XLVI. THE NILE COLUMN
The advance guard of the Nile column, consisting of 545 of the 38th South Staffordshire Regiment, left Korti for Abu Hamid in the whalers on the 28th December, 1884. Brigadier-General Brackenbury, second in command, with a troop of the 19th Hussars, followed the next day.
On the 3rd January, 1885, the force encamped at Hamdab, where General Earle and his staff arrived on the 4th. The remainder of the column was sent forward from time to time, as the regiments reached Korti.
On the 24th the force at Hamdab, having been in the meantime joined by the Royal Highlanders (Black Watch), a portion of the Gordon Highlanders, the Duke of Cornwall's Regiment, the Transport Camels and the Camel Battery, left camp and continued the journey up stream, the mounted troops proceeding along the banks, and the remainder going in the whalers as before. The enemy being reported to be in force at Berti, every precaution was taken to avoid a surprise, zeribas being formed each night, and a system of moonlight signalling was adopted.
Passing the Fourth Cataract and other formidable rapids, Berti was reached by the advance guard on the 1st February and found deserted. The enemy, according to the report of a deserter, had abandoned the place on the previous day, and retired up the river to Salamat. Suleiman Wad Gamr, the murderer of Colonel Stewart's party, it was reported, had fled beyond recall. The boat belonging to Stewart's steamer Abbas was discovered on the shore. Hussein Ismael, the stoker, whose account of the murder has been already given, presented himself and confirmed his previous story. The houses in Berti being searched, traces of Stewart's party were found in the shape of a number of papers, fragments of books, and a portion of a barometer.
On the 3rd the head-quarters moved to Berti, where the rest of the troops encamped as they came up. On the 4th news was received of the fall of Khartoum by a telegram from Sir Evelyn Wood. The discouraging information was carefully kept from the knowledge of the men. The same message instructed General Earle to halt where he was until further orders. On the 8th the General was informed by telegraph that Lord Wolseley was communicating with the Government as to future operations, but that the column was to push on to Abu Hamid. Orders for the troops to move up were thereupon issued.
On the night of the 8th General Earle received a report from Colonel Butler, who was in command of the advanced camp, that, in reconnoitring that day, he had found the enemy in a strong position, occupying some rocky knolls, and holding a high razor-backed ridge of hills behind. Earle then ordered the advance of the 1st Battalion South Staffordshire and 1st Battalion Royal Highlanders, in boats, to an open camping-ground which Colonel Butler had selected, about a mile short of the enemy's position, and ordered the squadron 19th Hussars, half of the Egyptian Camel Corps, and two guns of the Egyptian artillery, to advance to the same place.
On the 9th General Earle himself arrived on the scene, and having personally reconnoitred the enemy's position, and sent Colonel Butler with the cavalry to make a wide reconnaissance towards the enemy's rear, he decided to attack the position the next morning.
A company of the Royal Highlanders was left in a zeriba to guard the boats, baggage, and baggage animals, and at 7 a.m. on the 10th the advance commenced.
Two companies of the South Staffordshire and two guns were placed under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Alleyne, who was instructed to take up a position on a rocky hillock facing the enemy's position, and, with the assistance of the Egyptian Camel Corps, to occupy the attention of the defenders in front, whilst, with six companies of the South Staffordshire and six companies of the Royal Highlanders, Earle marched about a mile and a half to his right front, thus completely turning the high ridge referred to in Butler's report, and the whole of the enemy's position.
Meanwhile fire was opened (at 8.30) by the two companies of the Staffordshire and the guns under Colonel Alleyne, the enemy replying with their Remingtons.
After turning the enemy's position, Earle's column, pivoting on its left, brought the right of the column round till it reached the rear of the enemy's lines, and then marched over broken and rocky ground through a valley in the direction of the river, keeping the high ridge on the left. It was found that the column formation, ready to form square, was unsuited to the nature of the ground, and the further advance was made by companies, but not in extended order, points of vantage in the rocky ground being occupied in succession.
The enemy had been seen crowding the high ridge as the column passed its eastern end, but at first they appeared to take no notice. No sooner, however, had the force wheeled to the left than (at 9.15) fire was opened on it with Remingtons, hitting two or three men. As the fire became hotter Earle sent two companies of the South Staffordshire, under Colonel Eyre, to take the high ridge by working up its western shoulder. The men advanced under a heavy fire, and climbed about a third of the way up the shoulder, till they reached a cluster of rocks under which they obtained partial shelter.
At the same time, two companies of the Highlanders and a company of the Staffords were directed to advance under cover of the river bank and take the knoll nearest the river, towards which parties of the enemy were seen making their way, and swimming to the other side. This knoll was speedily captured, and the enemy's position on the two principal knolls was thus enfiladed.
The remainder of the Highlanders and Staffords then advanced from one cluster of rocks to another towards the rear of the position, firing as they did so, till they reached the rocks nearest to the enemy's position, about 400 yards distant. From behind the enemy's works, consisting of earthworks and loopholed buildings, a steady and well-directed fusillade was kept up on the attacking force. This continued for some time, till, difficulty being found in dislodging the enemy by musketry fire, the order was about to be given to assault the position and carry it at the point of the bayonet, when suddenly a body of the enemy abandoned their works, and with spears and banners charged down upon the nearest of the Highlanders, who were somewhat advanced towards the British left front under Colonel Green.
The Highlanders, without changing their formation, received the assault with a withering fire, killing many. The rest turned to their left and made for the river, where several of them were shot in the water as they attempted to escape.
After repelling this onslaught the Highlanders advanced with their pipes skirling, scaled the rocks, and stormed the main position from front and flank in gallant style, killing every one of the enemy, who were in great numbers among the rocks and boulders.
At this time General Earle, who had accompanied the advance up the ridge, was killed by a bullet from a hut in which several of the defenders had taken refuge.
Meantime the two companies of the South Staffordshire sent to take the high ridge had been received by a heavy fire; Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre had been killed, and their ammunition was exhausted. Lieutenant-Colonel Beale was sent by General Brackenbury, who had assumed the command, to reinforce the attack and take the ridge, which duty was successfully accomplished, and the enemy were driven from their last position by 1.30 p.m. Most of the defending force were armed with Remington rifles, and their position, which was a formidable one, was defended with desperate courage.
When General Earle made his turning movement, and so placed the detachment he was leading between the enemy and their camp, Colonel Butler, who had guided the column to the rear of the enemy's position, made a wide sweeping detour with the cavalry to the enemy's camp, three miles further on, which he captured. So rapidly was this operation conducted that the camp was in his possession before the Highlanders had captured the main position.[128]
Leaving two companies of the Highlanders to guard the captured position, the remainder of the troops were sent back to the camp they had left in the morning.
The Egyptian Camel Corps did excellent service in the fight. The position which they had taken up at the commencement of the day enabled them to protect the flank of the infantry in its advance. They remained in that position throughout the day, assisting by their rifles to keep down the fire from the high ridge and shooting, and in some instances pursuing and capturing, such of the enemy as attempted to escape towards the east on the southern slope of the hill. When the Staffords stormed the shoulder of the hill one Egyptian soldier charged up alone on their extreme right and joined in the attack.
Besides forty-one donkeys and camels captured at Kirbekan, fifty-eight rifles, four fowling-pieces, two flint-lock muskets, one revolver, twenty-two swords, fifty-three spears, and ten standards fell into the hands of the English. Some prisoners were taken, and, according to their statements, the enemy were surprised by General Earle attacking their rear, and thought the soldiers who got behind their position were coming from Berber.
Owing to the way in which the position was surrounded, it is difficult to see how many of the enemy could have escaped. They lay thick in every nook and crevice, and on the open ground where they charged the troops, and the Staffordshires killed many on the main ridge of hills. Nevertheless, their losses are only put in the General's report as 200. As no account mentions more than 125 bodies having been counted on the field of battle, this appears a liberal estimate, even after allowing for the bodies swept away by the stream. The return of rifle ammunition expended gives a total of 24,040 rounds, or rather more than 120 for each man killed, leaving out of the calculation twenty-three shells fired from the Camel Battery. The English force engaged only numbered 1,200, owing to the Gordon Highlanders and the half battalion of the Duke of Cornwall's Regiment not having come up; the former, in fact, had not succeeded in getting further than Berti.
The enemy's force at Kirbekan was stated by prisoners as being from 1,500 to 2,000. General Brackenbury, however, has put the number who held the works at 800, and says that at least half of these escaped before the attack. The resistance made was due to the almost impregnable position taken up.
Owing to the excellent tactics adopted in taking the works in the rear, the loss of the attacking force was but small. The death of General Earle, however, made Kirbekan a dearly purchased victory. He met his death shortly after the assault which resulted in the capture of the ridges. The troops were at the time being collected and formed up. Between the crests of the two main knolls there was a depression forming a small flat plateau, on which stood a stone hut with a thatched roof. Earle was forming up the ranks only ten yards from the hut, when it was discovered that there were men in it. One of the latter fired from the hut and shot a soldier. The General thereupon ordered the roof to be set on fire, at the same time approaching the hut. The roof commenced to burn, and a native rushed out, and was at once bayoneted. At this moment a shot was fired from a window of the hut, and the General fell, shot through the head. The back of the skull was shattered, and he lived only a few minutes.
In addition to General Earle, the British and Egyptian loss was as follows:--
South Staffordshire Regiment--Killed, Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre and 3 men; wounded, 2 officers and 20 men.
Royal Highlanders--Killed, Lieutenant-Colonel Coveney and 4 men; wounded, 2 officers and 18 men; missing, 1 man.
Egyptian Camel Corps--Killed, 2 men; wounded, 1 man.
Total killed, 11; wounded and missing, 44.
On the 11th, General Brackenbury received further instructions, according to which the Expedition was to stay in the country till the Mahdi's power at Khartoum was destroyed, and arrangements were to be made for co-operation with General Buller in an attack on Berber. The instructions further stated that the column was to push on with all possible speed pursuant to orders.
On the same day, the column continued its progress, the wounded officers and men being conveyed in the boats. The difficult pass of Shukook was got through without opposition, though it bore signs of having been prepared for defence throughout its entire length of six miles.
On the 17th Salamat was occupied, and the force destroyed the house, palm-trees, and sakheas of Suleiman Wad Gamr, the chief author of Colonel Stewart's murder. Many relics of the murder were found, such as cards, papers, photographs, &c.
On the 20th, Hebbeh, close to the scene of the murder, was reached, and on that and the following day the 800 horses and camels of the force swam over to the opposite bank, the equipments and loads being ferried across in boats.
The wreck of Stewart's steamer was seen fixed upon a rock about 200 yards from the bank of the river. She was pitted with bullet-marks, and torn by fragments of shell. The natives had stripped her of everything useful.
The house of Fakri Wad Etman, where the murder was committed, was visited by General Brackenbury. Fragments of books, Stewart's visiting cards, and a shirt-sleeve stained with blood, were found close by.
Whilst the crossing was being effected, the troops, not otherwise engaged, were employed in destroying the houses and property of Fakri Etman. The force then advanced along the right bank towards Abu Hamid.
On the night of the 23rd, the whole column with 215 boats was concentrated at the last cluster of huts in the Monassir country, twenty-six miles from Abu Hamid, and the Cavalry, which had scouted six miles ahead, were still without touch of the enemy.
On the 24th, just as the further advance was being resumed, Brackenbury received Wolseley's instructions to discontinue the movement on Abu Hamid and return to Merawi. The despatch said, "Buller evacuated Gubat. His main body went to Gakdul with sick and wounded. He remains with 1,500 at Abu Klea. I have abandoned all hope of going to Berber before the autumn campaign begins." This was a bitter disappointment to both officers and men. A strong patrol was advanced to within sight of Mograt Island (just opposite Abu Hamid), after which the column was reversed, reaching Hebbeh again the same day.
On the 25th it remained at the halting-place the whole day, as the horses and camels absolutely required rest.
Continuing his movement down the river on the following day, Brackenbury reached a village opposite Salamat. Here, leaving the mounted troops and convoy to move independently on the right bank under the command of Colonel Butler, the General descended the river himself with the boats. On the 4th March Hamdab was reached, the force having descended with the boats in nine days, a distance that it had taken thirty-one days to ascend. On the following day the force arrived at Merawi. The crossing commenced at 2 p.m., and was completed at 11.30 a.m. on the 6th. On the 7th, Brackenbury, leaving the Black Watch, a troop of Hussars, the Egyptian Camel Corps, and a detachment of Engineers, to remain at Merawi under Colonel Butler, started with the rest for Korti, which was reached the following day.
Apart from the engagement at Kirbekan, the Nile column had no fighting exploit to boast of. The crushing effect of that action was, however, shown by the fact that after the fight, the enemy allowed General Brackenbury's force to march unmolested through the Monassir country, to take successively all the positions which had been prepared for defence, and subsequently to retire through the same positions without firing a shot or offering any opposition.
Credit is undoubtedly due to the column for the manner in which it triumphed over the difficulties caused by the nature of the river, which from a few miles above Merawi presented a succession of rapids. All these rapids, amongst the most formidable obstacles on the Nile, were ascended and descended at an unfavourable season, with a loss by drowning of only three lives throughout the entire operation.
XLVII. WOLSELEY AND THE PROSECUTION OF THE CAMPAIGN
To return to Lord Wolseley's head-quarters at Korti.
There is no doubt that the news of the fall of Khartoum was a severe blow to Wolseley. It seemed as if, for once, his star had deserted him. All hope of adding the rescue of Gordon and the relief of Khartoum to his list of triumphs, was gone from the General who had so often been described as "the luckiest man in the British army."
On the 4th February Wolseley had telegraphed the disaster to the War Office. On the 5th he sent another message, saying that he had directed all the wounded to be removed as soon as possible from Abu Klea and Gubat, and added, "I only await the decision of Government to give further orders."
There is here a gap in the published Blue Book, some of the messages exchanged with the War Office being evidently suppressed. But in a despatch to Sir Evelyn Baring, dated the 6th February, it is stated that "Her Majesty's Government have given complete discretion to Lord Wolseley to take all such measures as he may deem necessary for the further conduct of his operations, and they have assured his Lordship that he will receive any further assistance which he may desire, either by the despatch of troops to Souakim and Berber, or in any other manner he may indicate."
That Wolseley, under the altered circumstances, was not prepared to advise an attempt to recapture Khartoum with the force at his disposal, appears clear from the following extracts from his despatch to Lord Hartington of the 9th February:--
"I shall not attempt to disguise from your Lordship how deeply the reported fall of Khartoum is felt by all ranks in the army under my command. If it be literally true--and it is difficult to disbelieve it--the mission of this force, which was the relief of Khartoum, falls to the ground.
"The strength and composition of this little army was calculated for the relief, not the siege and capture, of Khartoum, the two operations being entirely different in character and magnitude. The former meant one or more engagements in the open with an enemy who, owing to the geographical position of Khartoum, could not concentrate his forces without raising the siege, and who, in order to concentrate, would have had to pass his troops, guns, ammunition, &c., over two unfordable rivers of considerable breadth, in the face of General Gordon's armed steamers.
"If he opposed my advance along the right bank of the Nile upon Khartoum, he must have fought in a position where defeat would have been his destruction. I think I may say that, as long as Khartoum held out, he could not have prevented my entering it, although he might afterwards have awaited my attack in a selected position on the left bank of the White Nile to the south or south-west of the city.
