ende of the table, ye must guyde it out, and the marshall must convey it; and loke on eche clothe, the ryghte syde be outwarde, and draw it streygthe; than must ye reyse the upper parte of the towell, and laye it without ony grouyng, and at every ende of the towell, ye must convey halfe a yarde that the sewer may make reverently and let it be. And whan your soverayne hath washen, drawe the surnape even; than bere the surnape to the myddes of the borde, and take it up before your soverayne, and bere it into the ewery agayne; and whan your soverayne is set, loke your towell be aboute your necke; then make your soverayne curtesy; than uncover your brede, and set it by the salt, and laye your napkyn, knyfe, and spone, afore hym; than knele on your knee till the purpayne passe eyght loves; and loke ye set at your endes of the table foure loves at a messe; and se that every persone have napkyn and spone, and wayte well to the server, how many dysshes be covered, that so many cuppes cover ye; than serve ye forth the table manerly, that every man may speke your curtesy.”

THE TABLE SEATS.

The Jews originally sat down to their meals; but when they became subject to Persia they laid on couches at their repasts, like their conquerors, and other oriental nations, from whom the Greeks and Romans borrowed their custom.[XXXII-39] The most distinguished place was at the head of the table, at the extremity of the room, near the wall. Saul sat in this place of honour.[XXXII-40] Under the reign of Solomon, the Hebrews still used seats.[XXXII-41] The Egyptians were early acquainted with the effeminate sumptuousness of table couches. They often placed on them the venerated images of Jupiter, Juno, and their king himself.[XXXII-42]

Before they had adopted this refinement of oriental luxury, the Greeks sat at their repasts on chairs, more or less costly, but all very elegant, similar to those which adorn our drawing-rooms, and which have been modelled from theirs.[XXXII-43]

Homer’s heroes sat down to table,[XXXII-44] and Alexander the Great appears to have preserved the custom. That prince giving a repast to ten thousand persons, caused all to be seated in silver arm-chairs, covered with purple.[XXXII-45] However, Hegesander assures us that, among the Macedonians, he who had succeeded in killing a wild boar, reclined at full length, whilst the other guests remained seated.[XXXII-46]

Italy always imitated Greece, and, like her, had table couches, which at first, were only used by men: a feeling of propriety interdicted their use by women.[XXXII-47] But the relaxation of morals, seconded by fashion, soon banished this seeming reserve, and the two sexes could only eat in a reclining posture.[XXXII-48]

A round, low table, made of common wood, and resting on three legs, was placed in the dining-room of persons in humble life; the rich had it made of lemon or maple wood, and supported by a single ivory foot.[XXXII-49] Three couches at most were arranged round this table (triclinium);[XXXII-50] sometimes two, which Plautus names biclinium;[XXXII-51] and these they covered with purple or other magnificent stuffs.[XXXII-52] Before they placed themselves, the guests performed their ablutions and threw off their togas, to substitute the “dinner robe.”[XXXII-53] They then took off their sandals,[XXXII-54] and lay down, three or four on each couch.[XXXII-55] The rules of good society did not allow that number to be exceeded.

The upper part of the body was supported by the left elbow; the lower part was extended. The head was slightly raised, and downy little cushions supported the back.[XXXII-56] When several persons occupied the same couch, the first placed himself at the head, in such a manner that his feet nearly reached the shoulders of the second guest, whose head was before the middle of the body of the preceding one, from whom he was separated by a cushion; and his feet descended to the back of the third guest, who followed the same order with respect to the fourth.[XXXII-57]

When a couch contained three persons, the one in the middle occupied the place of honour; when there were four, that distinction belonged to the second. The place at the head of the couch was only offered to the most worthy, when not more than two persons were on the couch.[XXXII-58]

Among the Persians, the middle place was reserved for the king. Cyrus placed on his left the guest to whom he wished to do the most honour, the next on his right, the third on the left, the fourth on the right, and so on, down to the last.[XXXII-59] In Greece, the most distinguished personage occupied the head of the table.[XXXII-60]

The voluptuous Heliogabalus only made use of couches stuffed with hares’ down or partridges’ feathers.[XXXII-61] The Emperor Œlius Verus introduced a more exquisite novelty: he had his filled with lily and rose leaves.[XXXII-62] The first of these princes--a cruel monarch, or capricious child, according to his strange whims--amused himself, sometimes, by placing on a couch, round the sigma, at one time eight bald men; at another, eight gouty men; one day, eight grey-headed old men; another day, eight very fat men, who were so crowded together that it was almost impossible for them to raise their hands to the mouth. And the brainless dolt shook with laughter at their efforts and their contortions.[XXXII-63] One of his favourite diversions consisted in filling a leathern table-couch with air, instead of wool; and while the guests were engaged in drinking, a tap, concealed under the carpet, was opened, unknown to them; the couch sank, and the drinkers rolled pell-mell under the sigma, to the great delight of the beardless emperor, who enjoyed greatly his espiéglerie.[XXXII-64]

The Celts seated themselves at their repasts on hay, before very low tables;[XXXII-65] the Belgians reclined on a kind of couch;[XXXII-66] the Gauls on the skins of dogs or wolves.[XXXII-67] These different authorities are easily reconciled; for they relate to different cantons of Gaul.

The use of couches was not unknown in the middle ages; we find the proof of it in the fabliaux of the 13th century. We have also the description of a magnificent repast given by a bishop to two great officers of Charlemagne, at which the prelate was seated, or lying, on feather cushions.[XXXII-68] But this fashion was unsuccessful, and people preferred wooden seats and stools, covered with carpet. When they gave a great feast, they seated the guests on benches--bancs--whence comes the word “banquet.”[XXXII-69] Henry III. of France introduced arm-chairs for himself, and folding stools for his suite.[XXXII-70] Sometimes people eat on the floor. St. Arnold, Bishop of Soissons, took his repast in that manner on the day of the dedication of a church, after having had carpets spread on the ground.[XXXII-71] In winter the banqueting place was spread with straw or hay, and in summer with grass and leaves. Publicans and tavern-keepers decorated their rooms in like manner.[XXXII-72]

The gallantry of the middle ages had led to the adoption of a rather singular custom, which consisted in placing the guests two and two, man and woman, and serving for each couple one common dish, which they called “eating in the same porringer.” Neither had they more than one cup. In families the same goblet served for all. Saint Berlanda was disinherited by her father, who was exasperated because, under pretext that he was leprous, she had washed his goblet before making use of it for herself.[XXXII-73]

A passage in Martial would seem to imply that the guests, among the Romans, laid the cloth themselves;[XXXII-74] that is to say, they spread on the sigma the stuff, more or less precious, with which it was to be adorned.

A somewhat whimsical custom was established in the middle ages of chivalry. When it was intended to affront any one, a herald, or king-at-arms, was sent to cut the cloth before him, and turn his bread upside down. That was called “cutting away the cloth,” and was practised in reference to cowards and faithless vassals. It is thought that Bertrand Duguesclin was the originator of this custom.[XXXII-75]

Mention is made of table-cloths in the life of St. Eloi. They were in use on common tables; but the costly ones were not covered. These cloths were plushed and shaggy, as we find by the description of Nigellus, the author of a poem on Louis-le-Débonnaire. They were of vast dimensions. In the inventory of certain effects in the monastery of Fontenelle, in the 9th century, we read of four table-cloths, each of which measured twelve yards and a-half by two and a-half; another, twelve and a-half by three and three-quarters; and thirteen, three yards and three-quarters wide.

In the 12th and 13th centuries table-cloths were called, in France, doubliers, doubtless because they were folded in two. This practice was eventually given up; and instead of a doubled cloth, the first was covered by a smaller one, and removed at the last course. Henry III. required this dessert cloth to be artistically plaited, so as to present pleasing designs.[XXXII-76]

Napkins were much used in Greece and Italy. In the time of Augustus, and many years after, each guest brought his own, as we bring our pocket-handkerchiefs. Catullus complains of a certain Asinius, who had stolen his. Martial brings a similar accusation against a parasite named Hermogenes.[XXXII-77]

Napkins were sometimes made of asbestos, and they were thrown into a brazier to clean them.[XXXII-78] But these rarities were seldom possessed by any but princes, for asbestos was as expensive as jewels.[XXXII-79]

The constitution of St. Ansegisius for the monastery of Fontenelle mentions plush napkins to wipe the hands, but they were only used before and after the repast. The town of Rheims was renowned in the middle ages for the manufacture of table linen. When Charles VII. made his entrance there they presented him with napkins, “very rich and curious by reason of the beautiful flowered work.”

XXXIII.

THE SERVANTS.

All the opulent families had a great number of servants, or slaves, whose low extraction,[XXXIII-1] the chances of war,[XXXIII-2] or the parental will,[XXXIII-3] subjected to the caprices of the rich as a mere thing possessed, a right, a property (res).

They were known, like the slaves of the Jews[XXXIII-4] in former times, by their ears, which were pierced with an awl;[XXXIII-5] an ineffaceable stigma, which always reminded the freed-man of his former humiliation. The slave was also often marked with a hot iron on the back, the hands, the cheeks, or the forehead; and the characters thus imprinted served the master as an evidence against his fugitive servant in whatsoever place he might find him.[XXXIII-6] It is, perhaps, to similar marks that the prophet Zechariah makes allusion, when he says: “What are these wounds in thine hands?”[XXXIII-7] Plautus, whose comic vein respects neither the power of the Gods nor the sanctity of misfortune, calls these unfortunate creatures “lettered slaves” (servos literatos).[XXXIII-8]

A house of any note could not do without a crowd of servants, to whom the steward (dispensator) apportioned the labour, the food, and the chastisements.[XXXIII-9]

In a lodge near the vestibule was the porter (ostiarius),[XXXIII-10] whose watchful eye observed every one who went in or out by day or night. They made sure of his vigilance by chaining him to his place.[XXXIII-11]

The hall (atrium) was guarded by an intelligent and confidential servant, whose functions raised him above the other slaves.[XXXIII-12] The atriensis--such was his designation--had the care of the arms, trophies, precious furniture, and books, which adorned this apartment. He had also to take extreme care of the paintings and wax figures there preserved from motives of vanity or by a sentiment of respect; and it was he who carried those images of venerated ancestors before the funeral procession of the head of the family when, in his turn, death had numbered him with his progenitors.[XXXIII-13]

The obsonator bought in the markets the meat, fruit, and delicacies necessary for the repasts.[XXXIII-14]

The vocatores carried the invitations, received the guests, and placed them at table according to their rank.[XXXIII-15] These functions required a peculiar kind of urbanity and long experience on the part of the individual who fulfilled them.

The arrangement, the keeping in order, and adornment of the table-couches belonged exclusively to the cubicularii (valets).[XXXIII-16] These servants are mentioned in Suetonius and other ancient authors. The Cæsars had a great number of cubicularii who obeyed one particular chief.[XXXIII-17]

The dapiferi brought the dishes into the dining-room,[XXXIII-18] and the nomenclators (nomenculatores) immediately informed the guests of the names and qualities of the things with which they were going to be served.[XXXIII-19]

The structor arranged the dishes symmetrically.[XXXIII-20] The scissor (carver) cut up the meats to the sound of musical instruments, of which he followed the measure. Finally, young slaves (procillatores),[XXXIII-21] served the guests attentively, and poured out their drink. Those chosen for this employment were fine, beardless, adolescent youths, with a fresh complexion, whose long silky hair fell in curls over the shoulders. A wide riband which went twice round the waist confined their fine, white tunic--a light, graceful vestment, which descended in front to the knees, and behind hardly covered the hamstring.[XXXIII-22]

While the guests, softly reclining on their table-couches, were enjoying the agreeable surprise reserved for them by an amiable amphitryon, slaves (sandaligeruli) attended to their sandals, and fastened them on at the moment of departure.[XXXIII-23] Others, (flabellarii) armed with fans of peacocks’ feathers,[XXXIII-24] drove away the flies, and cooled the banqueting-hall.[XXXIII-25]

The banquet terminated, servants with torches and lanterns (adversitores) conducted their masters home, and pointed out to them the stones that might be lying in their path, and which repeated libations might have prevented their visual organs from discovering.[XXXIII-26]

We must not omit, in this nomenclature of the principal servants of a good house, the taster (prægustator), who tasted or tried the viands before the guests touched them;[XXXIII-27] nor the chief steward (triclinarches), and director of the repast, who had to occupy himself with an infinity of details in the kitchen, the cellar, the pantry, the buffet, and the dining-room.[XXXIII-28]

A living synthesis of these multiplied services, he performed them all himself. The least negligence, the slightest absence of mind on his part, would have ruined the reputation, utterly marred the sumptuous hospitality, of his master.

Never did the general of an army tremble under the weight of a responsibility so redoubtable.

Procillatores, or cup-bearer, an officer whose duty was to fill and present the cup to the king and princes. This charge was known in Egypt, and the ancients transformed Ganymede into a cup-bearer to the gods.

Charlemagne had master cup-bearers. These officers signed royal charters, and kept rank amongst the great officers of state. The head one took the title of Echanson to the king, of master, premier, or great échanson. In the 15th century the échansons exercised their functions only on the coronations, marriages, and entries of kings and queens. Louis XVIII. re-established the office of premier échanson. It was abolished in 1830.

There was, moreover, a class of miserable, obscure, despised slaves, whose useful labours rendered them necessary, and who were treated much the same as beasts of burden. This order of subaltern servants were composed of:--

The lecticarii. They carried the elegant palanquin in which the haughty matron or the noble senator were conveyed to the banqueting-hall.[XXXIII-29]

The stokers (focarii), who cut the wood, lighted, and attended to the fires.[XXXIII-30]

The sweepers (scoparii), whose indefatigable activity kept the apartments and furniture clean.[XXXIII-31]

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXVIII.

No. 1. Procillatores, or Echanson, from a painting at Herculaneum.

No. 2. Triclinium, from a sculpture at Pompeii.

The washers (peniculi). With a sponge and a cloth they cleaned the precious tables which adorned the cœnaculum, or dining-room. Sometimes, also, they had to lay the covers.[XXXIII-32]

This rapid sketch will enable the reader to form a sufficiently correct idea of the comfort and luxury which prevailed among the Romans, and of which the Greeks set them the example. It is hardly necessary to remark that the cup-bearers, stewards, carvers, and other household officers, whose names belong to modern Europe, perform functions analogous to those which similar servants performed formerly in Italy. But these last were debased by the stigma of slavery, and degraded by long habit, whilst the others were citizens.

XXXIV.

THE GUESTS.

The Jews and the Egyptians washed the feet of the persons whom they received into their houses, and offered them larger portions as a mark of greater honour.[XXXIV-1] These homely and hospitable usages have disappeared with the simplicity of the primitive ages.

The Greeks required their guests to arrive neither too soon nor too late. It was a rule of politeness from which nothing could exempt them,[XXXIV-2] and which we ourselves observe at this day.

In the Homeric ages each one received his share of meat and wine,[XXXIV-3] and the man who at that epoch piqued himself on his knowledge of the science of life, never failed to offer his neighbour a part of his dinner. So Ulysses gives Demodochus one-half of the “chine of beef” with which he is served.[XXXIV-4] It is true that the King of Ithaca was regarded as a perfect model of complaisance and delicacy.

Another custom (adopted it is said only in the modern taverns and dining-rooms) was that of warming the remains of a preceding banquet for other guests.[XXXIV-5] It must have constituted very poor fare, for the Greeks were remarkable for a formidable appetite, and their repasts were prolonged indefinitely. The banquet of Menelaus, noticed by Athenæus, is a proof of it. They eat at first without speaking, and after prodigies of mastication they began to discourse. Then, having washed their hands, face, and beard, a fresh attack was commenced, more formidable than the first; and when the ardour and energy of the assailants seemed to be exhausted, they hardly took time to breathe ere they fell on the viands with renewed avidity. Nothing resisted them; the dishes were cleared; only a few bones remained to certify their achievement.[XXXIV-6] A saddening, unsatisfactory trophy for future guests.

Archestrates, whose gastronomic axioms we cannot respect too much, was averse to large dinner parties. Three or four persons--five at most--chosen with care, assembled with taste, appeared to him sufficient[XXXIV-7] for those solemnities in which silence was to be maintained so long, under pain, said Montmaur, of no longer knowing what one eats.

The Lacedæmonians admitted as many as fifteen guests, but they elected a king of the banquet, and that ephemeral autocrat decided without appeal all questions which might have compromised the tranquillity of the banquet.[XXXIV-8]

Greater numbers met together in Athens. Plato gave a supper to twenty-eight of his friends.[XXXIV-9] Hundreds of citizens often met together at the public repasts; but then a magistrate was deputed to see that modesty, moderation, and temperance were observed.[XXXIV-10]

The Romans understood that it is at table that one lives; so they gave those whom they invited the name of conviva (cum vivere, living conjointly), a charming type of that easy, gentle cordiality which arises, is fortified, and displayed between those who partake of the same dishes, drain in friendship cups of the same wine, and separate with the hope of soon seeing a return of the same pleasures.

People were very polite in Rome, as in Greece, when they met in the dining-room. Never did they fail to make a low bow.[XXXIV-11] This act of Roman courtesy recalls a very pretty expression of Fontenelle’s, which we cannot refrain from citing. This grand nephew of the great Corneille passed, on his way to the table, before Madame Helvétius, whom he had not perceived. Fontenelle was then ninety years of age. “See,” said she, “what esteem I must have for your gallantry: you pass before me without looking at me.” “Be not surprised, Madam,” replied the old gallant; “if I had looked at you I should never have passed.”

In the year of Rome 570 (182 B.C.), the tribune of the people, C. Orchius, was the prime mover of the first sumptuary law, which enacted that the number of guests were not to exceed that of the Muses, nor be less than that of the Graces.[XXXIV-12] Subsequently seven were thought to be sufficient, and some insisted that when there were more the banquet ought rather to be called a rout.[XXXIV-13]

In the year of Rome 548, the Consul C. Fannius carried a law (Lex Fannia) which prohibited the assembling of more than three persons of the same family on ordinary days, or more than five at the nones, or on festival days.[XXXIV-14] This rigorous measure was pressingly solicited by the rational portion of every order of citizens, who could not witness without a shudder the whole of Italy plunge into the most brutifying excesses, after obscene orgies which we dare not describe.[XXXIV-15]

But who could dissipate that fearful bewilderment with which nations seem to be seized when they are about to fall? Rome blushed for her ancient virtues, and veiled them with dissolution and crimes. She had exhausted all the prodigies that the genius of debauchery could invent--she created monsters!

Ruinous banquets soon revived, and the number of guests had no other rule than the unbridled desire of ostentation and expense.

Let us not forget those miserable parasites who managed to get to the corner of a table in Greece and Italy, and to whom meagre portions were conceded as a reward for cringing servility, such as the vilest slave would have been ashamed to exhibit. There were three kinds of parasites. Some, under the name of buffoons, amused the company with their grotesque attitudes and ridiculous sayings.[XXXIV-16] Others allowed their ears to be boxed, and suffered a thousand different torments, provided a piece of meat or a bone were afterwards thrown to them. These patient sufferers[XXXIV-17] diverted the Greeks and Romans very much. The adulatory parasites were the most skilful of these hungry parias. They were well treated and almost respected. They were persons who possessed a kind of merit which was always equally appreciated, and to which we still render justice--they flattered whosoever gave them a supper.[XXXIV-18]

An energetic, familiar expression in French often replaces the word parasite, transmitted to us by the Greeks and Romans: that expression, which conveys the same idea, is pique-assiette, an image necessarily associated with disdain and insult.

The Count de Gerval had invited to his table several persons of high distinction, among whom was remarked one of those intruders who find means to get themselves received, notwithstanding the profound contempt they inspire. The dessert was just served, and a magnificent pear attracted the attention of the parasite, who endeavoured to bear it off on the point of his knife, but, in so doing, he broke a valuable plate. “The deuce take it, sir,” said the master of the house; “piquez l’assiette as long as you like, but don’t break it!”

The guests always washed their hands, and frequently their feet, before they placed themselves on the triclinium.[B][XXXIV-19] They received that custom from the orientals, and we find numerous examples of it in the Old and New Testaments.[XXXIV-20] Perfumes were then poured on their heads,[XXXIV-21] as among the Jews,[XXXIV-22] and wreaths of flowers were offered them.[XXXIV-23]

It was at this solemn moment that the guests turned their attention to the election of the king of the banquet, whose grave functions consisted in regulating the number of cups that each one was expected to empty during the repast.[XXXIV-24]

Among the Anglo-Saxons, he who wished to drink asked the nearest person to pledge him. The latter replied affirmatively, and immediately armed himself with his knife or his sword to protect the other while he emptied his cup. The death of Edward the Martyr, it is said, gave rise to this custom. Elfrida, his mother-in-law, caused him to be basely assassinated from behind whilst he was drinking.[XXXIV-25]

“The following,” says Strutt, “according to ancient historians, is the manner in which Rowena, daughter or niece of Hengist, drank to the health of Vortigern, King of the Britons. She entered the banqueting-hall where the prince was with his guests, and, making a low curtsey, she said: ‘To your health, my lord and king.’ Then, having put the cup to her lips, she presented it on her knees to Vortigern, who took it and emptied it, after having replied: ‘I drink to your health.’ ”[XXXIV-26]

We find in the works of Pasquier an affecting anecdote of the unfortunate Queen of Scotland, Mary Stuart: “On the eve of her death,” says he, “towards the end of the supper, she drank to all her attendants, commanding them to pledge her; the which obeying, and mingling their tears with their wine, they drank to their mistress.”

Divers spectacles, of which we shall have occasion to speak hereafter, occupied the leisure of the guests during the interval necessary to remove the remains of one course and serve the next. These representations and amusements, of which they never tired in the middle ages, received from our ancestors, in France, the name of entre-mets; a designation much more true and just than the modern acceptation imposed on the word--anything served between the roast and the dessert.

The entre-mets were interludes, pantomimes, concerts, and even melodramas performed between each course. So that a piece which in our days attracts crowds to one or other of the theatres, would have been then a little entre-met, or a cold side-dish (hors-d’œuvre).

In 1287, at the marriage of Robert, son of Saint-Louis, with Machault, Countess of Artois, very singular spectacles were given between each course of the banquet. A horseman crossed the hall by making his horse walk on a thick cord, extended above the heads of the guests. At the four corners of the table were musicians seated on oxen; and monkeys, mounted on goats, seemed to play the harp.[XXXIV-27]

A droll custom prevailed at the court of the Frank kings. St. Germier having come to solicit some favour from the King of the Franks, Clovis, that haughty Sicamber received the bishop with kindness, and had an excellent dinner served for him. The holy bishop took leave of the king after the banquet, and the king, who sometimes piqued himself upon his politeness, pulled out a hair, according to the custom of the time, and offered it to his guest. Each of the courtiers hastened, in his turn, to imitate the benevolent monarch, and the virtuous prelate returned to his diocese enchanted with the reception he had met with at the court.[XXXIV-28]

Among other amusements prepared for Queen Elizabeth, during her sojourn at the celebrated castle of Kenilworth, “There was,” says Laneham, “an Italian juggler who performed feats of strength and leaps, and cut such capers with so much suppleness and ease, that I began to ask myself whether it were a man or a sprite. Indeed I know not what to say of that comical fellow,” adds the artless chronicler; “I suppose his back must resemble that of a lamprey--it had no bone.”[XXXIV-29]

In England, during the middle ages, the courts of princes and the castles of the great were crowded with visitors, who were always received with sumptuous hospitality. The pomp displayed by the lords was truly extraordinary, and it is difficult to understand how their fortunes could suffice for it. They had their privy-counsellors, treasurers, secretaries, chaplains, heralds, pursuivants-at-arms, pages, guards, trumpeters--in a word, all the officers, all the servants, with which royalty itself is surrounded. And besides this numerous domestic establishment, there were troops of minstrels, clowns, jugglers, strolling players, rope-dancers, &c., lodged there at the great banqueting times. Each of the apartments open to the guests presented spectacles in harmony with the gross taste of the epoch. It was a marvellous confusion, a prodigious chaos, in which the ear was struck at once with the sound of dishes, of cups clashing one against another, of harmonious music, with the bustle of the dance, the notes of the song, pasquinades, somersaults, and everywhere the most boisterous laughter. The face of decency alone was slightly veiled.[XXXIV-30]

Sometimes the term entre-mets was also applied to decorations, which were paraded through the banqueting hall, and which represented cities, castles, and gardens, with fountains, whence flowed all kinds of liquors. At the dinner which Charles V. of France gave to the Emperor Charles IV. there was a grand spectacle, or entre-met. A vessel appeared with its masts, sails, and rigging; it advanced into the middle of the hall, by means of a machine concealed from the view of all. A moment after there appeared the city of Jerusalem; its towers covered with Saracens. The vessel approached it, and the city was taken by the Christian knights who manned the vessel.[XXXIV-31]

Among the Egyptians a funereal idea was made the means of rousing the erewhile buoyant spirits of the guests at the end of a repast. A servant entered carrying a skeleton, or the representation of a mummy, which he took slowly round the dining-room. He then approached the guests, and said: “Eat, drink, amuse yourselves to-day; to-morrow you die.”[XXXIV-32]

Greece, and Rome in particular, adopted this lugubrious emblem of the rapid flight of time and pleasure. This sepulchral image hurried them on in the enjoyment of the present: it never revealed to paganism a “hope full of immortality.”[XXXIV-33]

XXXV.

A ROMAN SUPPER.

Two lustres had passed since the world obeyed Domitius Nero, son of Agrippina. The Romans, a herd of vile slaves, docile adulators of the infamous Cæsar, had already celebrated nine anniversaries of his happy accession to the empire, and the Flamen of Jupiter solemnly thanked the gods at each of these epochs for all the benefits that the well-beloved monarch had unceasingly lavished on the earth.

Few princes, it is true, ever equalled Nero. He and his mother had poisoned Junius Silanus, the pro-consul of Asia; subsequently the young emperor made away with Agrippina, and the senate applauded that horrible crime, which was only the prelude to outrageous enterprises which astonish the historian who narrates them.

The Flamen was, indeed, bound to offer up solemn thanksgivings to Jupiter for having hitherto restrained the crowned monster from the commission of evil which afterwards marked his flagitious career.

It was the 64th year of the Christian era. The emperor had passed some time at Naples, whence it was thought he would go into Greece; but suddenly changing his project, he returned to the capital of the world, to prepare, it was said, a spectacle of unheard-of splendour, and such as Nero alone could conceive.

One of his ancient freed-men, Caius Domitius Seba, resolved to celebrate the return to Rome, and the tenth anniversary of the reign of his master, who was now become his patron and friend. That man possessed immense riches, a formidable credit at court, and an insolence which had struck so much terror into the souls of the proudest families of the empire, that they had long since humbled themselves before him.

So that it was no sooner whispered among the Roman aristocracy that the magnificent Seba intended to give a banquet, than one and all became anxious to be numbered with the guests of Cæsar’s favourite.

However, days past, the time for the nocturnal festival approached, and the Invitor had not made his appearance.

Among the Hebrews, nothing was more simple and unsophisticated than an invitation to dinner;[XXXV-1] but, with the Romans, etiquette required that the amphitryon should send one of his servants to each person who was to participate in his pompous hospitality. This servant, who was generally a freed-man, went from house to house, and indicated, with exquisite politeness, the day and precise hour of the banquet.[XXXV-2]

Seba’s Invitor was at last announced to the two consuls of the year, Lecanius Bassus and Licinius Crassus, who accepted with tender gratitude the distinguished honour which the enfranchised slave deigned to confer upon them.

After them the same favour was received with the same gratitude by the Agrippas, the Ancuses, the Cossuses, the Drususes, and all those who were the most noble, powerful, and proud in Rome.

The next day, about two o’clock in the afternoon (the repast was to begin at six o’clock), an unusual movement reigned in the Palatine baths, and those of Daphnis, near the Sacred Way. The mediastini kept up a steady fire under the coppers; the capsarii folded with care the clothes of the bathers; the unguentarii sold their oils and unguents; and the fricatores, armed with the strigil--a sort of wooden, iron, or horn spoon--rubbed and scraped the skin before the tractatores came gently to manipulate the joints, and skilfully shampoo the body, which gained by this operation more elasticity and suppleness.[XXXV-3]

The upper classes of the Romans never sat down to table until they had undergone all these preliminaries of minute cleanliness.[XXXV-4]

The future guests return home, after the bath, to employ the skill of the barbers (tonsores), who are in waiting to give more grace to the hair, and remove, with the aid of tweezers and pumice, the first silvery indications of the lapse of years, which, though incessantly effaced, still re-appeared.[XXXV-5]

A more serious occupation succeeded. Epicureans should never neglect their teeth--particularly at the approach of a banquet. Nor did the ingenious gastronomy of the first century of our era neglect to invent tooth-powder, which cleaned the enamel without injuring it, and fortified the gums--those fortresses of mastication. Some persons made use of substances which no one would adopt in the present day, because our delicacy revolts against them.[XXXV-6] But preparations less offensive were employed, and men of good taste, as well as fashionable ladies, extolled ox-gall, goats’ milk, the ash of stags’ horns, of pigs’ hoofs, and of egg-shells.[XXXV-7]

Thus were the teeth equipped, as the comic Plautus has it;[XXXV-8] or, rather, thus were they prepared to undergo the labour required of them.

Those who had had the misfortune to lose some of those powerful gastrophagic auxiliaries substituted false ones of ivory, which art found means to render absolutely similar to their neighbours. The eye was deceived: what more could be required?[XXXV-9]

But the clepsydræ[XXXV-10] and the celebrated clock of the field of Mars[XXXV-11] announce that it is time to put on the white, light robe, a little longer than the pallium of the Greeks, and to which the Latins have given the names of vestis cœnatoria, vestis triclinaria, vestis convivalis.[XXXV-12] This last part of their toilet finished, the guests set out for the magnificent abode of their host, preceded by a few slaves, and followed by their shadows--those hungry hangers-on of whom mention has already been made, and who strive to obtain, on the road, a smile or a word by dint of cringing obsequiousness.

Arrived at the atrium, the crowd of Roman nobles are conducted into the interior of the house by the parasites of Seba. The proud freed-man disturbed himself for nobody; but, like the opulent Greeks, whom he aped, he left to these ignoble familiars the care of replacing him in the honours of his palace.[XXXV-13]

They enter an immense hall, decorated with unheard-of luxury, lighted by lustres,[XXXV-14] and round which are several ranks of seats, not unlike the folding-stools and arm-chairs we meet with in the present day in the most elegant boudoirs.[XXXV-15] The guests seat themselves, and anon Egyptian slaves approach with perfumed snow-water, which flows from golden vases of the most graceful forms, and cools the hands of senators and Roman knights,[XXXV-16] whilst other servants disincumber them of their patrician shoes, the end of which represents a crescent.[XXXV-17] The feet then received a similar ablution, and fresh slaves, skilful orthopœdists, accomplish in a twinkling the delicate toilet of these extremities,[XXXV-18] and imprison them again in elegant and commodious sandals, fastened by ribands which cross on the top.[XXXV-19]

Here and there a few persons are remarked who still wear their togas, having doubtless forgotten to substitute the banqueting dress. So soon as the major-domo perceives them he makes a sign to some youths clothed in white tunics, who hasten to present to each of these guests a synthesis, or short woollen vestment of different colours,[XXXV-20] which envelopes the whole body, but leaves the shoulders and breast uncovered if the wearer desire it.[XXXV-21]

These indispensable preliminaries being terminated, the seats disappeared, and the guests stood waiting for the freed-man, Seba, who speedily entered accompanied by the two consuls, for whom places of honour had been reserved on couches beside their pompous amphitryon. The latter deigned to address a few words of welcome to his noble company, and each one stretched himself on his couch of gold and purple. The fourth couch was given up to the parasites and shadows.[XXXV-22]

Meanwhile, slaves were burning precious perfumes in golden vases (acerræ), and young children were pouring on the hair of the guests odoriferous essences, which filled the banqueting hall with balmy fragrance. Rome had borrowed this custom from the east.[XXXV-23]

The golden panelling of the hall shone with dazzling brightness as it reflected a torrent of light from the crystal candelabra,[XXXV-24] and the melodious sounds of the hydraulic organ[XXXV-25] announced the commencement of the banquet.[XXXV-26]

At this signal, servants, richly dressed, place within the circle formed by the couches lemon-wood tables of inestimable price,[XXXV-27] which they immediately cover with a rich tissue of gold and silk. That done, sylph-like hands spread them over with a profusion of the rarest flowers and rose leaves.[XXXV-28]

Musicians (symphoniaci) then occupy a kind of orchestra or platform, raised at one of the extremities of the hall,[XXXV-29] among whom the flute and harp players are to be particularly remarked.[XXXV-30] The former constitute, among the Romans, a special body dubbed with the name of College, and they have the exclusive right to attend banquets and enliven the pomp of ceremonies.[XXXV-31]

These musicians execute a slow, dulcet melody while the slaves are placing on the tables the statues of some of the principal gods,[XXXV-32] together with that of the divine Nero, whom a pusillanimous flattery ranks already with the immortals. At this moment they also arrange here and there the salt-cellars,[XXXV-33] while the more meditative of the guests invoke Jupiter, before they give themselves up to the pleasures of the feast.[XXXV-34] Hardly is this short prayer finished when joyous cup-bearers distribute charming little crystal cups,[XXXV-35] which Æthiopian slaves[XXXV-36] fill to the brim with a generous, honeyed wine, drawn, in the first instance, from those large pitchers which the Greeks have named amphoræ.