"With Khartoum in the enemy's possession, the whole conditions are reversed, and the Mahdi, strengthened by the large number of rifles, guns, ammunition, &c., taken in that place, and by the captured troops, who would certainly fight on his side, could concentrate an overwhelming force to oppose my advance; and, if defeated, could still fall back upon the city, the siege and capture of which, situated as it is in the fork of two unfordable rivers, would be an impossible operation for the little army under my command, more especially as it would then be incumbered by a large number of wounded men. As I have already said, the force under my command was not intended for any operation of that magnitude, nor was such an operation even contemplated in the instructions I received from Her Majesty's Government. Khartoum, in the hands of the enemy, cannot be retaken until the force under my command has been largely augmented in numbers and in artillery."
Although operations against Khartoum were for the moment out of the question, the necessity of doing something seems to have occurred both to the Government and Lord Wolseley, if only for the sake of satisfying public opinion and restoring the prestige of the British army.
Seeing the position occupied by the British forces at this time, it is not surprising that Wolseley should have had the idea of seizing Berber by means of a combined attack by the River column under General Earle and by the Desert column from Metammeh under General Buller. It was intended that this operation should be accompanied by an onslaught upon Osman Digna in the neighbourhood of Souakim, which it was hoped would have the effect of keeping open the road between that place and Berber.
On 8th February, Wolseley telegraphed to General Earle as follows:--
"Government have decided that Mahdi's power at Khartoum must be overthrown. This most probably means a campaign here next cold weather, and certainly the retention in the Soudan of all troops now here. A strong force of all arms goes as soon as possible to Souakim to crush Osman Digna. We must now take Berber. Buller will take Metammeh. Let me know date you will reach Berber, so that Buller's force may co-operate with you."
The same day Wolseley telegraphed to Lord Hartington as follows:--
"The sooner you can now deal with Osman Digna the better. I should recommend brigade of Indian Infantry and one regiment of Punjaub Cavalry to be sent to Souakim as soon as possible to hold that place during summer, and co-operate with me in keeping road to Berber open; the English troops you send now to Souakim might then either go to mountains near there for summer, or to Egypt to be ready for autumn campaign."[129]
It is clear from the two preceding despatches that there had been some communication between the General and the Government which has not been disclosed, on the subject of the English force which it was intended to send to Souakim.
On 9th February, a further despatch from Wolseley to Earle stated that the Government had decided that the troops were to stay in the Soudan till the Mahdi's power at Khartoum was destroyed; that if they could not do this before the hot weather they must wait till autumn; that Buller had left Gakdul on the 8th for Gubat, and would take Metammeh as soon as the Royal Irish reached Gubat; that on the River column reaching Berber, Buller, who would be in the neighbourhood with four or six guns and about 1,500 men on the left bank, would meet Earle and co-operate with him in the attack on Berber.
The Government lost no time in carrying out the Souakim project, and on the 9th General Stephenson in Cairo received instructions to arrange for the immediate purchase of camels for the expedition,[130] and on the 9th February Lord Hartington telegraphed to Wolseley the composition of the force which the Government proposed sending to Souakim, making altogether 9,000 men. The despatch added that the Indian Brigade and cavalry asked for had also been ordered. The General was asked to give his opinion as between this and the smaller force, which could move more quickly.[131]
On the 11th Wolseley's plans were so far matured that he telegraphed to Lord Hartington that he proposed leaving for Gubat to direct the operations himself.
To this Lord Hartington replied on the 13th that there appeared to be great advantages in Wolseley's present position for communicating with both columns, and with Souakim and Egypt, and stated that the Government relied on him not to allow his natural wish to take an active part in the operations to influence his decision. The General replied that, as he did not expect to take Berber before the 16th March, there was no immediate necessity to decide the question of his leaving. He added that he proposed to leave General Dormer in command at Korti in case he (Wolseley) felt it desirable in the interests of the service to go forward.
On the 17th Lord Hartington telegraphed to Wolseley further details as to the Souakim force, and also the arrangements made with Messrs. Lucas and Aird for the construction of a railway from Souakim to Berber.
This seems to have been the first mention of the railway. Wolseley replied that if he could take Berber before the hot weather set in, which was very doubtful, the railway could then be made through to that place without any cessation of construction; but, if Berber were in the enemy's hands, in all probability it could only be made to the neighbourhood of Ariab. In the meantime, rails, sleepers, &c., for the construction of the desert section of 110 miles, from Ariab to Berber, should be collected at Ariab.
A few days later the news of Buller's retreat from Gubat apparently caused Wolseley to modify his plans.
Reporting that movement on the 18th, his Lordship added as follows:--
"I think he (Buller) acted with wisdom and discretion; for, since the fall of Khartoum, the whole of the Mahdi's army is disposable, and could have invested him at Gubat with a large force, not only of men, but of guns; this they cannot do either at Abu Klea or Gakdul. My instructions to General Buller were on no account to allow himself to be shut in near Metammeh; and, with the information he had of the Mahdi's movements, in proceeding to Abu Klea, he has rightly interpreted the spirit of these instructions. The fall of Khartoum set free for the Mahdi a considerable army; and furnished him with an arsenal containing a great number of guns and rifles, and about 1,000,000 rounds of rifle ammunition. Operations which before could be carried out under only the ordinary hazards of war cannot now be undertaken without incurring inordinate risks. When Khartoum fell, moreover, the main object for which General Stewart's force was sent to Metammeh ceased to exist. That object was to be prepared to march at once, even at considerable hazard, to the assistance of Gordon, should it be found that he required immediate aid.
"The capture of Khartoum left his force without an objective; while, at the same time, it greatly increased the insecurity of its position. Its isolated situation, separated from me by 180 miles of desert, and liable at any moment to have its communications cut by a movement of the Mahdi down the Nile, has latterly caused me considerable anxiety."
At the opening of Parliament on the 19th February the Government announced that it had decided on going to Khartoum to break the power of the Mahdi. On the 20th February Lord Wolseley telegraphed that the state of his supplies would not admit of his going to Berber, even if he thought his lines of communication sufficiently secure, which he did not think they were, to warrant such a forward movement so late in the season. He would hold the line of river from Merawi to Dongola and Hanneck Cataract during the summer, and prepare for an autumn campaign. To do anything else would, he thought, be unwise.
With a view to carrying out the plan of holding the river as indicated, Wolseley now sent orders to Earle's Nile Column, to stop the advance upon Berber and to return to Merawi.
On the 21st, Lord Hartington asked Wolseley if anything more could be done for supplies for the summer.
Lord Wolseley replied on the 22nd as follows:--
"When I have concentrated my force on this part of the Nile, I have no fear for my communications, so I do not want any more troops here now. It is important to thoroughly crush Osman Digna, and restore peace to the country now under his influence, in order to push forward the railway, and, by a brilliant success near Souakim, make the Soudanese realize what they must expect when we move forward in the autumn."
Wolseley's views on the military situation, and on the operations to be conducted, were communicated to Lord Hartington in a despatch dated 6th March, 1885, from which the following is an extract:--
"In reply to my telegram, your Lordship informed me that my immediate duty was to protect the province of Dongola--the only province of the Soudan which is still clear of the enemy--and that, as soon as the necessary arrangements could be completed, Her Majesty's Government had determined to destroy the Mahdi's power at Khartoum, in order that peace, order, and a settled government might be established there. This I conceive to be in general terms a fair description of the new mission with which I have been intrusted, and which I shall endeavour to carry out next autumn.
"I take this opportunity of congratulating Her Majesty's Government upon having adopted the Nile route as the line of advance for this force on Khartoum. Had this army been despatched from Souakim as a base, and upon arrival at, or near, Berber, learnt that Khartoum had fallen, it could not possibly have transferred its base to the Mediterranean, for it could not have been fed under those circumstances in this part of the Nile Valley. The province of Dongola would have been at the enemy's mercy, and the frontiers of Egypt would have been open to his attack.
"As it is impossible for me to undertake any offensive operations until about the end of summer, it is important that in the meanwhile Osman Digna's power in the Souakim district should be crushed. The defeat will, in some measure, act as a counterpoise to the Mahdi's capture of Khartoum. This operation is not difficult, as the forces are near the seaboard, and it should be immediately followed by the occupation of the Tokar and Sinkat districts. A railway should also be begun without delay at Souakim in the direction of Berber. Your Lordship has informed me that a contract has been entered into for the construction of this railway on a gauge of 4 ft. 8-1/2 inches.
"Although I do not for a moment entertain the idea that a railway of such a gauge can be completed over the 250 miles (about) of country lying between Souakim and Berber in time to have any very direct or immediate effect upon our operations towards Khartoum next autumn, I am convinced that active progress made upon it will bring home to Mohammed Ahmed, and to all intelligent Sheikhs, the fact that we are now in earnest, and do not mean to leave the country until we have re-established order and a settled government at Khartoum.
"I am now engaged in distributing the army along the left bank of the Nile on the open reach of water that extends from the Hanneck Cataract to Abu Dom, opposite Merawi. There I shall be quite prepared to meet Mohammed Ahmed at any time during the summer, should he, by any good fortune, be tempted to advance in this direction. During the summer I shall collect the supplies which this army will require for its advance in the autumn. The railway from Souakim to Berber would take about two years and five months to complete."
In reading this despatch it will be seen that Wolseley lays stress upon the necessity of crushing Osman Digna's force at Souakim. He also recommends the immediate construction of the Souakim-Berber railway. But on the 20th February instructions had already been given to Graham to effect both these objects. Of this Wolseley was fully aware at the time, and it strikes one as singular that so late in the day he should be found advising the Government to take two steps which had already been decided on.
Further, it will be noticed that his Lordship, whilst approving of the construction of the railway (which he reckons would require two years and five months) is careful to point out that he does not for a moment entertain the idea that it could be constructed in time to have any direct or immediate effect upon the operations towards Khartoum, to be undertaken in the autumn.
Another singular feature in the despatch is the complacency with which his Lordship, after the total failure of the expedition by way of the Nile, congratulates the Government on having chosen that route.
The difficulties in the way of further operations during the summer now began to be apparent. The hot weather had set in at Korti. The thermometer on the 5th March registered 104 degrees under the shade of the trees. Later on it went up two degrees higher still. The wind blowing from the desert was like a blast from a furnace. Under these conditions the tents with which the soldiers were provided offered little or no protection. Sickness, too, began to break out, and several cases of enteric fever were reported.
The Nile Column, as already stated, got back on the 8th March, and the last troops of the Desert Column arrived from Abu Klea on the 16th, and, with the exception of the detachment left at Merawi, the whole of Wolseley's army was now assembled at Korti.[132]
XLVIII. THE SOUAKIM EXPEDITION OF 1885
The real object and intention of the Gladstone Administration in directing the despatch of the Souakim expedition of 1885 will probably remain for ever a mystery.
Wolseley had, it is true, pointed out the necessity of losing no time in dealing a crushing blow to Osman Digna, and had suggested the sending of a brigade of Indian Infantry and a regiment of Punjaub Cavalry to Souakim to hold that place during the summer and to co-operate with him in keeping open the road to Souakim. He also approved the commencement of the Souakim-Berber railway. But his demands, so far as the published papers show, appear to have gone no further than that. The expedition told off to Souakim was nevertheless fixed at 9,000 men, and comprised nearly every arm of the service. In addition, there were all the plant, materials, and labour required for the purpose of making the Souakim-Berber railway. The season chosen for the expedition, too, was singularly unfortunate, as it coincided with the precise time of the year at which, a twelvemonth before, the hot weather had compelled the withdrawal of Graham's army, and when even the one or two squadrons of Cavalry which Gordon had asked to be sent to Berber were refused him.
There is some reason to suppose that at the time the expedition was resolved upon the idea was that it should co-operate with Wolseley's forces in a movement upon Khartoum as soon as the Nile force should have succeeded in taking Berber, and that when the movement on Berber was postponed till the autumn the object of the expedition had to be limited to "the crushing of Osman Digna and the opening up of the Souakim-Berber route." At all events, this was announced as the official programme. It will not fail to strike the reader that this was to undertake in March, 1885, with troops from England, precisely the enterprise which the Government, in March, 1884, declined to undertake with troops on the spot. The only change in the situation was that then the expedition would have been in time to have saved Khartoum, whereas now it was too late. It seems to have been fated that the policy of "Rescue and retire" should always be adopted, the former too late, and the latter too soon.
Probably the true explanation is to be found in the exigencies of the political situation. The Gladstone Administration felt the necessity for doing something, if only to satisfy public opinion, intensely excited by the news from Khartoum. The Government had allowed Khartoum to fall and Gordon to perish. The result was neither creditable to the Ministry nor favourable to British prestige. On the 19th February Lord Salisbury, replying to Lord Granville's announcement that the Government had "decided upon going on to Khartoum to break the power of the Mahdi," declared that "Gordon had been sacrificed to the squabbles of a Cabinet and the necessities of party politics."
This was followed on the 23rd by Sir Stafford Northcote moving a vote of censure in the House of Commons on the Soudan policy of the Government. The motion was only lost by fourteen votes, a similar motion by Lord Salisbury being carried in the House of Lords by no less than 121 votes.
Whatever may have been the motives of the Government in deciding upon the expedition to Souakim, no time was lost in making the necessary preparations. This time it was determined to carry out the operations on a grand scale.
The force was fixed at considerably more than double the number engaged in the Souakim expedition of 1884.
Amongst the troops ordered to take part in it were the 1st Battalion of the Coldstream Guards; the 2nd Battalion of the Scots Guards; the 3rd Battalion of the Grenadier Guards; the 1st Battalion of the Shropshire Regiment; the 2nd Battalion of the East Surrey; the 1st Battalion of the Berkshire Regiment; one Battalion of Royal Marines; one regiment of Australian Infantry; some batteries of Royal Horse Artillery, of Royal Artillery, and Australian Artillery; some companies of Royal Marine Artillery, and Royal Engineers, as well as squadrons of the 5th Lancers, and the 20th Hussars, and detachments of the Ordnance, Commissariat, and Medical Staff Corps. In addition to these, an Indian Contingent of over 2,000 men was provided. It comprised the 9th Bengal Cavalry, the 15th (Loodianah) Sikhs, the 17th Bengal Native Infantry, the 28th Bombay Native Infantry, and some companies of Madras Sappers. Besides the above, several hundred labourers were ordered from England, and one thousand coolies from India to construct the railway to Berber.
The operation of crushing Osman Digna having to be performed, General Graham was selected as the "crusher."
This was a surprise to most people, and probably equally so to Graham himself. Military critics had not forgotten how, by his order to charge, given at an unfortunate moment, the General very nearly caused the wreck of the 2nd Brigade at Tamaai; nor the ill-feeling, bordering almost upon insubordination, which his treatment of the Black Watch had brought about in the Soudan army of 1884; and the appointment was freely criticized. The General, however, was a nominee of Lord Wolseley, and this, although it did not silence criticism, served in a great measure to satisfy public opinion.
Brevet-Major-General A. J. L. Fremantle was appointed to command the Brigade of Guards, and Major-General Greaves was named Chief of the Staff. The Infantry Brigade was placed under Major-General Sir J. C. McNeill, V.C.
General Graham's instructions, dated 20th February, were on arrival at Souakim to take command of the forces which were to be assembled there, to make the best arrangements which the shortness of the time at his disposal, before the hot weather commenced, would admit of to organize a field force, and to make such transport arrangements as were possible to enable it to secure the first and most pressing object of the campaign, viz., the destruction of the power of Osman Digna.
The General was told that an agreement had been made with Messrs. Lucas and Aird to construct a railway from Souakim to Berber, and that on this he must greatly rely for his means of transporting supplies. It would therefore be of the first importance that every possible facility should be given to Messrs. Lucas and Aird in the conduct of their operations.
The pushing on of the railway from Souakim towards Berber was the next point to which he was to direct the greatest attention. By the agreement with Messrs. Lucas and Aird, the contractors were to construct for the War Department for the purposes of the expeditionary force, a 4 ft. 8-1/2-inch gauge single line of railway from Souakim, and thence in sections so far towards Berber as might from time to time be ordered in writing by the Secretary of State, and also an 18-inch gauge single line of railway in or about Souakim. The War Department engaged to keep the way clear and the working staff protected. The contractors were to supply plant and working staff, and, with regard to the latter, were to be at liberty, with the consent of the Secretary at War, to employ natives as labourers. The staff to be paid by the Government, and rationed and clothed by the War Department. The contractors were to receive a commission of 2 per cent. upon all expenditure, from the War Department, such commission, however, not to exceed in the whole £20,000, and they were to be entitled to a further sum not exceeding £20,000 if the railway should be satisfactorily completed in the judgment of the Secretary of State.
On the 27th February, Lord Hartington again called Graham's attention to the necessity for rapidly constructing the railway from Souakim to Berber, and to the extreme importance of the services it would be required to perform, not only in connection with the advance of Graham's force, but also in connection with the troops under Wolseley's command when concentrated at Berber. His Lordship pointed out that by this route alone, when the railway should have been completed, could that force be supplied, re-equipped, and reinforced with that precision and certainty so essential to the future operations on the Nile. He continued:--
"When the first and essential operation of crushing Osman Digna and clearing the country sufficiently to make it safe for the constructors of the railway is accomplished, the next most important duty will be the pushing on of the railway, and I request that you will facilitate and aid this object by every means in your power. You will, of course, decide what military posts you will occupy."
Towards the end of February Graham's force began to assemble at Souakim, and from that date troop-ships and store-ships began to come in almost daily.
Early in March Graham reached Souakim, and assumed command of the force assembled there.
Considering the camp to be too extended, rendering night attacks too easy, he at once took steps to reduce the front occupied. The enemy had in fact for some time been in the habit of attacking in small bodies every night, and succeeded in killing or wounding many of the sentries. The camps were surrounded by zeribas and entanglements which were never attacked, the plan adopted being to creep in at unguarded points, and stab or spear the men as they slept. A large number of so-called friendly natives were employed about the camps in the daytime, and so acquired a knowledge of the localities. Returning at night, it was thus easy for them to choose positions which were unguarded, and so to murder the sleeping soldiers. That this was so, was shown by more than one native who had been shot down being found to be wearing the red badge given to the "friendlies."
On the 17th Graham's force amounted to 491 officers, 10,222 non-commissioned officers and privates, 1,616 horses, 2,759 camels, 791 mules, and 2,629 followers. At this date troop and store-ships were still arriving.
On the 19th Graham made a reconnaissance to Hasheen, about seven and a half miles from Souakim, with the Cavalry Brigade and Mounted Infantry, the Infantry of the Indian Contingent moving out about four miles in support. The enemy retired in front of the British force, evacuating the village of Hasheen, and making for the mountains, but not without first offering some resistance, by which one private was killed, and one officer and a sergeant were wounded. After this the whole force marched back to the camp.
On the 20th Graham determined on a general advance to Hasheen, and at 6.15 a.m., leaving only the Shropshire Regiment and details as guards, the whole force, numbering about 10,000 men, marched out from the camp. Making for the hills in front of Hasheen, the Cavalry moved off at about 6.10 a.m., the Infantry following at 6.25 in the following order:--The Guards in columns of companies, on the right; the 2nd Brigade (East Surrey Regiment and Marines), in line of company columns of fours; the Indian Brigade in column of companies on the left; the Horse Artillery Battery on the right of the line. The water camels and transport animals followed in rear of the 2nd Brigade.
The action is described in the General's despatch as follows:--
"The advance was made in a direction nearly due west. The Infantry reached the foot of the hills at about 8.25 a.m. The 17th and 24th Companies Royal Engineers, the Madras Sappers, and the 70th East Surrey Regiment, were ordered to commence work at once. The enemy had fallen back on Dihilibat and the Beehive Hill, exchanging shots with my advance guard at about eight a.m. I now determined to clear these hills, and gave orders to the Infantry to advance in the following order:--2nd Brigade in first line, Indian Contingent in support, Guards in reserve; the Horse Artillery to take up a position on Beehive Hill.
"At about nine a.m. the force had reached the foot of Dihilibat Hill. The Berkshire Regiment advanced up the steep slopes of the hill in attack formation, with one half battalion Royal Marine Light Infantry on the right rear, and the other half battalion in rear of the centre of the Berkshire Regiment as supports. The ascent was very steep and difficult, but the first spur was occupied without opposition. This spur is separated from the main edge by a deep ravine. The enemy now, however, opened a heavy fire from the summit, and from a position further to the right. The Berkshire Regiment replied by volleys, and the half battalion of Marines on the right was advanced to flank the enemy's position. The enemy then abandoned their position, and the Berkshire Regiment advanced to the summit, and detached one company to a spur on the left, from which an effective fire was opened upon the retiring enemy. Meanwhile the Indian Brigade had taken up a position between the foot of Dihilibat and the Beehive Hill; the Guards also were formed up near the foot of the north-east spur of Dihilibat Hill.
"The Horse Artillery, which moved out with the Guards' Brigade as far as the first hills, received orders to follow the Indian Brigade in its further advance, and to take up a position on Beehive Hill. While passing under the Hill Dihilibat they were heavily fired upon, losing two horses. The slopes of Beehive Hill proving impracticable for the guns, the battery, after firing a few rounds of shrapnel into the bush, detached three guns to a position on a low spur to the west of Beehive Hill, where they remained in action for some time shelling parties of the enemy who were visible across the valley on the spurs of the Wharatab Range. The battery subsequently retired with the Guards' square, and took up a position on one of the hills reached at 8.25. Here several rounds were fired, subsequently to the retirement of the Infantry, at parties of the enemy which appeared on the low spur.
"At about 9.40 a.m. two squadrons of the 9th Bengal Cavalry were detached by Colonel Ewart, commanding Cavalry Brigade, to pursue the enemy, who, driven from the Hill Dihilibat by the Berkshire Regiment, were retiring south in the direction of Tamaai. Colonel Ewart ordered two squadrons to dismount and fire volleys. These squadrons were charged by the enemy in considerable strength, and retired with loss on the square formed by the Guards at the foot of the Dihilibat Hill.
"During the morning the 5th Lancers were employed in securing the right front. At about 10.45 a considerable force of the enemy endeavoured to advance down the Hasheen Valley from the north-west, apparently attempting to turn my right flank. Both the 5th Lancers and a portion of the 9th Bengal Cavalry were engaged with the small advanced parties of this force, and succeeded in checking the movement. During this time work was carried on by the Royal Engineers and Madras Sappers, assisted by parties of the East Surrey Regiment, and by about 2.30 p.m. four strong posts had been formed, and a zeriba commenced.
"At 12.25 I recalled the Indian Brigade, the Berkshire Regiment, and the Marines covering the movement. The latter then joined the Indian Brigade, and, forming a single square, retired to the more open ground south. The Guards' square and the Artillery remained at the foot of the Dihilibat Hill till one p.m., and then retired, taking a direction somewhat to the south of that followed by the 2nd and Indian Brigades.
"During the retirement of the Guards the right face of the square received a hot fire from parties of the enemy concealed among the bushes, and suffered some loss. By firing steady volleys into the bush the enemy's fire was effectually silenced, and the Brigade halted close to the south foot of the hills first mentioned. The general retirement of the whole force began about 4.30 p.m., and the camp was reached at 6.15.
"The Dihilibat Hill was carried by the Berkshire Regiment with the greatest spirit, and the behaviour of the Guards' square under a heavy fire from an unseen enemy was marked by extreme steadiness. During the formation of the fortified posts, the presence of the enemy in rear rendered it necessary several times to order the East Surrey Regiment to stand to their arms. This was done without any confusion, and the Royal Engineers and Madras Sappers quietly continued their work on the defences.
"It is impossible in such a country to estimate the numbers of an enemy who is able to remain completely concealed until he chooses to attack; but it is probable that on this occasion the number of Arabs present was about 3,000, of whom at least 250 were killed, much of this loss being caused by the fire of the Berkshire Regiment from the commanding position they had taken up on Dihilibat Hill. The scouting was very efficiently performed by the Cavalry, considering the great difficulties of the country with which they had to contend."
The enemy, according to other accounts, seemed to have lost none of the daring with which they had met Graham's force a twelvemonth before. Instead of fleeing before the charge of the Bengal Lancers, the Soudanese actually charged the Cavalry. The same tactics were practised as at El-Teb, the Soudanese throwing themselves on the ground at the critical moment of the charge, and slashing with their swords at the horses' legs. So badly were the Lancers used that they had to fall back as stated in the despatch, losing one non-commissioned officer and four men, whose horses had been hamstrung in the encounter.
In the course of the fight, some 150 of the enemy sprang up from behind a hill 300 yards off, and had the audacity to charge the whole of the Guards' Brigade. The assailants were received by such a deadly fire from the face of the square that they never succeeded in getting nearer than fifteen or twenty yards of the line of bayonets. Those who survived at once turned and fled, leaving behind their wounded chief on a camel, within thirty yards of the square, where he was made prisoner.
The object of the recall of the Indian Brigade at 12.25 p.m., and the subsequent retirement towards the hill (then being fortified by the 70th Regiment) of that force, the Berkshire Regiment, and Marines, followed at one p.m. by the Guards and Artillery, practically the whole army, is not stated in the General's despatch. But from other reports it seems that the troops had got into a position where the thickness of the bush gave the enemy the advantage of pouring a heavy fire into General Graham's force, whilst the latter could only deliver an ineffective fire in return.[133] At the position to which the troops fell back, the ground was more open, and Graham's men could make better practice with their Martinis.
The apparent intention of the enemy to turn the right of the British line, also probably influenced the General in retiring.
After some hours' marching and fighting under a blazing sun the force set out on the return to Souakim, leaving a detachment to guard the fortified posts made by the Engineers and Madras Sappers.
The following are the casualties as reported by telegram from Graham:--Officers killed, Lieutenant M. D. D. Dalison, Scots Guards; 1 native officer, Indian Contingent; 4 non-commissioned officers and privates, and 12 sowars of the Indian Contingent. Wounded, 6 officers, 26 non-commissioned officers and privates, 13 sowars, and 3 privates of the Indian Contingent.
The enemy's strength was, as usual, liberally estimated in the various newspaper reports of the action, some putting the number as high as 14,000 men. General Graham's original estimate was 4,000, but this he subsequently reduced to 3,000, a number probably much nearer the mark.
Graham's object in occupying a position at Hasheen was declared by him to be to protect his right flank in the impending advance on Tamaai, to obtain a post of observation near to the mountains, and to assist in overawing the tribes. How far this was effected may be judged from the fact that only five days later the works were dismantled and the place was abandoned.
XLIX. THE ATTACK ON McNEILL'S ZERIBA
After the operations on the 19th and 20th March, 1885, preparations were made for the advance on Tamaai, Osman Digna's reputed head-quarters and stronghold. Situated, as it was, some fourteen miles to the south-west of Souakim, the distance was deemed too great to be traversed in a single day's march. It became necessary then, as on previous occasions, to establish an intermediate position in which, as an advanced camp, the usual stores of water, provisions, and ammunition might be accumulated.[134]
About an hour after daylight on the 22nd March the force detached for this purpose started from Souakim. Ahead and on the flanks was one squadron of the 5th Lancers scouting; next marched the British regiments, the 49th Berkshire, and the Royal Marine Light Infantry, formed up in square under the command of Major-General Sir John C. McNeill. The Berkshire Regiment led the way, and the Marines brought up the rear, a detachment of the Royal Engineers occupying places in the flanks. The only representatives of the artillery arm were four Gardner guns with detachments of sailors and Royal Marine Artillery.
Outside the British square, but close to its left flank, moved the Field Telegraph waggon and party, which kept unrolling the telegraph wire and covering it with loose soil as it went on, so maintaining the communication with Souakim throughout the advance.
Formed up in a still larger square a short distance in rear of the right flank, the Indian Contingent marched in echelon under command of Brigadier-General Hudson. The 15th Sikhs formed the front face and a portion of the flanks. The remainder of the right flank and one half of the rear face were formed by the 28th Bombay Native Infantry. The 17th Bengal Native Infantry occupied a similar position on the left flank and rear face. In reserve, immediately within the rear face, marched a company of Madras Sappers. Within this square was inclosed a vast and miscellaneous array of laden camels, mules, carts, and conveyances of all kinds, forming the transport train. The camels alone numbered from 1,000 to 1,200, and there were in all some 1,500 animals. The combined British and Indian forces amounted to 3,300 men.
The orders were for the whole force to proceed to a point eight miles distant in the direction of Tamaai, there to form a zeriba (No. 2), in which the stores, &c., were to be deposited. When this was accomplished the Lancers, Indian Infantry, and empty transport train were to return, stop at a point five miles from Souakim, construct another zeriba (No. 1), and leaving it to be garrisoned by the 15th Sikhs, go back to Souakim.
General Graham accompanied the troops for about two and a half miles and then returned to camp, the chief of his staff warning McNeill to "look out for an attack," but, beyond this casual reference to the possibility of an attack, nothing more was said on the subject, although at head-quarters information had several days previously been received that the force would be assailed by at least 5,000 of the enemy before there should be time to form the zeriba. The importance of this circumstance will be apparent later on in connection with the events which followed.
The route which the force was instructed to take was to the westward of the comparatively well-known road followed by Baker Pasha, and also by the British troops, in 1884, and though free from difficulty at first, later on led through thick bush of ever-increasing height and density. The rate of progress was necessarily slow, and frequent halts became imperative.
As the force advanced the Lancers began to report that parties of the enemy were seen hovering about.
The heat of the day, with a burning sun overhead, from which the bushes afforded no protection, now began to tell on the men, and at 10 a.m., when a little over five miles had been traversed, it was calculated by the two generals that, allowing time for the construction of the zeribas (Nos. 1 and 2) and the return journey, it would be well towards midnight before the Indian Brigade and transport train would get back to Souakim. Accordingly at 10.30 it was determined to halt the force and make the zeriba in an open space six miles from the camp at Souakim.
The spot selected formed a large oblong with very irregular outlines, presenting an area in the clearest portions about half a square mile in extent.
McNeill then telegraphed to head-quarters at Souakim the change which the difficulties with the transport had necessitated, and received back in reply the message, "Go on if you can; if not, zeriba." The reply also stated that, as the halt had been made at only six miles distance, no intermediate zeriba would be required at the five-mile point previously ordered.
The site for the zeriba being fixed upon, no time was lost in making the necessary dispositions. The troops marched upon the ground in the same order in which they had advanced, and the British square, being the first to emerge upon the open, turning up a little to the left halted in its original formation, taking up a position on the north-east side of the open space. Past it came the Indian Brigade with the transport train under its charge, General Hudson disposing his troops so as to cover the ground on the three remaining sides.
On the side opposite the British square were posted the 15th Sikhs, to the right the Bombay Native Infantry, and to the left the Bengal Native Infantry. The bush in front of the Bombay Infantry being very dense, and comparatively open in front of the Bengal Infantry, two companies of the latter were moved across and placed on the right of the former to strengthen and prolong this face.
In order to protect the front of the various lines of infantry, small pickets of from four to five men each were thrown forward about 120 yards. A quarter of a mile further out in front of these pickets were the Lancers, arranged as "Cossack posts" of four men each. Another "Cossack post," also of four men, was used as a connecting link, the remainder constituting the picket and visiting patrols.