Some drops of the exhilarating liquid are offered to the Lares (household gods), by sprinkling it in their honour on the floor and the table.[XXXV-37] This pious libation precedes the entrance of the first course (antecœna),[XXXV-38] composed of the lightest and least succulent kinds of viands, by means of which a generous host stimulates the appetites of his guests, as a preparative for brilliant exploits.[XXXV-39]

Lettuces, olives, pomegranates, Damascus plums,[XXXV-40] tastefully arranged on silver dishes,[XXXV-41] serve to encircle dormice, prepared with honey and poppy juice,[XXXV-42] forcemeat balls of crab, lobster, or cray-fish, prepared with pepper, cummin, and benzoin root.[XXXV-43] A little further, champignon and egg sausages, prepared with garum,[XXXV-44] are placed by the side of pheasant sausages, a delicious mixture of the fat of that bird, chopped very small, and mixed with pepper, gravy, and sweet sun-made wine, to which a small quantity of hydrogarum is added.[XXXV-45] Tempting as these delicate viands may be, the practised epicureans seem to have a decided preference for peacocks’ eggs, which they open with spoons. These eggs, a master-piece of the culinary artist, who presides over Seba’s stoves, are composed of a fine perfumed paste, and contain, each one, a fat, roasted, ortolan surrounded with yolk of egg, and seasoned with pepper.[XXXV-46]

We will not go through the list of all the dishes which composed the antecœna. The nomenclature was offered, according to custom, to the guests of the rich freed-man, but the reader would doubtless think it a little tiresome. We must, however, inform him, that the true gastronomists--and there were many at that banquet--did no more than give note of preparation to their appetite, by plying it with pickled radishes,[XXXV-47] some few grasshoppers of a particular species, fried with garum,[XXXV-48] grey peas, and olives fresh from their brine.[XXXV-49]

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXX.

No. 1. A Greek Etruscan vase, or amphora, of terra cotta, for wine and water, commonly placed on the dinner table.--HAMILTON.

No. 2. A Greek terra cotta vase, for a particular wine.--CAYLUS.

No. 3. Etruscan terra cotta vase, to hold wine on the table.--CAYLUS.

No. 4. A glass amphora, or vase, of large dimensions, for Falernian wine.

All found at Herculaneum.--SAINT-NON.

The first course was removed to the sound of music.[XXXV-50] Now came chased silver cups, much larger than those of crystal[XXXV-51]--no doubt because thirst is excited by drinking. Amphoræ of a secular wine were ranged by the major-domo on the mosaic flooring of the hall, at some distance from the triclinium, and they proceeded, by the invitation of the consuls, to the choice of the symposiarch (or master of the banquet), upon whom devolved the duty of regulating how often any person was to drink, and of preventing the guests, in the best manner he could, from yielding too easily to bacchic provocations, which commonly led to unseemly gaiety and the loss of reason.[XXXV-52]

This sort magiric magistracy was obtained by lot, or the unanimous call for a personage worthy of such a distinction.[XXXV-53] That memorable evening every voice named the senator Drusillus, one of the most determined drinkers of the Roman aristocracy. Drusillus smiled, snapped his fingers,[XXXV-54] and, by the order of his master, thus intimated, a slave, who was standing behind him, filled a golden crater[C] with wine, and presented it to the symposiarch.

Thereupon, the latter, slightly raising his head from the downy cushions on which it rested, and supporting it from the left elbow,[XXXV-55] makes a graceful bow to the amphitryon, the consuls, and the rest of the assembly. Then, with a stentorian voice: “Slaves,” he cried, “bring wreaths of flowers.[XXXV-56] Fugitive images of the spring and of pleasure, they shall bind our brows.[XXXV-57] At the same time let garlands adorn our craters, in which the cherished liquor of the son of Semele sparkles;[XXXV-58] and let us bestow no thought, during the fleet joys of the banquet, on the uncertain and fatal hour when Atropos shall pronounce our doom.”

This speech, slightly impregnated with the epicurean philosophy so much in fashion during the reign of Nero, had at least the merit of a praiseworthy conciseness. Nor did it fail to attract applause from the auditors, whose brows and cups were speedily adorned with wreaths of roses, which young boys, clothed in white tunics, arranged with marvellous art.

The slight rustling of the flowers was soon drowned by the shrill noise of the trumpets which announced the second course. A flattering buzz welcomed this profusion of viands, which encumbered the tables, and well-nigh crushed them with their weight. There were the peacock,[XXXV-59] the duck, whose breast and head are so much coveted;[XXXV-60] capons’ livers,[XXXV-60] peppered becaficoes,[XXXV-61] grouse, the turtle-dove, the phenicopter,[XXXV-62] and an infinite number of rare birds, the costly tribute that Europe, Asia, and Africa, exchanged against the gold of the prodigal Seba. Other gold and silver dishes contained these inestimable fishes which Roman luxury brought so much into fashion; the scarus, or parrot fish, sturgeons, turbots, mullets, and those numerous inhabitants of every sea with which the tanks were stocked, to supply the kitchen of the freed-slave.

Moreover, there were wild boars à la Troyenne,[XXXV-63] ranged in the centre of the table, in silver basins of a prodigious value; stuffed pigs, quarters of stag and roebuck, loins of beef, kidneys surrounded with African figs,[XXXV-64] sows’ paps prepared with milk,[XXXV-65] sows’ flank,[XXXV-66] and some pieces of Gallic bacon,[XXXV-67] which certain gluttons loved to associate with a piece of succulent venison.

While the carvers were cutting up the meats with incredible address, to the sound of a light but animated music, Numidian slaves filled the cups from small leathern bottles with old Greek wine,[XXXV-68] a servant carried bread round the tables in a silver basket,[XXXV-69] and others ventilated the apartment,[XXXV-70] or offered the guests warm and iced water.[XXXV-71]

In every direction trays circulated, covered with divers kinds of meats,[XXXV-72] which they took care to humect with peppered garum,[XXXV-73] that strange condiment, which the freed-slave procured from Spain at a price equal to its weight in gold.

Suddenly the symposiarch commands silence: the musicians obey--the slaves are motionless.

“Let us drain our cups,” said he, “in honour of Cæsar. Let us celebrate the tenth anniversary of his glorious reign, and his happy return to the metropolis of the world. Let us drink, senators and knights, as many craters as there are letters in the cherished name of the emperor.”[XXXV-74]

Sense and reason must have succumbed, had the patrician assembly toasted Caius Lucius Domitius Nero: it would have been constructive treason not to empty twenty-three cups; but they limited themselves to four, which represented the last of these names.

Joy unrestrained floated with the fumy wine, furnished from large

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE No. XXXI.

No. 1. Curious silver dish, with Etruscan letters engraved around the head of Medusa. Petronius speaks of two silver dishes, upon which were engraved the name of Trimalcion, and the weight of each dish.--ATHEN.; STUART.

Nos. 2 and 3. Silver dishes.--GORRIE, “Etruscan Mus.”

glass amphoræ, on which were these words: “Falernian wine of a hundred leaves, made under the consulship of Opimius.”[XXXV-75][D] The consuls and the Roman nobles almost forgot, in the voluptuousness of the splendid repast, that the executioner of Britannicus and Burrhus, the crowned tiger, was doubtless thinking at that very moment of taking some of the heads then present. A funereal spectacle soon aroused their dormant fears.

An officer of the palace presented himself at the door of the banqueting hall. He advanced slowly, followed by two slaves, who laid on the table an object covered with a winding-sheet. “Pressing occupations,” said the imperial messenger, “prevent Cæsar from sharing with you the hospitality of Seba; but he thinks of you, and sends you a testimony of his remembrance.”

“Long live Cæsar!” cry the consuls, the freed-slave, and some few trembling voices. The officer retires. The veil which shrouds Nero’s present from every eye is removed, and all perceive a silver skeleton, of terrifying truthfulness, and which, by its admirable mechanism, proclaims artist to be one of those Greeks who have come to Rome to seek fortune and celebrity.[XXXV-76]

This episode engrossed the thoughts of the greater part of the guests, and the old senator, Lucius Vafra, could not help saying, with a sigh, to his neighbour, Virginius Rufus, one of the consuls of the preceding year: “Fear the Greeks: fear this disastrous present!”[XXXV-77]

But the hot wine which was being served,[XXXV-78] and the healths which succeeded without interruption, drove the sinistrous presage from their minds; and, moreover, the present of the emperor was nowise contrary to the manners of the epoch, and the thought of death would only have enlivened the repast, if it had been presented by any other than Nero.

At first healths were drunk in the Greek fashion,--that is, beginning by the most distinguished personages, he who drank bowed and said: “I wish you every kind of prosperity;” or simply: “I salute you.” In pronouncing these words, he who drank the health took only a part of the wine contained in the cup, and sent the remainder to the guest he had just designated.[XXXV-79]

Many craters were then emptied in honour of the mistress of the house (dominæ); neither were the illustrious dead nor absent friends forgotten. The formula was nearly the same for all: “To your healths,” said the symposiarch, “to our own, to that also of the friend whom we cherish.”[XXXV-80]

Sometimes Drusillus, still fascinated with that dulcet poetry of the Greeks with which, when young, he had stored his mind, would take up the harmonious cadences of Horace, and thus personate, as it were, those divine chanters of Attica who have immortalised themselves by celebrating love, wine, and pleasure.

One of his extempore strains, while sipping the sparkling liquor from his cup, was:--

This dream of bliss maintain, prolong these happy hours, O, all-enchanting wines! perfumed with flowers Which Cos and Cyprus rear; Let nothing ever change this soul-felt, rich delight; For I would say, when parting for the realms of night, I never knew a tear.

This sensual philosophy found numberless echoes in that vainglorious Rome, who exhausted her disdain, outrage, and punishments on the (so called) new fantastic folly that the Nazarenes were endeavouring to introduce. A few years more, and their doctrine will subjugate the universe!

Time passed rapidly, and the meats, divided into equal portions, were served to the guests, who frequently did not touch them, but gave their share to their servants, or sent it home.[XXXV-81]

So soon as the major-domo perceived that appetite began to flag, he ordered the whole to be cleared, and the dessert, spread on ivory tables,[XXXV-82] to be substituted for the more substantial comestibles, with which the guests were satiated.

Exquisite drinks, artificial wines, delicate and light aliments,[XXXV-83] still came to titillate the palate and the burthened stomach--pears, apples, walnuts, dried-figs, grapes;[XXXV-84] a thousand different kinds of raw, cooked, and preserved fruits; tarts, cakes, and those incredible delicacies which the Latins designated by the collective generic term bellaria, wooed the epicurean--if we may be allowed the expression--with their mild, material, dangerous, and irresistible eloquence.

Some one proposed to replace the half-faded flowers by Egyptian wreaths, and every brow was soon bound with garlands of roses and myrtle, interspersed with little birds, which, by their fluttering and chirping, soon restored the drowsy company to that animation which seemed to wane.[XXXV-85]

Then began the amusements of the evening.

A troop of strolling players were admired for their agility and suppleness. Some rolled round a cord like a wheel which turns on its axle; they hung by the neck, by one foot, and varied these perilous exercises in a thousand different ways. Others slid down a cord, lying on the stomach, with their arms and legs extended. Some revolved as they ran along a descending cord. Some, in a word, performed feats of strength and address on the horizontal rope which were truly incomprehensible, and at an elevation from the flooring which would have rendered a fall fatal.[XXXV-86]

To these acrobats succeeded prestigiators, who appeared to receive a peculiar degree of attention. One placed under cups a certain number of shells, dry peas, or little balls, and he caused them to disappear and re-appear at will.[XXXV-87] The spectators strained their eyes without being able to comprehend anything. Another of these mountebanks wrote or read very distinctly while whirling rapidly round.[XXXV-88] Some vomited flames from the mouth, or walked, head downwards, on their hands, and beat with their feet the movements of the most agile dancers.[XXXV-89] Then a woman appeared, holding in her hand twelve bronze hoops, with several little rings of the same metal, which rolled round them. She danced gracefully, throwing and successively catching the twelve hoops, without ever allowing any of the rings to fall.[XXXV-90] After that, another juggler rushed, with his breast uncovered, into the midst of a forest of naked swords. Every one thought him to be covered with wounds, but he re-appeared, with a smile on his countenance, whole and sound.[XXXV-91]

These feats were followed by an interlude, in which the parts were amusingly sustained by marionettes. The Greeks knew this childish pastime,[XXXV-92] and Rome did not disdain it.[XXXV-93] These little bronze and ivory figures[XXXV-94] played some comic scenes tolerably well, and obtained the applauses of grave senators, who more than once forgot their senility as they contemplated the grotesque pantomime.

The only thing now wanting to render Seba’s supper a worthy specimen of nocturnal Roman feasts was, to produce before the guests one of those spectacles which outrage morals and humanity. Nero’s freed-man had been too well tutored to refuse them this diversion. Young Syrians,[XXXV-95] or bewitching Spanish girls,[XXXV-96] went through lascivious dances,[XXXV-97] which raised no blush on the brow of rigid magistrates, who forgot, in the abode of the vile slave, the respect due to their age and dignity.

After the voluptuous scenes of the lewd Celtiberians, blood was required: for they seem to have been formed by nature to take a strange delight in sudden contrasts. Ten couples of gladiators, armed with swords and bucklers, occupied a space assigned to them, and ten horrible duels recreated the attentive assembly. For a long time nothing was heard but the clash of arms; but the thirst for conquest animated those ferocious combatants, and they rushed with loud cries on one another. Blood flowed on all sides; the couches were dyed with it, and the white robes of the guests were soon spotted. Some of the combatants fell, and the rattles announced approaching death; others preserved, in their last struggle, a funereal silence, or endeavoured to fix their teeth in the flesh of their enemies standing erect beside them.[XXXV-98] The spectators, stupified with wine and good cheer, contemplated this carnage with cold impassibility; they only roused from their torpor when one of those men, happening to trip against a table, struck his head on the ivory, and his antagonist, prompt as lightning, plunged his sword into the throat of his foe, whence torrents of black, reeking blood inundated the polished ivory, and flowed in long streams among the fruits, cups, and flowers.

The deed was applauded; servants washed the tables and the floor with perfumed water, and these stirring scenes were soon forgotten. A last cup was drunk to the good genius,[XXXV-99] whose protection they invoked before returning home.

Meantime a stifling atmosphere pervades every part of the hall, and a hollow noise, rumbling in the distance, excites at intervals in the minds of the guests a sort of undefinable apprehension--the ordinary presage of an unknown but imminent catastrophe. The consuls raise themselves on their couches and listen; their host endeavours to calm their fears; but at this moment a slave, panting for breath, rushes towards Seba, and pronounces a few inarticulate words. “Fire!” cries the anguished freed-man. “Where is the fire?” inquire all the terrified guests, who have heard but this one sinistrous word. “Everywhere!” replies the slave; “it has burst forth simultaneously in every part of the city!” No one waits to hear more. Consuls, senators, knights, musicians, and servants, jostle one another; and, abandoning those who fall, arrive pell-mell at the atrium. The porter still chained, trembles at his post; the flames already envelop the sumptuous edifice--the entire street is one vast brazier! Rome burns, and will soon be a heap of ruins and ashes! Flight is impossible--the flames intercept every issue! * * * Nero has taken his measures well.

We will not attempt to depict the mute but terrible despair of those proud patricians, at bay in the midst of an ocean of fire, in which they are fated ere long to perish. The wreaths of flowers which bind their brows are already parched by the scorching breath of those roaring flames, which engulf and consume everything as they sweep along. A thick smoke begrimes the lustrous robes, whose graceful folds erewhile displayed the exquisite urbanity of Seba’s guests, and which now exhibit only a sad emblem of festive joys. The dread of death, and I know not what strange anguish at this all-important moment, blanch those human faces, to which the choicest wines of Greece and Italy had just given a hue of purple. These men feel--instinct tells them--that life is theirs no longer, and they have not the courage to die!

The opulent freed-man calls to his slaves, and promises them their liberty if they consent to risk their lives in an attempt to save his. But the vile herd is already dispersed; the porter alone remains--for no one has thought to liberate him--and he, in his impotent fury, replies by insulting clamours to the cowardly supplications of his quondam master.

This horrible scene soon changed by the very action of that torrent of fire which was pursuing its devastating course; and the next day, when Aurora appeared, a heap of ruins was all that remained of the odious Seba’s magnificent palace.

The two consuls and some of the senators were fortunate enough to escape the common danger. Less besotted, perhaps, by the wine and good cheer, and finding in despair that incredible energy which sometimes operates the same prodigies as courage, they rushed through the flames, and gained the country, or those obscure portions of the city which the son of Agrippina had apparently forgotten.

Thus it was that Lucius Domitius Nero celebrated the tenth anniversary of his glorious reign. While the fire was rolling on with its resistless flood of flame from temples to palaces, and from the Circus to the Pantheon, the young, poetic Cæsar, his brow bound with laurel, and holding in his hands a golden lyre, viewed from the top of a tower--where he was surrounded by a troop of histrions and buffoons--the conflagration he had just kindled.

And while the imperial Apollo sang some melancholy verses on the fatal destiny of the antique city of Troy, his ignoble courtiers cried with enthusiasm: “May the Gods preserve Nero, their august son, and the delight of the human race!”

Such was the last gorgeous feast at which the magiric genius presided in that Rome which Romulus had founded, and which engulfed the treasures and wonders of the world. Destroyed by the imperial incendiary, it arose from its ashes with increased beauty and voluptuousness; and the wild joy of its new banquets caused the thoughtless queen of nations quickly to forget the disasters of the past, and the sinistrous presages of the future.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.

NERO.

Lucius Domitius Nero’s father was Caius Domitius Ænobarbus; Agrippina was his mother. He took the reins of the empire at the age of eighteen (A.D. 54), and governed at first with clemency and equity. The Roman people, transported with love for their young prince, indulged the fond hope of long and unalloyed felicity; but they were soon aroused from this delusion to a sense of the dire reality. Nero had forgotten himself in the path of virtue; he rallied by trying his hand at crime, and found at last his true vocation. Others have recounted his detestable infamies: we will merely remind our readers that he poisoned Britannicus,--that he caused his mother to be slain,--that he killed his wife Octavia by kicking her,--and that Seneca, his preceptor, only escaped his cruelty by having his veins opened. In the year 64 he took it into his head to set fire to the city of Rome, and then accused the Christians of that prodigious atrocity. Language cannot describe the unbridled luxury of this ignominious emperor. His gilded house, his ivory ceilings, his murrhine vases, the nets of gold and scarlet with which he fished, the incalculable profusion of his repasts--everything connected with Nero betrayed a species of pompous monomania, leading to excesses so immeasurable and abominable that in these days they excite doubt or incredulity.

The entire world detested the monster. Galba and the Roman army revolted against him, and the pusillanimous Cæsar fled bare-footed, and wrapped in a sordid robe. But, alarmed at the idea of the tortures he would have to undergo if he fell alive into the hands of the cohorts and the people, and finding no executioner more infamous than himself, he plunged a sword timidly into his breast, while a freed-man, Epaphroditus, guided his trembling hand. This happy event happened in the year 68. Nero had reigned thirteen years!

This prince sat down to table at mid-day, and did not quit it till midnight (Sueton. in Neron. 27),--he had reservoirs stocked with the most rare and exquisite fish,--and he gave to his boon companions suppers which vied in delicacy with their astonishing magnificence. Let this, then, plead our excuse for having classed the cruel but epicurean Cæsar among the high culinary notabilities whose names, glory, or excesses we record in this work.

HELIOGABALUS.

Heliogabalus (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Verus), son of Antoninus Caracalla and Semiamira, immortalised himself by his follies, and merited the name of the Sardanapalus of Rome. His grandmother, Mœsa, had a fancy to have him invested with the functions of Priest of the Sun, and the following year (218) the army elected him to succeed Macrinus. He was then only fourteen years old. It would be impossible to give a complete catalogue of the crimes which stained this precocious monster. His luxury knew no bounds, and his insatiable gluttony led him to send into distant provinces for rare birds, unknown in Italy. The golden lamps of his palace were supplied with a precious balm, and scented waters of exquisite delicacy were daily renewed in the vast piscina of this beardless Cæsar. His beds were adorned with coverlets of a cloth of gold, and in his kitchens none but skilfully chased silver utensils were employed. It is said that Heliogabalus invented after-dinner lotteries: his guests took the tickets at random, and fate gave to one some vase of inestimable value, to another a simple toothpick; a fortunate adventurer would receive for his allotment ten elephants, richly caparisoned, and his less lucky neighbour had to content himself with ten flies, and loud bursts of laughter from the imperial stripling.

Thank Heaven! this frightful phenomenon of turpitude and folly never attained manhood. The soldiers of his guard massacred him after a reign of something less than four years, and threw to the populace the dead body of a young man of eighteen, who, in the course of his brief existence, had exhausted the treasures of the empire, and enlarged the sphere of every crime.

The gastronomic art is, however, indebted to the odious Heliogabalus for some useful discoveries, and for that reason alone is he here mentioned.

EPICURUS.

Epicurus--born 337 years B.C., in the market-town of Gargettus, near Athens--taught in his gardens a system of philosophy, which, though indulgent towards the requirements of the senses, possessed the merit of a sovereign disdain for every kind of superstition. Epicurus had a great number of disciples among the ancient pagans, and the sensual philosophy of modern times hails him as a patron. At this very day the dainty livers rally under the joyous banner of the moralist of Gargettus, and his cherished shade inspires the guests and presides over the soothing intoxication of banquets.

MODERN BANQUETS.[E]

We have endeavoured to describe in the preceding pages some of those antique entertainments, which seem to be the summum bonum of the gigantic power of those shameless dominators of the Roman empire, whose reigns might be counted as so many banquets, and for whom the entire world was transformed into one vast market.

We are reduced to despair when we attempt to depict such sensualism, and we also despair of inspiring belief. When one goes back into those old pagan times,--when one shuts out the world as it is, to evoke the manners and customs of days gone by, and breathe in their atmosphere,--the mind experiences a sort of stupefaction, so much is it immersed in the senses, so thick is the moral darkness, so low has man fallen!

And, as if it had been decreed that everything should concur to consummate the annihilation of the human species, on the one hand, almost the whole family of man was, for the first time since their dispersion, collected into one body under the Roman domination, which spread its corruption throughout the several members; while, on the other hand, the hordes of barbarians who pressed round--like ferocious beasts waiting till the arena opened--were about to over-run the earth, in the absence of any civilising element that could interpose to stay the destruction, by snatching the conquered from the hands of victory, and the conquerors themselves from their own ferocity.

It belongs not to us to portray this fearful cataclysm, this sudden transition from the development of all the arts which perpetuate the enjoyments of life to the profound ignorance, the savage rudeness, which the northern conquerors imposed on enslaved Europe.

The fifth was the last century of Rome. It was then that barbarism became everywhere victorious. The Vandals were masters of Africa, the Lombards of Italy, the Visigoths of Spain, the Franks of Gaul. Literature followed the destiny of the empire, and seemed to perish at the same time. It is, however, impossible for nations not to receive, as an inheritance from people civilised before themselves, a great part of their intellectual cultivation. Happily modern Europe was swayed by this law: the barbarians reduced Rome by the force of arms,--Rome triumphed in the long run over the barbarians by the genius of civilisation and her arts.

It is known that even after the introduction of vulgar idioms, the learned of the middle ages continued the use of Latin, and that in the 15th century that beautiful language, purified from barbarian corruptions, became once more classic, particularly in Italy.

At that epoch, an obscure inhabitant of Mentz, John Guttenberg, immortalised himself by the discovery of printing, just as the love of antiquity was causing the old literary masterpieces to be sought out, and creating a demand for copies of the manuscripts.

Then, as if they had risen from their tombs after a thousand years of forgetfulness, all the writers of antiquity re-appeared, to charm, instruct, and renovate the world.

It was the era of regeneration, when you, O, beloved masters! Pliny, Apicius, Petronius, Athenæus,--and you, ingenuous and faithful chroniclers of the gastronomic follies of the people-king,--were resuscitated in all your glory! Others instructed the universe in philosophy, eloquence, and history,--you taught man how the ancients dined; and, thanks to your lessons, our fathers began to comprehend that, since the table is the great scene of life where bonds of friendship are formed and cemented, banqueting is indispensable to the prosperity of nations.

No one will accuse us, we hope, of endeavouring to establish a paradox for which we could hardly find an excuse, in our love of the culinary art, as long experience, and public facts within the memory of all, victoriously confirm our assertion.

Let us interrogate the 19th century. Hardly had the lamentable wars which divided the nations of Europe ceased,--hardly had the vibration of the last cannon-shot died away,--when the people of every clime--too long disunited--sealed by fraternal banquets their tardy but frank reconciliation. The destructive genius of war is succeeded by those grand struggles of commerce and industry, which, aided by the arts and sciences of civilisation, dispense to all the blessing of reproductive wealth.

And then dinner is the sine quâ non,--to that goal all our efforts tend. The Englishman dines in Paris, the Frenchman dines in London; the time-honoured national dishes become cosmopolite, like those who dwell on the banks of the Thames or the Seine; on both sides the people are proud to communicate the arcana of those delicate preparations, which have only to cross the frontier to obtain, under a favourable sky, a more ample illustration and a new right of citizenship. Appetite, the roasting-jack,--in a word, gastronomy, serves perhaps to unite men much more firmly than motives of interest; and more than one thought useful to the human species has often originated in the midst of the creative excitement of a banquet, where, to say the least, we meet with that hearty goodwill and friendly aid which might be wanting elsewhere.

Shall we mention that prodigious enterprise with which a noble prince--the enlightened protector of industry and the arts, and so worthy of our love and respect--has deigned to couple a name dear to public gratitude?

The royal plan was nothing less than this: to erect an immense, costly, and sumptuous palace, in which each nation should deposit the material proofs of its intelligence. Neither Rome nor Greece ever conceived such a thought! Louis XIV., with all his magnificence, and the magic pomp of his reign, imagined nothing equal to it!

This great and complex idea struck many persons no doubt with surprise; but England--we must do her the justice which facts prove to be her due--is always ready to undertake impossibilities, and generally performs them.

However, it was necessary to bring together a certain number of influential, scientific, patriotic, and wealthy men, and obtain their co-operation to realise that modern arch of crystal, into which the industry of the world would be summoned to send its most marvellous productions. Banquets were proposed, and banquets took place, in honour of a prince who was about to connect all parts of the globe in the bands of commercial fraternity. The Lord Mayor of the city of London--that celebrated factory of the world’s trade!--invited all the mayors of the three kingdoms to come and place themselves by the side of the august spouse of their sovereign, at a feast worthy of such guests by its delicate profusion and splendid magnificence. There his Royal Highness Prince Albert received the enthusiastic assurance of the realisation of a colossal project, a philanthropic thought,--the union of nations, by rousing the noble pride of their nationality!

In their turn, the mayors of Great Britain and Ireland were desirous of offering to the Lord Mayor of the city of London a banquet, at which his Royal Highness would be present; and this feast, a grandiose and sympathetic demonstration on the part of the votaries of the memorable London Exhibition, took place the 25th October, 1850, in the gothic Guildhall of York, where remembrance of the past was blended with hopes for the future.

It was resolved to intrust us with the direction of the gastronomic department, and, let us add, the artistic arrangement of that banquet, which, by reason of its unprecedented richness and truly magic aspect, no pen can describe, owing partly to the magnificence of the maces, swords, banners, &c., of each county being for the first time displayed under the same roof. The engraving which we present to our readers[F] will perhaps convey an idea of a portion of the splendour of the entertainment.

The guests at the royal table consisted of the following distinguished personages:

The Lord Mayor of York being in the chair, there were seated on his right his Royal Highness Prince Albert, his Grace the Archbishop of York, Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord John Russell, Earl Minto, Lord Overstone, Lord Beaumont, and the Right Honourable Sir Charles Wood. On his Lordship’s left were the Lord Mayor of London, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Earl of Carlisle, the Earl of Abercorn, Lord Feversham, the Earl Granville, the High Sheriff of Yorkshire, the Right Honourable Sir G. Grey, Bart., and Sir J. V. Johnstone, Bart.

As this table formed a prominent feature in the entertainment, the following distinct bill of fare was provided:--

BILL OF FARE FOR THE ROYAL TABLE.

FIRST COURSE.

[Sidenote: Rissolettes à la Pompadour.]

[Sidenote: Rissolettes à la Pompadour.]

Trois Potages. Trois Poissons.

Potage à la Victoria. Turbot à la Mazarine. Id. à la Prince of Wales. Rougets à l’Italienne Blanche. Id. Tortue Transparente. John Dory à la Marinière.

Trois Relevés.

L’Extravagance Culinaire à l’Alderman.[G] Chapons à la Nelson. Quartier d’Agneau de Maison à la Sévigné.

[Sidenote: Venison.]

[Sidenote: Venison.]

Quatre Flancs.

Timballe de Riz à la Royale. Jambon à la York. Vol au vent à la Talleyrand. Cannetons Canaris, Macédoine de Légumes.

Six Entrées.

Sauté de Faisans au fumet de Gibier. Blancs de Volaille à la York Minster. Turbans de Quenelles de Lapereaux aux Truffes.

Côtelettes de Mouton à la Réforme. Riz de Veau à la Palestine. Filets de Canneton à la Séville.

SECOND COURSE.

Trois Rôtis.

Paon à l’ancienne Rome garni d’Ortolans. Bécasses aux Feuilles de Céleri. Guillenôts des Ardennes.

Dix Entremets.

Crême de la Grande Bretagne à la Victoria. Galantine d’Oisons à la Volière. Gelée de Fraises Françaises à la Fontainebleau. Mireton de Homard. Tartelettes pralinées aux cerises de Montmorency.

Crême de la Grande Bretagne à l’Albert. Salade de Grouse à la Soyer. Chartreuse de Fruits aux Pêches. Gâteaux crêmants à la Duke of York. Rocailles aux Huîtres gratinées à l’Ostend.

[sidenote: Légumes à la Française. Petite Pois Verts.]

[sidenotnote: Légumes à la Française. Grosses Asperges à l’Américaine.]

Trois Relevés.

Hure de Sanglier à l’Allemande en Surprise. Jambon Croquant aux Abricots. Paniér de Fruit glacé à la Lady Mayoress.

Dessert Floréal à la Watteau.

Raisins de Fontainebleau. Fraises des bois Françaises. Pêches de Montreuil. Ananas.

Raisins Muscats. Melons. Bananas. Compote de Chaumontelle.

GENERAL BILL OF FARE FOR 248 GUESTS.

FIRST COURSE.

Trente-deux Potages.

Quatre Potages à la Victoria. Quatre Id. à la Prince of Wales.

Huit Potages à la Tortue Transparente. Seize Id. à la Moderne.

Trente-deux Poissons.

Huit Turbots à la Mazarin. Huit Truites Saumonées à la Marinière.

Huit Filets de Merlans à la Crême. Huit Crimp Cod aux Huîtres.

Trente-deux Relevées.

Six Chapons à la Nelson. Six Saddleback de Mouton Gallois. Quatre Aloyaux de Bœuf au Raifort. Six Haunches de Venaison.

Six Quartiers d’Agneau de Maison à la Sévigné. Quatre Dindonneaux en Diadême.

Trente-deux Flancs.

Huit Jambons à la York. Huit Poulardes à la Russe.

Huit Timballes de Riz à la Royale. Huit Pâtés chauds à la Westphalienne.

Quarante-huit Entrées.

Huit Sautés de Faisans au fumet de Gibier aux Truffes. Huit de Côtelettes de Mouton à la Vicomtesse. Huit de Blancs de Volaille à la York Minster. Huit de Riz de Veau à la Palestine. Huit de Rissolettes de Volaille à la Pompadour. Huit de Salmi de Gibier à la Chasseur.

SECOND COURSE.

Quarante Rôtis.

Huit de Perdreaux aux feuilles de Céleri. Huit de Faisans bardés au Cresson. Six de Cannetons au jus d’Oranges.

Six de Grouses à l’Ecossaise. Six de Levreaux au jus de Groseilles. Six de Bécasses et Bécassines au jus.

Cent Entremets.

Dix Chartreuses de Pêches. Dix Gelées de fraises Françaises à la Fontainebleau. Dix Salades de Grouses à la Soyer. Dix Galantines Aspiquées à la Volière. Dix Crêmes transparentes au Kirchenwasser.

Dix Crevettes au Vin de Champagne. Dix Gâteaux crêmants à la Duke of York. Dix Petites Macédoines de fruit cristallisée. Dix Mirotons de Homard aux Olives. Dix Tartelettes prâlinées aux Cerises de Montmorency.

Vingt Relevées.

Dix paniers de Fruits Glacés à la Lady Mayoress. Dix Jambons en Surprise à l’Ananas.

Side Table--Vegetables.

Céleri à la Crême. Choux Fleurs au beurre. Haricots Verts. Choux de Bruxelles.

Céleri à la Crême. Choux Fleurs au beurre. Sea Kale. Choux de Bruxelles.

Grand Dessert Floréal à la Watteau.

L’Extravagance Culinaire à l’Alderman, or the One Hundred Guinea Dish.--The opportunity of producing some gastronomic phenomenon for the royal table on such an occasion as the York Banquet was irresistible; accordingly, the following choice morsels were carefully selected from all the birds mentioned in the general bill of fare, to form a dish of delicacies worthy of his Royal Highness and the noble guests around him.