At once the task of measuring and pegging out the site for the proposed works was taken in hand. The plan adopted was to form three separate squares placed diagonally like squares on a chess-board, or, as it is termed, "in echelon," the large or central square, intended to contain the stores, non-combatants, and transport animals, being between the other two. Attached to this, and communicating with it at its north-west and south-east angles respectively, were the smaller squares set apart for the north and south zeribas, of equal dimensions, with accommodation in each for a battalion and two Gardner guns. By this arrangement every side of the central square or zeriba was capable of being swept by a flanking fire from the zeribas at the angles.
Working parties were organized for cutting down the bush and dragging it into position. The chief work of construction fell upon the Royal Engineers and the Madras Sappers, but to expedite matters working parties were drawn both from the British and Indian troops. The remainder of the British troops, retaining their original formation in square, piled their arms, and were ordered to lie down and rest. The Indian troops not engaged in cutting brushwood remained standing to their arms in lines two deep.
At 12.30 the Marines had their rations served out, the men dining by half-companies at a time.
At 1 p.m. Major Graves with a squadron of the 20th Hussars arrived from the camp at Souakim, and stated that he had been sent by General Graham to communicate with McNeill. The Major reported that on the way out he had seen in his front stray parties of the enemy, who retired before the cavalry without coming into collision. On receiving a despatch for Graham's chief of the staff, stating that matters were proceeding satisfactorily, the Major started with the Hussars on his return journey at 1.30.
As the most vital part of the defences, attention had been first of all directed to the formation of the north and south zeribas. Both of these were pushed on with the utmost expedition, but, as has been seen, the bush being thickest at the north side, in front of the Bombay Infantry, the zeriba at this angle was in a more advanced state than that on the south side. The former was completed shortly after 2 p.m., and the two Gardner guns designed for it were got into position. The battalion of Marines hitherto forming part of the British square was now transferred to this zeriba, together with the reserve ammunition and the telegraph waggon. With this transfer of Marines the Berkshire Battalion was contracted into a smaller square.
Meanwhile the south zeriba was also being rapidly proceeded with, and it being represented that the Berkshires had eaten nothing since 4 a.m., rations and water were ordered to be served out to them, the men taking their food by half battalions. As soon as the first of the half battalions had finished it was marched into the south zeriba, very soon after the Marines had occupied that on the north. The time was now getting on towards half-past two, and shortly after the half battalion had gone into the zeriba the soldiers piled their arms inside, part of the men going out in front of the Sikhs to cut bush in order to complete the defences.[135]
The camels had been unloaded in the central zeriba, and were filing out to form up for the return march, the bulk of them being collected on an unoccupied space to the south-east. The lines were being held by eight companies of the Bengal Infantry, by the 15th Sikhs, and by the Bombay Infantry.
This was the situation when shortly after 2.30 one of the Lancers rode up and informed McNeill that the enemy was gathering in front and advancing rapidly. Orders were at once given for the working and covering parties to come in and for the troops to stand to their arms. Whilst these instructions were being carried into effect, the Cavalry were seen galloping up on every side with the Soudanese close at their heels.
The attack was delivered mainly on the southern and western sides, the Soudanese surging onwards in one vast impetuous mass, enveloped in clouds of dust and filling the air with shouts and yells as they made frantic efforts to storm the position. The Berkshires and Marines, as well as the Sikhs and Bombay Infantry, stood their ground, receiving and repulsing the attack with a heavy fire. The 17th Bengal Native Infantry, however, thrown into partial disorder by some of the Cavalry riding through their ranks, fired one wild and scattered volley and fled for such cover as the zeriba might afford, many of them being shot down by the defenders. Every effort was made to rally the fugitives, and about 120 were got within the southern zeriba, where they fired another ineffectual volley and again broke and fled.
The assailants now crowded in by the uncompleted salient at a point where there was no brushwood, but merely a sandbag parapet, where the Gardner guns, not being yet in position, could not be got into action, and killed six of the sailors and four officers.
Other parties of the enemy following the retreat of the Madras Infantry dashed into the central zeriba, and caused a stampede among the animals there and a panic among the native drivers. A general rush of the latter took place both to the open side, and also through the north zeriba, where some of the Marines were for the moment carried away by it. At this moment the rear rank of the Berkshire half battalion engaged in defending the western face of the south zeriba faced about and occupied the gap through which the Soudanese were now pouring. Meeting the enemy half-way, the Berkshires despatched every Arab who had entered, 112 bodies being counted within the limits of this zeriba alone. They also captured a flag which the enemy had planted on the sandbag parapet. In a few minutes this zeriba was cleared, and no further serious attack was made upon it.
The bulk of the enemy's force, repelled by the steady volleys from the troops on the south and west sides of the position, swept round by the great mass of the transport animals, gathered together outside and to the eastward for the return journey to Souakim. It was to cover this part of the ground that six companies of the Bengal Infantry had been drawn up in line. Their unfortunate collapse, however, gave the enemy an opportunity of which they were not slow to take advantage. With a wild howl, peculiarly alarming to the camel, they rushed upon the panic-stricken and helpless mass. Plying lance and sword, cutting, stabbing, hacking, and hamstringing the beasts, and slaughtering their drivers, the tribesmen of the Soudan drove before them an unwieldy and terrified body, heedless of everything but flight. Thus driven, the transport train broke up and scattered itself in all directions. Impelled by the pursuers, part of it bore down upon the zeribas held by the Berkshires and Marines respectively, and part on the central zeriba. Mixed up as they were with the charging enemy, many of the animals were unavoidably shot down by the troops as a matter of self-preservation. The same thing happened in the attack made upon the half battalion of the Berkshires which remained drawn up outside in square formation, but, pursued by the Arabs, the great bulk of the baggage train went off in their mad flight in the direction of Souakim.
After the southern zeriba the two main points of attack were the northern zeriba, held by the Marines and the half battalion of the Berkshires. Both these positions were in the direct line of the camel stampede, and their occupants were placed at a serious disadvantage. In spite of the completed mimosa fences, trampling their way over all obstacles, a mass of the terror-stricken animals tore right through the northern zeriba, for the time seriously disorganizing the defence. As stated by Colonel Way, an eye-witness--
"Everything seemed to come at once, camels, transport of all kinds, including water-carts, ammunition mules, 17th Native Infantry, Madras Sappers, sick-bearers, Transport Corps, cavalry and Arabs fighting in the midst. All these passed close by me, and went out on the other side of the zeriba, carrying away with them a number of the Marines and some officers, who eventually got together and returned. The dust raised by this crowd was so great that I could not see anything beyond our zeriba for a minute or two, and it was impossible to say what might happen. The men behaved splendidly, and stood quite still. It was about the highest test of discipline I shall ever see, as in my opinion nothing could beat it."
The stampede of the transport train is thus described by another writer:--
"Suddenly from the bush all along the face of the zeriba fronting Tamaai burst out a clamour of savage cries, and the next instant the whole assemblage of transport animals plunged forward. There was a multitude of roaring camels, apparently heaped one upon another, with strings of kicking and screaming mules, entangled in one moving mass. Crowds of camp-followers were carried along by the huge animal wave, crying, shouting, and fighting. All these surged up on the zeriba, any resistance being utterly hopeless. This mass of brutes and terrified natives swept all before it, and a scene of indescribable confusion ensued."
Notwithstanding the rush of the transport which had passed through the Marines' zeriba, comparatively few of the enemy seem to have penetrated it, only twelve bodies being counted there. Outside the dead were much more numerous, the position having been attacked on various sides. The men behaved with the greatest coolness, and, after being rallied by their officers when the living avalanche had swept past, were well in hand.
The naval detachment in this zeriba, more fortunate than their companions in the southern one, had their Gardner guns in action from the first, discharging at least 400 rounds and doing great execution.
The half battalion of the Berkshires remaining, formed up in the open at a distance of 250 yards east of the zeriba, had also a severe time of it. Falling in and standing to their arms at the first alarm, they formed a rallying square, and successfully defended themselves against the repeated attacks made on them. It was found that 200 of the assailants had fallen before the fire of their rifles, whilst amongst themselves there was only one slight casualty.
Other small bodies of men who were outside the zeriba at the moment of the attack, or had stampeded at its occurrence, were similarly collected by their officers, and succeeded in making their way back to the zeriba.
The whole affair lasted only about twenty minutes, after which the enemy, unable to stand any longer against the leaden hail of the Martini-Henry and Snider rifles, recoiled at every point, and at twelve minutes past three, as the assailants disappeared in the bush, the bugle sounded "Cease firing." Up to the last moment individual Arabs came forward, throwing up their hands above their heads, and facing the rifles as if bent on suicide, and courting the death which they received. Small groups of them also formed up as if to encourage each other for a renewed assault, but without effecting anything they melted away before the deadly fire of the soldiers.
When the smoke cleared away, and there was time to look around, a dreadful spectacle presented itself. The dead bodies of friends and foes lay thickly scattered within and about the zeribas. Everywhere were wounded and slaughtered men and animals, whilst groans and cries filled the air. Strewn upon the ground were arms and accoutrements of every kind, with all the usual accompaniments of a savage and sanguinary conflict.
The enemy's force was reported by General Graham in his despatch as not less than 2,000, although, as he states, it was impossible to form an accurate estimate.
The Soudanese as usual fought with the utmost courage. One man came rushing on to the zeriba holding by the hand a boy armed with a knife. Throwing the boy over the defensive works, he jumped in after him, and immediately both were killed. At another point there stood between the opposing forces another boy, apparently not more than twelve years old, actually throwing stones at the British troops in one of the zeribas.
Among various mischievous devices resorted to may be noted that of a Soudanese armed with a rifle, who during the attack managed to creep up close to the mimosa fence of the southern zeriba, and from this cover contrived in succession to shoot first one and then another of the Berkshires, and though fired at in return, was missed. His third shot was directed at a major of the regiment on duty inside the zeriba, who narrowly escaped, the bullet carrying away his trousers pocket and part of his coat, and not till then was the assailant shot. Another trick of the assailants was to bring hides, and throwing them on the top of the thorny bushes forming the fence, they would spring over into the zeriba and rush at the defenders and engage in a hand-to-hand fight.
During the assault on the southern zeriba an interesting adventure occurred to the Colonel of the Berkshires. He was sitting on his horse close to his regiment when the attack took place, and was confronted by a gigantic Soudanese who appeared from behind a camel, brandishing a huge spear, and bent on slaughter. Their eyes met, and seeing the Colonel's revolver levelled at his head, the expression on the countenance of the savage suddenly changed from triumph to horror as the Colonel fired, and the Arab, with the upper part of his head blown away, fell to the ground a ghastly wreck.
McNeill's force suffered severely, having, exclusive of camp-followers, 6 officers and 94 men killed, and 6 officers and 136 men wounded, and 1 officer and 10 men missing. Amongst the killed were Captain Francis J. Romilly, and Lieutenant C. M. C. Newman, of the Royal Engineers; Lieutenant Montague H. M. Seymour, of the Naval Brigade; Major Von Beverhoudt, of the Indian Contingent; Quartermaster C. Eastmead, of the Ordnance Store Department, and Lieutenant George S. Swinton, of the Berkshire Regiment. The bodies of 8 British and 25 Indian soldiers were found in the bush away from the zeriba.
The loss in transport animals was enormous, over 900 camels alone being killed. Scores of them, which had been left outside the zeriba, were shot as the enemy swarmed on to the attack.
The enemy's loss was severe. Graham states that 1,000 bodies were found on the field. Besides the 112 bodies counted in the zeriba, there were the 200 found in front of the Berkshire Regiment. Near the redoubt held by the Naval Brigade, the dead lay in heaps. All around the ground was literally strewn with bodies; among them were several women and boys.
Throughout the entire conflict McNeill showed the greatest coolness and judgment, leading his men on with a courage oblivious of danger. During his preliminary efforts to rally the Bengal Native Infantry, the General, mounted on his grey Arab horse, found himself outside the defences, with the enemy streaming on full in front. Here, strange to say, he seemed to be entirely unnoticed, and, with revolver in hand ready to despatch any who might venture too near, he quietly turned his horse, and without difficulty made him cross the fence and step into the zeriba.
Later on, towards half-past three, there were circumstances which appeared to indicate that the enemy, notwithstanding the heavy loss they had sustained, were disposed to renew the attack, a large gathering of them presenting itself to the south-east of the zeriba. Their attitude was so threatening that McNeill resolved to make a sortie and endeavour to disperse them. Taking with him two companies of Marines, he led them straight for the enemy. As they advanced the little force was soon in front of the foe. Fire was at once opened, and the ground cleared; and though the men were anxious to make a charge with the bayonet, the demonstration having served its purpose, the troops were withdrawn without further fighting.
Notwithstanding McNeill's successful defence of the zeriba, and the heavy loss inflicted on the enemy in the action on the 22nd, Sir John has been the object of much adverse criticism. This criticism has been directed upon several points. It has been asked, Why were the fatigue men employed in cutting materials for the zeriba allowed to go into the bush unarmed? Sir John's answer is, that this was done designedly; the working parties were covered by the Cossack pickets of the Lancers; men incumbered with slung arms could not work to any good purpose in hot weather; in the event of attack, it was not desirable that the working parties should attempt to make a stand, as they would be of more service by running in and taking their places in the alignment marked by their piled arms, and they would thus avoid the danger of masking the fire of the troops in position.
The main charge, however, brought against the General is that he allowed himself to be surprised. This, however, if true at all, is so only in a limited sense of the term. That his force was attacked before the whole of it had time to form up in a fighting attitude is undoubted; but whether this was through any fault of his is quite another matter. The careful planning of the zeribas, the disposition of the troops, and the outlying pickets and vedettes have already been referred to. It is difficult to see what other precautions the General, with the means at his command, could have adopted. Not more than one-third of the British troops ever left their arms, and the Indians, minus their fatigue parties, remained throughout in position constantly ready for an attack. Whilst one half of the Berkshires moved into their completed zeriba, the remaining half was carefully re-formed in square outside. In the issue, as showing that a zeriba was little required for their protection, this last half battalion proved the strongest part of the position, and though subject to repeated attacks, lost not a man.
That Sir John was not informed in time of the impending attack was due to the insufficient number (one squadron only) of cavalry with which he was provided, and which were absolutely necessary for covering a frontage of over three miles. Here it may perhaps be remarked that, had this suggested itself to the General's mind, it seems strange that he did not take steps to detain and utilize the squadron of Hussars, under Major Graves, which visited the zeriba shortly before the attack was made.
The General had many difficulties to contend with. He was incumbered with a wholly disproportionate mass of transport; was directed on an impracticable line; was unsupplied with information of vital importance; and, finally, was sent to conduct an operation of which he strongly disapproved. To crown all, there was the flight of the Bengal Infantry at the very commencement of the fight, an event which the General could hardly have been expected to foresee. The result, however, was a signal victory, and practically the only successful operation of the campaign.
Graham was at Souakim whilst the attack was made on the zeriba. On first hearing the firing at 2.45 p.m., he ordered the Guards and Horse Artillery to go to McNeill's assistance. The force advanced two miles on the road when a message sent by the field-telegraph from the zeriba arrived, stating that the attack had been repelled, after which the proposed reinforcements returned to Souakim.
The following day Graham advanced to McNeill's zeriba. Here he sent off the following despatch, dated Souakim, March 23rd, 6.30 p.m.:--
"Advanced Zeriba, 12 noon.
"Arrived here with Guards and large convoy. Am sending in wounded and baggage animals with Indian Brigade and Grenadier Guards, under Fremantle, leaving two battalions of Guards here with McNeill's brigade. A strong zeriba has been constructed, and I consider position secure against any number of enemy. The attack yesterday was very sudden and determined, and came unfortunately on our weakest point. The Sikhs charged the enemy with bayonet. The Berkshire behaved splendidly, clearing out the zeriba where entered and capturing three standards. Marines also behaved well. Naval Brigade was much exposed and suffered severely. Engineers also suffered heavily, being out working when attacked. The enemy suffered very severely, more than a thousand bodies being counted. Many chiefs of note are believed to have fallen. I deeply regret our serious losses, but am of opinion that McNeill did everything possible under the circumstances. The cavalry, 5th Lancers, did their best to give information, but the ground being covered with bush it was impossible to see any distance. The troops behaved extremely well. All the staff and regimental officers did their utmost. Enemy charged with reckless courage, leaping over the low zeriba to certain death; and, although they gained a temporary success by surprise, they have received a severe lesson, and up to the present time have not again attempted to molest the zeriba."
Of the scene round McNeill's zeriba some idea may be formed from the following description:--
"When going from Souakim the last three miles of the march were marked at every step by graves, Arab and Indian, so shallow that from all oozed dark and hideous stains, and from many protruded mangled feet, half-stripped grinning skulls, or ghastly hands still clenched in the death agony, though reduced to little more than bone and sinew. Strewed around, thicker and thicker, as we neared the scene of that Sunday's fight, lay the festering bodies of camels and mules; and around them hopped and fluttered, scarcely moving when our column passed, hundreds of kites and vultures. The ground was also thickly sown with hands and feet dragged from their graves by the hyænas, and the awful stench and reek of carrion which loaded the air will never be forgotten by any of us. Day after day we passed and repassed over the same sickening scene with our convoys, in blinding dust and under a scorching sun, obliged to move at a foot's pace to keep up with the weary camels, and to pick our steps carefully for fear of suddenly setting foot on one of those dreadful heaps of corruption."
On the 25th March a convoy was sent out to McNeill's zeriba, under escort of the 15th Sikhs, 28th Bombay, and the Madras Sappers, with a few cavalry. When three miles from Souakim the convoy halted according to instructions, commenced cutting wood and forming a zeriba. A battalion composed of Guards and Marines from McNeill's force marched towards them and was attacked on the way by a long range fire from the enemy, by which a lieutenant of the Marines and one private were wounded. At two p.m. the two escorts met, when the Guards and Marines taking over the convoy prepared to return to McNeill's zeriba. At this moment the enemy appeared in force and attacked the column. The Guards, Marines, and Cavalry, moving out in four different detachments, fired into the attacking force and dispersed it.
The Guards and Marines then started again, but after ten minutes the enemy again appeared and fired a volley into them, which was at once returned. After less than a quarter of an hour a third attack was made. The Guards fired volley after volley, and once more drove back their assailants. The column then renewed its march, parties of the enemy still following them, and from time to time attacking their rear. Eventually the party got safely to the zeriba.
The result of the day's proceedings was to show that the enemy, in no way disheartened by the losses on the 22nd, were still in force, and ready to attack within four miles of Souakim. The attempt on the convoy was evidently made with the object of capturing the supplies destined for McNeill; and though it failed, it showed the increasing boldness of the enemy.
On the 25th, a war balloon which had been sent out to McNeill's zeriba made an ascent in charge of Major Templar. The same day, with a view to the advance, the head-quarters camp was shifted to a spot two miles nearer Tamaai, and the East Surrey Regiment having destroyed the post on the hills near Hasheen, came in and joined the main body.
L. GRAHAM'S ADVANCE AND WITHDRAWAL FROM THE EASTERN SOUDAN
On the 26th March, another convoy was attacked, this time about two miles only from Souakim. The enemy on this occasion charged the head of the square, and were repulsed with considerable loss, none of them getting within five yards of the square. The British casualties were three wounded. It was said that 100 of the enemy were killed in this affair. The heat of the weather was now beginning to make itself felt, and several cases of sunstroke occurred amongst the troops engaged.
The first part of the Australian Contingent arrived at Souakim on the 29th March. The troops consisted of twenty-eight officers, 500 men of the battalion of Infantry, thirty men of the Artillery, and thirty-three men of the Ambulance Corps. The Contingent, which was commanded by Colonel Richardson, met with an enthusiastic reception from the naval and military forces at Souakim.
The railway was now vigorously pushed forward in the direction of Handoub, and on the 2nd April General Graham determined to advance and attack Osman Digna in his position at Tamaai, although there was some doubt whether he would accept battle.
Accordingly at three a.m. the General paraded his troops in the moonlight, and at four marched them to McNeill's zeriba. This zeriba (No. 1) was reached at 9 a.m., and the force halted until 10.15 a.m. for rest and refreshment. During this time arrangements were made for the defence of the zeriba, at which the 28th Bombay Native Infantry were left with two Gardner guns manned by marine artillery. The balloon was filled and made ready for use for reconnoitring purposes.
The troops were joined at the zeriba by the Grenadier Guards, the Berkshire Regiment, the 24th Company of the Royal Engineers, two Gardner guns, manned by the Naval Brigade, the Mounted Infantry, and one troop of the 9th Bengal Cavalry.
A finer body of men than that which was now assembled was probably never got together. They were in the best of spirits, and looked forward with eagerness to meeting the enemy. The size and composition of the force were such as to render any possibility of it receiving a check from Osman Digna out of the question.
The place where it was hoped the engagement would come off was the spot where Graham had encountered such severe resistance just twelve months before. This time it was determined to be prepared to meet any number of the enemy.
The march was resumed at 10.15 a.m., the whole force marching in square. It was composed of 8,175 officers and men, 1,361 horses, 1,639 camels, 930 mules, and 1,773 camp-followers.
Soon after starting, an attempt was made to reconnoitre from the balloon, and parties of the enemy were reported to be discovered some miles in front. The wind, however, increased to such an extent as to render the balloon unserviceable, and at eleven it had to be packed up.
The following details of the operations are taken mainly from General Graham's despatch.
"The square advanced slowly with frequent halts, owing to the density of bush in the neighbourhood of the zeriba.
"At 12.15 p.m., about three miles from zeriba No. 1, the Cavalry and Mounted Infantry reported the presence of the enemy in the bush in scattered groups, a few being on camels and the main portion on foot. These appeared to be at first advancing through the bush, but gradually fell back before the advance of the Cavalry.
"At 12.45 p.m. the force halted for a short time, and at 1.30 p.m. the enemy were reported as retiring towards the Teselah Hills and Tamaai. At 2 p.m., about three miles from the Teselah Hills, the force halted for water and food, and the Mounted Infantry and a squadron of the 9th Bengal Cavalry were ordered to reconnoitre the position on these hills, reported to be lined with the enemy.
"At first the enemy seemed inclined to defend the position, but their flanks being threatened they fell back on Tamaai. Teselah, a group of bare rocky hills, about 100 feet high, but practicable for guns, was occupied by the Mounted Infantry and Bengal Cavalry at three o'clock. From these hills an excellent view was obtained of the scattered villages of New Tamaai, lying between the ridges of low hills beyond Teselah, and the deep ravine Khor Ghoub, beyond which the country becomes exceedingly mountainous and intersected by ravines with precipitous sides.
"The Mounted Infantry were ordered to push on to the village, find out if it was occupied, and then, if practicable, move on to the water and water the horses. One company advanced about a mile south through a village, when fire was opened on them from another village further south; while the company moving towards the water in the Khor Ghoub were fired upon by the enemy on the ridges near. The fire was returned, and the Mounted Infantry fell back to the Teselah Hill, where they were ordered to join the Cavalry, and return to No. 1 zeriba for the night."
The main body of the force reached the Teselah Hills at 5 p.m., when the usual zeriba (2) was formed.
About 1 a.m., on the 3rd, shots were fired into the camp from about 800 to 1,000 yards. The moon was shining brightly, and the men at once stood to their arms, and the Grenadier Guards answered by a volley. This and a shrapnel shell silenced the enemy, not, however, before one of Graham's men had been killed and two wounded.
At 4.30, on the 3rd, the troops were aroused, and the zeriba being left in charge of McNeill with the East Surrey and Shropshire Regiments, the advance was resumed at eight.
Graham's object was to gain possession of a cluster of villages at New Tamaai which had long been Osman Digna's head-quarters, and to secure the water supply, either by attacking the enemy's position, or by drawing them into an engagement on the open ground near the villages. The ground over which the men advanced was rough and broken. It was free from bush, but was intersected with deep gullies, and studded with jutting rocks and boulders.
At 8.45 fire was opened at long range by about 200 Arabs on the Mounted Infantry and Bengal Cavalry in front. This was replied to. It soon became evident that the enemy were unable to oppose any serious resistance to the advance of the column.
The force proceeded through the villages, which were found to have been recently deserted, and at 9.30 the crest of the north side of the Khor Ghoub was gained.
The Mounted Infantry and Bengal Cavalry were all this time engaging the enemy on the right flank, but were unable to draw them from their positions.
The 2nd Brigade, under General Hudson, now moved to the right, advanced across the Khor Ghoub, and ascended the hill on the opposite bank. The Berkshire Regiment, with the Marines on their right, opened fire from the highest point in the centre of the hill, and the Scots Guards threw out a company to fire up the khor. The Guards' Brigade and Australian Regiment moved forward in support of the 2nd Brigade, crowning the ridges on the north side of the khor. G Battery of the Royal Horse Artillery came into action on the left flank of the 1st Brigade, and opened fire on some parties of the enemy.
During those operations the enemy were keeping up a distant fire, which resulted in one man being killed, and one officer and fifteen men wounded. The enemy's numbers and loss it was impossible to estimate with any accuracy, but a steady, well-aimed fire was kept up on such bodies as showed themselves, and the effect of the fire was to overcome any opposition they may have intended to make.
On descending to the bed of the khor it was found that at the spot where the previous year was running water, there were no signs of water beyond a little moisture, and well-holes partly filled in. By digging about four feet down only a small supply of brackish water could be obtained, and at a short distance there was a shallow pool on a bed of black mud.
It is probable that this failure of the water supply had had much to do with the disappearance of Osman Digna's forces.
Graham's force had brought with it only three days' supply of water, and this failure of the wells at Tamaai rendered it dangerous to advance against Tamanieb, for should the wells there be found to be also waterless, the position of the army would become very serious.
Under these circumstances, and in view of the retirement of the enemy, and their evident inability or indisposition to meet the force, the General considered it best to withdraw, as it would have been fruitless to attempt to follow Osman Digna into the mountainous country with no water for the transport animals.
At 10.20 a.m. Graham ordered the withdrawal of the force, by alternate brigades, from the position which had been taken up. By 10.40 a.m. the troops had recrossed the khor, the movement being covered by two Horse Artillery guns on the ridge to the north, which fired a few rounds of shrapnel at detached parties of the enemy.
New Tamaai was ordered to be destroyed, and it was fired as the troops retired through it. Considerable quantities of ammunition were destroyed. Osman Digna's residence is believed to have been among the huts burnt.
At noon the force reached No. 2 zeriba at the Teselah Hill. As the troops fell back a handful of Arabs made their way, parallel to the line of march, along the distant hills to the right, keeping up a running fire on the British column. From zeriba No. 2 the force moved gradually back to the other zeriba, and thence to Souakim.
The total casualties were one man killed and six wounded. Only seven men fell out during the march.
It was a severe disappointment to the troops that, after all their exertions, the marches in the blazing sun to and from the zeribas, and the loss of life in previous engagements, the enemy should refuse to await the attack, and that the want of water should prevent the column following him up. The temporary occupation, followed by the destruction, of a wretched village, was a very inadequate result to show after such extensive preparation, and so much labour and effort.
From the 11th to the 20th April, Graham was occupied in making reconnaissances to Hasheen, Otao, Deberet, and Tambouk, taking a few prisoners, and capturing sheep and cattle.
The construction of the railway was at the same time pushed forward, till it was close to Otao, making altogether a total distance of eighteen miles.
Meanwhile, Osman Digna's followers amused themselves cutting the telegraph wires and damaging the railway works as opportunities offered.
They also made nightly attacks on Graham's camp. In order to check this, a series of automatic mines, to explode when trodden on, was placed outside the British lines. It does not appear that this measure answered the purpose intended, although an accidental explosion of one of the mines resulted in the loss of a promising young officer, Lieutenant Askwith, of the Royal Engineers.
Osman Digna's exact position at this period seems to have been somewhat of a puzzle to Graham, but on the 22nd he was able to telegraph that Osman was for the time without any large following, and that his people were greatly discouraged by their losses in the various engagements, and also in want of food.
The question of withdrawing the expedition now arose. Graham was most unwilling to retire without having achieved something decisive, and on the 26th he telegraphed that he strongly recommended crushing Osman before the expedition should be withdrawn. He added, that with Osman crushed, the country would be at peace, and the native allies safe; whereas if the British force were withdrawn he would soon become as strong as ever, would threaten Souakim, and punish the friendly tribes.
In the beginning of May Lord Wolseley arrived at Souakim and from that moment the question of what was to be done was taken out of Graham's hands.
The Government had made up its mind, so far as such an operation was possible, not to go on with the railway to Berber at all events for the present, and the inutility of keeping the expedition in Souakim in face of the policy of abandoning the Soudan, referred to in the following chapter, generally, naturally struck Lord Wolseley.
On the 4th May he telegraphed to Lord Hartington that if it was positively decided not to push forward the railway as part of the campaign against the Mahdi at Khartoum, he advised the immediate embarkation of the Guards, the navvies, and Australians, leaving only the Indian Contingent and one British battalion for a garrison at Souakim. He added, on the 5th, that the heat was increasing, and the men of the expedition would soon become sickly; that he did not think the further operations wished for by Graham were, in face of the hot weather, desirable. Among other suggestions he proposed to the Government to send back to England the ships laden with railway material, and to take up the railway before the troops fell back.
This despatch suggests the idea that Wolseley was beginning to get a little tired of giving advice to a Government which was always asking his opinion and never acting upon it.
On the 8th he was instructed that the Government adhered to the decision to adopt the proposal for defence of the frontier in his despatch of 14th April, but that the Government did not approve of his suggestion to take up the railway and ship off the plant; but that he should arrange to hold the line, pending consideration whether it would be carried onwards.
This last despatch was too much for Wolseley, who appears to have thought it hard enough to have to carry out a policy of which he disapproved, without having the initiation of it attributed to himself; and in his despatch of the 11th he replied, "What you term my proposals, were the military dispositions recommended in order to give effect to your policy at Souakim, to stop the railway, and send away as many troops as could be spared for service elsewhere. If the garrison here is to be seriously reduced, the railway must be either taken up or abandoned." He added, "Unless you have some clearly defined Soudan policy to initiate, any military operations, such as the extension of the railway would entail, would be to throw away uselessly valuable lives."
On the 13th Wolseley was instructed that the Government adopted the dispositions recommended in his telegram of the 5th. This was followed by preparations for the immediate embarkation of the expedition.
Before this, Graham had on the 5th made a raid on Takool, a village ten miles south of Otao, and twenty west of Souakim, and driven out the enemy, reported to be 700 strong. Graham's force burnt Takool, and captured between 1,500 and 2,000 sheep and goats in this the last exploit of the campaign.
The railway works were now discontinued, the troops called in from Otao, and the navvies withdrawn. As the last truckload came in from the front, it was followed and fired on by jeering Soudanese.
The store-ships, which had for weeks been lying in the roads with rails, plant, and machinery not yet unloaded, were ordered back to England with their cargoes.
On the 17th May Graham and his staff left Souakim with the Coldstream Guards. The Grenadiers, as well as the Australians and Scots Guards, sailed the following day.
The remainder of the troops followed shortly after, and before the end of the month the whole of the expedition, with the exception of the Shropshire Regiment and a portion of the Indian Contingent, had left Souakim.