The extravagance of this dish, valued at one hundred guineas, is accounted for, by supposing, that if an epicure were to order a similar one for a small party, he would be obliged to provide the undermentioned articles, viz.:

At the cost of £ s. d. 5 Turtle heads, part of fins, and green fat 34 0 0 24 Capons, the two small noix (nuts) from each side of the middle of the back only used, being the most delicate part of every bird 8 8 0 18 Turkeys, the same 8 12 0 18 Fatted pullets, the same 5 17 0 16 Fowls, the same 2 8 0 10 Grouse 2 5 0 20 Pheasants, noix only 3 0 0 45 Partridges, the same 3 7 0 6 Plovers, whole 0 9 0 100 Snipes, noix only 5 0 0 3 Dozen Quails, whole 3 0 0 40 Woodcocks, noix only 8 0 0 3 Dozen Pigeons, the same 0 14 0 6 Dozen Larks, stuffed 0 15 0 Ortolans from Belgium 5 0 0 The garniture, consisting of cockscombs, truffles, mushrooms, crawfish, olives, American asparagus, croustades (paste crust), sweetbreads, quenelles de volaille (strips or slices of fowl), green mangoes, and a new sauce 14 10 0 -------------- £105 5 0

In order to present to the reader the striking contrast of extravagance in ancient and modern cookery, we here give an engraving of the celebrated Roman dish (Wild Boar à la Troyenne) described in page 185. It appears to have been one of those extraordinary efforts of genius which the artist could only produce under the sanction of a lavish patron. It was a veritable tour-de-force, and, no doubt deserved the commendation it received, not only because it was of colossal size, and the good taste displayed, but also on account of the various culinary delicacies of which it was composed. We have no account of the cost of such a dish, but, judging from the excessive prices given in ancient times for all recherché articles at the tables of the great, it must have been enormous.

We will now resume our description of the York Banquet. In front of the principal table, on a raised platform, covered with purple cloth, was a collection of maces, swords, &c., estimated by competent judges to be worth £12,000.

The most conspicuous ornament was placed immediately behind the great circular table; it was designed by the author, and is represented in the accompanying engraving. It consisted of a large emblematic vase, twenty feet in height, painted and modelled by Mr. Alfred Adams. Around the base are Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, presenting specimens of industry to Britannia. From the centre of the base springs a palm tree, surrounded by the arms of the cities of London and York; medallion portraits of her Majesty and Prince Albert, encircled by the shields of the principal cities and towns of the United Kingdom, form the body of the vase; two figures of Ireland and Scotland the handles; the Prince of Wales’s emblem the neck, and the royal arms the apex. Appended were graceful wreaths of flowers, in which the symbols of the Houses of York and Lancaster (red and white roses) predominated; and when a brilliant flood of gaslight, aided by powerful reflectors, was thrown upon this splendid decoration, the effect was truly magnificent.

Having illustrated this volume with a murrhine vase, belonging to the House of Brunswick, and a curiously worked crystal cup, as gems of ancient production, we give here, as modern works of art, an engraving representing three superb drinking cups,--one for his Royal Highness Prince Albert, and one each for the Lord Mayors of London and York: the first is in ruby glass, a portion of the stem and base internally checquered with silver, and on the sides bearing white sunken medallions of her Majesty and the Prince Consort, and the royal arms of England. The other two cups were of the same size and shape, but, instead of being ruby and silver, the colours were emerald and silver; and on the sides were the private arms of each of the Lord Mayors, together with the usual heraldic emblazonments of the cities of London and York respectively. They were presented by the author of this work in the name of the Patent Silvered-Glass Company.

This banquet was of so interesting a nature, that we could not omit giving some particulars of it in this work; at all events, the pomp and splendour of modern times, as far as banqueting is concerned, must prove that--from the Greeks and Romans, down to the middle ages--we have not been exceeded, except, perhaps, in waste and extravagance.

The national entertainments given within the last fifty years, to commemorate striking events, are too fresh in our memory to pass them in silence.

Many persons can still remember the coronation of the Emperor Napoleon in 1805. On that occasion a grand banquet was given to all the dignitaries of the Empire and their ladies, nothing being omitted that was calculated to solemnise with sumptuosity such an event.

In 1810 the city of Paris offered to Napoleon and Maria-Louisa (Archduchess of Austria) a banquet as extraordinary as it was costly. A semicircular gallery of the Corinthian order was erected on the whole square of the Hôtel-de-Ville, where above a thousand guests joined the festival.

In 1815 a magnificent entertainment was given to the allied sovereigns by the city of London, where richness of decoration, massive gold and silver plate, and profusion of culinary rarities struck the beholder with wonder.

At the Coronation Banquet of George IV., in 1820, the old customs and privileges were ransacked to give éclat to that solemnity, one of the grandest, and perhaps, the most sumptuous that ever could he imagined in ancient or modern times.

In France, in the year 1824, the coronation of Charles X. was celebrated at Rheims with royal magnificence; the banquet excited the admiration of all present. At that solemnity the Duke of Northumberland was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary from England, and few, if any, ever equalled the liberality of his Grace, or the display he made of his wealth, to represent and honour his sovereign and country at the court of Charles X. The fêtes and banquets given by his Grace--and at which the author was present--were of the most costly if not extravagant description, for we are told that the expenses of that munificent nobleman were not less than £200,000.

The grand banquets and receptions of King Louis Philippe during eighteen years exhibited too much liberality and splendour to be forgotten; and at the marriage of his eldest son, the unfortunate Duke of Orleans, Versailles presented a scene of banqueting and rejoicing unparalleled since the time of Louis XIV.

On her Majesty’s visit to the city of London a banquet was given in the Guildhall, the grandeur of which was scarcely ever exceeded, showing the loyalty, devotedness, and noble hospitality of the wealthiest commercial citizens in the world.

In 1838, at the coronation of Queen Victoria, Buckingham Palace witnessed a most elegant, chaste, and splendid banquet. The Ambassadors Extraordinary, sent from all the foreign courts, were not more conspicuous for the brilliancy of their costumes than the native nobility who graced the festive-board of the youthful Queen of Great Britain.

On this occasion a very elaborate and graceful fountain of massive gold of about three feet in height and two feet in diameter, was prominent on the royal table. It spouted four different sorts of delicious wine into as many shells, from which it dripped into four reservoirs, and was served to the guests by means of a golden ladle. This fountain can be seen, with the regalia, in the Tower of London.

On that joyful day the members of the Reform Club intrusted to our care, at Gwyrdir House, a sumptuous entertainment for fifteen hundred persons, on a scale of liberality deserving of the highest praise.

The marriage of Her Majesty with H. R. H. Prince Albert formed one of those memorable epochs to be preserved in the annals of banqueting.

The opening of the Royal Exchange, in 1846, was also one of those extraordinary days on record, where the Queen of a great nation gave proof of her sympathy in the prosperity of her merchant-princes, by presiding over a splendid entertainment to commemorate the re-establishment of that commercial edifice.

On the 3rd of July in the same year, his Highness Ibrahim Pacha, son of Mehemet Ali, Viceroy of Egypt, was entertained by the members of the Reform Club to a magnificent and most sumptuous banquet provided for two hundred guests. The author, having full scope to do honour to the invitation, provided the following liberal selection of gastronomic dishes, many of which were innovated for the occasion:--

BILL OF FARE.

Seize Potages.

Quatre à la Victoria. Quatre à la Comte de Paris.

Quatre à la Louis Philippe. Quatre à la Colbert, aux Légumes Printaniers.

Seize Potages.

Quatre de Turbots, Sauce à la Mazarin. Quatre de Buissons de Filets de Merlans à l’Egyptienne.

Quatre de Saumons de Severn à la Crême. Quatre de Truites Saumonées en Matelotte Marinière.

Seize Reléves.

Quatre de Chapons à la Nelson. Quatre de Saddleback of Southdown Mouton, rôti à la Soyer.

Quatre de Poulardes en Diadême. Quatre de Saddleback d’Agneau, rôti à la Sévigné.

Baron of Beef à l’Anglaise.

Entrée Pagodatique de riz à la Luxor.

Cinquante-quatre Entrées.

Six de Poussins Printaniers à l’Ambassadrice. Six de Côtelettes de Mouton à la Reform. Quatre de Riz de Veau piqués en Macédoine de Légumes. Quatre de Petits Vol-au-vents aux Laitances de Maquereaux. Quatre Timballes de Riz aux Quues d’Agneau. Quatre de Jambonneaux Braisés au Vin de Madère.

Quatre de Volailles Farcies à la Russe aux Légumes Verts. Quatre de Pâtées Chauds de Cailles à la Banquière. Quatre de Rissolettes à la Pompadour. Quatre de Grenadins de Bœuf à la Beyrout. Six de Côtelettes d’Agneau à la Vicomtesse, et Quatre de Turbans Epigramme de Levreau au Fumet.

Seize Rôts.

Quatre de Turkey Poult, Piqués et Bardés. Quatre de Cannetons au Jus de Bigarades.

Quatre de Levreaux au Jus de Groseilles, et Quatre de Gros Chapons au Cresson.

Cinquante-quatre Entremots.

Six de Gelées Macédoine de Fruits au Dantzic. Quatre Turbans de Meringues Demi-Glacées. Quatre de Charlotte Prussienne. Six de Croquantes d’Amandes aux Cerises. Quatre de Galantines à la Volière. Quatre de Mirotons de Homard à l’Indienne.

Quatre de Salades de Volaille à la Soyer. Quatre de Haricots Verts au Beurre Noisette. Six de Tartelettes Prâlinées aux Abricots. Quatre de Pain de Pêches au Noyeau. Quatre de Petite Pois à l’Anglo-Francaise, et Quatre de Gelées Cristallisées à l’Ananas.

Relevés de Rôts.

Crème d’Egypte à l’Ibrahim Pacha. Gâteau Britannique à l’Amiral. Quatre de Jambons Glacés en Surprise. Quatre de Côtelettes en Surprise à la Reform.

Quatre de Manivaux de Champignons au Curaçao en Surprise. Deux de Meringues Chinoises-Pagoda aux Fraises.

We hardly need mention the annual entertainment which takes place on the 9th of November, when the city of London makes a king of a citizen.

In the course of the year 1844, King Louis Philippe paid a visit to her Majesty Queen Victoria at Windsor Castle, and during the time a series of banquets were given in honour of the King’s visit by her Majesty. The gold plate--worth, it is said, a million sterling--was used on that occasion. We shall not attempt to describe the extraordinary beauty of that service: the value in itself must leave the impression that nothing like it is in existence.

In the year 1848 the return of Lord Hardinge, Governor-General of India, from his glorious campaigns in the East, was solemnised by a sumptuous banquet offered to his lordship by the members of the Carlton Club.

In the year 1850 the annual meeting of the Royal Agricultural Society was held in the fine old city of Exeter, where the Society was welcomed with the most enthusiastic rejoicings, and we had the honour of being selected by the committee to provide a dinner for one thousand and fifty members. As this rustic banquet was admitted to be one of no ordinary kind we give here the general bill of fare, and a short narrative of the first attempt to roast a whole ox by gas.

GRAND AGRICULTURAL PAVILION DINNER.

[Sidenote: Baron of Beef à la Magna Charta.]

33 Dishes of Ribs of Beef. 35 Dishes of Roast Lamb. 99 Dishes of Galantine of Veal. 29 Dishes of Ham. 66 Dishes of Pressed Beef. 2 Rounds of Beef à la Garrick. 264 Dishes of Chicken. 33 French raised Pies à la Soyer. 198 Spring Mayonnaise Salad. 264 Cherry, Gooseberry, Raspberry, and Currant Tarts. 33 Exeter Puddings. 198 Dishes of Hot Potatoes.

[Sidenote: Grand Agricultural Trophy.]

Homer tells us that a royal culinary artist placed before Ajax and his voracious companions in arms a whole bullock roasted. Since those heroic ages many no doubt have shared the same fate; and we know that in this country, on the occasion of a rich heir coming of age, a roasted ox is often given to the tenants as a substantial fare, with a well-nursed butt of ale, twenty-one years old. Many can remember that in the winter of 1812 a bullock was roasted on the frozen Thames, which certainly was something to wonder at. Another monster effort was attempted at Hammersmith some years ago, but the animal, clumsily suspended from the summit of an apparatus formed of three beams, was burnt, emitted a rank smell, and did not roast. All those who have had to attend such an operation agree that it is rather an awkward affair, and not performed without great difficulties, on account of the immense fire, which requires constant attention to keep up and regulate the necessary heat,--and, after all, it is seldom entirely successful.

For the present festival, the author, who knew well the power and efficacy of gas, wished to honour the guests with a dish of his own, never yet attempted, and which he has entitled the “Baron and Saddleback of Beef à la Magna Charta.” He therefore proposed to roast a baron and saddleback of beef, weighing five hundred and thirty-five pounds, in the open air. The magistrates very willingly put the castle yard at his disposal, and it was anticipated that a large Pandemonium fire would have been seen; but, to the surprise of every one, a few bricks, without mortar, and a few sheets of iron, forming a temporary covering to a space six feet six inches in length, and three feet three inches in width, were the only appearance of an apparatus, with two hundred and sixteen very small jets of gas coming through pipes half-an-inch in diameter. It was hardly credited that such a monster joint could be properly done by such means; however, incredulity soon vanished on seeing it frizzling and steaming away; and after eight hours’ roasting it was thoroughly dressed, at a cost of less than five shillings for gas.

After having allowed it to cool it was removed, and carried by eight men through the principal streets of the ancient and loyal city of Exeter, accompanied by a band of music, playing “The Roast Beef of Old England,” and followed by thousands of the incredulous of the previous day. On its arrival at the pavilion it was deposited under the grand triumphal arch, designed and erected by the author; it was 17 feet high, and 10 feet wide, and composed of all the produce of agriculture and the farm.

The following list will give some idea of its magnitude: it consisted of--

One swan, two turkeys, four geese, four ducks, eight fowls, eight pigeons, four rabbits, one fine barn-door cock, six ox heads, four calves’ heads, two rams’ heads, two stags’ heads, two whole lambs--all natural, and in their plumage or skin--ornamented with vegetables, fruit, and flowers, viz., cabbages, turnips, potatoes, carrots, leeks, celery, rhubarb, onions, French beans, peas, asparagus, sea-kale stalks; sheaves of wheat, oats, barley; pine apples, citrons, cherries, grapes, melons, peaches, apricots, greengages, apples, gooseberries, strawberries, currants, and the choicest kinds of flowers--all being the production of the county--and surmounted by various implements of agriculture. There was also an elegant jug, ornamented with flowers, filled with clotted cream. On the top of the huge piece of beef, was placed a black pig’s head, weighing eighty pounds when killed.

It was in the recollection of many persons, that thirty-five years ago a baron of beef, weighing only two hundred and forty-two pounds was roasted in Exeter, under the superintendence of twelve blacksmiths, at their forge fire, for a banquet given at the time peace was proclaimed.

The Parisians have not forgotten the great fête of the distribution of eagles by his Majesty the Emperor of the French, on that day when he relinquished the functions of President of the Republic for a more august title. That military solemnity was followed by a splendid banquet, at which there were several thousands of guests. It would be superfluous to add, that the arrangements for that gigantic repast evinced the intelligent taste and incredible resources of imagination of our continental neighbours.

An entire volume would not suffice, if we attempted to recount all the pompous feasts which followed in succession during the last century, “the age of powder and suppers.” But we cannot pass in silence the memorable punch given in 1746 by Sir Edward Russell, Commander-in-Chief of the British forces, which can only be assimilated in point of extravagance to the great banquet of the Earl of Warwick, the description of which was extracted from the “Gastronomic Regenerator,” and reproduced in this work, page 362.

The bowl was the marble basin of a delightful garden, forming the central point of four vast avenues, bordered with orange and lemon trees. A magnificent collation was served on four immense tables, which occupied the whole length of the several avenues. The basin had been filled with four large barrels of brandy, eight barrels of filtered water, twenty-five thousand citrons, eighty pints of lemon juice, thirteen hundred weight of sugar, five pounds of nutmeg, three hundred biscuits, and a pipe of Malaga wine. An awning over the basin protected it from rain, which might have disturbed the chemical combination of the delicious beverage; and, in a charming little rose-wood boat, a cabin boy, belonging to the fleet, rowed about on the surface of the punch, ready to serve the joyous company, which numbered more than six thousand persons.[H]

We cannot terminate this rapid sketch, without mentioning that, after several years of research in compiling this work, we completed our task on the day following that on which her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of England offered the largest royal banquet since her accession to the throne, to an assembly of kings, queens, and princes, and the flower of the British aristocracy, consisting of a hundred and twenty guests, on the occasion of the baptism of his Royal Highness Prince Leopold George Duncan Albert. This regal entertainment took place on the 28th of June, and never, perhaps, did the august sovereign display so much magnificence and majesty. We shall not publish the details of this imposing banquet; and, moreover, we should inform our readers of nothing new, were we to tell them of the artistical selection, execution, and perfection of the bill of fare,--of the richness of the ornaments and service,--of the royal and feminine gracefulness of the mother, wife, and queen. “May Heaven grant,” say we, in the words of the immortal Bossuet, “that the children of this illustrious princess, like a crown of olive saplings, may cling round her, and grow in virtue, strength, and renown; may the Ruler of empires throw a halo round the destiny of the august mother, and show to all that His mighty hand upholds thrones and protects kings!”

FOOTNOTES:

[A] This lemon-tree wood was a species more precious and more beautiful than that which we now possess.

[B] See Plate XXVIII., p. 378, for the triclinium.

[C] Cup, or crater, used by the Greeks and Romans at their repasts, made either of gold, silver, or earthenware (terra cotta).--HAMILTON, “Herculaneum.”

[D] See Plate XXX., No. 4.

[E] The following descriptions of various banquets and bills of fare are here introduced, in the anticipation that in after years they may prove interesting, and induce, for the future, culinary artists to enlarge and preserve those magiric archives.

[F] For the general illustration of the banquet, see the “Illustrated London News,” of November 2nd, 1850.

[G] See page 406.

[H] While thus hastily enumerating some modern banquets, we cannot refrain mentioning that illusive feast of the most effeminate of Assyrian kings, the plan of which seems to have been imparted by the magiric genius himself to our celebrated tragedian Charles Kean. Every night, Sardanapalus, the sensual king of the too joyous Ninevites, rising from his tomb, with his twenty-six centuries of renown, seats himself at table, in order to unveil to us long buried splendours, and confirm our belief in those sumptuous orgies of which history preserves to us but uncertain details.

The admirable works of Botta, Flandin, Layard, and Bonomi, have allowed the ingenious major domo who presides at these Assyrian feasts of the 19th century, to invest them with that couleur locale which would formerly have been sought in vain; and, should the shade of the voluptuous prince wander amidst the guests seated at his table, it may still recognise the cup from which he imbibed intoxication and forgetfulness of his tragic destiny. Altogether, this scenic representation appears to us the realisation of an extraordinary dream, and we have been tempted to place this fictitious repast of Sardanapalus amongst the modern banquets here called to remembrance.

[I] Since the above was written, my researches have been rewarded by success, and I have given a complete description of it in this work.--See page 269.

[J] No less than £52,000, if Pliny really means the grand sesterce, which everything leads us to believe.

[K] Smallage, a species of parsley, known by the name of celery, is diuretic and aperitive. The celery, as cultivated now, is derived from the smallage.

[L] It is a question whether they could compete in quality with those caught in the Severn at the present day.

[M] This paper did not resemble our own of the present day; it was a kind of papyrus, which perfectly resisted all moisture.

[N] Pie of meat and flour.

[O] See Plate No. XXVII., No. 4., a plain bottle, with a long neck.

[P] A pound of honey to three pounds of water.

[Q] We are not aware that any of our dramatic authors ever gave such proof of generosity after a triumph as did the poet, Ion. Crowned at Athens, after the representation of a tragedy, he made a present to each Athenian of a vase filled with wine of Chios.--“Athen.,” I., 5.

[R] Fat meat, according to the vulgate.

[S] Dinner given by the Earl of Warwick, at the installation of an Archbishop of York, in the year 1470.

[T] Imperial, a gold coin, current in Russia. The Imperial of ten roubles (1755) was worth nearly £2 2s. 0d.

[U] This lemon-tree wood was a species more precious and more beautiful than that which we now possess.

[V] A grand banquet was held by the Royal Agricultural Society, at Exeter, on July 20th, 1850, for description of which see end of volume.

[W] Apicius composed the œnogarum (or rather eleogarum, for wine is not mentioned in his recipe) in the following manner: bruise, in a mortar, pepper, alisander, coriander, and rue; then add some garum, honey, and a little oil.[IX-119]

[X] The word Ox--Bos--is a general term applied equally by sacred and profane writers to the bull, ox, and cow.--VALLA, lib. iv., cap. 42. It would appear that the castration of bulls originated with the Greeks, though they and the Romans, their imitators, saw only in this operation the facility of subduing them, and accustoming them to the yoke.--GEOPONICS, COLUMELLA, PLINY, &c.

[Y] We saw, in 1836, while at Colne Castle, about one ton weight taken out of the water in a few hours.

[Y] A sort of wine, much esteemed.

TABLE OF REFERENCES

TO

Ancient and Modern Writers.

I.

AGRICULTURE.

[I-1] Plutarch. De Isid. et Osirid.; Ovid. Fabul. lib. v. 6, 7; Aurel. Vict. De Orig. Gent. Roman.

[I-2] Genes. cap. ii. 15.

[I-3] Ibid. cap. iii. 23.

[I-4] Cuvier, Discours sur les Révolutions du Globe, 6e. édit. p. 171.

[I-5] Judic. cap. vi. 11, 14.

[I-6] Ruth, cap. ii. 3, 5.

[I-7] I. Samuel, cap. xi. 5.

[I-8] I. Reg. cap. xix. 19.

[I-9] Guénée, Lettres de Quelques Juifs, tom. iii. p. 23, edit. in 12mo.

[I-10] Levitic. cap. xxv. 23.

[I-11] Diodor. Sicul. lib. ii. § 3.

[I-12] Aristot. De Republ. lib. ii. cap. 7.

[I-13] Levitic. xxv. 3, 6.

[I-14] Mishna, passim.

[I-15] Exod. iii. 8.

[I-16] Joseph. De Bello Judaic. lib. iii. cap. 8.

[I-17] Juvenal. Sat. xv. 10.

[I-18] Genes. cap. xii. 10.

[I-19] Ibid. cap. xlii. 1, 2, 3.

[I-20] Varro. De Re Rustic.; Plin. xviii. 7; Plutarch. In Cæsar.

[I-21] Plutarch. De Isid.; Tibull. lib. i. eleg. vii. 29.

[I-22] Fabretti. Inscript. p. 574.

[I-23] Homer. Il. x. 351; Odyss. viii. 124.

[I-24] Polydor. Virgil.

[I-25] Plin. xviii 4.

[I-26] Aul. Gell. i. 23.

[I-27] Plin. iv. 3; Flor. i. 2.

[I-28] Flor. viii. 3.

[I-29] Columell. ii. 5.

[I-30] Ibid. ii. 2.

[I-31] Varro. i. 29.

[I-32] Encyclopédie Méthodique; Antiquités Planches.

[I-33] Cato. De Re Rustica, x. xi.

[I-34] Strutt, Manners and Customs, &c., vol. i. p. 32, fig. vii.

[I-35] Plin. xvii. 5, 8.

[I-36] Varro. i. 13, 38; Columell. ii. 5, 6, 9.

[I-37] Geoponic. xii. 4; Virgil. Georg. i. 81; Plin. xvii. 9.

[I-38] Cato. cap. xxx.; Plin. xviii, 53; Varro. ii. 2.

[I-39] Column. Trajan. tab. 83.

[I-40] Passerii Lucern. Fictil. tab. 9.

[I-41] Gessner. ii. tab. 32, no. 75.

[I-42] Mongez. Encyclop. Méthod. Antiquit. Planches.

[I-43] De Re Rustica, i. 50.

[I-44] Virgil. Georg. lib. iv.

[I-45] Plin. viii. 30.

[I-46] Columell. ii. 21.

[I-47] Isaias, xxviii. 27.

[I-48] Herculan. v. 95.

[I-49] Geoponic. ii. 27, 31; Plin. xviii. 30; Varro. i. 57; Columell. i. 6.

[I-50] Dioscorid.; Diodor. Sicul.; Dio. Nicæus.

[I-51] Id.

[I-52] Strab.; Plin.; Strutt, Manners, &c., of the Ancient Britons, vol. i. p. 7.

[I-53] Strutt, Ibid. p. 43.

[I-54] Id. Ibid. pp. 43, 44.

[I-55] Fontan. tom. ii. liv. iii. titre 33, p. 1190.

II.

CEREALS.

[II-1] Tit. Liv. Decad. i. lib. 1.

[II-2] Plin. xviii. 8.

[II-3] Cato. R. R. cap. 86.

[II-4] Virgil. Georgic. i. 210.

[II-5] II. Samuel, cap. xvii. 28.

[II-6] Sueton. In August. xiv.

[II-7] Exod. cap. ix. 31.

[II-8] Virgil. Georgic. i. 216.

[II-9] Xenophon. De Expedit. Cyri. lib. vii.; Plin. xviii. 7.

[II-10] Geoponic. ii. 38.

[II-11] Plin. xviii. 40.

[II-12] Id. xviii. 16.

[II-13] Dioscorid. ii. 16.

[II-14] Virgil. Georgic. i. 153.

[II-15] Plin. xviii. 17.

[II-16] Id. xviii. 7, 10.

[II-17] Dioscorid. ii. 117.

[II-18] Galen. De Facultat. Aliment. i. 17.

[II-19] Herodot. ii. 36.

[II-20] Dioscorid. lib. ii. cap. 3; lib. iii.

[II-21] Plin. xxii. 25.

[II-22] Id. ii. 7.

[II-23] Petron. cap. i.

[II-24] Plaut Pœn. act. i. sc. 2, 112.

[II-25] Leg. xii. Tabul. pars ii. L. ix.

[II-26] Ulp. 50 Dig. t. v. l. 2; Arc. ad. Charis. D. 50, t. iv. l. 18, § 5; Wolfius, t. v. Oper. Demosth. f. 358.

[II-27] Samuel Petit. Comment. lib. v. tit. 5.

[II-28] Plin. lib. xviii.

[II-29] Dio. lib. xi. 3; Isidor. lib. ult. cap. 14.

[II-30] Panem et Circenses.

[II-31] Demosth. In Phorm.

[II-32] Plutarch. In Cat. Maj.; Cic. in Verrem.

[II-33] Sueton. In Jul. Cæsar. cap. 41.

[II-34] Dio Cassius. lib. xliii.

[II-35] Id. lib. lv.

[II-36] Sueton. In Neron. cap. 10; Tacit lib. xv.

[II-37] Spartian. In Sever.; Liv. lib. ii.

[II-38] Socrat. ii. 10, 13; Sozomen. iii. 6.

[II-39] Cic. Pro Leg. Manil.

[II-40] Liv. lib. xxxiii.; Cic. Ad Attic. ep. ix. et seqq.; Varro. R. R.; Plin. xviii. 7.

[II-41] Stow’s Chronicles, p. 167.

[II-42] Fabian. vol. ii. p. 30.

III.

GRINDING OF CORN.

[III-1] Apud Athenæum.

[III-2] Ovid. Fast. iv. 399.

[III-3] Tibull. ii. eleg. 3.

[III-4] Pausan. In Arcad.

[III-5] Virgil. Georg. iv. 81.

[III-6] De Mensura Cibi.

[III-7] Lucret. v. 14.

[III-8] Plin. vii. 51.

[III-9] Encyclop. Méthod. Antiquit. Planches.

[III-10] Varro. apud Nonnium.

[III-11] Plin. xviii. 3.

[III-12] Polyb. i. 22.

[III-13] Deuteronom. xxiv. 6.

[III-14] Exod. xi. 5.

[III-15] Numer. xi. 8.

[III-16] Pausanias, v. μυλη, Histor. Laconicor.

[III-17] Homer. Odyss.

[III-18] Id. Ibid. vii. 105.

[III-19] Plin. xviii. 11.

[III-20] Gell. xxxi. 3; Terent. Andr. act. i. sc. 2.

[III-21] Gell. xiii. 22.

[III-22] Virg. Georg. i., et ibi Servius, v. 267, 274.

[III-23] Ovid. In Fastis; Rosin. Antiquit, Roman, iv. 10.

[III-24] Paschal. Coron. p. 260.

[III-25] Rosin. loc. cit.

[III-26] Apul. Milesiar. lib. ix.

[III-27] Terent. Andria. act. i. sc. 2.

[III-28] Meursius, Criticar. Exercitat. part i. cap. 9.

[III-29] Id. Ibid.

[III-30] Gell. iii. 3.

[III-31] Vitruv. x. 10.

[III-32] Plin. xviii. 10.

[III-33] Vid. Turneb. Salmas, et Perrault, section Vitruve.

[III-34] Goetzius, De Pistrinis Veterum.

[III-35] Strabo, Geograph.

[III-36] De Canone Frumentar, Urb. Rom. L. iv. Cassiodor. Variar. iii.

[III-37] 5th century.

[III-38] Decernimus de Aquæductu, L. x.

[III-39] Anno 536.

[III-40] Procop. De Bello Gothico. i. 15.

[III-41] Vitruv. x. 5; Schneider; Palladius, R. R. i. 42.

[III-42] Plin. xxxvi. 30.

[III-43] Odyss. xx. 105, 119; Cato. R. R. cap. 56.

[III-44] Leges Ethelberti.

[III-45] Strutt, Manners, &c., vol. ii., p. 13.

[III-46] Apud Strutt, ibid.

[III-47] Ibid. p. 14.

[III-48] Heringius.

[III-49] Monast. Anglic. t. i. p. 316; t. ii. p. 459; t. iii. p. 107.

IV.

MANIPULATION OF FLOUR.

[IV-1] Montaigne, Essais.

[IV-2] Genes. xviii. 6.

[IV-3] Exod. xii. 39.

[IV-4] Reg. xix. 6.

[IV-5] Levitic. vii. 9.

[IV-6] Calmet. Bible, tom. vi. p. 257, fol.

[IV-7] Waserus, De Antiq. Mensuris, ii. 5.

[IV-8] Genes. iii. 19.; Exod. ii. 20; xviii. 12; et passim.

[IV-9] Calmet. loc. cit.

[IV-10] Fleury, Mœurs des Israélites, chap. 12.

[IV-11] Ruth, ii. 14.

[IV-12] Calmet. loc. cit.

[IV-13] Plin. xviii. 11.

[IV-14] Exod. xii. 15, 17 to 20, 34, 39.

[IV-15] Levitic. vii. 9.

[IV-16] Genes. xv. 17.

[IV-17] Levitic. ii. 4; vii. 9; xi. 35; xxvi. 26; Calmet. Bible, tom. vi.

[IV-18] Genes. xl. 1, et seqq.

[IV-19] Cassiodor. Variar. vi.; Olai Magni Hist. xiii. 13; Panis a Pane.

[IV-20] Cic. Pro Cluentio; Isidor. xx. 2.

[IV-21] Paître--Manger.

[IV-22] Nonnius Marcellus, De Prop. Sermon.

[IV-23] Athen. iii. 13.

[IV-24] Id. Ibid.

[IV-25] Id. Ibid.

[IV-26] Id. Ibid.

[IV-27] IV-Aristoph. Ran. v. 856.

[IV-28] Galen. De Aliment. Facultat. lib. i.

[IV-29] Athen. iii. 29.

[IV-30] Cæl. Rhodig. xxvi.

[IV-31] Athen. loc. cit.

[IV-32] Id. Ibid.

[IV-33] Id. Ibid.

[IV-34] Id. Ibid.

[IV-35] Id. Ibid.

[IV-36] Id. iii. 13.

[IV-37] Plin. xviii. 7.

[IV-38] Athen. loc. cit.

[IV-39] Plaut. Pœn. et Mostellar; Plin. xviii. 8.

[IV-40] Tit. Liv. Dec. i. lib. v. cap. 48--Florus.

[IV-41] Galen. De Aliment. Facultat. i. 18.

[IV-42] Festus; Lactant. Divinar. Institut. cap. 20; Ovid. Fast. ii. 525.

[IV-43] Plin. xviii. II.

[IV-44] Pomp. Sabin. In Moret. Virgil.

[IV-45] Maximar. C. De Excusat. Muner. L. xii.

[IV-46] Vitruv. Architect. vi. 9.

[IV-47] Plin. xviii. 10.

[IV-48] Plin. xviii. 11.

[IV-49] Aurel. Vict.; si quis De Pistorib. L. ii.; si cui, Ibid. L. iv.

[IV-50] Optio, Ibid. L. iv.

[IV-51] Nulli Pistori, Ibid. L. xxi.

[IV-52] Ne Quis, Ibid. L. xv.

[IV-53] Quicumque, Ibid. L. xxii.

[IV-54] Gell. xv. 19.

[IV-55] Brod. Miscellan. v. 21; Plin. xix. 1; Columell. v. 10; Petron. 85.

[IV-56] Juvenal. Sat. x. 82.

[IV-57] Ammian. Marcellin. xxvi.; Sueton. In Claud. cap. 18.

[IV-58] Plin. xviii. 7, 9, 10, 11.

[IV-59] Id. xix. 4.

[IV-60] Id. Ibid.

[IV-61] Gronovius.

[IV-62] Richard. Gorræi. Annal. Principio.

[IV-63] Plin. xviii. 11.

[IV-64] A.D. 75.

[IV-65] Ovid. Fast. vi., 260, et seqq.