Of the results obtained by the expedition, there is but little to say. Its departure left Osman Digna still uncrushed, and the Souakim-Berber route still unopened; and Osman was enabled in 1885 to boast, as he had done in 1884, that he had driven the British out of the country.[136]
This expedition was of far greater strength than its predecessor, and it is no disparagement to the officers and men engaged in it to say that their exploits did not equal those of the expedition of 1884. Tamaai, Handoub, and other positions had been taken and occupied temporarily, and a small portion of the railway had been made. This represented about the sum total of results.[137]
LI. EVACUATION
Towards the end of March, 1885, the force at Korti was gradually withdrawn to the town of Dongola, where Wolseley again fixed his head-quarters. A small garrison of black troops only was left at Korti. The detachment at Merawi, under Colonel Butler, still remained there as a rear guard.
Although it had been decided to postpone further operations until the autumn, there is no reason to suppose that Wolseley entertained any idea that the enterprise against Berber and Khartoum was ever going to be abandoned. But early in April an unexpected contingency had to be reckoned with. On 9th April Mr. Gladstone announced to the House of Commons the Russian attack on the Afghan frontier, and the calling out of the Reserves in the United Kingdom.
This led the British Government to reconsider the whole question of the Soudan Expedition, and Wolseley was instructed to proceed to Cairo and confer with Sir E. Baring and General Stephenson on the military situation.
On 13th April, Lord Hartington telegraphed to Wolseley as follows:--
"In the condition of Imperial affairs it is probable that the expedition to Khartoum may have to be abandoned, and the troops brought back as soon as possible to Egypt. Consider at once what measures should, in that case, be taken for safe withdrawal of troops. This would involve stopping advance from Souakim, but not hurried withdrawal."
On the 14th April Wolseley telegraphed that in the event of the Government determining to withdraw the troops from the Soudan, before completion of arrangements he must know whether it was intended to retain Dongola, Wady Halfa, Korosko, or Assouan, as the frontier post. He said that if the position on the southern frontier of Egypt was to be exclusively one of defence, he would hold Wady Halfa and Korosko as outposts, with a strong brigade at Assouan. There would be no difficulty in withdrawing troops, but for the position in Egypt it was most essential that the announcement of withdrawal should be accompanied by an authoritative statement that the Government was determined to maintain a British garrison.
The next day Wolseley telegraphed his opinion on the question of withdrawal, strongly advising the retention of Dongola. His message, omitting irrelevant passages, was as follows:--
"At, and south of Assouan, I have about 7,500 British fighting soldiers. Retreat policy will require at least 2,500 on the frontier, leaving 5,000 available. For the sake of this handful, is it advisable to reverse Soudan policy? Retreat from Dongola hands that province over to the Mahdi, and renders loyalty of Ababdehs and other frontier tribes very doubtful. Withdraw Graham's force if necessary; this will not seriously disturb Egypt; but hold on to Dongola province."
There are few unprejudiced persons who will not agree in the soundness of the views above expressed. The reply was as follows:--
"War Office, April 15th, 1885.
"Your telegrams of the 14th and 15th received. Decision will probably be to adopt proposal for defence of Egyptian frontier at Wady Halfa and Assouan, as in your telegram of 14th. It is desirable that troops not required for this purpose should be concentrated as soon as possible, and available for any other service."
The Government at this time had fully made up their minds to withdraw from the Soudan altogether as early as possible.
Wolseley, on the other hand, was anxious that before this step should be finally taken, the Mahdi should be crushed once for all, and in a very able despatch, dated the 16th April, set forth his views.
The document, which reads very like a protest against the policy of the Gladstone Cabinet, omitting some passages, is as follows:--
"Both from a military and financial point of view, and also with regard to the general well-being of Egypt proper, the growing power of the Mahdi must be met, not by a purely defensive policy on the frontier, whether at Assouan or Wady Halfa, but by his overthrow in the neighbourhood of Khartoum."
The despatch concludes:--
"To sum up. The struggle with the Mahdi, or rather, perhaps, with Mahdi-ism, must come sooner or later. We can accept it now, and have done with it once and for all, or we can allow all the military reputation we have gained at the cost of so much toil and hard fighting, all the bloodshed and all the expenditure of the past campaign, to go for nothing, and try and stave the final struggle off for a few years. These years will be years of trouble and disturbance for Egypt, of burden and strain to our military resources, and the contest that will come in the end will be no less than that which is in front of us now. This is all we shall gain by a defensive policy."
The Afghan question still troubled the Ministry, and on the 20th April Lord Hartington telegraphed that the "Government were about to announce that it was necessary to hold all the military resources of the Empire, including the forces in the Soudan, available for service wherever required. The Government would not," he said, "therefore make provision for further offensive operations in the Soudan, or for military preparations for an early advance on Khartoum, beyond such as could not be stopped with advantage, and did not involve hostile action, viz., river steamboats contracted for, and the completion of the Wady Halfa Railway. As to ulterior steps, the Government reserved their liberty of action. With the cessation of active operations on the Nile, any considerable extension of the Souakim-Berber Railway was to be suspended; but as Souakim must be held for the present, it might be necessary to occupy one or more stations in the neighbourhood, and the Government would retain a garrison in Egypt, and defend the frontier."
On the 23rd April Wolseley proposed that he should go to Souakim in order to form an opinion on the spot as to the points which it would be desirable to hold.
This was approved by the Government, and on the 24th Wolseley communicated the arrangements made for the disposition of the Nile force in his absence as follows:--
"On 1st June, troops at Merawi start for Dongola, at which place and Abu Fatmeh I propose to concentrate force now up the Nile. This movement will be completed by 1st July.
"In the meantime, railway to Ferket will be in a forward state, and able to assist greatly in the movement of troops and Civil Government officers on Wady Halfa. At present nearly all the troops are in huts; to move them in this present hot weather will be very trying to their health.
"When troops are concentrated at Dongola and Abu Fatmeh I shall expect orders before I move them to Wady Halfa."
On the 27th April Wolseley was informed that he was to act in accordance with the proposals contained in his telegram of the 24th. The concentration, he was instructed, should be deliberate, but the movement from Merawi was to begin at once.
Wolseley and his staff left Cairo on April 29th and immediately embarked for Souakim.
General Buller and Sir Charles Wilson being asked their opinions, both reported strongly against a withdrawal from Dongola, and their views were supported by Sir Evelyn Baring.
All argument, however, was in vain. The Government remained unconvinced.
In the beginning of May the Merawi detachment moved down to Dongola, and on the 13th the evacuation of the latter place commenced.
The Soudan having to be abandoned, the Government evinced some desire to consider how far some sort of government could be set on foot for the province of Dongola.
Sir E. Baring, to whom a question was addressed on the subject, referred to Wolseley and General Buller. The former, regarding the matter from a military point of view, replied that a railway ought to be made to Hannek (just below the town of New Dongola), and the end of the line held by a British battalion, and Dongola itself should be garrisoned by 2,000 black troops. The present "Wekil," according to Wolseley, should be appointed Mudir. "It was safer," added his Lordship, "to attempt this than to hand Dongola over to the Mahdi and anarchy."
Buller replied that he did not think it possible to establish a government as proposed, and that the first thing to be considered was who was to take charge of it. His opinion was that no force of blacks that could be got together would be sufficient to hold the province. He added that he did not believe the railway to Hannek to be anything but a waste of money; it would besides require all the present force as a covering party; he believed the British were withdrawing just as the fruit was falling into their hands; concluding with the sentence, "I do not believe that when we leave Dongola any one else will keep the Mahdi out."
Sir E. Baring, in forwarding the above opinions, said that "in view of the decision of the Government he thought that instructions should be given to send down all troops, and as many of the civil population as wished to leave, to Wady Halfa," and concluded in the following words:--
"Your Lordship will understand that we make this recommendation only because we consider it to be the necessary consequence of the decision of Her Majesty's Government to abandon the province of Dongola at once, but that it must in no way be taken to imply our agreement with that decision.
"Nubar Pasha, on behalf of the Egyptian Government, requests me to make a final and most earnest appeal to the Government of Her Majesty to postpone the departure of the British troops from Dongola for, say, six months, in order that there may be at least a chance of establishing a government there.
"Nubar Pasha fears that the retreat of the British from Dongola will react on Egypt, and especially on the southern provinces, to such an extent as will render it impossible for the Khedive's Government to maintain order, and that they will be forced to appeal to Her Majesty's Government for help to preserve order in the country, and that thus the present system of government which Her Majesty's Government have been at so much trouble to maintain will be found no longer possible."
Nubar's appeal had no effect, and the question of the future government of Dongola occupied the British Cabinet no more. On the 14th May, Sir E. Baring was informed that it was the intention to withdraw the whole force to Wady Halfa.
On the 16th Wolseley telegraphed his idea as to the British force which should remain at Korosko and Wady Halfa.
This was approved by the Government, and the troops continued their journey down the Nile.
The departure of the soldiers from Dongola was accompanied by the exodus of a large portion of the native population, who feared to be left exposed to the vengeance of the Mahdi.
Mr. Gladstone's Ministry retired from office on 12th June, and on the Conservative Cabinet coming into power, one of the first questions with which it occupied itself was that of Egypt.
It was impossible for the Ministry of Lord Salisbury to at once reverse the Egyptian policy of their predecessors, but the new Premier declared that "England had a mission in Egypt, and that until it was accomplished it was idle to talk of withdrawal."
The evacuation of the Soudan, however, stood on a different footing. The steps taken by Mr. Gladstone's Government were so far advanced that the measure was already practically a fait accompli. As Lord Salisbury stated, "the whole of the Soudan down to Dongola had been already evacuated, and the whole of the province of Dongola, with the exception of a rear-guard left at Debbeh, had been evacuated also; and 12,000 of the luckless population, to avoid the vengeance of the Mahdi, had fled from their houses and taken refuge in Upper Egypt."
It was not, however, without inquiry that Lord Salisbury's Cabinet determined to proceed with the evacuation. Wolseley was again consulted, and in a despatch of 27th June he wrote:--
"You cannot get out of Egypt for many years to come. If the present policy of retreat be persisted in the Mahdi will become stronger and stronger, and you will have to increase your garrisons and submit to the indignity of being threatened by him. Eventually you will have to fight him to hold your position in Egypt, which you will then do with the population round you ready on any reverse to rise against you. No frontier force can keep Mahdism out of Egypt, and the Mahdi sooner or later must be smashed, or he will smash you.
"To advance in the autumn on Khartoum and discredit the Mahdi by a serious defeat on his own ground would certainly finish him. The operation, if done deliberately, would be a simple one; and, as far as anything can be a certainty in war, it would be a certainty. Until this is done there will be no peace in Egypt, and your military expenditure will be large and increasing. My advice, therefore, is, carry out autumn campaign up the Nile, as originally intended. I would leave Souakim as it is."
On the 2nd July the Government telegraphed that--
"Her Majesty's Government, after a full consideration of all the circumstances, were not prepared to reverse the orders given by their predecessors by countermanding the retreat of the force from Dongola."
Thus the policy of evacuation was affirmed.
General Brackenbury with the last of the rear-guard left Dongola on the 5th, and followed the rest of the troops down to Cairo.
On the 6th July Wolseley handed over the command of the British troops to General Stephenson, and in a few weeks the greater part of the officers and men forming the expedition had left Egypt.
The services of the officers and men forming the Gordon Relief Expedition were referred to by Lord Salisbury on the 12th August in moving in the House of Lords a vote of thanks in the following words:--
"In considering their merits you must keep out of sight altogether the precise results and outcome of the labours they have gone through and the dangers they have incurred. Of course this is not the moment at which to broach controversial topics, and I only wish to say that you must look upon this fact--that they failed to fulfil the main purpose for which they were sent out through no fault of their own. The prize of success was taken from them, as it were by an overmastering destiny, by the action of causes, whatever their nature, over which they themselves had no more control than they would have over a tempest or earthquake."[138]
There can be no doubt that Lord Salisbury's eulogium was well deserved.
The merits of the officers and men were unquestionable. That they did not succeed was owing to the incapacity of those who sent them, at the wrong time, by the wrong route, on their fruitless errand.
LII. CONTINUATION
The preceding chapter brings the narrative down to the summer of 1885, at which period the First Edition of the present work was brought to a close.
In the final chapter the errors of British policy in Egypt were dealt with. It was pointed out how the dilatory fashion in which England intervened to suppress the Arabi revolt led to its indefinite prolongation; how when Alexandria had been destroyed, and massacres had taken place all over the country, a British army was sent too late to avert these disasters; how when the Arabi insurrection had been put down, and that of the Mahdi took its place, England reduced the Army of Occupation, and left Egypt to attempt to cope single-handed with the revolt; how in 1884, when Tokar and Sinkat were cut off, England sent an army to the relief of those places only in time to find that they had already fallen; how when many British lives had been sacrificed, and thousands of Soudanese had been slaughtered in the Eastern Soudan, England, instead of crushing Osman Digna and opening the route to Berber, withdrew her troops only to send another expedition in the following year, when too late to accomplish those very objects; finally, how, having sent Gordon to bring away the garrisons in the Soudan, England, again too late, despatched an expedition to his rescue.
The feeble manner in which the reform of Egyptian institutions had been taken in hand was also indicated, and it was pointed out how England, by declaring that her stay in the country was only to be short-lived, added to the difficulty of carrying any of such reforms into effect.
With regard to the Drummond-Wolff Convention of the 24th October, 1885, it was foretold that the inquiry provided for into Egyptian affairs would be illusory, and the withdrawal of the Army of Occupation, which the Convention was to effect, was one of those events which might safely be relegated to the remote future.
It was pointed out that, whatever the future of Egypt under British guidance might be, it was impossible that it could be marked by greater errors than had been witnessed in the past, and, in conclusion, advice was given in the words following:--
"Put the Administration really, instead of nominally and half-heartedly, under English control. Discard all idea of going away in two years, or twenty years, or two hundred years, if the country is not brought to order and prosperity by that time. Declare that as long as England remains she will be responsible for Egyptian finances, and for the safety and property of Europeans. Simplify as much as possible the official staff and system, and take proper steps for securing whatever point may be needed as the frontier."
It is satisfactory to be able to observe that since the above was written much has been done in the way of following the Author's recommendations. The firm attitude adopted with regard to Egypt by Lord Salisbury's Ministry on its accession to office in 1885 has been maintained by succeeding Governments, and with the happiest results. One Egyptian administration after another has been taken in hand, abuses have been suppressed, corruption reduced to a minimum, and order and regularity introduced. The finances have been placed on a sound footing; reforms have been everywhere inaugurated; and tranquillity reigns throughout the country, which has arrived at a pitch of prosperity such as in modern times it has never before attained. In addition, as a result of the improvements made in her military system, Egypt, with England's aid, has been enabled to suppress a formidable insurrection, and to regain the most valuable of her lost provinces.
The different steps by which all this has been brought about may be gleaned, partially at least, from the following pages.
LIII. THE MAHDIST INVASION
It was not unnatural that the retirement of the Gordon Relief Expedition, in 1885, should have inspired the Mahdi with the idea that the moment had now arrived for the fulfilment of what he regarded as part of his Divine mission, viz., the invasion of Egypt. Two British armies had been sent, in two successive years, to the Eastern Soudan, and both, after a certain amount of fighting, had been withdrawn, whilst a third, despatched for the relief of Khartoum, had, when almost at the gates of Khartoum, been forced to retrace its steps, and retreat down the Nile. What ensued was only the result foretold by Lord Wolseley when he prophetically declared to Her Majesty's Government that "the struggle with the Mahdi, or rather with Mahdism, must come sooner or later. Eventually you will have to fight him to hold your position in Egypt. No frontier force can keep Mahdism out of Egypt, and the Mahdi, sooner or later, must be smashed, or he will smash you."[139]
When, as stated in another chapter, the last of the British troops left Dongola on 5th July, 1885, an Egyptian frontier field force, composed of British and Egyptian troops, was formed, and placed under the command of Major-General Grenfell, Sir Evelyn Wood's successor as Sirdar of the Egyptian army. His head-quarters were fixed at Assouan, whilst Brigadier-General Butler commanded the advanced brigade at Wady Halfa, with outposts at Kosheh, about forty-two miles south of the railway terminus at Akasheh.