[IV-66] Pitt. Ercolan. tom. ii. p. 141.

[IV-67] Gronovius.

[IV-68] Cels. ii. 18; Galen. De Facultat. Aliment. i.

[IV-69] Id. iv. 6.

[IV-70] Ammian. Marcellin. xvii. 17; Senec. Epist. 83.

[IV-71] Athen. iii. 28.

[IV-72] Encyclop. Méthodiq. Antiquités.

[IV-73] Plaut. Aulul. act. ii. sc. 9, ver. 4; Plin. xviii. 11.

[IV-74] Encyclop. Méthod. Antiq.

[IV-75] Ibid.

[IV-76] Ibid.

[IV-77] Strutt, loc. cit.

[IV-78] Delamarre, Traité de la Police.

[IV-79] Réglement du 20 Mars, 1635.

[IV-80] Monteil. Hist. des Français, tom, ii., pp. 47, 48.

V.

FRUMENTA.

[V-1] Servius.

[V-2] Theophrast. ex versione Gazæ.

[V-3] Hippocrat. De Victûs Ration.; Galen. De Aliment. Facult. lib. i.

[V-4] Plin. xviii. 7; xx. 25; Bruyerin. v. 7; et seqq.

[V-5] Deuteron. viii. 8.

[V-6] II. Samuel, xvii. 28.

[V-7] Paralipomen. ii. 9.

[V-8] Sueton. In August. cap. 14.

[V-9] Theophrast.; Menand.; Plin. xviii. 7.

[V-10] Galen. De Aliment. Facultat. lib. i.

[V-11] Id. Ibid.

[V-12] Athen. iii. 36.

[V-13] Bruyerin. v. 6.

[V-14] Hippocrat. De Victus Ratione.

[V-15] Id. Ibid.

[V-16] Plin. xviii. 17; Villichius, cap. xii.

[V-17] Colman, Lexicon; Meursius.

[V-18] Cato. R. R. cap. lxxxvi.

[V-19] Galen. De Aliment. Facultat. i. 17; Bruyerin. v. 21.

[V-20] Varro. De Ling. Lat.; Columell. ii.

[V-21] Virgil. Georg. lib. iv.

[V-22] Plin. xviii. 7.

[V-23] Id. Ibid.

[V-24] Dioscorid. ii. 120.

[V-25] Plin. xviii. 24.

[V-26] Plin. Jun. Epist. ad Septic. Clar.

[V-27] Cato. R. R.

[V-28] Columell. xii. 55; Cato. cap. 86.

[V-29] Plin. xviii. 7; Bruyerin. v. 23; Galen. De Aliment. Facultat. lib. i.

[V-30] J. A. St. John, The Hindoos, vol. i. p. 357.

[V-31] Martial.

[V-32] Athen. vii.

[V-33] Plat. in Gorg.

[V-34] Athen. i. 13.

[V-35] Andrieux, “Les rois malaisément souffrent qu’on leur résiste.”

[V-36] Athen. 13.

VI.

GRAINS: SEEDS.

[VI-1] Plin. xx. 22.

[VI-2] Nonnius, De Re Cibariâ, i. 14.

[VI-3] Plin. xix. 8, 22.

[VI-4] Matth. xiii. 31; xvii. 20; Marc. iv. 31; Luc. xiii. 19; xvii. 6.

[VI-5] Boerhaave, Hist. Plant.

[VI-6] See Les Bigarrures du Seigneur des Accords. Paris, 1662, p. 62.

[VI-7] Plin. xx. 20.

[VI-8] Varro. R. R.

[VI-9] Plin. xviii. 7, 14.

[VI-10] Id. Ibid.

[VI-11] Athen. i. 15.

[VI-12] Ibid. ii. 14.

[VI-13] Plin. xviii. 14.

[VI-14] Bruyerin, vii.

[VI-15] Plin. xix. 1.

[VI-16] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. i.; Bruyerin. vii. 12.

[VI-17] Plin. loc. cit.

[VI-18] Bruyerin, vii. 13.

[VI-19] Simeo. Sethi, De Aliment. Facult.

VII.

VEGETABLES.

[VII-1] Nonnius, De Re Cibar. i. 5.

[VII-2] Plin. xviii. 10.

[VII-3] Genes. ix. 3.

[VII-4] Ibid. xxv. 34.

[VII-5] Samuel, xvii. 28.

[VII-6] Daniel, i. 12, 16.

[VII-7] Athen. i. 45.

[VII-8] Iliad.

[VII-9] Athen. ii. 8.

[VII-10] Varro. De Re Rust, i. 23, 32; Isidor. Orig. xvii. 4.

[VII-11] Cato. 35, 36; Virgil. Georg. i. ii.; Varro. De Re Rust. i. 23, 32.; Ovid. Fast. v.; Gell. iv. 11.

[VII-12] Virgil. Georg. translat. by Delille.

[VII-13] Sigonius, De Nominib. Roman.

[VII-14] Cic. lib. vii. Epist. 26 ad Fab. Gall.

[VII-15] 97 years B.C.

[VII-16] Dio. Epitom. Tiber.

[VII-17] Apicius, De Obsoniis. i. 23.

[VII-18] Caroli Magni Capitul.

VIII.

DRIED VEGETABLES.

[VIII-1] Ovid. Fast, iii.; Festus, De Verb. Signif.; Nonnius, i. 5.

[VIII-2] Festus, loc. cit.

[VIII-3] Nonnius, loc. cit.

[VIII-4] Id. loc. cit.

[VIII-5] Theophrast. De Caus. Plant.; Clem. Alex. Strom.; Cic. De Divinat. i.; Plin. xviii. 7, 12.; Simeo. Sethi, De Aliment. Facult. p. 134.

[VIII-6] Hippocrat. iii. aphor. 20.

[VIII-7] Plin. xviii. 12.

[VIII-8] Pollux et Eustath.

[VIII-9] Isidor. Orig. vii.; Nonnius, i. 5.

[VIII-10] II. Reg. xvii. 28.

[VIII-11] Ezech. iv. 9.

[VIII-12] Athen. iii. 1.

[VIII-13] Id. Ibid.

[VIII-14] Id. Ibid.

[VIII-15] Dioscorid. ii. 99; Athen. loc. cit.; Plin. xxi. 15; Theophrast. v.

[VIII-16] Plin. xvi. 30; xxiv. 2.

[VIII-17] Pinkerton’s Ancient Scot. Poems, vol. ii. p. 431.

[VIII-18] Anecdotes of Some Distinguished Persons, vol. iii. p. 317.

[VIII-19] Boemus Aubanus. Mores, Leges, &c., Omnium Gentium, Genev. 1620, p. 266.

[VIII-20] Brand’s Popular Antiquities, vol. i. p. 24.

[VIII-21] Athen.

[VIII-22] Virgil. Georg. i. 227.

[VIII-23] Athen. ii. 15.

[VIII-24] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. ii.

[VIII-25] Id. Ibid. v.; Nonnius, i. 5.; Platina, De Tuend. Valetud.

[VIII-26] Columell. ii. 10.

[VIII-27] Mélanges Tirés d’une Grande Bibliothèque.

[VIII-28] II. Reg. xvii. 28.

[VIII-29] Martial i. 42.

[VIII-30] Lambinus; Erasm. In Adagiis.

[VIII-31] Columell. ii. 10.; Plin. xviii. 12.

[VIII-32] Martial. loc. cit.

[VIII-33] Horat. Sat. i. 3.

[VIII-34] Athen. iv.; Nonnius. De Re Cibar.; Bruyerin. vii. 3.; Florentin. ap. Constant. Cæsar. xi.

[VIII-35] Athen. vi. 4.

[VIII-36] Id.; Nonnius; Bruyerin. loc. cit.

[VIII-37] Genes. xxv. 34.

[VIII-38] II. Reg. xvii. 28.

[VIII-39] Ibid. xxiii. 11.

[VIII-40] Ezech. iv. 9.

[VIII-41] Cic. Tuscul. iv.; Virgil. Georg. i. ii.; Isidor. Orig. xvii.

[VIII-42] Appian. De Bello Parthico; Plutarch. In Vitâ Crassi.

[VIII-43] Virgil. Georg. i. 228.

[VIII-44] Plin. xv. 12.

IX.

KITCHEN GARDEN.

[IX-1] Delille, Préface du Poème des Jardins.

[IX-2] Num. xxiv. 6.

[IX-3] Virgil. Georg. iv.

[IX-4] Esth, vii. 7, 8.

[IX-5] Ex Trog. Pompeio. Justin, xxxvi.

[IX-6] Q. Curt. v. 1.

[IX-7] Odyss. vii.

[IX-8] Dio. xlvii.; Sueton. Cæs. 83.

[IX-9] Cato. Varro. Columell. passim.

[IX-10] Cal. Siculus. Eclog. ii.

[IX-11] Frontin. Cœl. Sympos. Œnigm. 72; Pallad. ix. 11.

[IX-12] Scriptores Rei Rustic. passim.

[IX-13] Ibid.

[IX-14] Hippocrat. Aphorism.

[IX-15] Plin.

[IX-16] Cato. De Re Rustic. 156, 157.

[IX-17] Athen. ix. 2.

[IX-18] Cato. loc. cit.

[IX-19] Ch. St Laurent, Diction. Encyclopéd.

[IX-20] Apicius, De Obsoniis, iii. 9.

[IX-21] Id. Ibid.

[IX-22] Id. Ibid.

[IX-23] Id. Ibid.

[IX-24] Olivier de Serres.

[IX-25] Columell. x. 251 et 254.

[IX-26] Plin. xix. 8.

[IX-27] Athen. i. 6.

[IX-28] Id. ix. 2.

[IX-29] Id. Ibid.

[IX-30] Martial. xiii. 13.

[IX-31] Apicius, iii. 2.

[IX-32] Id. Ibid.

[IX-33] Id. iii. 11.

[IX-34] Dioscorid.

[IX-35] Stephan. Thesaur. Ling. Latin.; Ch. St. Laurent, Dict. Encyclop.

[IX-36] Beckmann, Hist. of Invent.

[IX-37] Hispanicum Olus.

[IX-38] Athen. ii. 18.

[IX-39] Id. Ibid.

[IX-40] Horat. Epod. ii. 58.

[IX-41] Martial. iii. 89.

[IX-42] Cic. vii. Familiar. 26.

[IX-43] Plin. xx. 21.

[IX-44] Apicius, iii. 8.

[IX-45] Id. Ibid.

[IX-46] La Fontaine, Fables.

[IX-47] Athen. ii. 21.

[IX-48] Id. Ibid.

[IX-49] Id. Ibid.

[IX-50] Plin. xix. 4.

[IX-51] Id. xix. 8.

[IX-52] Sueton. Oct. Cæs. 87.

[IX-53] Apicius, iii. 3.

[IX-54] Plin. loc. cit.

[IX-55] Dictionnaire des Sciences Naturelles.

[IX-56] Plin. xix. 5.

[IX-57] Id. Ibid.

[IX-58] Id. Ibid.

[IX-59] Athen. ii. 18.

[IX-60] Id. Ibid.

[IX-61] Propert. iv. 2, 43.

[IX-62] Juvenal. Sat xiv. 47.

[IX-63] Athen. ii. 18.

[IX-64] Athen. ii. 18.

[IX-65] Id. Ibid.

[IX-66] Id. ix. 3.

[IX-67] Id. Ibid.

[IX-68] Apicius, iii. 4.

[IX-69] Id. Ibid.

[IX-70] Id. Ibid.

[IX-71] Id. Ibid.

[IX-72] Athen. i. 6.

[IX-73] Scriptores Rei Rustic.

[IX-74] Apicius, iii. 13.

[IX-75] Plin. xix. 5.

[IX-76] Id. xxi. 15.

[IX-77] Apicius, iii. 21.

[IX-78] Id. Ibid.

[IX-79] Id. Ibid.

[IX-80] Festus.

[IX-81] Dr. Charbonnier.

[IX-82] Plin. xx. 20.

[IX-83] Id. Ibid.

[IX-84] Id. xix. 12.

[IX-85] Apicius, iii. 11.

[IX-86] Plin. xix. 8.

[IX-87] Athen.

[IX-88] Apicius, iii. 9.

[IX-89] Ruell. i. 20.

[IX-90] Athen. ii. 13; Pollux, vi. 9.

[IX-91] Id. Ibid.

[IX-92] Dioscorid. iii. 14.

[IX-93] Plin. xxi. 16.

[IX-94] Id. Ibid.

[IX-95] Hermolao Barbaro.

[IX-96] Ruell. i.

[IX-97] 2nd cent. A.C.

[IX-98] Galen. De Aliment. Facult.

[IX-99] Columell. x. 236.

[IX-100] Geoponic. xii. 39.

[IX-101] Ibid.

[IX-102] Apicius, iii. 19.

[IX-103] Ch. St. Laurent, Dict. Encycl.

[IX-104] Apicius, loc. cit.

[IX-105] Id. Ibid.

[IX-106] Tertullian, De Animâ, cap. 32.

[IX-107] Id. Adv. Marc. iv. 40.

[IX-108] Plin. xx. 2.

[IX-109] Num. xi. 5.

[IX-110] Apicius, iii. 4.

[IX-111] Id. Ibid.

[IX-112] Ch. St. Laurent, Dict. Encyc.

[IX-113] Apicius, iii. 5.

[IX-114] Num. xi. 5.

[IX-115] Athen.

[IX-116] Geoponic. xii. 7, 4.

[IX-117] Plin.

[IX-118] Apicius, iii. 6.

[IX-119] Apicius, i. 31.

[IX-120] Id. Ibid.

[IX-121] Id. iii. 6.

[IX-122] Id. Ibid.

[IX-123] Id. Ibid.

[IX-124] Exod. xii. 8; Num. ix. 11.

[IX-125] Athen. ii. 18.

[IX-126] Id. Ibid.

[IX-127] Martial. xiii. 14.

[IX-128] Bibl. Sacra. loc. cit.

[IX-129] Athen. i. 12.

[IX-130] Theophrast. Hist. Plant. vi. 7.

[IX-131] Galen. De Aliment. Facult.

[IX-132] Sueton. In August.

[IX-133] Ch. St. Laurent, Dict. Encycl.

[IX-134] Apicius, iii. 15.

[IX-135] Id. Ibid.

[IX-136] Platina; Taillevant.

[IX-137] Plin. xx. 8.

[IX-138] Virgil. Georg. i. 120.

[IX-139] Columell. x. 3.

[IX-140] Pallad. i. 30; Apul. De Herb. 47.

[IX-141] Apicius, iii. 18.

[IX-142] Geoponic. xii. 31.

[IX-143] Num. xi. 5.

[IX-144] Socrat. In Zenophont. Symposio.

[IX-145] Plin. xix. 6.

[IX-146] Horat. lib. i. Epod. xii. 21.

[IX-147] Apicius, iii. 15.

[IX-148] Alexand. v. 10.

[IX-149] Num. xi. 5.

[IX-150] Geoponic. xii. 29.

[IX-151] Ibid.

[IX-152] Athen. ix. 3.

[IX-153] Apicius, iii. 10.

[IX-154] Id. Ibid.

[IX-155] J. A. St. John, The Hindoos, vol. i. p. 357.

[IX-156] Suidas. Tiber. iii.

[IX-157] Geoponic. xii. 20.

[IX-158] Ibid.

[IX-159] Ibid.

[IX-160] Apicius, iii. 7.

[IX-161] Pasquier, Recherches sur la France.

[IX-162] Babylonic Talmud.

[IX-163] Athen. i. 6.

[IX-164] Plin. xix. 5.

[IX-165] Id. Ibid.

[IX-166] Id. Ibid.

[IX-167] Varro. R. R.; Columell. xi.; Plin. xviii.

[IX-168] Geoponic. xii. 21; Varro. i. 11.

[IX-169] Sueton. In Vespas. iv.

[IX-170] Apicius, iii. 13.

[IX-171] Id. i. 24.

[IX-172] Athen. ii. 16.

[IX-173] Plin. xix. 5.

[IX-174] Athen. loc. cit.

[IX-175] Theophrast. Hist. Plant. vii. 4.

[IX-176] Id. Ibid.

[IX-177] Id. Ibid.

[IX-178] Geoponic. xii. 22.

[IX-179] Ibid.

[IX-180] Ibid.

[IX-181] Ibid.

[IX-182] Ibid.

[IX-183] Apicius, iii. 14.

[IX-184] Plin. xx. 6.

[IX-185] Suidas.

[IX-186] Plaut. Pœn. v. 5, 34.

[IX-187] Suidas.

[IX-188] Virgil. Eclog. ii. 9.

[IX-189] Dict. des Sciences Naturel.

[IX-190] Athen.

[IX-191] Geoponic. xii. 30.

[IX-192] Ibid.

[IX-193] Plin. xix. 16.

[IX-194] Banier, Mytholog. tom. vii. p. 198.

[IX-195] Plutarch. Sympos. v. 3.

[IX-196] Anacreon, passim.

[IX-197] Horat. Od. i. 36.

[IX-198] Paschal. Coron. p. 436.

[IX-199] Homer. Iliad, ii.

[IX-200] Plin. xx. 1.

[IX-201] Apicius, iii. 2.

[IX-202] Id. iii. 15.

[IX-203] Plutarch. Sympos. v.

[IX-204] Columell. xi. 3.

[IX-205] Apicius, iii. 12.

[IX-206] Cic. In 5 Tuscul. cap. 34.

[IX-207] Id. De Finib. ii. 92.

[IX-208] Plutarch. De Virtute et Vitio, sub fin.

[IX-209] Dr. Charbonnier.

[IX-210] Geoponic. xii. 27.

[IX-211] Ibid.

[IX-212] Ibid.

[IX-213] Plin. xix. 8.

[IX-214] Apicius, iii. 16.

[IX-215] Id. Ibid.

X.

PLANTS USED IN SEASONING.

[X-1] Plin. xix. 8.

[X-2] Id. Ibid.

[X-3] Nonnius, De Re Cibariâ.

[X-4] Dalechamp, Ad Plin. xx. 25.

[X-5] Petron. cap. i.

[X-6] Plin. loc. cit

[X-7] Dioscorid. ii. 120.

[X-8] Plin. xx. 20.

[X-9] Geoponic. xii. 26.

[X-10] Ibid.

[X-11] Ovid. Remed. Amor. 402; Juvenal. Sat. ix. 134; Columell. x. 171.

[X-12] Isidor. xvii. 11.

[X-13] Geoponic. xii. 34.

[X-14] Virgil. Eclog. ii. 48.

[X-15] Columell. xi. 3.

[X-16] Dioscorid. i. 52.

[X-17] Id. v. 41.

[X-18] Apicius, vi. 9; vii. 6.

[X-19] Plin. xx. 17.

[X-20] Id. Ibid.

[X-21] Psalm l. 9.

[X-22] Columell. vii. 5.

[X-23] Plin. xxv. 11.

[X-24] Columell. xii. 35.

[X-25] Plin. xx. 17.

[X-26] Dioscorid. v. 38.

[X-27] Cato. R. R. 127.

[X-28] Columell. x. 238.

[X-29] Id. xii. 35.

[X-30] Plin. xx. 22.

[X-31] Id. xxi. 22.

[X-32] Id. Ibid.

[X-33] Const. Cæs. vi. 14.

[X-34] Plin. xx. 14.

[X-35] Geoponic. xii. 33.

[X-36] Athen.

[X-37] Macer. i. 12.

[X-38] Athen.

[X-39] Geoponic. xii. 25.

[X-40] Turneb. Advers. viii. 5.

[X-41] Ovid. Metam.

[X-42] Plin. xx. 14.

[X-43] Geoponic. xii. 24.

[X-44] Ovid. Art. Amat. ii. 418.

[X-45] Apicius, i. 29; iv. 2.

[X-46] Plin. xix. 8.

[X-47] Martial. iii. 77, 5.

[X-48] Apicius, i. 30.

[X-49] Id. x. 2, 7.

[X-50] Plin. xii. 7.

[X-51] Apicius.

[X-52] Lamprid. Elogab. 21.

[X-53] Plin. xxvii. 7.

[X-54] Strabo. Geograph. vii.

[X-55] Apicius, i. 3.

[X-56] Martial. viii. 68.

XI.

FRUITS.

[XI-1] Genes. ii. 16.

[XI-2] Deuteron. xx. 19.

[XI-3] Levitic. xix. 23, 24.

[XI-4] Deuteron. xx. 6.

[XI-5] Ovid. Metam. xiv. 623.

[XI-6] Propert. iv. 2, 10.

[XI-7] Ovid. Fast. i. 415.

[XI-8] Virgil. Georg. i. 18.

[XI-9] Natalis Comes. vii. 15.

[XI-10] Id. ii. 1.

[XI-11] Id. i. 10.

[XI-12] Tibull. ii. 3, 67.

[XI-13] Athen. ix.

[XI-14] Sueton. In August. 76.

[XI-15] Vid. Stuckium, Nonnium, Bruyerinum, &c.

[XI-16] Seneca, Epist 122.

[XI-17] Id. De Irâ, i. 16.

[XI-18] Id. Controv. v. 5.

[XI-19] Apicius, i. 20.

XII.

STONE FRUIT.

[XII-1] Constant. Cæs. ix. 1.

[XII-2] Id. Ibid.

[XII-3] Æsch. Agam.

[XII-4] Statius. Theb. ii.

[XII-5] Euripid. Heracl. act ii.

[XII-6] Apollon. Rhod. iv.

[XII-7] Id. ii. et ibi Scholiast.

[XII-8] Id. Ibid.

[XII-9] Diodor. Sicul. vi.

[XII-10] Genes. i. 11, 12.

[XII-11] Genes. xxviii. 18.

[XII-12] Diodor. v.; Justin. xiii.

[XII-13] Exod. xxv. 6.

[XII-14] Ibid. xxix. 7.

[XII-15] Ibid. xxiii. 40.

[XII-16] Exod. Levitic. Numer. Deuteronom. passim.

[XII-17] Mishna.

[XII-18] Plin. xv. 4.

[XII-19] Athen. ii. 25.

[XII-20] Id. Ibid.

[XII-21] Id. iv. 4.

[XII-22] Plin. xxiii. 3.

[XII-23] Ruellius.

[XII-24] Athen. ii. 8.

[XII-25] Theophrast. Hist Plantar. passim.

[XII-26] Plin. xv. 1.

[XII-27] Id. i. 2.

[XII-28] Id. viii., xii., xv., xvi.

[XII-29] Cato. i. 1, 3, 31, 67, 68, 144.

[XII-30] Varro. R. R. i. 2.

[XII-31] Columell. i. 6, v. 8; xii. 50.

[XII-32] Plin. xv. 3.; Mathiol. In Dioscorid. i.

[XII-33] Plin. loc. cit.

[XII-34] Martial, xii.

[XII-35] Tit. Liv.

[XII-36] Spartian. xxii.

[XII-37] Horat. Od. 6. lib. ii.

[XII-38] Plin. xiii. 2.

[XII-39] Sueton. In Cæs. 53.

[XII-40] Salmas. De Homonym. Hyles Intricæ. cap. 103.

[XII-41] Plin. xxii. 24.

[XII-42] See p. 269.

[XII-43] Apicius, i. 5.

[XII-44] Vid. Pontan.

[XII-45] Natal. Com. vii. 15.

[XII-46] Bibl. Sacr. passim.

[XII-47] Levitic. x. 9; Deuteron. xiv. 26.

[XII-48] Guénée, Lettres de Quelques Juifs, tom. iii. p. 270, edit. 8vo.

[XII-49] Joseph. De Bell. Judaic. ii. 2.

[XII-50] Theophrast. ii. 8.

[XII-51] Plin. xiii. 14.

[XII-52] Plutarch.; Athen.

[XII-53] Hieronym. Ad Eustochium, epist. 19.

[XII-54] Plin. xv. 25; Ammian. Marcell. xx. 13.

[XII-55] Plin. xv. 25.

[XII-56] Virgil. Georg.

[XII-57] Athen. ii. 11.

[XII-58] Theophrast. iii. 13; ix. 1.

[XII-59] Plin. xv. 25.

[XII-60] Id. Ibid.

[XII-61] Columell. v. 10; xi. 2.

[XII-62] Galen. De Aliment. Facultat. ii.; Dioscorid. i. 131.

[XII-63] Plin. xv.

[XII-64] Theophrast. iii. 5.

[XII-65] Plin. xv. 14.

[XII-66] Columell. x. 17.

[XII-67] Plin. xiii. 9; xv. 13.

[XII-68] Galen. ii.

[XII-69] Dioscorid. i. 131.

[XII-70] Apicius, i. 26.

[XII-71] Theophrast. i. 11; iv. 3; ix. 1.

[XII-72] Athen. ii. 10.

[XII-73] Theophrast. et Athen. loc. cit.; Geoponic. x. 40.

[XII-74] Virgil. Eclog. ii.

[XII-75] Plin. xiii. 10; xv. 12.

[XII-76] Dictionnaire des Origines.

[XII-77] Mémoires de Dangeau.

[XII-78] Gaillard, Hist. de François I.

[XII-79] Théâtre d’Agriculture.

XIII.

PIP FRUIT.

[XIII-1] Theophrast. ii. 4.

[XIII-2] Athen. iii.

[XIII-3] Cato. De Re Rusticâ.

[XIII-4] Plin. xv. 11.

[XIII-5] Galen. De Aliment. Facult.

[XIII-6] Columell. v. 10.

[XIII-7] Pallad. xi. 20.

[XIII-8] Forum Cupedinarium.

[XIII-9] Dioscorid. v. 20.

[XIII-10] Ulpian. ix. Sess. de Trit. Vin. OI.

[XIII-11] Athen. iii. 6.

[XIII-12] Id. Ibid.

[XIII-13] Apicius, i. 19.

[XIII-14] II. Reg. v. 23, 24; 1 Paralip. xiv. 14, 15.

[XIII-15] Theophrast. ii. 23, et passim.

[XIII-16] Plin. xv. 15.

[XIII-17] Galen. De Simpl. Medicam. v.; De Aliment. Facult. ii.

[XIII-18] Grandes Chroniques Françaises; Vita B. Francisc.

[XIII-19] Cant. ii. 3, 5; vii. 8; viii. 5; Joel, i. 12.

[XIII-20] Cant. ii. 3.

[XIII-21] Bruyerin. xi. 16.

[XIII-22] Athen. i. 21.

[XIII-23] Strab. xv.

[XIII-24] Turneb. De Vino. p. 22.

[XIII-25] Virgil. Georg. ii. 126, et seqq.

[XIII-26] Athen. iii. 4.

[XIII-27] Theophrast. i. 22; iv. 4; viii. 8.

[XIII-28] Athen. loc. cit.

[XIII-29] Dioscorid. i. 136.

[XIII-30] Athen. loc. cit.

[XIII-31] Lib. i. cap. 21. Lond. 1705, 8vo.

[XIII-32] Plin. xii. 3; xxiii. 6; xxv. 28.

[XIII-33] Pallad. xii. 7.

[XIII-34] Athen. iii. 4.

[XIII-35] Apicius, i. 21.

[XIII-36] Plin. xxiii. 6; Athen. iii. 4; Galen. Simplic. Medic, vii.

[XIII-37] Année Littéraire, 1755.

[XIII-38] Nouveau Dict. Class. d’Hist. Nat. Paris, 1844.

[XIII-39] Année Littér. 1755.

[XIII-40] Brand’s Popular Antiquities, vol. i. p. 9.

[XIII-41] Dictionnaire d’Histoire Naturelle.

[XIII-42] Genes. iii. 7.

[XIII-43] Num. xx. 5.

[XIII-44] Ibid. 24, 28.

[XIII-45] II. Reg. iv. 25.

[XIII-46] IV. Reg. xviii. 31.

[XIII-47] Guénée, Lettr. de Quelq. Juifs, tom. iii. pp. 271, 272.

[XIII-48] Pausan. In Atticis.

[XIII-49] Athen. iii.

[XIII-50] Id. iii. 2.

[XIII-51] Sukon, fig, and phainô

[XIII-52] Plutarch. De Curiosit.

[XIII-53] Athen. xiv.

[XIII-54] Plin. xv. 18.

[XIII-55] Cato. R. R. 94, 99, 133.

[XIII-56] Varro. R. R.

[XIII-57] Plin. loc. cit.

[XIII-58] Athen. iii. 14.

[XIII-59] Bruyerin. xi. 37.

[XIII-60] I. Reg. xxv. 18, 27.

[XIII-61] Clem. Alex. In Pædag.

[XIII-62] Plin. xii. 1; Plutarch. In Camill. 390 B.C.

[XIII-63] Athen. iii.

[XIII-64] Galen. De Cibis Boni et Mali Succi.

[XIII-65] Hippocrat. De Diœt. ii.

[XIII-66] Plin. xxiv. 14; Dioscorid. iv. 33.

[XIII-67] Uva crispa, and ribes.

[XIII-68] Mathiol. In Dioscorid. i. 105.

[XIII-69] Virgil. Eclog. iii. 92.

[XIII-70] Ovid. Metam. xiii. 816.

[XIII-71] Id. Ibid. i. 104.

[XIII-72] Plin. xvi. 25.

[XIII-73] Athen. ii. 12.

[XIII-74] Apicius, i. 22.

[XIII-75] Psalm lxxxiv. 6; I. Chron. xiv. 14, 15.

XIV.

SHELL FRUIT.

[XIV-1] Macrob. 2; Saturnal. 14; Columell. v. 10.

[XIV-2] Athen. i. 49.

[XIV-3] Genes. xliii. 11.

[XIV-4] Athen. iii.

[XIV-5] Id. Ibid.

[XIV-6] Apicius, iv. 2.

[XIV-7] Plin. xxiii. 4.

[XIV-8] Id. xvi. 25.

[XIV-9] Dutour; Amandier.

[XIV-10] Theophrast. Hist. Plant.

[XIV-11] Exod. xxv. 33; xxxvii. 19.

[XIV-12] Cant. vi. 10.

[XIV-13] Plin. xv. 22.

[XIV-14] Varro. L. L. iv.; Dioscorid. i. 141.

[XIV-15] Theophrast. i. 3, et passim.

[XIV-16] Catul. In Epithal. Tulliæ et Malli.

[XIV-17] Servius, In Virgil. Eclog. viii.

[XIV-18] Plin. xv. 22.

[XIV-19] Pers. Sat. i.; Hesych. Lexic. voc. Nux.

[XIV-20] Galen. Simpl. Medicam.

[XIV-21] Mathiol. In Dioscorid. i. 141.

[XIV-22] Avicen. v. 4.

[XIV-23] Athen. ii. 7.

[XIV-24] Id. Ibid.

[XIV-25] Plin. xxiii. 8; Q. Seren. Sammonic.

[XIV-26] Theophrast. i. 5; Athen. ii. 7.

[XIV-27] Cato. R. R. 8; Macrob. Saturnal. iii. 18.

[XIV-28] Nucula. Festus.

[XIV-29] Nonnius. i. 37.

[XIV-30] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. ii.; Dioscorid. i. 42.

[XIV-31] Hospinian. De Orig. Fester. Christian. fol. 113. B.

[XIV-32] Plin. xiii. 5.

[XIV-33] Theophrast. iv. 5.

[XIV-34] Plin. xv. 22.

[XIV-35] Galen. De Alim. Facult. ii.

[XIV-36] Avicen. lib. ii.

[XIV-37] Athen. ii. 13.

[XIV-38] Virgil. Eclog. ii. 52.

[XIV-39] Id. Eclog. i. 82.

[XIV-40] Nicand. Interp. Turneb.

[XIV-41] Sipont.

[XIV-42] Natalis Comes. iii. 16.

[XIV-43] Martial. i. 44.

[XIV-44] Columell. xii. 41.

[XIV-45] Plin. xiii. 19.

[XIV-46] Columell. loc. cit.

[XIV-47] Apicius, i. 18.

[XIV-48] Athen. xiv.

[XIV-49] Pausan. et Diodor. passim.

XV.

ANIMAL FOOD.

[XV-1] Genes. i. 29; iii. 17, 18, 19.

[XV-2] Ibid. iii. 21.

[XV-3] Ibid. iii. 19.

[XV-4] Ibid. iv. 4.

[XV-5] Ibid. xviii. 8.

[XV-6] Xenoph. De Cyri Expedit.; Varro. R. R. ii. 1; Bruyerin. ii. 1; iv. 1.

[XV-7] Hieronym. Adv. Jovin. Arnob. Cont. Gent. ii.

[XV-8] Plutarch. De Esu Carn.; Porphyr. De Non Necand. &c.

[XV-9] Bossuet, Discours sur l’Hist. Universel.

[XV-10] Genes, ix. 3.

[XV-11] Herodot. Hist. i.; Virgil. Georg. i.; Ovid. Metam. i. et xv.

[XV-12] Bruyerin. ii. 1; Plin. xvi. 5.

[XV-13] Ovid. Metam. i. 3.

[XV-14] Porphyr. De Non Necandis ad Epuland. Animantib. i.

[XV-15] Plin. vii. 5; Porphyr. i. ii.; Polyd. Virgil. De Rer. Inventor. iii. 2.

[XV-16] 756 years after the Deluge.

[XV-17] 943 years after the Deluge; Athen. ix. Var. R. R. ii. 4; Ovid. Metam. xv.

[XV-18] Ibid. loc. cit.

[XV-19] Plin. vii. 56.

[XV-20] La Fontaine, Les Animaux Malades de la Peste.

[XV-21] Plin. loc. cit.; Nonnius ii. 1; Ælian. Var. Hist. i. 3; Paus. i.