The Mahdi's plans for the invasion of Egypt were formed as early as May, in fact, as soon as he was able to make sure of the break-up of the Nile Expedition.
The idea was to make the advance in two river columns, under the command of the Emirs Abd-el-Medjid and Mohammed-el-Kheir respectively, who were to march on Wady Halfa, whilst a third column was to cross the desert from Abu Hamid to Korosko, thus cutting the communications of the defensive force at Wady Halfa.
The death of the Mahdi in the month of June by no means interfered with the carrying out of this programme, his successor, the Khalifa Abdullah-el-Taaishi, being almost as capable a leader as his predecessor, and even more oppressive and unscrupulous.
Notwithstanding that Omdurman, which had become the Khalifa's capital, was ravaged by famine and small-pox, the preparations for the advance continued, and by the early part of August Debbeh and Old Dongola were occupied by the forces of Abd-el-Medjid, numbering 4,000 men. By the end of the month the whole of the country south of Dongola was in the hands of the Khalifa's troops. On the 24th, Wad-en-Nejumi, one of the chief Emirs, was reported as having left Omdurman with a large force, going north. It must not be supposed that the expedition was popular with the Khalifa's soldiers, but unfortunately they had no choice in the matter. They are said to have declared, "Our brothers are dead; the English shoot well, and we have nothing to eat."
From Dongola the invaders proceeded north along the Nile, till, on the 20th September, they had reached as far as Hafir. The Dervish forces at that place, and at Dongola, were estimated at 7,000 by the beginning of October.
Meanwhile, another army was marching on Abu Hamid, where 3,000 men arrived in the latter part of October.
Seeing that the Dervish attack was impending, steps were taken to meet the emergency. Two gunboats were sent to patrol the river above Akasheh, and the post at that place was strengthened by the sending of a force of Egyptian Mounted Infantry, and a half battalion of black troops.
On the 26th October General Grenfell telegraphed from Assouan to General Stephenson for another battalion to be sent him from Cairo, adding, "We should now look upon an advance on Egypt as merely a question of time, and be thoroughly prepared." On 4th November, Captain Hunter (now Sir Archibald Hunter), of the Intelligence Department, reported that 8,000 of the enemy had crossed to Abu Fatmeh, and that everything indicated an immediate advance. On the next day news was received that the enemy was advancing on both banks, Mohammed-el-Kheir on the east, and Abd-el-Medjid on the west, with the object of cutting off the communications of the advanced force, and preventing reinforcements reaching it.
A few days later, viz., on the 17th, it became known that 8,000 Dervishes had reached Dulgo,[140] and that the advanced guard was at Absarat, whence it was to march on Khanak, to cut the Wady Haifa railway.
On the 27th, it was reported that 7,000 of the enemy were occupying the heights near Ammara, a few miles south of Ginnis, and that 4,000 more were now at Abu Hamid. Three days afterwards a spy gave information that 1,000 mounted men had left by the desert for the north of Akasheh, and that another thousand had crossed the river to the west bank, the intention being to make a simultaneous attack on Kosheh, Akasheh, and the railway.
The news of the Dervish advance now caused widespread alarm in Cairo, as well as in Egypt generally, and, to preserve public order, the police force had to be reinforced, more especially in the frontier provinces. Steps were, at the same time, taken to strengthen the Army of Occupation by sending two additional battalions from the United Kingdom.
On the 30th November, General Butler and his staff left Wady Halfa for the front at Akasheh, and General Grenfell moved up to Wady Halfa. At this date the frontier force was disposed as follows:--At Kosheh, 600 British and 300 Egyptians; at Mograkeh, 260 Egyptians; at Sarkamatto and Dal, 200 Egyptians; at Akasheh, 600 British and 350 Egyptians; and at Wady Halfa, 500 British and 350 Egyptians; total, 3,160 men. In addition to these, small detachments were posted at Ambigol Wells, Sarras, and other places.
A skirmish, which took place at Ginnis on the 29th, showed that the main body of the enemy was posted in front of Kosheh, where it had arrived on the previous day.[141]
On the 3rd December, Captain Hunter engaged the advance party of the enemy, with Gardner guns and rifles, with considerable effect, several horsemen and foot-soldiers being killed.
Meanwhile an attempt had been made by the Dervishes to cut the line of communications at Ambigol Wells, where a small post of only thirty men of the Berkshire and West Kent Regiments was established in a fort. The Dervish force attacked with men, mounted and on foot, and one gun. They were driven off with some loss on the 2nd December, but on the two following days returned to the attack. Several sorties were made by the little garrison, until the arrival of reinforcements on the 4th caused the besiegers to retire.
At 6.15 a.m. on the 12th, 3,000 Dervishes attacked a fort constructed at Mograkeh, near Kosheh, and got within 100 yards of it. The garrison of the fort, consisting of 300 men of the Egyptian army, behaved with great steadiness, and repulsed the attack. After the skirmish, the enemy moved to the village of Ferket, a place on the river north of Ginnis, and occupied it, From this point they retired to the hills. Two men killed and half a dozen wounded represented the Egyptian loss.
This was followed, on the night of the 15th, by a further attack on Kosheh from a battery erected on sand hills on the western bank, which was silenced, and the attacking force driven off on the 16th.
All the posts were now rapidly reinforced. General Grenfell had already arrived at Wady Halfa on the 4th December, and on the 19th December General Stephenson came from Cairo and assumed the command of the frontier force, with Grenfell as Chief of the Staff.
Arrangements were promptly made to inflict a crushing blow on the enemy, who, encouraged by the slight resistance to their advance hitherto made, had pushed their foremost troops north of the village of Ginnis, where the main body was established.
At the same time, about 1,000 men, with a gun, threatened the zeriba on the west bank, held by the Egyptian troops.
On the 29th, Generals Stephenson and Grenfell marched from Ferket and bivouacked on the east bank below the fort of Kosheh, where the whole of the fighting force was by this time concentrated.
The troops consisted of--Cavalry,20th Hussars; British Mounted Infantry and Camel Corps; Egyptian Cavalry and Camel Corps: Artillery, 1 battery Royal Artillery; 1 Egyptian camel battery and Gardner guns: Royal Engineers, 1 company: Infantry, 1st Brigade, under General Butler--Berkshire Regiment, West Kent Regiment, and Durham Regiment; 2nd Brigade, under Colonel Huyshe--Cameron Highlanders; Yorkshire Regiment; 1st and 9th Battalions (part only) of the Egyptian army. Total, about 5,000 men.
On the morning of the 30th, Stephenson attacked and defeated the Khalifa's forces at Kosheh and the neighbouring village of Ginnis.
On the two preceding days, artillery fire had been kept up on the enemy's position. At 5 a.m. on the 30th, the whole force advanced.
By daylight the 2nd Brigade and the 1st Egyptian Battalion had taken up a strong position on the heights above Kosheh, at a distance of about 1,200 yards from, and directly opposite, the village. At 6.10 a.m. the British battery attached to this brigade began to shell Kosheh. A quarter of an hour later the Cameron Highlanders and two companies of the 9th Soudanese rushed the houses in gallant style.
The village was captured, together with a brass gun, at 6.50 a.m. The gunboat Lotus co-operated in this movement, and by her fire inflicted considerable loss on the retreating Dervishes.
Whilst this was going on, the 1st Brigade, under Butler, had swept round to the south end of the village of Ginnis, and by daybreak had gained a position on the hills about a mile from the river. Up to this time, the advance made along the flank of the enemy's position had escaped observation, but as the eastern sky behind the advancing troops brightened, the Dervishes, who were completely surprised, came out from the low ground along the river, and streamed to the front. Thence they opened an irregular fire, which, in spite of the Martini-Henrys of the brigade, was maintained for about forty minutes.
In the meanwhile, the Egyptian battery, attached to the 1st Brigade, had been brought into action on the right of the position, and was doing good service. The infantry deploying in line, the West Kent on the right, and the Berkshire and Durham Regiments on the left of the guns, kept up a steady fire, assisted by the Egyptian Camel Corps. Notwithstanding the volleys of the Martini-Henrys, a large body of spearmen managed to creep up unobserved, through a deep ravine in front of the line of infantry, to a spot where the dismounted camels of the Egyptian Camel Corps had been placed.
The spearmen then made so rapid a rush that the men of the Camel Corps had not time to mount, and so were driven back fighting hand to hand with their assailants, who pressed them closely. The West Kent Regiment, which on the attack developing had been moved to the left of the line, came to the assistance of the Camel Corps, and shooting down numbers of the enemy, the rest fell back and fled to the hills. The brigade, then swinging round to the left, was directed upon the village of Ginnis, and, though time after time attempts at a stand were made, the enemy were eventually all dispersed, and at 9.15 the village was occupied, the Dervishes fleeing south, in the direction of Atab.
The 2nd Brigade, after disposing of Kosheh, had continued its advance in the direction of Ginnis, which it entered on the eastern side, a quarter of an hour after the 1st Brigade had taken possession.
The cavalry went in pursuit of the fugitives until 10 a.m., and by that time the Dervish army had been dissolved into a mass of disorganized and terror-stricken Arabs. Many of them crossed over to the west bank and escaped into the desert.
The camp at Ginnis was seized, and four guns and twenty standards captured.
The British and Egyptian loss in the fight was only seven killed and thirty-four wounded, and if, as estimated, out of a force of 6,000 men, the Khalifa's troops had 500 killed and 300 wounded, it must be admitted that the engagement partook more of the nature of a battu than a battle.
After the fight, and on the same day, the 1st Brigade advanced to Atab, five miles to the west of Giniss, whilst the cavalry continued the pursuit to Abri, which on the following day was occupied by Buller's brigade.
The action at Ginnis was a serious check to the Khalifa. Not only had his emir Abd-el-Medjid with eighteen minor chiefs been killed, but the prestige which the Mahdi's successor enjoyed amongst his followers had also sustained a severe blow.
The remainder of his scattered-forces was now collected at Kermeh, about 30 miles north of Dongola, where, under the command of Mohammed-el-Kheir, they awaited reinforcements.
LIV. FINANCE, THE SUEZ CANAL, AND THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION
In the year 1885, each of the subjects mentioned in the heading of the present chapter came prominently to the front. In the following pages it is proposed to deal with the different matters in succession.
Finance. In July, 1885, Egypt, thanks to the good offices of Great Britain, was enabled to arrange a very thorny question which had arisen with regard to her finance. To explain what occurred, it is necessary to refer to the events which had previously taken place.
Under the financial decrees of Ismail Pasha, certain revenues were assigned to the Public Debt Commissioners to provide for the interest and Sinking Fund of the debt. Although, by the Law of Liquidation accepted by the Powers in 1880, the rate of interest was reduced, the provision for the Sinking Fund was left untouched, and the result was that the debt was gradually reduced by about a million. This, however, was too good a state of things to last. The expenses caused by the insurrection in the Soudan, the necessity of providing for the payment of the Alexandria indemnities, and other pressing claims, not only rendered it impossible for Egypt to continue the reduction of her existing debt, but made it indispensable to contract a fresh one in the shape of a new loan.
In March, 1884, at the invitation of Lord Granville, a conference of the Great Powers was held in London to discuss the situation. To purchase the goodwill of France, what became known as "The Anglo-French Convention" was entered into. By this, subject to the acceptance by the Powers of the British financial proposals, the British troops in Egypt were to be withdrawn at a fixed date, unless the Powers, in the meantime, should agree to their remaining. Lord Granville pointed out the absurdity of Egypt continuing to pay off her old debts at a moment when the funds at her disposal were insufficient to meet her current expenditure. The British proposals, which involved not only a suspension of the Sinking Fund, but also a further diminution in the rate of interest, were opposed by the French representative; and Lord Granville, in a somewhat summary manner, dissolved the conference. Lord Northbrook was then despatched to Egypt as High Commissioner, and in September, 1884, no means having been discovered of relieving the financial tension, the Egyptian Government, under his advice, adopted the strong measure of directing the governors of the provinces, as well as the heads of the customs and railway administrations, to pay directly to the Treasury the balance of their receipts for the current half-year (which closed on the 25th October), instead of to the "Caisse" of the debt. It is worthy of remark that there was at this time sufficient money in the "Caisse" to pay the interest on the debt, and the funds intercepted would simply have gone to swell the Sinking Fund. The step, nevertheless, was a clear violation of the existing arrangements between Egypt and her creditors, and naturally raised a storm. Protests rained in from all quarters; and some of the Powers, notably France, Germany, and Russia, used strong language. The Commissioners of the debt also attacked the Khedive's Ministers in the Mixed Tribunals. The Egyptian Government, realizing that it had got into a "tight place," again by British advice, meekly bowed its head and directed the payments to the "Caisse" to be resumed. The Cairo Mixed Tribunal on the 18th December gave judgment directing the Government to refund the money diverted. This they were absolutely unable to do, and an appeal was lodged, partly to gain time and partly because the negotiations with the Powers, abruptly broken off by Lord Granville, had been in the meantime renewed. At last, on the 18th March, 1885, "The London Convention" came to the aid of Nubar Pasha and his Cabinet. The effect of this agreement and the declarations dated the 17th March annexed to it was that the Powers acquiesced in the issue of a new loan of £9,000,000. Foreigners were made liable to certain taxes, and the Law of Liquidation was modified. Further than this, the Mixed Tribunals were declared incompetent to proceed with the action against the Government. On 27th July, 1885, a decree embodying these terms was signed, and a situation full of embarrassment was happily put an end to.
The Suez Canal. It should be mentioned that in the declarations annexed to "The London Convention" was one which provided that a commission composed of delegates of the Great Powers should assemble at an early date to consider the measures to be adopted to secure the free navigation of the Suez Canal in time of war. What possible connection there was between this question and that of Egyptian finance it is hard to say, but, the engagement having been made, it had to be carried out, and the negotiations were at once taken in hand.
The International Commission for dealing with the matter held its first sitting in Paris on the 30th March, 1885, and proceeded to discuss the various points involved.
As stated in a previous chapter, the attention of the Powers had been called to the matter by Lord Granville, then Foreign Secretary, as far back as the 3rd January, 1883, though thus far no progress had been made.
By the 13th June, 1885, the Commission had agreed on the text of a convention by which the freedom of navigation of the Canal in war-time was to be secured, and the Commission then concluded its sittings.
It should be mentioned that the British delegates, in approving the arrangement, formally declared that they did so under express reservation against the application of any of the clauses which might be incompatible with the existing situation in Egypt, or which might fetter the action of Her Majesty's Government or the movements of Her Majesty's forces during the British occupation of Egypt. From the date last mentioned, the question was under discussion by the respective Governments till more than three years later, when the Convention was concluded, and finally ratified by the Powers on the 22nd December, 1888.