[XV-22] 895 B.C.

[XV-23] Porphyr. loc cit.

[XV-24] Homer. passim.

[XV-25] Plutarch. De Esu Carnium.

[XV-26] Genes. ix. 3.

[XV-27] Levitic. xxii. 24.

[XV-28] Deuteron. xxv. 4.

[XV-29] Exod. xxiii. 5.

[XV-30] Deuteron. xx. 10.

[XV-31] Exod. xxiii. 12.

[XV-32] Genes. passim.

[XV-33] Xenoph.

[XV-34] Homer.

[XV-35] Leg. xii. Tabul. L. 72; Ulric. Zasii Catalog. Leg. Antiq.

[XV-36] Ibid. lxxi.

[XV-37] Columell. i. 3.

[XV-38] Cic. In Brut.

[XV-39] Hyginius in Frontin. De Controvers. Agror. cap. De Loc. Publicis.

[XV-40] Leg. i. De Abigeis. iii. Oves ss. De Abigeis.

[XV-41] Scrofa, a sow.

[XV-42] Varro. ii. 1.

[XV-43] Geoponic. passim; Cato. Varro. Plin. Columell. Pallad. passim.

[XV-44] Varro.

[XV-45] Aul. Gell. xiii. 21.

[XV-46] Ovid. Fast. iii. 523.

[XV-47] S. Augustin. De Civitat. Dei. vi. 9.

[XV-48] Geoponic. xvii.

[XV-49] Paralipom. xxiii. 15; xxxiii. 14; II. Esdras, iii. 1, 28; xii. 38; Sophon. i. 10.

[XV-50] Tit. Liv. xxix. 37.

[XV-51] Rosin. Antiquit. Rom. p. 39.

[XV-52] Id. Ibid. p. 38.

[XV-53] Ulpian. De Officio Præfect. Urbis.

[XV-54] Homer.

[XV-55] Turneb. Advers.

[XV-56] Gruter. p. 647, n. 6.

[XV-57] Encyclop. Méthod. Antiquit.; Gruter. loc. cit.; Montfaucon, Antiq. Expliq.

[XV-58] Cod. Theod. L. x. De Suariis et Pecuariis.

[XV-59] Ibid.

[XV-60] Cod. Valent. De Suariis.

[XV-61] Ibid.

[XV-62] Ibid.

[XV-63] Ibid.

[XV-64] Onuphr. Panvin. Descript. Urb. Rom.

[XV-65] Sext. Rufin. Descript. Urb. Rom.

[XV-66] Geoponic. iii.

[XV-67] Apicius, i. 10.

[XV-68] Id. i. 8.

[XV-69] Delamarre. liv. v. titre 23, chap. 6.

[XV-70] Monteil. Histoire des Français, tom. ii. p. 46.

[XV-71] Arrêt du Parlement, 18 Mai, 1366.

[XV-72] Delamarre.

[XV-73] Règlement du 20 Mars, 1635.

XVI.

ANIMALS.

[XVI-1] Athen. iii. 7.

[XVI-2] Id. ix. 5; Bulenger. ii. 24.

[XVI-3] Herodot. ii. 47.

[XVI-4] Plutarch. De Isid. et Osirid; Ælian. De Animal. x. 16.

[XVI-5] Levitic. xi. 7, 8.

[XVI-6] I. Macchab. i. 65, 66; II. Macchab. vi. 18, et seqq.

[XVI-7] In Barakama. vi. 7. § 7; Maimonides, In Niskemamon. cap. v.

[XVI-8] Kibuschim. 49.

[XVI-9] Hoorabeck. De Conviv. Judæis, vii. 1.

[XVI-10] Herodian. v.

[XVI-11] Ælian. xvi. 37.

[XVI-12] Koran, chap. vi.

[XVI-13] Varro. R. R. ii. 4; Clem. Alexandr. Stromat. ii.

[XVI-14] Scholiast. Aristophan. In Acharn.

[XVI-15] Macrob. Saturn. i. 6; Aul. Gell. iv. 6.

[XVI-16] Varro. loc. cit.

[XVI-17] Fest. De Verb. Signific.

[XVI-18] Varro. loc. cit.

[XVI-19] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-20] Johan. Pierius, Hieroglyph. ix.

[XVI-21] Plutarch. Sympos. v. 10; Cic. De Natur. Deor. ii.

[XVI-22] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. iii.

[XVI-23] Id. De Cib. Boni et Mali Succi.

[XVI-24] Id. Method. Medendi. vii.

[XVI-25] Athen. passim.

[XVI-26] Id. iii. 7, 9; ix. 6, et passim.

[XVI-27] Id. iv. 1.

[XVI-28] Athen. ix. 4, 5.

[XVI-29] Bulenger. ii. 24.

[XVI-30] Petron. Satyr.

[XVI-31] Macrob. Sat. iii. 13.

[XVI-32] Athen. ix. 7.

[XVI-33] Varro. R. R. ii. 41.

[XVI-34] Plin. viii. 51.

[XVI-35] Petron. Satyr.

[XVI-36] Lamprid. In Alexand. Sever.

[XVI-37] Macrob. Saturn. iii. 13.

[XVI-38] Plin. xi. 37.

[XVI-39] Nonnius, ii. 3.

[XVI-40] Strabo. vi. 3, 7; Martial. Lemmate de Pernâ.

[XVI-41] Nonnius; Stuckius.

[XVI-42] Cato. R. R. cap. ultimo.

[XVI-43] Strabo, iv.

[XVI-44] Plutarch. Sympos. v. 10; Varro. R. R. ii. 4.

[XVI-45] Bruyerin. xiii. I.

[XVI-46] Athen. ix. 1; Petron. Satyr.

[XVI-47] Juvenal. Sat. xi.

[XVI-48] Spartian. In Adrian.

[XVI-49] Plin. viii. 57.

[XVI-50] Dio. ex Xiphil. In Vespasian. cap. x.

[XVI-51] Id. In Claud. v.

[XVI-52] Apicius, i. 9.

[XVI-53] Plutarch. Apophteg.

[XVI-54] Apicius, viii. 7.

[XVI-55] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-56] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-57] Cato. R. R. 163.

[XVI-58] Apicius, vii. 3.

[XVI-59] Id. vii. 9.

[XVI-60] Athen. iii. 21.

[XVI-61] Id. ii. 4.

[XVI-62] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-63] Id. vii. 2.

[XVI-64] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-65] Id. vii. 3.

[XVI-66] Id. Ibid.; Plin. viii. 51.

[XVI-67] Apicius, vii. 9.

[XVI-68] Id. ii. 1.

[XVI-69] Id. ii. 4.

[XVI-70] Id. ii. 1.

[XVI-71] Id. ii. 2.

[XVI-72] Fontan. Ordonnances.

[XVI-73] Delamarre, Traité de la Police.

[XVI-73A] Trésor de la Santé, liv. iii.

[XVI-73B] Champier, xiii. 2.

[XVI-74] Clem. Alexandr. Stromat. v.

[XVI-75] Banier, Mythologie, tom. i. p. 354.

[XVI-76] Ælian. Hist. xii. 34.

[XVI-77] Euripid. Alcest. act v.

[XVI-78] Pollux, ix.

[XVI-79] Banier, tom. i. p. 448; Ælian. Hist. viii. 3.

[XVI-80] Cic. De Natur. Deor. ii.

[XVI-81] Aristophan.

[XVI-82] Plutarch. Solon.

[XVI-83] Homer. passim.

[XVI-84] Genes. xii. 16; xx. 14; xxi. 27; xxiv. 35; xxxii. 5, et passim.

[XVI-85] Ibid. xviii. 7, 8.

[XVI-86] Ibid. ix. 3.

[XVI-87] Ibid.

[XVI-88] Deuteron. xiv. 4.

[XVI-89] Galen. De Ration. Vict. ii.

[XVI-90] Poseidip. apud Athen. x. 2.

[XVI-91] Theodor. Ibid.

[XVI-92] Marm. Sandwic. p. 35.

[XVI-93] II. Reg. vi. 19; Homer. et Athen. passim.

[XVI-94] Nonnius.

[XVI-95] Homer. Iliad.

[XVI-96] Athen. iii. 7.

[XVI-97] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-98] Id. iv. 7.

[XVI-99] Id. vi. 9.

[XVI-100] Encyclop. Méthod. Antiquités.

[XVI-101] Horat. ii. Sat. 5; I. Epist. 15.

[XVI-102] Apicius, viii. 5.

[XVI-103] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-104] Apicius, viii. 5.

[XVI-105] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-106] Pers. Sat. ii. 43; Apul. Metam. ii.; Fulgent. De Vocib. Antiq.

[XVI-107] Valer. Maxim, viii. 1.

[XVI-108] Sonnini; Desmarest: Bœuf.

[XVI-109] Taillevant.

[XVI-110] Senec. Natur. Quæst. iv. 6.

[XVI-111] Banier, tom. i. p. 354.

[XVI-112] Natal. Com. Mytholog.

[XVI-113] Exod. xix. 38 to 42.

[XVI-114] Banier, tom. i. p. 447.

[XVI-115] Exod. xii. xxiii.

[XVI-116] Genes. xxiii. 19.

[XVI-117] IV. Reg. iii. 4.

[XVI-118] Amos, vi. 4, 7.

[XVI-119] Athen. i. 16.

[XVI-120] Id. iv.

[XVI-121] Id. vii. 24.

[XVI-122] Id. passim.

[XVI-123] Cels.

[XVI-124] Apicius, viii. 6.

[XVI-125] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-126] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-127] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-128] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-129] Beckwith’s edition of Blount’s Jocular Tenures, p. 281.

[XVI-130] Genes, xxvii. 9, 17.

[XVI-131] Exod. xii. 5.

[XVI-132] Judic. xv. 1.

[XVI-133] Luc. xv. 29.

[XVI-134] Herodot.

[XVI-135] Ibid.

[XVI-136] Athen. iii. 1; iv. 7.

[XVI-137] Id. ix. 3.

[XVI-138] Athen. i. 6; Clem. Alexandr. Pædagog. ii. 1.

[XVI-139] Athen. ix. 13.

[XVI-140] Juvenal. Sat. xi.

[XVI-141] Varro. R. R. ii. 3.

[XVI-142] Apicius, viii. 6.

[XVI-143] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-144] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-145] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-146] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-147] Levitic. xi. 26.

[XVI-148] IV. Reg. vi. 25.

[XVI-149] Galen.

[XVI-150] Plin. viii. 43.

[XVI-151] Galen. De Aliment. Facultat. iii.

[XVI-152] Id. De Ration. Vict. cap. 7.

[XVI-153] Id. De Alim. Facult. iii.

[XVI-154] Id. Ibid.

[XVI-155] Hippocrat. De Diœt. ii.

[XVI-156] Fest. Pomp.

[XVI-157] Athen. viii.

[XVI-158] Plutarch. De Fortunâ Romanorum.

XVII.

POULTRY.

[XVII-1] Aristot. De Longit. et Brevit. Vitæ, cap. 4.

[XVII-2] Galen. De Aliment Facult. iii. 18.

[XVII-3] Macrob.; Dio.

[XVII-4] Genes. i.

[XVII-5] Lucian. xvi. De Syriæ Deâ.

[XVII-6] Oppian. Cilix. Cyneget. ii. 189.

[XVII-7] Aristophan. In Avibus.

[XVII-8] Ælian. Var. Hist. ii. 28.

[XVII-9] Plin. x. 21; Columell. viii. 2.

[XVII-10] Plin. loc. cit.

[XVII-11] Erasm. Chiliad. i. cent. 1; Columell. viii. c. 2.

[XVII-12] Plin. x. 50.

[XVII-13] L. Fannia. Sumptuar. In Catalog. Leg. Antiq. Ulrici. p. 143.

[XVII-14] Macrob. Saturnal. iii. 17.

[XVII-15] Aul. Gell. ii. 24; Plin. x. 50.

[XVII-16] Martial. xiii. 63, 64.

[XVII-17] Apicius, vi. 9.

[XVII-18] Rosin. Antiquit. Roman. p. 207.

[XVII-19] Galen, De Aliment. Facult. iii.; Nonnius. ii. 22.

[XVII-20] Athen. ii. 12; iv. 1; ix. 4.

[XVII-21] Plin. x. 50.

[XVII-22] Varro. R. R. iii. 9.

[XVII-23] Columell. viii 7; Plin. x. 51.

[XVII-24] Plin. Ibid.

[XVII-25] L. Fannia. loc. cit.

[XVII-26] Nonnius. ii. 22.

[XVII-27] Apicius, vi. 9.

[XVII-28] Cic. De Divinat.

[XVII-29] Val. Maxim. i. 4.

[XVII-30] Aristot.; Vopiscus.

[XVII-31] Athen. iv. 7, et passim.

[XVII-32] Apicius, iv. 1.

[XVII-33] Id. vi. 9.

[XVII-34] Id. Ibid.

[XVII-35] Id. Ibid.

[XVII-36] Id. Ibid.

[XVII-37] Aristophan. In Avib.

[XVII-38] Id. Acharn. iv. 1, 14.

[XVII-39] Athen. ii. 12; iv. 1, et passim.

[XVII-40] De Comp. Medic. Second. loc. v. 4.

[XVII-41] Plutarch. In Caton.

[XVII-42] Athen. ix.

[XVII-43] De Aliment. Facult. xiii.

[XVII-44] Avicen. Canon Medicinæ.

[XVII-45] Macrob. Saturnal. iii. 13.

[XVII-46] Martial xiii. 52.

[XVII-47] Apicius, iv. 2.

[XVII-48] Id. iv. 6.

[XVII-49] Ælian. v. xii.; Gessner. iii.; Aldrovand. xix.

[XVII-50] Aristot. Hist. Animal. i. 1.

[XVII-51] In Aristotel. loc. cit.

[XVII-52] Homer. Odyss.

[XVII-53] Athen. ii. 12; iv. 1, et passim.

[XVII-54] Diod. Sicul. ii. 3.

[XVII-55] Athen. ix. 7.

[XVII-56] Aristoph. In Avib.; Porphyr. De Abstin. iv.

[XVII-57] Cæsar. De Bello Gall. v.

[XVII-58] Brand’s Popular Antiquities.

[XVII-59] Plin. x. 22.

[XVII-60] Polyb. ii.; Plut. In Camillo.

[XVII-61] Pierii Hieroglyph.

[XVII-62] Columell. viii. 13.

[XVII-63] Alex. ab Alex. Genial. Dier. iii. 12.

[XVII-64] Plut. De Roman. Fortunâ.

[XVII-65] Nonnius. ii. 3.

[XVII-66] Plin.

[XVII-67] Lamprid. In Sever.

[XVII-68] Pallad. i. 30; Athen. ix. 7; Plin. x. 22.

[XVII-69] Plin. Ibid.

[XVII-70] Id. ix. 20.

[XVII-71] Id. Horat. Sat.

[XVII-72] Plin. viii. 51.

[XVII-73] Martial, xiii. 58.

[XVII-74] Plin. x. 22; Galen. De Aliment. Facult. iii. 20; Æginet. ii. 82.

[XVII-75] Athen. ix. 7.

[XVII-76] Pallad. i. 30.

[XVII-77] Apicius, vi. 8.

[XVII-78] Id. vi. 5.

[XVII-79] Id. vi. 9.

[XVII-80] Brand’s Popular Antiquities.

[XVII-81] Strab. vii

[XVII-82] Homer. Odyss.

[XVII-83] Hesychius.

[XVII-84] Selden, De Diis Syris. ii. 3; Tibull. i. 8, 18.

[XVII-85] Bibl. Sacr. passim.

[XVII-86] Cantic. passim.

[XVII-87] Levitic. i. 14, 17.

[XVII-88] S. Chrysost. Homil. de Patientiâ Job.

[XVII-89] Homer.

[XVII-90] Athen. ii 12; iv. 1, 5; ix. 11, et pass.

[XVII-91] Id. Ibid.

[XVII-92] Quintilius, In Geoponic. ap. Gessner de Avibus, iii

[XVII-93] Plin. x. 37.

[XVII-94] Id. Ibid.

[XVII-95] Varro. R. R. iii 7.

[XVII-96] Hippocrat. De Inter. Affect.; Galen. De Rat. Vict.

[XVII-97] Apicius, vi. 9.

[XVII-98] Varro. R. R. iii. 9.

[XVII-99] Martial. sub Lemmat Numidicæ.

[XVII-100] Plin. xix. 4.

[XVII-101] Apicius, vi. 9.

[XVII-102] Athen. i. 10.

[XVII-103] Sophocl. ap. Plin. xxxvii. 2.

[XVII-104] Aristot. Hist. Animal. vi. 2.

[XVII-105] Apud Athen. xiv. 9.

[XVII-106] Ibid. ix. 8.

[XVII-107] Varro. R. R.

[XVII-108] Sueton. In Caligul. 22.

[XVII-109] Hesych. Lexic. Suidas. In Verb. Meleagrides.

[XVII-110] Volteran. De Urbe.

[XVII-111] Beckmann; Diction. des Découvertes.

[XVII-112] Hurtaut, Dict. Historiq. de la Ville de Paris, tom. iv. p. 417.

[XVII-113] Apicius, vi. 9.

[XVII-114] Hurtaut. loc. cit.

[XVII-115] Aldrovand. xiii. 1; Nonnius. ii. 24.

[XVII-116] Ælian. xiii. 18.

[XVII-117] Diodor. Sicul.

[XVII-118] Ælian. xi. 33.

[XVII-119] Varro. R. R. iii. 6; Athen. xiv. 9, 25.

[XVII-120] Aul. Gell. vii. 16.

[XVII-121] Ælian. v. 21; Aldrovand. xiii. 1.

[XVII-122] Athen. xiv. 25.

[XVII-123] Id. Ibid.

[XVII-124] Macrob. Saturn. iii. 13.

[XVII-125] Juvenal.

[XVII-126] Varro. R. R. iii. 6; Ælian. v. 21; Plin. x. 20.

[XVII-127] Horat. lib. ii. Sat ii.

[XVII-128] Varro. R. R.

[XVII-129] Alexand. ab Alexandr. Genial. Dier. ii. 13.

[XVII-130] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. iii.

[XVII-131] S. Augustin. De Civit. Dei, xxii. 4.

[XVII-132] Apicius, vi. 5.

XVIII.

MILK, BUTTER, CHEESE, AND EGGS.

[XVIII-1] Genes. xviii. 8.

[XVIII-2] Exod. iii. 8; Levitic. xx. 24; Numer. xiii. 28; et passim.

[XVIII-3] Proverb. xxvii. 27.

[XVIII-4] Ovid. Metam. i. 3; Fast. iv.

[XVIII-5] Homer.

[XVIII-6] Herodot. iv.

[XVIII-7] Strabo.

[XVIII-8] Cæsar; Tacit.

[XVIII-9] Longus. iii.

[XVIII-10] Rosin. Antiq. Roman. p. 237.

[XVIII-11] Varro. R. R. ii. 11.

[XVIII-12] Hippocrat. Aphorism. v. 64.

[XVIII-13] Galen. De Ration. Vict.

[XVIII-14] Nonnius, ii. 15.

[XVIII-15] Sueton. In Othon. xii.

[XVIII-16] Martial. x. 68.

[XVIII-17] Juvenal. Sat. vi.

[XVIII-18] Plin. xxviii. 12: xxxiii. 11.

[XVIII-19] Nonnius, ii. 15.

[XVIII-20] Apicius, iv. 2.

[XVIII-21] Beckmann.

[XVIII-22] Rabbi Salom.

[XVIII-23] Job, xxix. 6.

[XVIII-24] Aristot. Hist. Animal. iii. 20.

[XVIII-25] Id. Ibid.

[XVIII-26] Hippocrat. De Morbis, iv.

[XVIII-27] Hecat. Abderan. apud Athen. x. 14.

[XVIII-28] Galen. De Aliment; Id. Simpl. Medicam. x.; Plin. xxviii. 9.

[XVIII-29] Plin. Ibid.

[XVIII-30] Id. xi. 41.

[XVIII-31] Galen. De Aliment. Facult.

[XVIII-32] Dioscorid. ii. 81.

[XVIII-33] Herodot. iv. 2.

[XVIII-34] Plin. xxviii. 9.

[XVIII-35] Règlement du 20 Mars, 1635.

[XVIII-36] Antiquitat. Ecclesiast.

[XVIII-37] Dictionnaire de la France.

[XVIII-38] Parmentier: Beurre.

[XVIII-39] Justin. xiii.

[XVIII-40] Apollodor. ii.; Pausan. viii.

[XVIII-41] Homer. Iliad.

[XVIII-42] I. Reg. xvii. 18; Judith, x. 5; Job, x. 10.

[XVIII-43] Aristot. Hist. Animal. iii. 20.

[XVIII-44] Hippocrat. De Morbis. iv.; Aristot. loc. cit.

[XVIII-45] Plin. xi. 41; xxviii. 9.

[XVIII-46] Ulpian. in L. viii. sicut. § Aristo.

[XVIII-47] Onuphr. Panvini.

[XVIII-48] Athen. i. 30; Plin. xi. 42.

[XVIII-49] Plin. xi. 41.

[XVIII-50] Stuckius, Antiq. Convival. i. 21.

[XVIII-51] Pausan. vi.

[XVIII-52] Varro. De Ling. Lat iv. 22.

[XVIII-53] Cic. Epist. xiv. 16; Famil. xi. 16, 17, 20.

[XVIII-54] Athen.

[XVIII-55] Strabo. xii

[XVIII-56] Sueton. In August. 76.

[XVIII-57] Grégoire, Essai Historiq. sur l’Agricult.

[XVIII-58] Ovid. Fast. iv. 371.

[XVIII-59] Columell. vii. 8.

[XVIII-60] Id. Ibid.

[XVIII-61] Apicius, iv. 1.

[XVIII-62] Id. i. 33.

[XVIII-63] Parmentier: Fromage.

[XVIII-64] Plutarch. Sympos.

[XVIII-65] Alexand. Ab Alexandr.; Villichius, De Arte Magiricâ, 10.

[XVIII-66] Lucian. De Deâ Syr.

[XVIII-67] Tit Liv. xli.; Varro. R. R. i. 2.

[XVIII-68] Suidas; Juvenal.; Macrob. vii. 16.

[XVIII-69] Plin. x. 55.

[XVIII-70] Cic. De Divinat.

[XVIII-71] Plutarch. Sympos.; Macrob. Saturnal. vii. 16.

[XVIII-72] Suidas; Cœl. Rhodig.

[XVIII-73] Triph. apud Athen. ii.

[XVIII-74] Horat. Sat i. 3.

[XVIII-75] Id. Sat. ii. 4.

[XVIII-76] Galen. De Aliment. Facult.

[XVIII-77] Macrob. Sat. iii. 13.

[XVIII-78] Plin. x. 53.

[XVIII-79] Apud Athen. ii. 16.

[XVIII-80] Plin. x. 20.

[XVIII-81] Galen. De Dynamidiis; Plin. xxix. 3.

[XVIII-82] Apicius, vii 17.

[XVIII-83] Id. Ibid.

[XVIII-84] Id. Ibid.

[XVIII-85] Id. ii. 3.

[XVIII-86] Id. iv. 1.

[XVIII-87] Id. iv. 2.

[XVIII-88] Court de Gebelin, Monde Primitif, tom. xiv. p. 251.

[XVIII-89] Brand’s Popular Antiquities, vol. i. p. 147.

[XVIII-90] Diction. des Origines.

XIX.

HUNTING.

[XIX-1] Genes, x. 9.

[XIX-2] Ibid. xxi. 20.

[XIX-3] I. Reg. xvii. 34, et seqq.

[XIX-4] Ovid. lib, ix. Fab. 3.

[XIX-5] Artemidor. ii Oneirocrit 35.

[XIX-6] Xenophon.

[XIX-7] Natalis Comes. Mythol.

[XIX-8] Homer.

[XIX-9] Aristot. De Republ. cap. 4.

[XIX-10] Plato. De Legibus, Dialog. viii.

[XIX-11] Horat. Epist. i. 18.

[XIX-12] Jul. Poll.

[XIX-13] Homer. Iliad. v.; Odyss. iv.

[XIX-14] Plut. In Pelopid.

[XIX-15] Id. In Alexandr.

[XIX-16] Id. In Philopœm.

[XIX-17] Xenoph. De Venatione, passim.

[XIX-18] Symmach. Epist. v. 66.

[XIX-19] Xenoph. loc. cit.

[XIX-20] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-21] Claudian, De Laud. Stilich. iii.; Symmach. Epist. ii. 17.

[XIX-22] Montfaucon, Antiq. Expl.

[XIX-23] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-24] Apul. Milesiar. viii.

[XIX-25] Prob. Grammatic. ad lib. iii. Georgic.

[XIX-26] Sidon. Apollinar. Carm. vii. 198; Ovid. Metam. viii.

[XIX-27] Strab. Geograph.

[XIX-28] Lucret.

[XIX-29] Martial.

[XIX-30] Pollux, Onomast. v. 4.

[XIX-31] Jul. Firmic. Maternus.

[XIX-32] Dio Chrysost.

[XIX-33] Varro. R. R. ii. 3; Plin. viii. 52.

[XIX-34] Instit. Justinian. De Rer. Division. L. i. De Acquir. Doman. § 11.

[XIX-35] L. iii. Quod enim. De Acquir. &c.

[XIX-36] Genes, xxvii. 3, 4.

[XIX-37] III. Reg. iv. 23.

[XIX-38] Xenoph. Exped. Cyri, i.

[XIX-39] Id. De Republ. Lacedæm.; Herodot. Hist vii.; Athen. iv. passim; Petron. Sat.

[XIX-40] Asserius, Vita Ælfredi.

[XIX-41] W. Malmsbur. Hist. Reg. Anglor. ii. 6.

[XIX-42] Id. Ibid. cap. 8.

[XIX-43] Id. Ibid. cap. 13.

[XIX-44] Ducarrel’s Anglo-Norman Antiquities.

[XIX-45] Johan. Sarisburiensis, De Nugis Curialium, i. 4.

[XIX-46] Strutt’s Sports and Pastimes, edit. 1801, p. 6.

[XIX-47] Aristot. Hist. Animal. ix. 6.

[XIX-48] Plin. viii. 32.

[XIX-49] Galen. De Rat. Vict.

[XIX-50] Deuteron. xii. 15, 22.

[XIX-51] III. Reg. iv. 23.

[XIX-52] Stuckius.

[XIX-53] Nonnius, ii. 10.

[XIX-54] Apicius, viii. 2.

[XIX-55] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-56] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-57] Galen. loc. cit.; De Alim. Facult.

[XIX-58] Athen. i. 4.

[XIX-59] Xenoph. Exped. Cyri. i.; Athen. ii; Plin. viii. 53.

[XIX-60] Apicius viii. 2.

[XIX-61] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-62] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-63] Plin. loc. cit.; Nonnius, ii. 10.

[XIX-64] Apicius, loc. cit.

[XIX-65] Athen. xii.

[XIX-66] Petron. Sat.

[XIX-67] Virgil. Æneid. ii. 1.

[XIX-68] Macrob. Saturnal. iii 13.

[XIX-69] Plin, viii. 51.

[XIX-70] Athen. iv. 1.

[XIX-71] Hippocrat. De Diœt. ii.; Plin. viii. 51, 52.

[XIX-72] Juvenal. Sat. i. 141.

[XIX-73] Plin. viii. 51; Mercurial. ii. 23.

[XIX-74] Caton. Censor. Orat.; Plin. loc. cit.

[XIX-75] Eubul. apud Athen. vii. 24.

[XIX-76] Varro. R. R. iii. 13.

[XIX-77] Senec. Epist. 90.

[XIX-78] Varro. loc. cit.

[XIX-79] Senec. De Providentiâ. cap. 4.

[XIX-80] Apicius, viii. 1.

[XIX-81] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-82] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-83] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-84] Id. Ibid.

[XIX-85] Apicius, viii. 1.

[XIX-86] Plutarch. Sympos. iv. 5.

[XIX-87] Joseph, contra Apion.

[XIX-88] Levitic. xi. 6.

[XIX-89] Cæsar, De Bell. Gall. v.

[XIX-90] Xenoph. Exped. Cyri.

[XIX-91] Herodot. vii.; Athen. iii. 1.

[XIX-92] Apud. Athen. ix. 12.

[XIX-93] Archestrat. ap. Athen. ix.

[XIX-94] Athen. xiv.

[XIX-95] Stuckius. ii. 8.

[XIX-96] Hippocrat. De Diœt. ii.

[XIX-97] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. et passim.

[XIX-98] Lamprid. In Sever.

[XIX-99] Martial, ad Gelliam.

[XIX-100] Horat. Sat. lib. ii. 4.

[XIX-101] Proverb, xxx. 26.

[XIX-102] Martial. xiii. 60; Varro. R. R. iii. 12.

[XIX-103] Plin.; Varro.

[XIX-104] Bochart, De Animal. Sacr. Script iii. 31.

[XIX-105] Strabo. Geograph. iii.

[XIX-106] Galen. De Alim. Facul. iii.; Varro. R. R. iii. 12; Plin. viii. 29.

[XIX-107] Varro. R. R.

[XIX-108] Plin. vii. 55.

[XIX-109] Galen. De Alim. Facult. iii.

[XIX-110] Athen. iv. 4.

[XIX-111] Martial.

[XIX-112] Aristot. Hist. Animal. vi. 26.

[XIX-113] Athen. iv. 6.

[XIX-114] Strabo. Geograph.

[XIX-115] Photin. Biblioth. p. 1355.

[XIX-116] Le Vaillant, Voyages, tom. ii. p. 27. edit. 18mo.

[XIX-117] Id. Ibid. pp. 27 to 29.

[XIX-118] Senec. Epist. 85, sub fin.

[XIX-119] Id. De Brevit. Vitæ, cap. 13.

XX.

FEATHERED GAME.

[XX-1] Levitic. xi. 13 to 19.

[XX-2] Clem. Alexandr. Stromat. vii. fol. 718. Lutet. 1629.

[XX-3] Aristophan. In Avib. 532, et 1578.

[XX-4] Plin. x. 51.

[XX-5] Belon. Histoire des Oiseaux. anno 1555.

[XX-6] Aristophan. In Avib.; Martial xiii. 72.

[XX-7] Manilius, 370.

[XX-8] Isidor. xii. 7.

[XX-9] Calixen. apud Athen. xix. 8.

[XX-10] Ptolem. Everget. Comment. xii.

[XX-11] Aristophan. in Nubib. 109; Philoxen. ap. Athen. iv. 2.

[XX-12] Athen. xiv. 9.

[XX-13] Plin. x. 22; xi. 33, 37; xix. 4.

[XX-14] Sueton. In Vespasian.

[XX-15] Id.

[XX-16] Lamprid. xxxvii.

[XX-17] Sueton. In Caligul. 22.

[XX-18] Id. Ibid. 30.

[XX-19] Petrarca, De Remed. Dialog. xviii.

[XX-20] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. et passim.

[XX-21] Athen. ii. 12, et passim.

[XX-22] Plin. iv. 48.

[XX-23] Ælian. De Animal. Nat. ii. 1.

[XX-24] Lamprid. In Sever.

[XX-25] Aldrovand. Ornithol. xiii. 17.

[XX-26] Athen. i. 6.

[XX-27] Id. ix. 11.

[XX-28] Bochart. De Animal. Script. part. ii. lib. i. cap. 19.

[XX-29] Galen. De Part. Facili. cap. 155.

[XX-30] Athen. loc. cit.

[XX-31] Exod. xvi. 13.

[XX-32] Athen. ii. 12; iv. 1.

[XX-33] Aristophan. apud Athen. ix. 11.

[XX-34] Aristot. Hist. Animal. ix. 8.

[XX-35] Varro. R. R. iii. 5.

[XX-36] Plin. ix. 23, 72.

[XX-37] Galen. Epidemior. v. comm. 5, text 45.

[XX-38] Apud Athen. xi.

[XX-39] Aristot. Hist. Animal. ix. 8.

[XX-40] Lucian. In Dialog. de Gymnasiis.

[XX-41] Aldrovand. Ornith. xiii. 22.

[XX-42] Quintilian. Institut. Orat. v. 9.

[XX-43] Athen. ii. 12.

[XX-44] Id. xiv. 6; Aristophan. In Avibus.

[XX-45] Athen. iv. 1, et passim.

[XX-46] Clem. Alexandr. Pædagog. ii. 1.

[XX-47] Varro. R. R. iii. 2, 3.

[XX-48] Id. i. 38.

[XX-49] Id. iii. 5; Nonnius, ii. 29.

[XX-50] Varro. loc. cit.

[XX-51] Pers. Sat. vi.

[XX-52] Martial. iii 51.

[XX-53] Plaut. Triummo. act ii. sc. 4.

[XX-54] Lamprid. Elogabal.

[XX-55] Horat. Epist. xv. 41; Martial. xiii. 92.

[XX-56] Plutarch. In Pompeio.

[XX-57] Athen. ii. 12, et passim.

[XX-58] Varro. R. R. i. 38; Horat. Epist. ii.

[XX-59] Galen. De Cibis Boni et Mali Succi. i.

[XX-60] Chroniq. Scandal. de Louis XI.

[XX-61] Plin. x. 42.

[XX-62] Athen. ii. 12.

[XX-63] Galen. De Sanit. Tuendâ. xi. 16.

[XX-64] Apicius, x. 48.

[XX-65] Latinus Latinius; Bayle.

[XX-66] Molière; Amphitryon.

[XX-67] Kiranides. c. 7.

[XX-68] Martial. xiii. 66.

[XX-69] Sueton.; Lamprid.; Plin. x. 48.

[XX-70] Histoire Générale des Voyages, tom. i. p. 269.

[XX-71] Petron. c. 33.

[XX-72] Aristot. Hist. Animal. ix. 49; Plin. x. 29.

[XX-73] Athen. xiv.

[XX-74] Martial. xiii. 48.

[XX-75] Juvenal. xiv. 7.

[XX-76] Varro. R. R. iii. 5.

[XX-77] Id. Ib.

[XX-78] Strabo. xvi.

[XX-79] Marmol. Africa.

[XX-80] Lamprid. In Elogab.

[XX-81] Rosin. Antiquit. Roman. p. 207.

[XX-82] Horat. Sat. lib. i. 2, 49.

[XX-83] Nepot. Fragm. x. 1.

[XX-84] Aristot. Hist. Animal. ix. 26.

[XX-85] Varro. R. R. iii 9.

[XX-86] Athen. i. 28.

[XX-87] Plin. x. 22.

[XX-88] Martial. xiii. 76.

[XX-89] Antiphan. apud Athen. ii. 12.

[XX-90] Ambros. In cap. i. Epist. ad Rom.

[XX-91] Martial, xiii. 85.

[XX-92] Aristot. Hist. Animal.

[XX-93] Banier. Mytholog. tom. i. p. 354.

[XX-94] Martial. v.

[XX-95] Galen. De Simplic. Medic. Facultat. xi. 33.

[XX-96] Suidas In Vitell.

[XX-97] Nicolas, Etudes sur le Christianisme. tom. i. 254.

[XX-98] Horat Sat. i. 3.

[XX-99] Plutarch, Vita Caton.

[XX-100] Id. Vita Flamin.

[XX-101] Tacit.

[XX-102] Nicolas, loc. cit.

[XX-103] Plin. xxxii. 8; Cels. v. 6, 18; Dioscorid.

[XX-104] Diction. d’ Hist. Nat.

XXI.

FISH.

[XXI-1] Columell. R. R.

[XXI-2] Levitic. xi. 10.

[XXI-3] Strab. xvii. 1.

[XXI-4] Clem. Alexandr. Strom. vii. fol. 718; Lutet. 1619.

[XXI-5] Athen. viii. 4.

[XXI-6] Odyss. xii. 332.

[XXI-7] Plat. De Republ. iii.

[XXI-8] Athen. i.

[XXI-9] Id. viii.

[XXI-10] Lucian. Bion Praxis.

[XXI-11] Athen. vii. 20.

[XXI-12] Id. vi. 2.

[XXI-13] Xenarch. Comic. Apud Athen.

[XXI-14] Plutarch. Sympos. iv. 4.

[XXI-15] Plin. xviii. 3.

[XXI-16] Senec. Quæst. Natural. iii. 17, 18.

[XXI-17] Juvenal iv. 11.

[XXI-18] Plin. ix.

[XXI-19] Cic. Epist. xx. ad Atticum. 1.

[XXI-20] Plin. loc. cit; Dio Cassius, L. iv.; Senec. De Clement. i. 18.

[XXI-21] Senec. De Ira. iii. 40.

[XXI-22] Id. Ib.

[XXI-23] Dio In Sever, xxi.

[XXI-24] Règlements de St. Louis.

[XXI-25] Edit sans date.

[XXI-26] Lettres Patentes du 19 Mars, 1543.

[XXI-27] Ib. du 16 Septembre, 1606.

[XXI-28] The Popish Kingdome, fol. 55.

[XXI-29] Delamarre.

[XXI-30] Poésies des Troubadours.

[XXI-31] Athen. vii. 6, 12; Macrob. Saturnal. iii. 16.

[XXI-32] Athen. loc. cit.

[XXI-33] Id. Ib.

[XXI-34] Plin. ix. 17.

[XXI-35] Martial. xiii. 91.

[XXI-36] Dio liii.

[XXI-37] Statutum de Prærogativa Regis; anno 17, Edward, ii. c. 11.

[XXI-38] Sonnini, Poissons. tom. iv. p. 351.

[XXI-39] Id. Ib. p. 341.

[XXI-40] Id. Ib.

[XXI-41] Diction. de la Conversation, tom. ii. 533.

[XXI-42] Diction. d’Histoire Naturel. tom. x. p. 485.

[XXI-43] Ib.

[XXI-44] Athen. i. 11.

[XXI-45] Senec. Quæst. Natur. iii. 17, 18.

[XXI-46] Plin. ix. 30.

[XXI-47] Horat. Sat. ii.

[XXI-48] Martial. x. 31.

[XXI-49] Juvenal. iv. 11.

[XXI-50] Sueton. In Tiber. 34.

[XXI-51] Senec. Epist. 95.

[XXI-52] Galen. De Aliment. Facultat.

[XXI-53] Plin. ix. 31.

[XXI-54] Lamprid. Elogab. 20.

[XXI-55] Apicius, ix. 13.

[XXI-56] Id. Ib.

[XXI-57] Athen. vii. 22.

[XXI-58] Macrob. Sat. iii. 15; Ælian. Var. Hist. c. 173; Porphyr. De Abstin. ab Animal.

[XXI-59] Id. Ib.

[XXI-60] Plin. x. 70; Lucian. De Deâ Syr.; Martial, x. 30.

[XXI-61] Varro. R. R. iii. 2, 17.

[XXI-62] Id. viii. 16.

[XXI-63] Tertullian. De Pallio.

[XXI-64] Geoponic. xx.

[XXI-65] Varro. iii. 3; Platina, De Tuendâ Valetudin.

[XXI-66] Sueton. In Vitel.

[XXI-67] Lamprid. In Elogab.

[XXI-68] Athen. i. 6.

[XXI-69] Horat. Sat ii. ult.

[XXI-70] Apicius, x. 8.

[XXI-71] Galen. De Aliment. Facul. iii.

[XXI-72] Herodot. ii.

[XXI-73] Sonnini, Poissons, tom. vi. p. 51.

[XXI-74] Id. Ib. p. 60.

[XXI-75] Macrob. Saturnal. ii. 2.

[XXI-76] Gessner, De Aquatilibus, iii.

[XXI-77] Oppian. Halieuticon, x.

[XXI-78] Pennant, British Zoology, vol. iii. p. 78.

[XXI-79] Bloch. Ichtyologie: Lamproie.

[XXI-80] Paolo Giovio.

[XXI-81] Platina.

[XXI-82] Id.

[XXI-83] Athen. vii.

[XXI-84] Id. Ib.

[XXI-85] Plin. ix. 17.

[XXI-86] Id. Ib.

[XXI-87] Marlianus, Topographia, v.

[XXI-88] Plato. apud. Athen. vii. 8.

[XXI-89] Horat. Epod. ii. v. 49.

[XXI-90] Athen. vii.; Martial xiii. 84.

[XXI-91] Plin. ix. 17.

[XXI-92] Aristot. ii. 17.

[XXI-93] Ælian. i. 2.

[XXI-94] Oppian. Halieut. iv, 78.

[XXI-95] Horat.

[XXI-96] Plin. ix. 42.

[XXI-97] Juvenal. Sat. iv.

[XXI-98] Id. Ib.

[XXI-99] Berchoux, Gastronomie.

[XXI-100] Clem. Alexandr. Pædagog.

[XXI-101] Athen. i. 6.

[XXI-102] Plat. apud Athen. vii. 8.

[XXI-103] Strab.

[XXI-104] Encyclop. Méthod. Antiquités.

[XXI-105] Nonnius, Ichthyophagia, p. 9.

[XXI-106] Aristot. Hist. Animal. viii. 13.

[XXI-107] Plin. ix. 15.

[XXI-108] Apicius, ix. 12.

[XXI-109] Athen.

[XXI-110] Id.

[XXI-111] Plin. ix. 3.

[XXI-112] Cetti, Pesce di Sardegna, p. 134.

[XXI-113] Aldrovand. De Piscibus; Gessner, De Piscibus.

[XXI-114] Eudox. apud Athen. vii.

[XXI-115] Archestrat. apud Athen. Ib.

[XXI-116] Philœmon. apud Athen. Ib.

[XXI-117] Galen. De Aliment. Facult.

[XXI-118] Plat. apud Athen. vii. 8.

[XXI-119] Apicius, x. 2.

[XXI-120] Paw.

[XXI-121] Herodot. Hist.

[XXI-122] Apollodor. In Chronic.; Plutarch. De Solert. Animal.; Ælian. De Piscibus.

[XXI-123] Athen. vii.

[XXI-124] Agathiocid. apud Athen.

[XXI-125] Macrob. Saturnal. ii.

[XXI-126] Aristophan. In Lysistrat. 36.

[XXI-127] Bulenger. De Conviviis. xi. 30.

[XXI-128] Athen. vii. 12, 13.

[XXI-129] Hippocrat. De Internis Affect.

[XXI-130] Apud Athen.

[XXI-131] Juvenal. Sat v.; Nonnius, iii. 5.

[XXI-132] Apicius, x. 14.

[XXI-133] Bloch. Ichtyolog. Anguille.

[XXI-134] Plin. ix. 2.

[XXI-135] Auson. Mosella.

[XXI-136] Bloch. Ichtyolog.

[XXI-137] Aristot. iv. 8; vi. 14; Athen. vii.; Plin. xxxii. 11.

[XXI-138] Alexand. apud Athen. vii.

[XXI-139] Apicius, iv. 2.

[XXI-140] Bloch.

[XXI-141] Id.

[XXI-142] Plin. ix. 29.

[XXI-143] Athen. vii.

[XXI-144] Ælian. Hist. Animal. xvii. 1.

[XXI-145] Varro. iii. 3.; Plin. ix. 17, 54.

[XXI-146] Athen.

[XXI-147] Macrob. Saturnal. iii. 15.

[XXI-148] Plin. xxxii. 5.

[XXI-149] Martial xiii. 90.

[XXI-150] Festus.

[XXI-151] Apicius, x. 12.

[XXI-152] Rondelet. Poissons.

[XXI-153] Athen.

[XXI-154] Apicius, ix. 9.

[XXI-155] Plin. ix. 17.

[XXI-156] Athen. vii. 20.

[XXI-157] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. iii.

[XXI-158] Bloch.; Sonnini.

[XXI-159] Aristot vi. 14.

[XXI-160] Athen.

[XXI-161] Id.

[XXI-162] Auson. In Mosel.

[XXI-163] Apicius, x. 6.

[XXI-164] Lacépède, Poissons, tom iii. p. 131, note.

[XXI-165] Plato apud Athen. vii. 8.

[XXI-166] Dorion. apud Athen. vii.

[XXI-167] Arist. Hist. Animal. ii. 5.

[XXI-168] Plin. ix. 42.

[XXI-169] Lacépède, Poissons, tom. iii.

[XXI-170] Id. Ib. p. 117.

[XXI-171] Salmo à Saltu; Olaus Magnus, xx. 3.

[XXI-172] Auson. In Mosel. 97.

[XXI-173] Plin. ix. 18.

[XXI-174] Id. Ib.

[XXI-175] Sir W. Scott, The Covenanters, vol. i. chap. viii.

[XXI-176] Plin. ix. 29.

[XXI-177] Apicius, ix. 4.

[XXI-178] Athen. vii. 7; Aldrovand. iii.

[XXI-179] Scholiast. Aristophan. In Equit. 768.

[XXI-180] Auson. Mosel. 827.

[XXI-181] Horat. Sat. ii. 2.

[XXI-182] Apicius, x. 1.

[XXI-183] Juvenal. xv. 317.

[XXI-184] Apicius, ix. 11.

[XXI-185] Athen. i. 6.

[XXI-186] Vid. Ælian. Hist. Animal. xiv. 1.

[XXI-187] Athen. i. 49.

[XXI-188] Horat. Sat. ii. 8.

[XXI-189] Plin. xxii. 11.

[XXI-190] Id. Ib.

[XXI-191] Auson. Mosel. 125.

[XXI-192] Id. Ib.

[XXI-193] Mnesim. apud Athen. ix. 15; Aldrovand. De Piscibus, ii.

[XXI-194] Apicius, ix. 3.

[XXI-195] Athen. vii. 22.

[XXI-196] Galen. De Cib. Boni et Mali Succi.

[XXI-197] Sonnini, Poissons, tom. iv. p. 143.

[XXI-198] Aldrovand. De Piscibus, iii. 66.

[XXI-199] Columell. viii.

[XXI-200] Plin. xxxii. 11.

[XXI-201] Athen. vii. 8; Aldrovand. ii.

[XXI-202] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. iii.

[XXI-203] Apicius, ix. 10.

[XXI-204] Id. Ib.

[XXI-205] Athen. i. 6.

[XXI-206] Plutarch. De Superstit.

[XXI-207] Apicius, iv. 2.

[XXI-208] Anaximand. apud Athen. vii.

[XXI-209] Martial. xiii. 88.

[XXI-210] Plin. ix. 17.

[XXI-211] Bosc. Hareng.

[XXI-212] Sonnini, Anchois.

[XXI-213] Dio. Caligul.

[XXI-214] Athen. iii. 12.

[XXI-215] Horat. Epod. ii. 49.

[XXI-216] Athen. i. 6.

[XXI-217] Apicius, ix. 14.

[XXI-218] Id. ix. 7.

[XXI-219] Macrob. Saturnal.

[XXI-220] Lucilius, Sat. xiii.

[XXI-221] Plutarch. Sympos. ix.; Senec. Epist 108.

[XXI-222] Athen. iv.; Clem. Alex. Pædag. ii.

[XXI-223] Athen. loc. cit.

[XXI-224] Senec. Epist. 88.

[XXI-225] Plin. xxxii. 6.

[XXI-226] Juvenal. vi. 302.

[XXI-227] Plin. loc. cit.

[XXI-228] Athen. iv.; Macrob. iii.

[XXI-229] Nonnins, iii. 36.

[XXI-230] Plin. loc. cit

[XXI-231] Id. ix. 54.

[XXI-232] Plin. loc. cit; Varro. R, R. iii.

[XXI-233] Plin. loc. cit.

[XXI-234] Athen. i. xiii.

[XXI-235] Senec.

[XXI-236] Dio.; Sueton.

[XXI-237] Athen. i. 6.

[XXI-238] Id. Ib.

[XXI-239] Auson. Epist. xiii.

[XXI-240] Id. Ib.; Sidon. Apollinar.

[XXI-241] Apicius, ix. 6.

[XXI-242] Id. i. 12.

[XXI-243] Athen. iii. 23.

[XXI-244] Id. Ib.

[XXI-245] Id. Ib.

[XXI-246] Trallian. De Epilepsiâ.

[XXI-247] Apicius, ix. 8.

[XXI-248] Id. iii. 5.

[XXI-249] Id. i. 29.

[XXI-250] Athen. loc. cit.

[XXI-251] Horat. Sat. lib. ii. 4.

[XXI-252] Isidor. Origin. xii. 6.

[XXI-253] Strabo. vii.; Plin. ix. 19.

[XXI-254] Plin. Ib.

[XXI-255] Ælian. De Animal. xii. 41.

[XXI-256] Chiliad.

[XXI-257] Plin. xxxii. 2.

[XXI-258] Apicius, ix. 2.

[XXI-259] Id. Ib.

[XXI-260] Athen. i. 12.

[XXI-261] Plin. ix. 2.

[XXI-262] Juvenal.

[XXI-263] Apicius, ix. 1.

[XXI-264] Id. Ib.

[XXI-265] Maton. Parog. apud Athen.

[XXI-266] Ib.

[XXI-267] Apicius, loc. cit.

[XXI-268] Id. Ib.

[XXI-269] Id. Ib.

[XXI-270] Id. Ib.

[XXI-271] Athen. i. 8.

[XXI-272] Apicius, ix. 5.

[XXI-273] Isai. xix. 8; Jerem. xvi. 16; Ezech. xlvii. 10.

[XXI-274] Homer. Odyss. xxii. 384.

[XXI-275] 944 years B.C.

[XXI-276] Hesiod. Scut. Hercul. v. 212.

[XXI-277] Plutarch. Sympos.

[XXI-278] Ercolano. 1757, tom. i. Tavola, 36.

[XXI-279] Varro.

[XXI-280] Cic. Epist. lib. ii. ad Atticum.

[XXI-281] Senec. Controv. v. 5.

[XXI-282] Id. Epist. 100.

[XXI-283] Id. Nat. Quæst. iii. 17.

[XXI-284] Apicius, i. 2.

[XXI-285] Galen. De Cib. &c. 15.

XXII.

THE COOK.

[XXII-1] Medicus ad Palatum.

[XXII-2] Anton. Liberal. Fab. ii.

[XXII-3] Senec. Epist. 95.

[XXII-4] Dio In Neron.

[XXII-5] Alexand. ab Alexandr. Genial. Dier.

[XXII-6] Lex Fannia; L. Orchia; L. Cornelia, &c.

[XXII-7] Martial. Domini debet habere gulam.

[XXII-8] Athen. i. 31.

[XXII-9] Homer. Iliad.

[XXII-10] Evemer. apud Athen. xiv. 22.

[XXII-11] Athen. vii.

[XXII-12] Id. i. 8.

[XXII-13] Id. Ib.

[XXII-14] Id. Ib.

[XXII-15] Plato. In Gorg.

[XXII-16] Athen. i. 7.

[XXII-17] Id. i. 9.

[XXII-18] Id. i. 10.

[XXII-19] Senec. Oculorum Gula.

[XXII-20] Athen. xii.

[XXII-21] Id. Ib.

[XXII-22] Ælian. Var. Hist. i. 27.

[XXII-23] Plutarch. Præcept. San.

[XXII-24] Sueton. In Claud. 32.

[XXII-25] Id. In Vitell.; Dio.

[XXII-26] Id. Ib.

[XXII-27] Sueton. In Tiber. 42.

[XXII-28] Id in Galba. 22.

[XXII-29] Spartian. In Vero. 5.

[XXII-30] Id. In Getâ.

[XXII-31] Taillevant.

[XXII-32] Id.

[XXII-33] Id.

[XXII-34] Histoire dn Dauphiné.

[XXII-35] Froissart, tom. iv. chap. 2.

[XXII-36] Ecole de Salerne, &c.

[XXII-37] Monteil, Histoire des Français, tom. ii. p. 68.

[XXII-38] Mémoires de Lamarche.

[XXII-39] Onuphr. Panvini.

[XXII-40] Martial. vii. 30.

[XXII-41] Varro. R. R. i. 2.

[XXII-42] Petron. edit. Nodot. tom. i. p. 116.

[XXII-43] Donat. In Adelph. act iv. sc. 2.

[XXII-44] Juvenal. vii. 184.

[XXII-45] Senec. Epist. 47.

[XXII-46] Varro. De Vitâ Popul. Roman. i.

[XXII-47] Vid. Lips. Saturn. ii. 2; Juvenal. v. 121.

[XXII-48] Petron. c. 36; Senec. Epist 47.

[XXII-49] Sidon. Apollin. ii. Epist. 9.

[XXII-50] Ercolano.

[XXII-51] Petron. c. 47.

[XXII-52] Stephan. v. Foculus.

[XXII-53] Horat. Od. i. 9, v. 5.

[XXII-54] Juvenal. Sat. ii. 262.

[XXII-55] Rosin. Antiquit. Roman. p. 237.

[XXII-56] Aristophan. Vesp. act i. sc. 2.

[XXII-57] Appian. Bell. Civil. iv.

[XXII-58] Athen. i. 49.

[XXII-59] Virg. Æneid. iii. 466.

[XXII-60] Athen. i. viii.; Plin. xvi. 11.

[XXII-61] Ercolano.

[XXII-62] Ib.

[XXII-63] Ib.

[XXII-64] Lamprid. Elogab. 19; Cic. Pro Rosc. Amer. 133.

[XXII-65] Encyclopéd. Méthod. Antiquités.

[XXII-66] Galen. De Compos. Medicam. iii. 5.

[XXII-67] Apicius, passim.

[XXII-68] Ercolano; Varro. De L. L. iv. 27.

[XXII-69] Encyclopéd. loc. cit.

[XXII-70] Columell. xii. 46.

[XXII-71] Apud Siracidem. xiii. 3.

[XXII-72] Senec. Epist. 85.

[XXII-73] Caylus, Antiquit. Romain. tom. i.

[XXII-74] Plin. xxiii. 2.

[XXII-75] Cato. R. R. 84.

[XXII-76] Varro. De L. L. iv.; Plin. xxxiii. 4.

[XXII-77] Ercolano; Winckelmann.

[XXII-78] Petron. c. 33; Martial. xiv. 121.

[XXII-79] Athen. i. 6.

[XXII-80] Caylus, Recueil d’Antiquités, tom, iii. pl 84, no. 5.

[XXII-81] Ercolano.

[XXII-82] Ib.

[XXII-83] Coel. Rhodig. xiii. 32.

[XXII-84] Aristophan. In Avibus. 361.

[XXII-85] Mat Régnier, Sat. x.

[XXII-86] Cic. Tuscul. v. 21; Martial. xii. 67; Tit. Liv. xxxix. 6.

[XXII-87] Athen. ii. 9.

[XXII-88] Petron. Satyr.

[XXII-89] Beyerlink. Theatr. Vitæ Human.

[XXII-90] Cato. c. 74.

[XXII-91] Plin. xviii. 11.

[XXII-92] Pers. Sat.; Plin. loc. cit.

[XXII-93] Plin. Ib.

[XXII-94] Athen. iv.

[XXII-95] Varro. R. R. iii. 14.

[XXII-96] Plin. xviii. 24.

[XXII-97] Id. Ib.; Veget. De Arte Vet. i. 52.

XXIII.

SEASONINGS.

[XXIII-1] Euseb. Præpar. Evang. i.; Polydor. Virgil. De Rerum. Invent. iii. 5.

[XXIII-2] Levitic. ii. 3.

[XXIII-3] Diodor. Sicul. ii. 48.

[XXIII-4] Galen. De Simplic. Medicam.

[XXIII-5] Festus.

[XXIII-6] Arnob. ii.

[XXIII-7] Sallust. Bell. Tugurt.

[XXIII-8] Athen. iii. 1.

[XXIII-9] Tit. Liv. xi. 9.

[XXIII-10] Plin. xxxi. 7.

[XXIII-11] Lib. vi. F. F. De Captiv. et Post.

[XXIII-12] Delamarre.

[XXIII-13] Plant Pœnul. i. 2, 32.

[XXIII-14] Columell. xii. 6.

[XXIII-15] Plin. xxxi. 8.

[XXIII-16] Vid. Scaliger.; Auson. Lect. ii. 28, p. 165.

[XXIII-17] Pollux, vi. 9; Athen. x.

[XXIII-18] Apicius. i. 27.

[XXIII-19] Plin. xxxi. 3, 7.; xxxii. 11.

[XXIII-20] Isidor. Origin. xx. 3.

[XXIII-21] Plin. loc. cit.

[XXIII-22] Id. xxxi. 43.

[XXIII-23] Id. Ib.

[XXIII-24] Martial. xiii. 102.

[XXIII-25] Plin. xxxi. 8.

[XXIII-26] Plin. à Lemaire. tom. viii. p. 439, note.

[XXIII-27] Stephan. Thesaur. Ling. Græc. v. Garon.

[XXIII-28] Id. Ib.; Geoponic. xx.

[XXIII-29] Apicius; Plin. à Lemaire. tom. viii. p. 435, note.

[XXIII-30] Plin. ix. 17.

[XXIII-31] Id. viii. 31.; Nonnius. iii. 44.; Columell. vi 9.

[XXIII-32] Geoponic. xx.

[XXIII-33] Ib.

[XXIII-34] Ib.

[XXIII-35] Dioscord.; Stephan. loc. cit.

[XXIII-36] Stephan. Ib.; Martial. viii. 26.

[XXIII-37] Stephan. Ib.

[XXIII-38] Galen. De Simplic. Medici, ii.

[XXIII-39] Lamprid. Elogab. 29.; Apicius, i. 31.

[XXIII-40] Apicius, i. 34.

[XXIII-41] Id. i. 33.

[XXIII-42] Id. i. 35.

[XXIII-43] Judic. xiv. 18.

[XXIII-44] Plin. xxii. 24.

[XXIII-45] Geoponic. xv. 7.

[XXIII-46] Ib.

[XXIII-47] Plin. loc. cit.

[XXIII-48] Apollod. ii.; Pausan. viii.; Plin. vii. 56.

[XXIII-49] Genes. xliii. 11.

[XXIII-50] Justin. xiii.

[XXIII-51] Plin. xi. 13.; xxi. 10.

[XXIII-52] Athen. iii. 25.

[XXIII-53] Diog. Laert Vitæ Philosophor. viii.

[XXIII-54] Athen. ii. 6.

[XXIII-55] Fulgentius. De Obscuris Vocibus.; Arnob.

[XXIII-56] Theophrast. De Melle.

[XXIII-57] Virgil. Georg. iv.

[XXIII-58] Plin. x. 5, 12.

[XXIII-59] Galen. De Aliment. Facult. iii.

[XXIII-60] Varro.

[XXIII-61] Aristot. Hist. Animal. iii 10.

[XXIII-62] Dioscorid. ii. 75.

[XXIII-63] Id. Ib.; Plin. xxii. 24.

[XXIII-64] Apicius, i. 1.

[XXIII-65] Id. i. 32.

[XXIII-66] Id. Ib.

[XXIII-67] Theophrast. loc. cit.

[XXIII-68] Dioscorid. ii. 75.

[XXIII-69] Plin. xii. 8.

[XXIII-70] Strabo. xv.; Senec. Epist. 64; Galen. De Simpl. Medic. vii.

[XXIII-71] Panl. Æginet. De Ling. Asperitate, c. 2.

[XXIII-72] Pancirol. Rerum Mirabilium, &c. ii. 5.

[XXIII-73] Theophrast. Hist. Plant. iv. 6; ix. 4, 5.7.

[XXIII-74] Herodot. Hist.; Aristot. Hist. Animal. ix. 14.

[XXIII-75] Plin. xii. 19.

[XXIII-76] Galen. De Antidotis.

[XXIII-77] Id. De Simplic. Medic. vii.

[XXIII-78] Mathiol. In Dioscorid. i. 13; anno 1570.

[XXIII-79] Saint-Foix, Essais sur Paris.

[XXIII-80] Plin. xii. 7.

[XXIII-81] Theophrast. ix. 22.

[XXIII-82] Dioscorid. ii. 153; Plin. xii. 27.

[XXIII-83] Dioscorid. v. 6, et ibi Mathiol.

[XXIII-84] Galen. De Simplic. Medicam. iv. v.

[XXIII-85] Ruth ii. 12.

[XXIII-86] Athen. ii. 26.

[XXIII-87] Juvenal xiii. 85; Martial xiii. 122.

[XXIII-88] Columell. xii. 17; Plin. xiv. 20.

[XXIII-89] Dioscorid. v. 17; Galen. Simpl. Medic. i; Æginet. De Simpl. p. 51.

[XXIII-90] Spartian. In Hadrian.

[XXIII-91] Columell. xii. 4.

[XXIII-92] Salmas. Exercitat Plinianæ, p. 898; Plin. xx. 20.

[XXIII-93] Amelot de la Houssaye, Mémoires Historiques.

[XXIII-94] Athen. ii. 21.

[XXIII-95] Plin. xix. 2.

[XXIII-96] Id. xix. 3.

[XXIII-97] Id. xix. 2.

[XXIII-98] Dioscorides.

[XXIII-99] Id.

[XXIII-100] Athen.

[XXIII-101] Philoxen. apud Athen.

[XXIII-102] Athen. ii. 21.

[XXIII-103] Martial xiii. 50.

[XXIII-104] Apicius, i. 31.

[XXIII-105] Id. Ib.

[XXIII-106] Platina, De Honestâ Voluptate.

[XXIII-107] Avicenn.

[XXIII-108] Plin. xix. 2.

[XXIII-109] Apicius, i. 25.

[XXIII-110] Dio. In Claud. sub. fin.

[XXIII-111] Id. Ib.

[XXIII-112] Id. Ib.

[XXIII-113] Senec. Epist. xcv.

[XXIII-114] Id. Epist. cviii.

[XXIII-115] Horat. ii. Sat. iv.

[XXIII-116] Senec. Nat. Quæst. iv. 13, sub fin.

[XXIII-117] Martial, xiii. 47.

[XXIII-118] Athen. ii. 19.

[XXIII-119] Id. Ib.

[XXIII-120] Id. Ib.

[XXIII-121] Id. Ib.

XXIV.

PASTRY.

[XXIV-1] Dictionnaire de la Conversation, tom. xlii. p. 344.

[XXIV-2] Genes. xl. 17.

[XXIV-3] Calmet. Bible, tom. vi. p. 257, fol.; Levit. ii.

[XXIV-4] Athen. iii. 25.

[XXIV-5] Id. Ib.

[XXIV-6] Hesychius; Plin. viii. 2.

[XXIV-7] Athen. iv. 14.

[XXIV-8] Cic. Familiar. ix. 20.

[XXIV-9] Levitic. ii. 5.

[XXIV-10] Athen. xiv. 14.

[XXIV-11] Id. Ib.

[XXIV-12] Id. Ib.

[XXIV-13] Lamprid. In Elogab. c. 27.

[XXIV-14] Athen.

[XXIV-15] Id. xiv.

[XXIV-16] Juvenal. vi. 202.

[XXIV-17] Cato. R. R. c. 84.

[XXIV-18] Pers. vi. 50.

[XXIV-19] Spartian. In Vero. 5.

[XXIV-20] Cato. R. R.

[XXIV-21] Fabri Thesaurus v. Placenta.

[XXIV-22] Horat. Epist. i. 10, 11; Plin. vii. 53; Athen. ii.

[XXIV-23] Plin. xviii. 11.

[XXIV-24] Cato. R. R.

[XXIV-25] Id. Ib. c. 80.

[XXIV-26] Plin. xviii. 11.

[XXIV-27] Apicius, vii 11.

[XXIV-28] Id. Ib.

[XXIV-29] Id. Ib.

[XXIV-30] Id. Ib.

[XXIV-31] Taillevant.

[XXIV-32] Id.

[XXIV-33] Id.

[XXIV-34] Plutarch. Vita. Coriolan.; Plin. xxxvii. cap. ultimo.

[XXIV-35] Polydor. Virgil. v. 2; Nouvelles Ephémérides: 6 Janvier.

[XXIV-36] Tertullian. De Idolol. c. 14; S. Cyprian. Epist. 103; Concil. Trull. can. lxii.

[XXIV-37] Brand’s Popul. Antiquit. vol. i. p. 132, 133.

[XXIV-38] Stuckius; Platina.

[XXIV-39] Fontanon, Ordonnances.

[XXIV-40] Delamarre.

[XXIV-41] Taillevant.

[XXIV-42] Id.

[XXIV-43] Platina, De Honest Volupt.

XXV.

WATER.

[XXV-1] Aristot. Metaphys. i. 3; Senec. Nat. Quæst. iii. 13.

[XXV-2] Herodot.; Cyrill. adv. Jul.

[XXV-3] Strabo.

[XXV-4] Jul. Firmicus, De Profan. Relig.; Athanas. orat. contra. Gent.

[XXV-5] Banier, Mythologie, tom. iv. p. 279.

[XXV-6] Id. Ib.

[XXV-7] Virgil. Æneid. viii. 72.

[XXV-8] Psalm. xciii. 4.

[XXV-9] Pausan.

[XXV-10] Tolosanus, In Syntag. Juris. i. 4; Sigonius, De Republ. Athen. iv.

[XXV-11] Plato. De Legib. vi.

[XXV-12] 460 years B.C.

[XXV-13] Plin. xxxi. 3.

[XXV-14] Frontin. De Aquæduct. i.; Lips. De Magnitud. Rom. iii.

[XXV-15] Eutrop. ii. 9.

[XXV-16] Plin. iii. 15; Cassiodor. vii. ep. 6.

[XXV-17] Plin. xxxi. 6.

[XXV-18] In Tit. Liv. i.

[XXV-19] Rosinus, Antiquit. Rom. p. 60.

[XXV-20] Frontin.

[XXV-21] Id.

[XXV-22] Sueton. In. Aug. cap. 13.

[XXV-23] Ingeniosa Sitis. Martial. xiv. 117.

[XXV-24] Senec. Nat Quæst. iv. 13.

[XXV-25] Ant. Marc. Salvin. in Lect. Acad. Furfur.

[XXV-26] Senec. loc. cit.

[XXV-27] Rosin. Ant. Rom. p. 403.

[XXV-28] Gell. xix. 5; Plin. xix. 4.

[XXV-29] Martial. xiv. 117.

[XXV-30] Montfaucon. Antiquit. Expliq.

[XXV-31] Sueton. In Domit. 21.

[XXV-32] Id. Ib.

[XXV-33] Martial. xii.; Juvenal. Sat. v. 60.

[XXV-34] Athen. i. ii.

[XXV-35] Dio. In Claud.

[XXV-36] Antich. Ercolan.

[XXV-37] Hippocrat. De Diæt.

[XXV-38] Id. Ib.

[XXV-39] Ib.

[XXV-40] Cels. iv. 19.

[XXV-41] Sueton. In August.

[XXV-42] Plin. xix. 1.

[XXV-43] Id. Ib.

[XXV-44] Mémoires du Sire de Joinville.

[XXV-45] Plin. xxi. 37.

[XXV-46] Bory St. Vincent, Essai sur les Iles Fortunées, pp. 220 et seqq.

XXVI.

BEVERAGES,

OF WHICH WATER IS THE FOUNDATION.

[XXVI-1] Diodor. Sicul. iv.

[XXVI-2] Herodot. ii. 77.

[XXVI-3] Plin. xxii. 25; Columell. x. 116; Dioscorid. ii. 79, &c.

[XXVI-4] Plin. loc. cit.

[XXVI-5] Paw.

[XXVI-6] Strab.

[XXVI-7] Plin.; Strab.; Paw.

[XXVI-8] Plin.

[XXVI-9] Aristot. De Ebrietate.

[XXVI-10] Eschyl. In Lycurgo.

[XXVI-11] Sophocl. In Triptolemo.

[XXVI-12] Antholog. Græc.

[XXVI-13] Plin. xxii.

[XXVI-14] Meibom. De Cerevisia, 6, 7; In Thesaur. Gronovii, tom. ix.

[XXVI-15] Tacit. De Morib. German. c. 23; Plin. xiv. 22.

[XXVI-16] Plin. Ib.

[XXVI-17] Dioscorid. ii. 80, 81.

[XXVI-18] Mallet, Northern Antiquities, 6.

[XXVI-19] Cæsar. De Bell. Gall.

[XXVI-20] British Cyclopedia.

[XXVI-21] Ibid.

[XXVI-22] Beckmann. Invent. tom. iv.

[XXVI-23] Vol. xv. p. 201, Edinburgh, 1795.

[XXVI-24] From a Manuscript, quoted by Strutt, Manners, &c. vol., iii. pp. 72, 73.

[XXVI-25] Stow’s Chronicles, p. 218.

[XXVI-26] Holinshed, Descript. Brit. 94.

[XXVI-27] Monteil, Histoire des Français, tom. ii. pp. 49, 50.

[XXVI-28] Plin.

[XXVI-29] Hippocrat. De Dentitione; Cels. iii. 7.

[XXVI-30] Mercurial. Observ. iii.; Cœlius, xxx. 21.

[XXVI-31] Spartian. In Hadrian.

[XXVI-32] Plin. xiv.; Q. Curt. lib. xxiii. Hort. c. 16, ex Palladio.

[XXVI-33] Dictionnaire des Origines.

[XXVI-34] Plin. xiv. 16.

[XXVI-35] Deuteron. xiv. 26; xxix. 6; et Bibl. Sacr. passim; Ambrosius, De Helia et Jejun. c. 15; Hieron. ad Nepotian.

[XXVI-36] Plin. xiv. 17.

[XXVI-37] Id. Ib.

[XXVI-38] Isidor. xx. 3.

[XXVI-39] Id.; Paul. Æginet.

[XXVI-40] Paul. Æginet.

[XXVI-41] Dioscorid. v. 22; Pallad. August. 13.

[XXVI-42] Columell. xii. 37; Pallad. xiii. 2.

[XXVI-43] Discorid. v. 34; Plin. xiv. 16.

[XXVI-44] Plin. Ib.

[XXVI-45] Id. Ib.

[XXVI-46] Id. Ib.

[XXVI-47] Cœl. Rhodig. vii. 26; xxi. 7.

[XXVI-48] Sueton. In Neron. c. 48.

XXVII.

DRINKING CUPS.

[XXVII-1] Clem. Alexandr. Pædagog, ii. 2.

[XXVII-2] Homer.

[XXVII-3] Eumen. Cardian. et Diodot. Erythræus, In Diariis Rerum ab Alexandroe Gestarum.

[XXVII-4] Theopomp. Hist. 26.

[XXVII-5] Aristot. In Syracusan. Polit.

[XXVII-6] Sueton. In Tiber. 42.

[XXVII-7] Id. Ib.

[XXVII-8] Athen. i. 30.

[XXVII-9] Homer. Odyss.

[XXVII-10] Hippocrat. De Diœt. iii. sub. fin.

[XXVII-11] Senec. De Tranquillitate Animæ, sub fin.

[XXVII-12] Plat. De Republ. ii.

[XXVII-13] Athen. i. 21, 23.

[XXVII-14] Id. xi. 14.

[XXVII-15] Musonius, De Luxu Græcor. c. 2.

[XXVII-16] Id. Ib.

[XXVII-17] Strab.

[XXVII-18] Cæsar.

[XXVII-19] Id.

[XXVII-20] Valer. iv. 3; Senec. Epist. 95.

[XXVII-21] Ovid. Fast. iii.; Tibull. i. 10.

[XXVII-22] Plin. xvi. 35.

[XXVII-23] Id. Ib.

[XXVII-24] Apul. Milesiar. ii.

[XXVII-25] Plin. xxxvi. 26.

[XXVII-26] Cœl. Rhodig. Antiq. Lection. xx. 30; Crinitus. Honest. Disciplin. xxiii. 4; Douza. Comment. In Petron.

[XXVII-27] Petron. à Nodot. tom. 1. pp. 198, 200.

[XXVII-28] Plin. Præfat. ad libr. xxxiii.

[XXVII-29] Rosin. Antiq. Roman. p. 398.

[XXVII-30] 61 years B.C.

[XXVII-31] Plin. xxxvii. 2.

[XXVII-32] Id. Ib.

[XXVII-33] Martial. xiv. 113.

[XXVII-34] Scaliger. Exercitat. 92.

[XXVII-35] Cardan. De Subtilit. v. f. 143.

[XXVII-36] Mme. Dacier, Eutrop. Delphin. p. 104.

[XXVII-37] Mariette; Caylus, &c.

[XXVII-38] Propert. lib. 4, eleg. 5.

[XXVII-39] Christius, De Murrinis, &c. Lips. 1743.

[XXVII-40] Mongez.

[XXVII-41] Montfaucon, Antiquit. Expliq. tom. ii. pl. 78

[XXVII-42] Apuleius; Sidon. Apollinar. carni. 24 in fine.

[XXVII-43] Martial, viii. 51.

[XXVII-44] Plin. xxxiii. 12.

[XXVII-45] Id. Præfat. ad lib. xxxiii.

[XXVII-46] Athen. xi.

[XXVII-47] Montfaucon. Antiq. Expliq.

XXVIII.

WINE.

[XXVIII-1] Herod. ii.; Plutarch. De Isid. et Osirid. Diodor. iii.

[XXVIII-2] Cic. De Natur. Deor. iii.

[XXVIII-3] Theopomp.

[XXVIII-4] Plutarch.

[XXVIII-5] Aurel. Victor.

[XXVIII-6] Eutrop. ix. 17.

[XXVIII-7] Genes, ix. 20.

[XXVIII-8] Plin. xiv.

[XXVIII-9] Deuteron. xxii. 9.

[XXVIII-10] Ib. xxii. 6.

[XXVIII-11] Osee. xiv. 8.

[XXVIII-12] Ezech. xxvii. 18.

[XXVIII-13] Genes, xlix. 11; Jerem. ii. 21.

[XXVIII-14] Psalm ciii. 15.

[XXVIII-15] Calmet. Commentaire sur Esther. v. 6.

[XXVIII-16] Cantic. viii. 2.

[XXVIII-17] Herodot. i.

[XXVIII-18] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-19] Banier, Mythologie, tom. i. p. 464.

[XXVIII-20] Plutarch. De Isid. et Osirid.

[XXVIII-21] Athen. xv.

[XXVIII-22] Tit. Liv.

[XXVIII-23] Horat. Epist. lib. ii. ad Torquat.

[XXVIII-24] Serenus Sammonicus.

[XXVIII-25] Euseb. In Chron.

[XXVIII-26] Plin. vii. 56.

[XXVIII-27] Diodor. Sicul. v.

[XXVIII-28] Plutarch. De Legend Poet.

[XXVIII-29] Plutarch. Sympos. iii. 10.

[XXVIII-30] Hippocrat. De Diætet.

[XXVIII-31] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-32] Herodot. iv.

[XXVIII-33] Martial. viii. 26.

[XXVIII-34] Horat. Od. ii. 11, 17.

[XXVIII-35] S. Augustin. De Civ. Dei. xviii. 13.

[XXVIII-36] Ovid. Fast. iv. 861, et seqq.

[XXVIII-37] Plin. xviii. 19.

[XXVIII-38] Banier, Mythol. tom. i. p. 548.

[XXVIII-39] Columell. xi. 2; iv. 28.

[XXVIII-40] Leg. Duod. Tabul. L. lxii.; Plin. xviii. 3.

[XXVIII-41] Ulpian.

[XXVIII-42] Apicius, i. 17.

[XXVIII-43] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-44] Geoponic. vi. 11.

[XXVIII-45] Ib.; Virgil. Georg. ii. 241.

[XXVIII-46] Georg. ii. 7.

[XXVIII-47] Athen. v.; Anacr. Od. xvii.

[XXVIII-48] Columell. xii. 41.

[XXVIII-49] Plin. xiv. 11; Athen. i.

[XXVIII-50] Vitruv. xi. 9.

[XXVIII-51] Longus. ii. 1, 2.

[XXVIII-52] Cato. R. R. 12, 13, 18; Vitruv. vi. 6.

[XXVIII-53] Le Pitture Antiche d’Ercolano, Napoli, 1757, tom. i; Tavola, 35.

[XXVIII-54] Varro. i. 54; Cato. 23.

[XXVIII-55] Cic. De Clar. Orat. c. 83.

[XXVIII-56] Nonnius, xvii. 13.

[XXVIII-57] Geoponic. vi. 15.

[XXVIII-58] Le Pitture, &c. loc. cit.; Athen. i. 31; Dioscor. v. 9.

[XXVIII-59] Pallad. xi. 18.

[XXVIII-60] Plin. xiv. 9.

[XXVIII-61] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-62] Ib. ix. 57.

[XXVIII-63] Id. xviii. 74.

[XXVIII-64] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-65] Ovid. Fast. iv. 782; Festus, Burranica.

[XXVIII-66] Geoponic. vi. 16; Plutarch. Quæst. Nat. 26; Plin. xiv. 11.

[XXVIII-67] Geoponic. vi. 12.

[XXVIII-68] Varro. R. R. i. 13; Geoponic. vi. 2, 12.

[XXVIII-69] Le Pitture, &c.

[XXVIII-70] Antiq. de Pomp.

[XXVIII-71] Sponii, Miscell. Erud. Antiq. p. 125.

[XXVIII-72] Id. Ib.; Juvenal, xiv. 311.

[XXVIII-73] Plin. xiv. 21.

[XXVIII-74] Geoponic. vi. 2; Varro. R. R. i. 13; Cato. R. R. 23.

[XXVIII-75] Columell. xii. 25, 80; Cato. 107; Varro. i. 65; Geoponic. iv. 12.

[XXVIII-76] Id.

[XXVIII-77] Id.

[XXVIII-78] Geoponic. vii. 15; Columell. xii. 38.

[XXVIII-79] Geoponic. vii. 22.

[XXVIII-80] Ib. vii. 37.

[XXVIII-81] Pollux, vi. 19; x. 75.

[XXVIII-82] Geoponic. vii. 5, 6.

[XXVIII-83] Horat. Art. Poet. v. 21.

[XXVIII-84] Id. Od. i. 20.

[XXVIII-85] Petron. 34.

[XXVIII-86] Senec. Epist. 115; Columell. xii. 41.

[XXVIII-87] Columell. i. 6; Horat. Od. iii. 8.

[XXVIII-88] Plin. xiv. 4.

[XXVIII-89] Id. xiv. 6, 29.

[XXVIII-90] Id. xiv. 13.

[XXVIII-91] Virgil. Georgic, ii. 91.

[XXVIII-92] Horat. Epod. ix. 34.

[XXVIII-93] Id. Sat. i. 10, 24.

[XXVIII-94] Geopon. passim.

[XXVIII-95] Plin. xiv. 6.

[XXVIII-96] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-97] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-98] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-99] Id. xiv. et xxiii.

[XXVIII-100] Athen. i. et ix.

[XXVIII-101] Aristot.

[XXVIII-102] Galen.

[XXVIII-103] Petron. c. 34.

[XXVIII-104] Plin. xiv. 4.

[XXVIII-105] Martial, xi. 60.

[XXVIII-106] Apul. Milesiar. ii.

[XXVIII-107] Senec. Epist. 64.

[XXVIII-108] Lucan. Pharsal. x. 164.

[XXVIII-109] Athen. i. 47.

[XXVIII-110] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-111] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-112] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-113] Apicius, i. 6.

[XXVIII-114] Athen. i.

[XXVIII-115] Plin. xiv.

[XXVIII-116] Cato. R. R.

[XXVIII-117] Plin. xiv. 8.

[XXVIII-118] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-119] Museum Borbonicum. tom. iii.; Ta. vol. 28.

[XXVIII-120] Plin. xiv. 9.

[XXVIII-121] Varro. De Vitâ Pop. Rom.; Columell. R. R.; Martial, xiii. 106; Juvenal. xiv. 270.

[XXVIII-122] Columell. xii. 27.

[XXVIII-123] Dio. Commod.

[XXVIII-124] Macrob. vii. 12; Plin. xxii.

[XXVIII-125] Leclerc, Histoire de la p. 479.

[XXVIII-126] Geoponic. viii.

[XXVIII-127] Ibid.

[XXVIII-128] Apicius, i. 4.

[XXVIII-129] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-130] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-131] Plin. xiv. 13.

[XXVIII-132] Ercolano.

[XXVIII-133] Plin. xxiii. 1.

[XXVIII-134] Columell. iii. 3.

[XXVIII-135] Bockh, Public Economy of Athens, vol i. p. 133.

[XXVIII-136] Valer. Max. ii. 1.

[XXVIII-137] Plin. xiv. 13.

[XXVIII-138] Fab. Pictor. apud Plin. Ib.

[XXVIII-139] Plin. Ib.

[XXVIII-140] Id. xiv. 6.

[XXVIII-141] Id. xiv. 28.

[XXVIII-142] Athen. v.

[XXVIII-143] Dio. Trajan.

[XXVIII-144] Id. In Sever.

[XXVIII-145] Sueton. In Claud.

[XXVIII-146] Dio. Domitian.

[XXVIII-147] Id. In Caligul.

[XXVIII-148] Athen. i. 47.

[XXVIII-149] Tibull. iii. eleg. 6; Martial, v. 65.

[XXVIII-150] Athen. i. 48.

[XXVIII-151] Plin. xiv. 16.

[XXVIII-152] Plutarch. Sympos. viii. 6.

[XXVIII-153] Festus.

[XXVIII-154] Plin. loc. cit.

[XXVIII-155] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-156] Id. Ib. Columell. xii. 35.

[XXVIII-157] Plin. loc cit.; Columell. xii. 37.

[XXVIII-158] Dioscorid. v. 13; Plin. loc. cit.

[XXVIII-159] Meursius.

[XXVIII-160] Plin. loc. cit.

[XXVIII-161] Strutt, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Britons, vol. 1. p. 7.

[XXVIII-162] W. Malmsbur. De Pont. lib. iv.

[XXVIII-163] Delamarre, Traité de la Police.

[XXVIII-164] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-165] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-166] Mélanges Tirés d’une Grande Bibliothèque.

[XXVIII-167] Ménage.

[XXVIII-168] Arnaud de Villeneuve; Traité du Régime de la Santé.

[XXVIII-169] Les Bigarrures du Seigneur des Accords.

[XXVIII-170] Baluze. Capitul. Reg. Franc. passim.

[XXVIII-171] Fontanon. Conf. des Ordon. tom. ii. p. 822.

[XXVIII-172] Strutt, Manners and Customs, &c.

[XXVIII-173] Id. Ib.

[XXVIII-174] Id. Ib.

XXIX.

REPASTS.

[XXIX-1] Athen. i. 16.

[XXIX-2] Id. i. 15.

[XXIX-3] Homer. Iliad.

[XXIX-4] Athen. i. 16.

[XXIX-5] Aristot. Probl. xxvi. 45.

[XXIX-6] Posidippus. In Epigr.

[XXIX-7] Hierap. Theodor. de Certam.

[XXIX-8] Ætol. Alexand.

[XXIX-9] Theodorus.

[XXIX-10] Xanthus, In Lydiacis.

[XXIX-11] Theopomp.

[XXIX-12] Clearch.

[XXIX-13] Mnesimach, In Philippo.

[XXIX-14] Crates Theban. In Lamia.

[XXIX-15] Hecatæus apud Athen.

[XXIX-16] Sueton, In Claud. 33.

[XXIX-17] Id. Ib.

[XXIX-18] Id. In Galba. 22.

[XXIX-19] Id. In Vitell. 13.

[XXIX-20] Virgil. Æneid. iii.

[XXIX-21] Sueton. loc. cit.

[XXIX-22] Id. In Vitell. 17.

[XXIX-23] Fuller’s Worthies.

[XXIX-24] Berchoux, Gastronomie, note.

[XXIX-25] Athen. i. 19.

[XXIX-26] Herodot. i. 63; Theophrast. Charact. c. 3.

[XXIX-27] Plat. Epist. 7.

[XXIX-28] Athen. i. 9.

[XXIX-29] Id. Ib.

[XXIX-30] Id. v.

[XXIX-31] Plutarch. Sympos. viii. 6.

[XXIX-32] Ecclesiast. x. 16.

[XXIX-33] Mercurial. Variar. lect. iv. 17, In Arte Gymnast. i. 11.

[XXIX-34] Homer. Odyss.

[XXIX-35] Athen. i. 19; Aristophan. In Avib. 1286.

[XXIX-36] Id. Ib.; Schrevelius; Plutarch. Sympos. viii. 6.

[XXIX-37] Apuleius, Metam. i.

[XXIX-38] Martial. xiv. 233.

[XXIX-39] Apul. loc. cit.

[XXIX-40] Sueton. In August. 76.

[XXIX-41] Genes. xliii. 16.

[XXIX-42] Act. x. 9, 10.

[XXIX-43] Athen. i. 9. Plutarch. Sympos. viii. 6.

[XXIX-44] Cic. Tusculan. Quæst. 5.

[XXIX-45] Sueton. In Caligul. 58.

[XXIX-46] Horat. Sat. i. 6.

[XXIX-47] Senec. Epist. 84, 87.

[XXIX-48] Sueton. In Claud. 32.

[XXIX-49] Berchoux, Gastronomie, notes.

[XXIX-50] Isidor. Origin. xx.

[XXIX-51] Joseph. De Bello Jud. vii.

[XXIX-52] Jud. xx. 26; II. Reg. i. 12; Ib. iii. 25.

[XXIX-53] Biblia Sacra, passim; Iliad, ix. 206, 218; Odyss. xv. 322.

[XXIX-54] Homer. Iliad. xxi. 363.

[XXIX-55] Id. Ib. ix. 217.

[XXIX-56] Id. Odyss. xvii. 455.

[XXIX-57] Id. Iliad. vii. 480.

[XXIX-58] Id. Ib. xii. 311.

[XXIX-59] Id. Ib. ix, 225.

[XXIX-60] Id. Odyss. i. 226; Terent. Eunuch. iii. 4; Athen. viii.

[XXIX-61] Aristophan. Eccl. 652.

[XXIX-62] Macrob. Saturnal. ii. 13; Val. Max. ii. 1.

[XXIX-63] Biblia Sacra, passim.

[XXIX-64] II. Reg. xix. 35.

[XXIX-65] See La Farce de Pathelin.

[XXIX-66] Mémoires de Dangeau.

[XXIX-67] Plato. De Republ. iii. 13.

[XXIX-68] Pollux, vi. 83.

[XXIX-69] Martial. iv. 8.

[XXIX-70] Juvenal. i. 95.

[XXIX-71] Liv. ix.

[XXIX-72] Sueton. in Vitell. 13.

[XXIX-73] Nicolas, Etudes sur le Christianisme, tom. i. p. 254.

[XXIX-74] Strabo; Diodor. Sicul.; Cæsar.

[XXIX-75] Strutt, Manners, &c. vol. i. p. 48.

[XXIX-76] Id. Ib.

[XXIX-77] Id. Ib. p. 49.

[XXIX-78] Plutarch. Sympos. i.; Xenoph. Respubl. Laced.; Plat. De Conviviis.

[XXIX-79] Exod. xxxii. 6; I. Reg. ix. 22, et passim.

[XXIX-80] Philo. De Vitâ Contempl.

[XXIX-81] S. Paul. I. Corinth, xi. 20, et seqq.; Chrysostom. Homil. 27; Tertull. Apologet. c. 39; Augustin. Epist. 64; Baron. Annal. sub an. 57, 377, 384.

[XXIX-82] Plat. De Conviviis; Aristot. Polit. ii. 8; vii. 10.

[XXIX-83] Xenoph. De Repub. Lac.; Plutarch. In Vita Lycurg.

[XXIX-84] Plutarch. Ib.

[XXIX-85] Diogen. Laert.; Plutarch. Vita Solon.

[XXIX-86] Flor. i. 1; Liv. i. 6; Dionys. Halicarn. Ant. Rom. i.; Plutarch. Vita Romuli.

[XXIX-87] Plutarch. Vita Sullæ.

[XXIX-88] Sueton. In J. Cæsar.

[XXIX-89] Bulenger, De Conviviis.

[XXIX-90] Id. Ib.

[XXIX-91] Vid. Sueton.; Lamprid.; Dio. &c.

[XXIX-92] Id.

[XXIX-93] Apud Strutt, Manners, &c. vol. iii. p. 111.

[XXIX-94] Monteil, Histoire des Français, tom. ii. p. 126.

[XXIX-95] Id. Ib. tom. vii. p. 338, et seqq.

[XXIX-96] See Piganiol, Description de la France.

[XXIX-97] Holinshed, p. 969.

[XXIX-98] Stow, Chron. p. 267.

[XXIX-99] Id. Survey of London, p. 521.

[XXIX-100] Strutt, Manners, &c. vol. ii. p. 104.

[XXIX-101] Holinshed. Descrip. Brit. 94.

[XXIX-102] Massinger, The City Madam.

[XXIX-103] Id. Ib.

[XXIX-104] Killigrew, The Parson’s Wedding.

[XXIX-105] Strutt, Manners, &c. vol. ii. p. 19.

[XXIX-106] Mathieu Paris, anno 1243.

[XXIX-107] Stow’s Survey of London; apud Strutt, vol. ii. p. 19.

[XXIX-108] Monteil, Histoire des Français, tom. i. p. 106, et seqq.

[XXIX-109] L’Isle des Hermaphrodites.

[XXIX-110] Contes d’Eutrapel.

[XXIX-111] Ibid.

[XXIX-112] Des Accords, Les Bigarrures, ch. 6.

[XXIX-113] Aventures de Foeneste, liv. iv. ch. 2.

XXX.

VARIETY OF REPASTS.

[XXX-1] Biblia Sacra, passim.

[XXX-2] Levitic. iii. 16.

[XXX-3] Isai. xxv. 6.

[XXX-4] Prov. xxi. 17.

[XXX-5] III. Reg. iv. 22, 23.

[XXX-6] Biblia Sacra, passim.

[XXX-7] Ap. Ulric. Rasium, In Catal. Legg. Antiquar. ad Leg. Jul. de Annonâ.

[XXX-8] Plato. De Leg. vi. xxxiv.; Aristot. de Republ. iv. 4, 15; vi. 8; Postel. De Magistrat. Athen.

[XXX-9] Gorræi. Annal.

[XXX-10] Accurs.

[XXX-11] Rosin. Antiquit. Roman, p. 533.

[XXX-12] Athen. i. 4.

[XXX-13] Philostrat.

[XXX-14] Athen. i. 5.

[XXX-15] Id. v.; Homer. Virgil, passim; Banier; Stuckius.

[XXX-16] Arnob. iii.

[XXX-17] Varro.

[XXX-18] Columell.

[XXX-19] Senec. De Vitâ Beatâ, c. 11.

[XXX-20] Liv. xxiv.

[XXX-21] Plaut. Menech. i. 1, 25.

[XXX-22] Tibull. i. 3.

[XXX-23] Macrob. Saturnal. i. 7.

[XXX-24] Horat. Od. ii. 14.

[XXX-25] Varro. R. R. iii. 6.

[XXX-26] Apul. Metam. iv. 152.

[XXX-27] Sueton.; Lamprid.; Dio.

[XXX-28] Plin. ix. 55.

[XXX-29] Possidon. ii.

[XXX-30] Crinit. De Honest. Discipl. xxiv. 5.

[XXX-31] Spartian.; Stuckius.

[XXX-32] Lucian. In Lapith.

[XXX-33] Sueton. In Vitell. 13.

[XXX-34] Plaut. Bacch. i. 1, 61.

[XXX-35] Vatin. c. 12; Varro. apud Nonnium. i. 234.

[XXX-36] Barthélémy, Anacharsis.

[XXX-37] Pererius, Comment. In Daniel.

[XXX-38] Athen. iv.

[XXX-39] Polyæn. Strateg. vi.

[XXX-40] Athen. ii. ix.

[XXX-41] Id. iv.

[XXX-42] Aristoph. Acharn.

[XXX-43] Monteil. Histoire des Français, tom. i. p. 203.

[XXX-44] Id. Ib. iii. p. 489.

[XXX-45] Strutt. Manners, &c. vol. iii. p. 113.

[XXX-46] From a Manuscript in the Harleian Library, quoted by Strutt, Manners, &c. vol. iii. p. 114.

[XXX-47] Taillevant. Le Viandier.

[XXX-48] Id. Ib.

[XXX-49] Id. Ib.

[XXX-50] Id. Ib.

[XXX-51] Id. Ib.

[XXX-52] Id. Ib.

XXXI.

THE DINING-ROOM.

[XXXI-1] Valla. iv.

[XXXI-2] Fest. Pomp. iii.

[XXXI-3] Vid. Fabr. v. Solarium.

[XXXI-4] Petron. Satyric.

[XXXI-5] Ercolano, &c.; Gell’s Pompeiana, passim; Senec. Epist. 90.

[XXXI-6] Sueton. In Neron. 31.

[XXXI-7] Id. Ib.

[XXXI-8] Id. Ib.

[XXXI-9] Senec. De Tranquill. Anim. c. 9.

[XXXI-10] Cornel. Nepos.

[XXXI-11] Juvenal. Sat. ii.

[XXXI-12] Athen. iii. 21; Gell. iii. 19.

[XXXI-13] Athen. Lys. Frag. 46.

[XXXI-14] Athen. Pollux, x. 122; Plat. Repub. iii.; Theophr. Charact. 22.

[XXXI-15] Juvenal, iii. 204.

[XXXI-16] Encyclop. Méthod. Antiquit.

[XXXI-17] Ib.

[XXXI-18] Ib.

[XXXI-19] Virgil. Æn. vii. 528.

[XXXI-20] Monstrelet, Chroniques.

[XXXI-21] Mélanges Tirés d’une Grande Bibliothèque.

[XXXI-22] Ib.

[XXXI-23] Chroniques de St. Denis.

[XXXI-24] Vigiles de Charles VII.

[XXXI-25] L’Isle des Hermaphrodites.

[XXXI-26] Jerem. xxxvi. 22.

[XXXI-27] Ercolano, &c.

[XXXI-28] Plin. Epist. ii. 17.

[XXXI-29] Apul. Metam. iv.

[XXXI-30] Columell. ii. 22.

[XXXI-31] Sil. Italic. Punicor. vi.

[XXXI-32] Petron. à Nodot. tom. i. p. 116.

[XXXI-33] Paulinus, Episcop. Nolæ. D. Felicis Natali, 6.

[XXXI-34] Mercure Galant. Mars, 1681.

XXXII.

THE TABLE.

[XXXII-1] Athen. i. 20.

[XXXII-2] Tibull. ii. 6; Valer. Flac. Argonaut. i.

[XXXII-3] Plin. xxxiii. 11.

[XXXII-4] Hom. Odyss, iii. 138.

[XXXII-5] Athen. xi. 78.

[XXXII-6] Athen. ix. 75.

[XXXII-7] Homer. Odyss. iii. 354 et seqq.; 361 et seqq.

[XXXII-8] Athen. xi. 27.

[XXXII-9] Potter, ii. p. 377.

[XXXII-10] Liv. ix. Decad. 4.

[XXXII-11] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-12] Plin. xvi. 27.

[XXXII-13] Id. xiii. 15.

[XXXII-14] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-15] Id. Ib.; Senec. De Tranquil. Anim. c. i.; Id. De Beneficiis, vii. 9.

[XXXII-16] Plin. ix. 11.

[XXXII-17] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-18] Id. xvi.

[XXXII-19] Fest. v.

[XXXII-20] Varro. L. L. iv.

[XXXII-21] Sidon. Apollin. Epist. ii. 2.

[XXXII-22] Id. Ib. i. 11.

[XXXII-23] Rosin. Ant. Rom. p. 377.

[XXXII-24] Servius. Æn. i. ad finem.

[XXXII-25] Homer. Odyss. i. 259; Pind. Olymp. i. 26.

[XXXII-26] Martial.

[XXXII-27] Apul. Milesiar. ii.; Basil. Magnus Orat. ad Divites.

[XXXII-28] Plin. xiii. 15.

[XXXII-29] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-30] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-31] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-32] Stuckius.

[XXXII-33] Id.; Calmet.

[XXXII-34] Gregor. Tur.

[XXXII-35] Eginhard.

[XXXII-36] Polydor. Virgil, p. 257; Rapin De Thoiras.

[XXXII-37] Varro. L. L. iv. 26.

[XXXII-38] Printed A.D. 1508

THE TABLE SEATS.

[XXXII-39] Calmet.

[XXXII-40] I. Reg. ix. 22.; xx. 25.

[XXXII-41] Calmet. tom. v. fol. 256.

[XXXII-42] Diodor, Sicul.

[XXXII-43] Ercolano, tom. i. tav. 29; Athen. xi. 72.

[XXXII-44] Athen. i. 31.

[XXXII-45] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-46] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-47] Isidor. xx. 11.

[XXXII-48] Valer. Maxim. ii. 1.

[XXXII-49] Rosinus; Stuckius.

[XXXII-50] Scholiast. Juvenal. Sat. v. 17.

[XXXII-51] Rosin. p. 380.

[XXXII-52] Athen. ii. 9.

[XXXII-53] Martial. ii. 46.

[XXXII-54] Id. iii. 49.

[XXXII-55] Rosinus.

[XXXII-56] Horat. Serm. ii. 3, 253.

[XXXII-57] Stuckius; Rosinus; Ercolano, passim.

[XXXII-58] Lambin. In Sat. iv. lib. ii.; Horat.; Mercurial. De Art. Gymnast.

[XXXII-59] Xenoph. De Pæd. Cyri, viii.

[XXXII-60] Plutarch. Sympos.

[XXXII-61] Lamprid. In Elogab.

[XXXII-62] Spartian. In Vero.

[XXXII-63] Lamprid. loc. cit.

[XXXII-64] Id. Ib.

[XXXII-65] Possidonius.

[XXXII-66] Strabo.

[XXXII-67] Diodor.

[XXXII-68] Le Moine de St. Gal.

[XXXII-69] Ménage.

[XXXII-70] L’Isle des Hermaphrodites.

[XXXII-71] Vie de St. Arnould.

[XXXII-72] Mélanges Tirés d’une Grande Bibliothèque.

[XXXII-73] Vita S. Berlandæ.

[XXXII-74] Martial. xii. 29.

[XXXII-75] Alain Chartier.

[XXXII-76] L’Isle des Hermaphr.

[XXXII-77] Martial. loc. cit.

[XXXII-78] Plin. xxxv. 15; xxxvi. 19.

[XXXII-79] Id. Ibid.

XXXIII.

THE SERVANTS.

[XXXIII-1] Gruterus, pp. 260, 966, 973.

[XXXIII-2] Kipping. Antiquitat.

[XXXIII-3] Dionys. Halicarnass. ii.

[XXXIII-4] Exod. xxi. 6; Deuteron. xv. 17.

[XXXIII-5] Juvenal. Sat. i.

[XXXIII-6] Cœl. Rhodig. Antiquit. viii. 11.

[XXXIII-7] Zachar. xiii. 6.

[XXXIII-8] Plaut. Casin. act ii. sc. 6.

[XXXIII-9] Gruterus, p. 596.

[XXXIII-10] Petron. Satyric.

[XXXIII-11] Columell. i.; Tibull. i. 7.

[XXXIII-12] Vid. Pignorium, De Servis.

[XXXIII-13] Id. Ib.; Petron. loc. cit.

[XXXIII-14] Senec. Epist. 47.

[XXXIII-15] Plin. xxxv. 10; Senec. De Irâ. iii. 37.

[XXXIII-16] Pignor. loc. cit.

[XXXIII-17] Sueton. In Domit. 16; Capitol. Pertin. 4.

[XXXIII-18] Hildebrand. Compend. Antiquit. Rom.

[XXXIII-19] Plin. xxxii. 6; Petron. c. 47.

[XXXIII-20] Petron. c. 35.

[XXXIII-21] Id. c. 36.

[XXXIII-22] Philo. De Vitâ Contemplativâ.

[XXXIII-23] Plaut. Trin. ii. 1, 22.

[XXXIII-24] Propert. ii. 25, 11.

[XXXIII-25] Terent. Eunuch, iii. 5, 47; Fulv. Ursin. In Appendic. ad Ciaccon.

[XXXIII-26] Plaut. Most. iv. 1, 24; Terent. Adelphi. 12.

[XXXIII-27] Pignorius; Sueton, In Claud. 44.

[XXXIII-28] Petron. c. 22; Pignorius.

[XXXIII-29] Senec. Epist. 29; Lips. Elector, i. 19.

[XXXIII-30] Ulpian. L. i. § 5, Dig. De Naut. Caupon. et Stabular.

[XXXIII-31] Id. Dig. xxxviii. t. 7, L. viii. Fin. § 1.

[XXXIII-32] Stuckius.

XXXIV.

THE GUESTS.

[XXXIV-1] Genes. xliii. et passim.

[XXXIV-2] Schol. Theocrit. In Idyll. vii. 24; Plut. Sympos. viii. 6.

[XXXIV-3] Athen. i. 21.

[XXXIV-4] Id. i. 23.

[XXXIV-5] Homer.

[XXXIV-6] Athen. i. 19.

[XXXIV-7] Id. i. 7.

[XXXIV-8] Xenoph. De Republ. Laced.; Plut. Vita Lycurg.

[XXXIV-9] Athen. i.

[XXXIV-10] Plutarch. Sympos.

[XXXIV-11] Apul. Milesiar. x.

[XXXIV-12] Macrob. Saturnal. iii. 17.

[XXXIV-13] Gell. xiii. 11; De Num. Conviv.

[XXXIV-14] Macrob. loc. cit.

[XXXIV-15] Sammonic. Severus; Macrob. loc. cit.

[XXXIV-16] Plaut.; Horat.

[XXXIV-17] Plaut.

[XXXIV-18] Athen. vi. 5; Terent. Eunuch, ii. 2, 13, et 16.

[XXXIV-19] Virg. Æn. i.; Plaut. Pers. v. 2; Athen. xiv.

[XXXIV-20] Genes. xviii. 4; xix. 2; Judic. xix. 21; Luc. vii. 44; 1 Timoth. v. 10, et passim.

[XXXIV-21] Tibull. Eleg. iv. 6.

[XXXIV-22] Marc. xiv. 3.

[XXXIV-23] Horat. Od. iii. 14; Anacr. passim.

[XXXIV-24] Plin. xiv. 22; Plut. Sympos.; Athen. x.

[XXXIV-25] Strutt, Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. p. 49.

[XXXIV-26] Id. Ib. p. 48.

[XXXIV-27] Froissard.

[XXXIV-28] Saint-Foix, Essais sur Paris.

[XXXIV-29] Laneham, Sports exhibited at Kenilworth.

[XXXIV-30] Johan. Sarisburiensis, i. 8, p. 34.

[XXXIV-31] Saint-Foix, Essais, tom. iv. p. 135.

[XXXIV-32] Herodot. ii.

[XXXIV-33] Sapient. iii. 4.

XXXV.

A ROMAN SUPPER.

[XXXV-1] Genes, xviii.; Esther, v.; Matth. xxii.

[XXXV-2] Plin. xxxv. 10.

[XXXV-3] Mercurial. De Arte Gymnast, p. 94, edit. Frisii; Apul. Metamorph. v. In Principio; Id. lib. iv. Asini.

[XXXV-4] Apul. loc. cit.

[XXXV-5] Leclerc, Histoire de la Médecine, p. 573.

[XXXV-6] Apul. lib. i. Apologiæ Suæ, ex Catull.

[XXXV-7] Sammonic. Seren. De Medicinâ, c. 15.

[XXXV-8] Plaut. In Captivis, act i. sc. 2, v. 84.

[XXXV-9] Martial. v. 44.

[XXXV-10] Plin. vii. 60.

[XXXV-11] Id. xxxvi. 10.

[XXXV-12] Turneb. Adversar. xxiii. 19; xxvii. 18.

[XXXV-13] Theophrast. Charact. 20.

[XXXV-14] Virgil. Æn. i. v. 729.

[XXXV-15] Montfaucon, Antiq. Expl.

[XXXV-16] Petron. à Nodot. tom. i. p. 122.

[XXXV-17] Plutarch. Problem. Romanor. 76.

[XXXV-18] Petron. loc. cit.

[XXXV-19] Terent. Heautontimor. act i. sc. 1.

[XXXV-20] Octav. Ferrarius, De Re Vestiariâ, i. 31.

[XXXV-21] Le Pitture Antiche d’Ercolano, tom. i. tav. 14.

[XXXV-22] Dio. lxix.

[XXXV-23] Senec. De Vitâ Beatâ; Tibull. iv. 6; Psalm. passim.

[XXXV-24] Sil. Ital. Punicor. vi.

[XXXV-25] Petron. Conviv. Trimalcion.

[XXXV-26] Just. Lips.

[XXXV-27] Juvenal. Sat. xi.

[XXXV-28] Pacatus.

[XXXV-29] Vitruv. Architect. v. 8.

[XXXV-30] Quintilian. Institut. Orator. i. 14.

[XXXV-31] Valer. Maxim, ii. 1.

[XXXV-32] Arnob. ii.

[XXXV-33] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-34] Quintilian. Declamat. 301.

[XXXV-35] Juvenal. Sat. v. 32; vi. 154.

[XXXV-36] Terent. Eunuch, act. i. sc. 2, v. 85.

[XXXV-37] Virgil. Æn. v.

[XXXV-38] Cic. ad Familiar. ix. 20.

[XXXV-39] Horat. Sat. ix. 8, 9.

[XXXV-40] Petron. à Nodot. tom. i. p. 124.

[XXXV-41] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-42] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-43] Apicius, ii. 1.

[XXXV-44] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-45] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-46] Petron. p. 128.

[XXXV-47] Athen. iv.

[XXXV-48] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-49] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-50] Petron. tom. i. p. 130.

[XXXV-51] Alex. Trallian. lib. Problem 1.

[XXXV-52] Aul. Gell. xv. 2.

[XXXV-53] Plutarch. Sympos. i. Quæst. 4.

[XXXV-54] Martial. vi. 89.

[XXXV-55] Id. iii. 8.

[XXXV-56] Lucan. Pharsal. lib. iii. carm. 14.

[XXXV-57] Athen. iii. 21.

[XXXV-58] Virgil. Georg. ii. 528.

[XXXV-58A] Macrob. Saturnal. ii. 9.

[XXXV-59] Martial. xiii. 52.

[XXXV-60] Plin.

[XXXV-61] Martial. iii. 5.

[XXXV-62] Id. xiii. 71.

[XXXV-63] Juvenal. i. 141.

[XXXV-64] Petron. à Nodot, tom. i. p. 136.

[XXXV-65] Martial. xiii. 44.

[XXXV-66] Id. xiii. 56.

[XXXV-67] Id. xiii. 55.

[XXXV-68] Petron. tom. i. p. 130.

[XXXV-69] Id. p. 136.

[XXXV-70] Martial. iii. 82.

[XXXV-71] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-72] Horat. Sat. ii. 8, 86.

[XXXV-73] Petron. p. 138.

[XXXV-74] Martial. i. 62.

[XXXV-75] Petron. p. 132.

[XXXV-76] Id. Ib.

[XXXV-77] Virgil. Æn. ii. 49.

[XXXV-78] Plaut. Cur. i. 3, 15.

[XXXV-79] Encyclop. Méthod. Antiquités.

[XXXV-80] Plaut. In Sticho.

[XXXV-81] Sueton. In Galba.

[XXXV-82] Juvenal. Sat. xi.

[XXXV-83] Gell. xiii. 11.

[XXXV-84] Martial. v. 79.

[XXXV-85] Fest. Paniroll. tom. ii. tit. 2, De Porcellanis.

[XXXV-86] Nicephor. Gregoras; Manilius; Nicetas; Vopiscus.

[XXXV-87] Casaub. In Athen. i. 15.

[XXXV-88] Xenoph. In Conviv.

[XXXV-89] Herodot. vi. 129.

[XXXV-90] Xenoph. loc. cit.; Caylus, Recueil d’Antiquités. tom. i. p. 202.

[XXXV-91] Caylus, Ib.; Athen. iv.

[XXXV-92] Socrat. In Conviv. Xenoph.

[XXXV-93] Horat. Sat. lib. ii. 7, v. 82.

[XXXV-94] Caylus, tom. iv. pl. 80, No. 1; tom. vi. pl. 90, No. 3; tom. vii. p. 164.

[XXXV-95] Vet. Scholiast. Juvenal. ad v. 162, sat. 11.

[XXXV-96] Rosinus, Antiquit. Roman. p. 391.

[XXXV-97] Macrob. Saturnal. ii. 1.

[XXXV-98] Rosinus, Ib.

[XXXV-99] Id. p. 410.

TABLE OF RECIPES

OF

Ancient Cookery, and for the making of various Dishes.

Page OXEN.

Care taken of oxen at the plough 14 Greek and Roman manure 14

CEREALS.

How to keep corn any length of time 15 Marshal Vanban’s method for using corn in soup 15

Rural occupation of the Anglo-Saxons throughout the year 17, 18

BREAD.

Bread made of spelt 19 Granea porridge 20 Avena oats for cattle and porridge 20 Seor bread 31 Azumos biscuit 33 Artolaganos biscuit 33 Escarites 33 Melitates 33 Tyrontes 33 Method of making leaven 36 Autopyron bread 37 Athletæ’s bread 37 Cappadocian ditto 38 Artoplites ditto 38 Astrologicus ditto 38 Panis madidus paste 38 Various kinds of bread made in Paris in the 14th century 40 Alphiton, or barley gruel 41 Another sort 42 How to obtain the flavour of vanille from oats, and make an excellent cream 42 Rice good in consumption and spitting of blood 43 Carthaginian pudding 44 Indian corn hasty pudding 44

SEEDS.

Mustard, its influence and qualities 46 Coriander, its properties 47 Lupin, fit for fattening cattle 47

VEGETABLES.

Method of preserving vegetables 51 Twelfth-Night cake 54 Haricots preserved 56 Apicius’s method of dressing cabbages 61 Dried cauliflowers 61 Beet, its medicinal qualities 62 Apicius, on stewing the beet 63 Beet-root as a salad 63 Mallows as a salad 64 How to keep asparagus several days 65 How to cook the gourd 66, 67 Turnips, how to dress 67 Carrots as a salad, and otherwise 68 Purslaine, its internal use 69 Sorrel, stewed 69 Method of rendering artichoke mild 71 Way of dressing 71 How to preserve them 71 Pompion, how to dress it; three recipes 72 Cucumber; four recipes 73 Apicius’s œnogarum 73 Lettuce, method of cultivation by Aristoxenus 74 How to dress lettuces 75 Endives, way of stewing them 76 Onions, stewed 76 Leeks, stewed 77 Radishes, how to preserve them 79 Horse-radish, its virtues 81 Garlic, its qualities 82 Parsley, stewed 82 Chervil, how used 84 Water-cress, its properties 85

PLANTS USED IN SEASONING.

Poppy, how used 86 Sow-thistle, good for rabbits 87 Rocket, good for removing freckles 87 Fennel, good for strengthening the sight 88 Dill, its qualities 88 Anise-seed, its properties 88 Hyssop, good for cutaneous eruptions 89 Wild marjoram, a most delicate condiment, &c. 89 Savory, its usefulness 89 Thyme, its culinary value 89 Wild thyme, efficacious, for the bite of serpents 89 Sweet marjoram, oil extracted from it 89 Pennyroyal, a digestive 90 Rue, a cure for the ear-ache 90 Mint, a preservative against curdling of milk 90 Assafœtida, chewed by the Persians and Indians 92 Ginger, an aperitive good for the scurvy and the chest 92 Wormwood, good for giddiness 93

STONE FRUIT.

Olive tree, preparation of its fruit 98 ---- and qualities 99 Dates, their various uses 101 Peaches, how to preserve them 104

PIP FRUIT.

Quinces, how to preserve them 107 Pears, strengthening qualities 107 Lemons, method of preserving 110 Mulberry, a beneficent fruit, agreeable to the stomach, and digestible 116

SHELL FRUIT.

Almonds, how to dress them, and their various properties 117 Walnuts, considered astringent, stomachic, an antidote to poison, and digestible 119 Pistachios, good however dressed 121 Chesnuts, how to preserve 122 Pomegranate, preserving 123

REARING OF CATTLE.

Oxen, how to fatten them 128 Method of salting and preserving meat 131

THE PIG.

Hog à la Troyenne 136 Apician brine, for salting pork 138 Apician pork 138 Macedonian pork 138 Stuffed sucking pig 139 Aristoxenic ham 139 Lucullian ham 139 Ventre de truie à la Troyenne 139 Ditto à la Romaine 139 Fillet of pork à la Bœotienne 139 Tétines de truie à la Salienne 140 Ditto à la Flamine 140 Olympian pig’s liver 140 Capitolian pig’s liver 140 Campanian bacon 140 Quenelles of pig’s liver and brains 140 Lucanian sausages 140 Imperial sausages 141

THE OX.

Beef à l’Ibérienne 144 Stewed beef à la Sarmate 144 Dish of veal à la Syracusaine 144 Noix de veau à la Tarantaise 144 Cisalpine preserve 145

THE LAMB.

Lamb’s head à la Quirinale 147 Quarter of lamb à l’Esquilon 147 Palatine broil 147 Roast lamb à la Phrygienne 147 Lamb à la Trimalcion 147

THE KID.

Kid à la Trans-Tibérienne 149 Roast Kid à la Janiculum 149 Kid à la Tarpéienne 149 Kid à la Tivoli 149 Kid à la Mélisienne 149

POULTRY.

Capon à la Déliaque 155

THE HEN.

Poularde à la Viminale 156

THE CHICKEN.

Apician Macedonia of chicken 157 Parthian chicken 157 Numidian chicken 157 Chicken à la Frontonienne 157 Chicken à la Cœlienne 157

THE DUCK.

Ducks’ brains à l’Epicurienne 159 Apicius’s seasoning for wild duck 159

THE GOOSE.

Sejus’s seasoning 161 Apician seasoning for roast goose’s liver 161 Boiled goose à la Gauloise 161

THE PIGEON.

Roast pigeon, with Servilian seasoning 163

THE GUINEA HEN.

Guinea hen à la Numide 163

THE TURKEY HEN.

Turkey à l’Africaine 165 How to fatten turkey 165 Turkey’s eggs more delicate than hen’s eggs 166 How to preserve turkey 166

THE PEACOCK.

Peacock of Samos 167

MILK, BUTTER, CHEESE, AND EGGS.

MILK.

Hygeian qualities of milk 169 Asses’ milk, good in weak constitutions 169 Macédoine Germanique of milk 170

BUTTER.

Method of preserving butter 172 Method of preventing rancidity 172

CHEESE.

Salad of cheese, à la Bithynienne 174 Dish of Tromelian cheese 174 Cheese of Rouergue 174

EGGS.

Eggs à la Romaine 177 Hard eggs à l’Athénienne 177 Fried eggs à l’Epœnète 177 Egyptian egg pudding 177 Lesbian eggs aux roses 177

THE STAG.

Quarter of stag roast à l’Nêméenne 183 Shoulder of stag à l’Hortensius 183 Fillet of stag à la Persane 183

THE ROEBUCK.

Roebuck with spikenard 184 Roebuck aux prunes 184 Roebuck aux Amandes de Pin 184

THE DEER.

Deer à la Marcellus 185

THE WILD BOAR.

Wild boar à la Troyenne 185 Wild boar à la Pompée 187 Quarter of wild boar à la Thebaine 187 Fillet of wild boar à la Macédonienne 187 Wild boar’s liver à la Grecque 187 Wild boar’s head à la Cantabre 187 Green ham of wild boar à la Gauloise 187

ELEPHANT.

Elephant’s feet roasted 192

FEATHERED GAME.

Pheasant’s flesh, good for weak stomachs 195 Starling, a nourishing and light food 200 Fig-pecker, an exquisite bird 203 Ortolan, has the same reputation 203 Ostrich, fatted and salted 203 Ostrich’s eggs, enormous, how to cook them 204 Ostrich’s fat, used in the preparation of dishes; cures rheumatism and paralysis 204 Salangan’s nest, a delicious seasoning 205 Salangan’s nest, good for exhaustion and debile stomachs 205 Salangan’s nest, makes a fortifying pottage 206 Snipe, delicate savour of the fat 207 Snipe, how to find, when in perfection 207 Lark, its supposed property 207 The common lark, wholesome and delicate 237

FISH.

Caviar, how manufactured 217 Mullet, way of dressing 219 Lamprey, Italian method of cooking 223 Scarus, an epicurean dish 224 Conger-eel, how dressed 226 Eel, Apicius’s recipe 227 Pike, preserved 228 Carp, curious way of dressing 229 Eel-pout, how to dress the liver 229 Trout, dressed as the preceding 230 Gold-fish, how served 230 Whiting, manner of cooking 231 Cod-fish, how cooked by the Greeks 231 Perch, way of dressing 232 Scates, the eggs excellent for intermittent fever 233 Sepia, Apicius’s recipe 234 Swordfish, how dressed by the Greeks 234 Shad, way it is cooked 234 Rhombo, a delicate fish, how dressed 235 Mugil, how prepared 235 Loligo, how prepared 237 Sole, a nourishing and light food 237 Pilchard, way of cooking 238 Loach, how dressed 238 Gudgeons, how dressed 239 Herring, methods of preserving 240 Anchovy, how salted and how dressed 241 Emphractum stew 242 Oysters, how dressed at Rome 243 Oysters, how preserved 244 Sea-hedgehog, way of cooking 245 Mussel, how dressed 245 Tortoise, the blood supposed to cure diseases of the eyes, how dressed 246 Sea crayfish, Roman way of dressing 247 Lobster, how cooked 248 River crayfish, how dressed and preserved 248 Crab sausages 248 Frogs, how dressed 249 Preserving of fish 251

SAUCE AND SEASONING.

Sauce à la Cameline 258 Tence sauce 258 Brine, how made 269 Digestive salt, how made 269 Garum, various recipes 270 & 271 Digestive garum (Apicius) 272 Wonderful seasoning of Apicius 274 Oxyporon seasoning 274 Honey, its medicinal properties 276 Cinnamon, its medicinal properties 276 Greek and Roman pickles 278 Truffles, Apicius’s method of preparing 280 Syrup of truffles, how made 280 Truffles, medicinal quality 281 Truffles, how to preserve 281 The Emperor Verus’s pie, how made 287 Cato’s cake, how made 287 Ancient pie, the placenta, how made 287 Globi, method of making 288 Apicius’s globi, three recipes 289 Original pastry, its progress, how made 291 Darioles, how composed 292 Curious tarts 292

WATER.

Aristotle’s method of obtaining ice 295

BEVERAGES.

Zythum and Curmi, how composed 299 Strong ale, how to make a hogshead 302 Bracket, way of making 303 Ptisana, recipe 304 Oxycratus, do. 304 Sicera, made of grain, honey, or fruit 304 Hydromel, method of making it 304 Hydromelon, how composed 305 Hydrorosatum, simple addition to the preceding 305 Apomeli, simple recipe 305 Omphacomeli, ingenious mixture 305 Myrtites, aromatic drink 305 Date wine, how made 305 Artificial wines 305 Nero’s refreshing water 305

TEA.

Various teas, how manufactured 306

COFFEE.

Various qualities of coffee 310 Coffee, made with roasted rye 311 Coffee, with chicory 311 Coffee, made with lupin 311 Coffee, its medicinal properties 311 Coffee, its physical effects 312

CHOCOLATE.

Various kinds of cocoa 313 Chocolate, how manufactured 313 Chiapa, perfumed chocolate 314 Chocolate, its properties 314

WINE.

Grapes, way of preserving fresh 325 Wine, method of making 325 Piquette, simple way of obtaining it 326 Carenum, how obtained 326 Defrutum, how obtained 326 Sapa, how obtained 326 Wine, how to preserve it 326 Preparation of dolia for wine 327 Wine, how to fine it 327 Athenæus’s opinion of old wine 329 Difference of properties between white and red wines 329 Process of preparation for Chios wine 330 Passum wine 320 Dulce wine 330 Mulsum wine 331 Anisites wine 331 Rosatum wine, Apicius’s recipe 331 Violatum wine 331 Myrrhinum wine 331

LIQUEUR WINE.

Various composition of liqueurs, herbs employed 333 Liqueur wine for Greek and Roman ladies 333 Wormwood wine, how made, its properties 334 Bitter liqueurs, how obtained 334 Myrtle wine, its properties 334 Adynamon wine, its properties 335 Œnanthinum wine 335 Burgundy and Champagne wines 336 Ypocras, how composed 338 Clarey, how composed 338

REPASTS.

ROMAN SUPPER.

Fly dishes, or dormice, what they consist of 390 Champignon and egg sausages, how made 390 Grasshoppers, how prepared and cooked 390

INDEX.

.....Page

Abacus, sideboard, 264

Abderites, give up their soil to frogs, 249

Ablution, 382, 388

Ablutions, before supper, 372

Acerræ, vases for perfumes, 389

Acetabulum, vinegar cruet, 264

Acetaria, pickles of the ancients, 64

Achilles turned the spit, 253

Acorns, a primitive food, 23

“ eaten by the Spaniards, 24

“ a substitute for wheat, 24

Acratism, breakfast, 342

Acrobats, known to the ancients, 395

Adephagia, the goddess of good cheer, 256

Adrian’s regulations respecting cattle, 127

Adversitores, Roman footmen, 377

Adynamon wine, 334

Æsopus’ dish of singing birds, 193

Agapæ, love feasts, 346

Agricultural Society of England (the Royal), 16, 410

“ trophy, 411

Agriculture, 9

“ its origin, 9

“ developed the industry of the Jews, 11

“ very ancient in Egypt, 12

“ highly respected by the Roman Senate, 13

“ first treatise on, 16

“ honours paid to, 16

“ protected by Charles IX. of France, 18

Aï wine, 337

Albanum wine, 329

Albert, banquets offered to H. R. H. Prince, 403

Alcibiades’ banquet, 355

Ale, its ancient reputation, 301

“ its curative properties, 301

“ how it was made in England, 302

Ale, its price under Edward II., 302

Alec, a kind of brine, 240, 271

Alexander the Great discovered the eschalot, 82

“ was fond of apples, 108

“ an admirer of peacocks, 166

“ his magnificent banquet, 357

“ his silver arm-chairs, 372

Alfred the Great a renowned hunter, 181

Alisander, a valuable remedy, 91

Almond tree, 117

“ a native of Paphlagonia, 117

“ highly valued in the East, 117

“ how to augment its fertility, 117

Almonds, Apician preparation of, 117

“ eaten before drinking, 117

“ oil extracted from, 117

“ paste obtained from, 118

“ their various uses, 118

Alose sauce, 258

Alphonso of Castile, his repugnance to garlic, 81

Amalthæa, the goat, 23

Amboise (George d’), Archbishop of Rouen, 172

Ambrosia, the food of the gods, 23

Amphis, despised horse-radishes, 80

Amphoræ, vases used for wine, 328, 390

Ampulla, a crystal bottle, 296

Amusements of the guests, 383

Anacreon sung parsley, 83

Anaphe, an island desolated by hares, 188

Anchovies, 240

“ how preserved, 240

“ supplied a kind of garum, 240, 270

“ how cooked, 241

Andalusia, renowned for its olives, 98

Anecdote, severity of Pygmalion, 125

“ the eggs of Petronius, 201

Angel-fish, its size, 237

Anglo-Saxons, devoted to agriculture, 17

Anglo-Saxons, their rural occupations, 17

“ their culinary utensils, 346

Animal food added to vegetables, 123

“ when first introduced, 124

Animals, 133

Anise-seed, extolled by Pythagoras, 88

“ recommended by Pliny, 88

Anisites wine, 331

Anna Perenna, a protectress of flocks, 128

Antecœna, first course, 390

Antidote of Mithridates, 119

Antiphanus, a patron of quails, 197

Antony was fond of fishing, 250

“ his liberality towards a cook, 256

Apician pork, 138

Apicii, the three, 200

Apicius, he killed himself, 51

“ his gastronomic treatise, 200

“ his prize for a new brine, 213

“ his voyage to Africa, 247

“ his cakes, 289

Apollo was an ichthyophagist, 210

Apomeli, a kind of beverage, 305

Appetite, its three degrees, 255

Appius Claudius’ aqueduct, 295

Apple tree in Greece, 108

“ seldom mentioned in Holy Writ, 108

“ cultivated by the Latins, 109

“ introduced into Gaul, 109

Apples, named after eminent personages, 109

Apricot tree, 103

Apricots, their price in Rome, 103

“ how prepared, 104

Apronian cherry, 103

Apronianus, his decree respecting the Roman butchers, 130

Aqueducts of Rome, 294

Archestrates, his culinary meditations, 254

Archimagirus, chief cook, 256, 260

Argonauts, they discovered the pheasant, 194

Aristœus, the inventor of oil mills, 97

“ “ of cheese, 173

“ discovered honey, 273

Aristocracy of England, its munificent hospitality, 384

Aristoxenic ham, 139

Aristoxenus, his lettuces, 74

Armeniaca, apricot tree, 103

Artemidorus, regulated the culinary language, 254

Artichoke, known to the ancients, 70

“ despised by Galen, 70

“ sung by Columella, 70

Artichoke, forgotten during a long period, 70

“ their preparation, 71

“ how to render them mild, 71

“ how preserved, 71

“ when introduced into England, 52

Artificial dishes, 260

“ wines, 305

Artocreas, a kind of pie, 265, 286

Artolaganos, a kind of bread, 32

Artoplites, 38

Artopticius panis, 38

Arvales brothers, instituted by Romulus, 13

Asafœtida, esteemed by the ancients, 91

“ extraction of its resin, 92

Ascalon, the native place of eschalots, 82

Asparagus, 84

“ brought from Asia; grown at Ravenna, 65

“ Roman; their size; how prepared, 65

“ boiled; how preserved; hurtful to the sight, 65

“ when introduced into England, 52

“ wine, 333

Ass, its flesh forbidden to the Jews; patronised by Mecænas, 150

Asses used in Roman mills, 26

“ milk beneficial to Francis I., 169

“ “ cheese obtained from it, 173

Astrologicus panis, a sort of bread, 38

Astydamas, a great eater, 339

Athelstan, a promoter of the art of venery, 181

Athenæus praises the Damascus plum, 105

Athenians, their epicurism, 126

Athletæ, fed on figs, 113

Atriensis, hall-keeper, 376

Atrium, hall, 376

Attalus fond of gardening, 59

Attica, its pomegranates, 122

Augurs, their banquet, 357

Augustus, cured by lettuces, 75

“ was fond of cheese, 174

“ his sumptuary regulations, 347

Autopyron, a coarse bread, 37

Aveline, filbert, 120

Avena, vats, 20

Aviaries for thrushes, 198

“ Varro’s, 198

Aymar’s table of massive gold, 370

Azumos, a sort of bread, 32

Babylon, her celebrated gardens, 59

Bacchus, protector of the grapes; ripened the figs, 95

“ kills a goat, 124

“ the same as Osiris; cultivated the vine, 322

“ worshipped by the Romans, 324

Bacon, a substitute for oil, 100

“ was sold in public-houses, 138

Bailli de Suffren, a witty epicure, 343

Bain Marie of the ancients, 262

Bakehouses in Rome, 34

Baker, of King Pharaoh, 31

“ Greek bakers, 32

“ in Rome, 34, 35

“ submitted to certain regulations, 35

“ under the Norman kings, 38, 39

“ in France; how they were admitted at Paris, 39

Bancs, benches, 374

Banquet of Geta, 126

“ of Caranus, 155

“ of Charles VI., 259

“ of Alexander the Great, 357

“ etymology, 374

“ offered to Napoleon; to the allied sovereigns, 407

“ to H. M. Queen Victoria, 408

“ on the occasion of the baptism of Prince Albert Duncan, 412

Banquets of the ancients, 345

“ of William the Conqueror, 352

“ of the Hebrews, 354

“ in the Temples, 355

“ triumphal, 357

“ modern, 401, 407, 408

“ conducive to the prosperity of nations, 402

“ offered to H. R. H. Prince Albert, 403

“ given by the Reform Club, 408

Barbarossa’s pike, 228

Barbers in Rome, 387

Bardakes, cooling vases, 297

Barley, an ignominious food, 20

“ a symbol of fertility, 41

“ gruel, 41, 42

“ water, 42, 304

Basque fishermen, 231

Baths in Rome, 387

Bean, a dismal food; offered to Apollo; served on good tables, 53

“ Egyptian; Greek; royalty of the bean, 54

Beaune wine, 336

Beccafico, 201, 203

Beef, 143

“ à l’Ibérienne; à la Sarmate, 144

Beer, an ancient beverage, 299

“ a substitute for wine, 300

Bees, under the protection of Mellona, 273

Beet, etymology, 62

“ preparation, 62, 63

“ preservation, 63

“ a vermifuge, 62

Belisarius, his watermills on the Tiber, 28

Bellaria, dessert, 394

Bellay, Bishop of Mans (Du), 24

Berlanda, disinherited by her father (St.), 374

Beuchlingen (Countess of), fond of eel-pouts, 229

Beuckels, the Dutch fisherman, 239

Beverages, of which water is the foundation, 299

Biclinium, 372

Bill of Fare, 264, 404, 405, 409

“ of an English dinner in the 15th century, 362

Birds, when served, 193

“ a dish of 7,000 birds, 207

“ mixed with garlands of flowers, 394, 395

Birds’-nests, various opinions; described by Poivre, 205

“ substantial food; of two sorts, 206

Bittern, 198

Black pudding, 138

“ sauce of Lacedæmon, 252

Blackbirds, dear to the Roman epicures; medicinal properties; imprisoned by Louis XI, 199

Blé, wheat, 19

Blit, its insipidity, 68

Bœotia, produced excellent pomegranates, 122

“ renowned for its ducks, 158

Bœuf-gras, a fatted ox, 145

Bold appetite, 255

Boleti, mushrooms, 283

Bon Chrétien pear, 107

Books placed in the dining-room, 364

Bordeaux, its oysters, 244

Botargo, a preparation from the eggs of mullets, 220

Bourbon coffee, 310

Bourriche of oysters, 242

Bouturon, butter, 171

Brahmin women, worship a cow, 145

Braket, a beverage for the lower classes, 303

Bramble of Ida, 115

Braziers of the ancients, 365

Bread, how made in the East, 30

“ without leaven, 31

“ of Athens; of Megara, 32

“ various kinds in Greece, 32, 33

“ baking, 33

“ of the athletæ, 37

“ soaked in vinegar, 278

“ carried round the tables, 392

Breakfast of Galba, 257

“ of the Romans; of the Greeks, 342

“ first meal, 344, 349

Brill, 237

Brine, used to preserve cheese, 174

“ from the blood of mackerel, 213

“ served at table, 268

“ brought from Dalmatia, 269

Britons, paid little attention to agriculture, 16

“ their frugality, 17

“ abstained from the hare, 188

“ “ from fish, 214

Brocoli, esteemed by connoisseurs; how prepared, 69

Brouet, a German dish, 258

Bubona, the goddess of oxen, 128

Buccellatum, biscuit, 37

Buffets of the Romans, 364

“ in the middle ages, 365

Buffon and the truffles, 279

Buffoons, 382

Buhl work, valued by the ancients, 369

Bun, its probable origin (Cross), 290

Buphonic feast, 125

Burgundy wine, 336

Bustard, 206

Butchers in Greece; in Rome; their patron, 129

“ corporations; regulations, 130, 131

Butter, a substitute for oil, 100

“ known in the East, 170

“ its manipulation; used for pastry; served instead of oil; the food of the barbarians; a remedy, 171

“ how to obtain it instantly; how to attenuate its rancidity; its preservation; burned in lamps, 172

“ fried or roasted, 258

“ regulations for its sale, 172

“ Tower, the, 172

Butts, of the ancients, 327

Cabbage, cured all diseases, 50

“ various preparations; brought into Gaul; how preserved, 61

Cacabaceus panis, a kind of bread, 38

Cadmus, the culinary tutor of a king, 253

Cæsar, served with bad oil, 99

“ sumptuary regulations, 347

Cake, devoured by an ox, 125

Cakes of the ancients, 285

Caligula, made his own apotheosis, 165

“ his expedition against Britain, 241

Calves, how fed, 143

Cambis devoured his wife, 339

Camels’-milk cheese, 173

“ flesh, 190

Cameline sauce, 257

Campanian bacon, 140

“ wines, 333

Canard, a French, 158

Candelabra, 389

Cantabria, renowned for hams, 137

Cantibaris, his stupendous gluttony, 340

Capers, left to the people; how prepared, 91

Capitolian pig’s liver, 140

Capon, first introduced, 154

“ à la déliaque, 155

Cappadocians, venerated water, 293

Capreæ, excesses of, 126

Capsarii, attendants in the Roman baths, 387

Caracas cocoa, 313

Caranus, a Greek epicure; his wedding repast, 155, 186

Carenum, cooked wine, 326

Caria, its oil, 98

Carp, held in estimation; how cooked; its size; its fecundity; its longevity; where naturalised, 229

Carrots, much esteemed; how prepared, 68

Carthaginian chariot, 15

“ apples, 122

Cartier (Jacques), 231

Carver, 377

Carvilius, an artist in buhl-work, 369

Carving, art of; with music, 260

Castella aquarum, large water basins, 295

Castor, trained horses, 179

Catalonia, celebrated for hams, 137

Catesby, his opinion of the flamingo, 201

Catinus, a vase, 263

Cato, noticed the fig tree, 114

“ sold his old slaves, 208

“ his recipe for a cake, 287

Cattle mentioned in the Mosaic law; valued by the Romans; rearing of cattle, 127