The principal provisions of the Convention were the following, viz.:--
That the Canal should be open to both merchant vessels and men-of-war both in time of war and peace; that the Canal should not be subject to the exercise of the right of blockade; that no act of hostility should be committed in the Canal, its ports of access, or within a radius of three miles; that vessels of belligerents should only take in supplies so far as they were actually necessary, and that their stay in port should be limited to twenty-four hours; that the like interval should elapse between the sailing of a belligerent vessel and the departure of a vessel of a hostile Power; that no belligerent Power should disembark or embark either troops or munitions of war; that no vessel of war belonging to the contracting Powers should be stationed in the Canal, and not more than two at Port Saïd or Suez; that the restrictions imposed should not apply to measures which the Sultan or the Khedive might take for the defence of Egypt by their own forces or for the maintenance of public order; and that no fortifications should be erected.
Referring to a former chapter dealing with M. de. Lesseps' contention as to the neutrality of the Canal, it is worthy of note that in no part of the Convention does the word "neutrality" occur, and it is a fact that in Lord Salisbury's instructions to the British delegates they were expressly warned to avoid using that expression and to substitute for it the term "freedom of navigation."
The Army of Occupation. In August, 1885, the continued presence of the Army of Occupation (then 14,000 in number) had for some time been producing increased irritation on the part of the Sultan, and also of the French Government. Sir H. Drummond-Wolff was then sent to the East with the object of endeavouring to arrive at some understanding with regard to the withdrawal of the British troops. The British envoy was also, in combination with the Turkish commissioner Moukhtar Pasha, to consider the steps to be taken for tranquillizing the Soudan, and to inquire what changes might be necessary in the civil administration of Egypt.
The British commissioner was received by the Sultan on 29th August, and having signed a preliminary convention with the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs at Constantinople, came on to Cairo two months later, where he was joined by his colleague.
Their joint inquiry lasted till the end of 1886, and resulted in various suggestions which were not adopted.
In January, 1887, the Sultan, backed by France, was pressing the British Government to name a day for the evacuation, and, with a view to meeting his views as far as possible, a definite convention on the subject was signed by the two commissioners on the 22nd May, 1887.
According to this agreement, the British troops were to withdraw at the end of three years, unless at the expiration of that period external or internal danger should render the postponement of the evacuation necessary, in which case the troops were to be withdrawn as soon as the danger should have disappeared. Two years after the withdrawal, the supervision exercised by Great Britain over the Egyptian army was to cease. Thenceforward Egypt was to enjoy territorial immunity, and, on the ratification of the Convention, the Powers were to be invited to recognize and guarantee the inviolability of Egyptian territory. Nevertheless, the Convention continued, the Turkish Government was to have the right to occupy the country militarily if there should be danger from invasion without, or if order and security were threatened within. On the other hand, the British Government reserved the right to send, in the above-mentioned cases, troops which would take the measures necessary to remove those dangers. Lastly, both the Ottoman and British troops were to withdraw as soon as the causes calling for their intervention should be removed.
The essential point in the agreement was the recognition, by the Sultan, of England's right to reoccupy Egypt, on emergency, and this at once gave rise to trouble.
As soon as the terms of the Convention were communicated to the French Government, the French Ambassador was rampant everywhere, and both he and his Russian colleague at Constantinople made the most violent opposition. They lost no opportunity of putting pressure on the Sultan, who at first was disposed to abide by the arrangement. They went so far as to declare that, if he ratified the Convention, France and Russia would thereby have a right to occupy provinces of the Turkish Empire, and to leave only after a similar convention should be concluded with them. They also hinted that France might do this in Syria, and Russia in Armenia. Austria, Germany, and Italy, on the other hand, urged the ratification of the Convention, but the poor Sultan was too much alarmed to consent, and, on the 14th July, proposed to England to throw over the agreement which his Ministers had signed, and to reopen negotiations for a new convention altogether.
This was a little too much for Lord Salisbury, then Foreign Secretary and Prime Minister. Needless to say the mission of the British envoy, upon which £25,046 in money and two years in time had been wasted, came to an end, and Sir H. Drummond-Wolff, who had already been waiting for a month to obtain the desired ratification, left Constantinople on the 15th. His colleague, Moukhtar Pasha, whose occupation was now gone, nevertheless remained in Egypt, where he is to be found at the present date, drawing a handsome salary, but with no defined duties.
The failure of the negotiations was probably as little regretted by Lord Salisbury as it was by everybody else having the welfare of Egypt at heart. Although the time may arrive when that country will be in a position to walk alone, in 1890 (the period fixed for the withdrawal of the Army of Occupation) that time had not been reached. The reforms inaugurated were then only beginning to bear fruit, and, without the supporting influence afforded by the presence of British troops, ran the risk of being only imperfectly carried into effect, even if they did not perish altogether.
It must be conceded that, considered merely as a military force, the presence of the Army of Occupation has for years ceased to be necessary. British Ministers have over and over again declared that England's intervention in Egypt was for the purpose of suppressing anarchy, supporting the authority of the Khedive, and restoring public order. No one can deny that all these objects have long since been attained, and those who attempt to justify the retention of the British troops on the supposition that their withdrawal might be followed by fresh troubles adopt an argument similar to that of a person who, having extinguished a conflagration in his neighbour's house, should persist in occupying it on the pretence that the fire might break out again.
But regarded as a moral support to England in carrying out her extended programme of reforming Egyptian institutions, the presence of the Army of Occupation may be for some time to come a necessity.
Writing on this subject, Sir Alfred Milner, in his admirable work "England in Egypt," remarks as follows:--
"The British troops have of course no sort of status in the country. They are not the soldiers of the Khedive, or foreign soldiers invited by the Khedive; they are not the soldiers of the protecting Power, because in theory there is no protecting Power. In theory, their presence is an accident, and their character that of simple visitors. At the present moment they are no longer, from the military point of view, of vital importance, for their numbers have been repeatedly reduced, and for several years past they have not exceeded, and do not now (1892) exceed, 3,000 men. It is true that their presence relieves a certain portion of the Egyptian army from duties it would otherwise have to perform, and that, if the British troops were altogether withdrawn, the number of Egyptian soldiers might have to be somewhat increased. But its value as part of the defensive forces of the country does not, of course, constitute the real importance and meaning of the British Army of Occupation. It is as the outward and visible sign of the predominance of British influence, of the special interest taken by Great Britain in the affairs of Egypt, that that army is such an important element in the present situation. Its moral effect is out of all proportion to its actual strength. The presence of a single British regiment lends a weight they would not otherwise possess to the counsels of the British Consul-General. Take the troops away, and you must either run the risk of a decline of British influence, which would imperil the work of reform, or devise, for a time at least, some new and equivalent support for that influence, a problem not perhaps impossible, but certainly difficult of solution."
LV. THE EASTERN SOUDAN
Any history of the military operations in Egypt, during the period comprised in the accompanying chapters, would be incomplete without a notice of the events which were in the meantime taking place in the Eastern Soudan.
In May, 1885, when Graham's force withdrew from Souakim, General Hudson took over the command. The troops left to protect the town consisted of 930 Europeans, 2,405 Indians, and the Egyptians forming the regular garrison.
Osman Digna, with the greater part of his followers, was again at Tamaai, and had also a small force at Hasheen. The fall of Kassala soon after, by setting free the besieging force, enabled Osman still further to strengthen his position in the neighbourhood of Souakim.[142] Under these circumstances, General Hudson was compelled to remain strictly on the defensive.
It would be both long and wearisome to attempt to describe the various incidents which occurred during many of the succeeding months.
Day after day the Dervish scouts approached the forts, and cavalry patrols went out and fired upon them; night after night parties of the enemy took up positions from which they fired on the town, and remained until dislodged by the shell fired from the forts and from the man-of-war stationed in the harbour. Thus Souakim continued to be besieged, the enemy refraining from any serious attack, and devoting themselves principally to raiding the friendly tribes in the adjoining territory.
On 11th May, 1886, the remainder of the British and Indian troops left, and Major Watson took command as Governor-General of the Eastern Soudan. The garrison at this time consisted of 2,500 Egyptians.
In June, the prospect began to brighten. The Dervishes withdrew their patrols round Souakim, and evacuated Hasheen and Handoub. The friendlies then began to take courage, and made advances upon Tamaai, which they blockaded, and eventually occupied on 11th September, the Soudanese garrison retiring with loss into a fort near the village.
On the 7th October the friendlies scored a further success. After being twice repulsed, they assaulted and took the fort after an hour's fighting, killing some 200 of the defenders and capturing eighteen guns.
The redoubtable Osman Digna, being wanted at Omdurman, had previously withdrawn, and no hostile force now remained in the Eastern Soudan.
Two thousand pounds was paid to the friendlies by way of subsidy, and trade with the interior was opened.
In November, Colonel Kitchener, who had succeeded Major Watson, reported "the collapse of Osman Digna's power," and a season of greater tranquillity than Souakim had known for years was experienced.
In January, 1887, affairs at Souakim had even further settled down, and many of the hostile tribes expressed a desire to come to terms, but, in June, news arrived that from 2,000 to 3,000 Dervishes, mostly Baggaras, were advancing from Kassala to relieve Tokar, at that time besieged by the friendlies. The arrival of the Baggaras at Tokar tended to revive the fanatical spirit at that place, but had not much influence on the surrounding tribes, who refused to present themselves there when summoned by Osman Digna.
In July, Osman was again called to Omdurman, and in his absence nothing particular was done in the neighbourhood of Souakim. During the autumn, things looked so peaceful that the garrison was reduced by the withdrawal of two battalions, and news of this circumstance reaching Osman, who had then returned to Kassala, he at once collected some 5,000 men and marched to Handoub. By 18th December he was again master of the whole country up to the walls of Souakim, which once more was in a state of siege. On 17th December, an attack was made on the Water Forts, and repulsed. A deserter reported that at Handoub and Tamaai a fighting force of 5,000 men was preparing to capture Souakim by a rush, and that the scheme would be carried out at daybreak very shortly.
In January, 1888, frequent night attacks were made; but they were invariably repulsed by the fire from the men-of-war in the harbour. On the 17th, a party of friendlies attacked the Dervish camp at daybreak. Mounted troops from Souakim went in support. The friendlies surprised and captured the enemy's camp. Then the Dervishes scattered in the pursuit re-entered the position from the rear, and drove off the friendlies with considerable loss. The whole Egyptian force then retreated to Souakim, pursued for four or five miles by the victorious Dervishes. In this engagement Kitchener and Lieutenant McMurdo were wounded, and eleven soldiers and friendlies were killed. As a result of the engagement, Kitchener was warned that in future he should not take part in similar operations with British officers or Egyptian regulars.
The intention was to capture Osman Digna, but although seen in the distance, he succeeded in escaping at the moment when the fortune of war appeared to be going against him.
Emboldened by this success, the Dervishes began to display increased activity round Souakim, the neighbourhood of which was infested with marauding bands. On the 3rd March, a large party established themselves by night at a disused position called Fort Hudson, and kept up a continuous fire on the town. On the morning of the 4th, numbers of the enemy were seen advancing, and H.M.S. Dolphin opened fire at 10 a.m. The Egyptian forces, to the number of 450 men, advanced to endeavour to drive the enemy from Fort Hudson, the friendly Amarar tribe assisting. The position, however, was too strong, and they were repulsed. To make matters worse, just at the moment when a reinforcement of the enemy necessitated the retirement a shell from the man-of-war, aimed at the Dervishes, burst among the friendlies, who, suddenly scared, fell back in disorder upon the regulars, who had nothing left to do but retreat with all possible speed. The Dervish force maintained its position during the remainder of the day under a heavy cross-fire. At nightfall the Dervishes drew off and made no further attempt to reoccupy the position. The Egyptian loss in this highly unsuccessful sortie was Colonel Tapp and eight men killed and seventeen wounded, without counting the poor friendlies.
After the affair of the 4th March things resumed a comparatively quiet condition for some months. The enemy's cavalry from time to time came within range, and a few shots were exchanged, but nothing serious was attempted on either side. The inaction of the blockading force was doubtless due in great measure to the dissensions which at this period broke out amongst the hostile tribes, some of whom were anxious to take Souakim by assault, whilst others deemed it useless to make the attempt. The result was a series of quarrels, which nearly led to actual fighting.
On the night of the 17th September, however, the aspect of things changed, and without any previous warning a force of some 500 men of the Jaalin and Baggara tribes intrenched themselves at a distance of 1,000 yards from the Water Forts, with the intention of cutting off the water supply, and commenced firing on the town. This was kept up continuously for some time by day and night, and frequent casualties occurred. On the 22nd the enemy placed a gun on the ridge between the Water Forts, and shelled the town until compelled by the fire from the lines to withdraw.
It was now evident that at any moment a determined attempt might be made to capture the town, and reinforcements were urgently called for. In response to the appeal, an additional vessel of war and another battalion were sent to Souakim.
Meanwhile, the besiegers still continued active in the trenches, which they pushed forward to within 600 yards of the defensive works. Their fire began to get exceedingly accurate, though but little harm was done.
Early in November General Grenfell arrived with two divisions of Horse Artillery and six mortars, which it was hoped would make the enemy's position in the trenches untenable. After taking a survey of the situation, Grenfell decided that it was necessary to drive the Arabs from their trenches as soon as a sufficient force should be assembled to make the operation practicable.
Two more Egyptian battalions, marching viá Keneh and Kosseir, reached Souakim in the beginning of December. In addition to this reinforcement, and in consequence of doubts being entertained at home as to how far the Egyptian troops could be relied on to face the Soudanese alone and unsupported, the 2nd Battalion of the Scottish Borderers and 100 of the British Mounted Infantry were sent from Cairo. This brought the entire force up to 750 British troops, 2,000 Egyptians, and 2,000 Soudanese.
A reconnaissance made by the cavalry on the 9th December having been forced to retire before a strong body of the enemy's horsemen, it was recognized that the cavalry force ought to be strengthened. In consequence of this, a squadron of the 20th Hussars was sent from Cairo.
Apprehension being still expressed as to the sufficiency of Grenfell's force, half of the 1st Battalion of the Welsh Regiment was also despatched.
By the 18th, the additional troops had all arrived, and everything was prepared for the impending attack.[143] The enemy's trenches were situated between 800 and 900 yards south-west of the two Water Forts, Ghemaiza and Shaata, and extended in a long irregular line. The ground to the west of the northern flank was clear and practicable for cavalry, while to the north of the northern flank was a depression which would enable the troops to form up for attack before coming under fire. This circumstance decided General Grenfell to attack on the north flank, whilst at the same time making a feint on the south flank.
It was arranged to make the attack a surprise, and with this object a naval demonstration was prepared at Mersa Kuwai, eight miles to the north of Souakim, and visible from Osman Digna's camp at Handoub. It was also decided that, previous to the actual attack, the trenches were to be vigorously cannonaded by the guns from the lines, and H.M.S. Racer.
At 6 a.m. on the 20th, the artillery fire commenced along the whole line of defence, and the troops marched out to the attack. The 1st Brigade, under Colonel Kitchener, was composed of the 9th, 10th, and 12th Soudanese Battalions; the 2nd Brigade, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Holled-Smith, consisted of the 4th Egyptian Battalion and the 11th Soudanese. The Scottish Borderers and the 3rd Egyptian Battalion marched out independently, and took up a position in the rear of the Water Forts at 6.30 a.m.
The two brigades now advanced to a position parallel to the extreme north flank of the enemy's trenches, where they formed front and moved steadily towards the works. When within 600 yards the troops came under fire. The advance was continued without replying until within 200 yards, when the brigades, advancing by quick rushes and opening a heavy fusillade, reached the trenches and captured them at the point of the bayonet. Here the greatest slaughter took place, and the survivors, attempting to rally on their right flank, were dispersed by the 11th Soudanese, who, in their eagerness to fight, had broken their square and deployed. During the attack on the trenches, the cavalry remained on the right of the infantry, guarding their flank. The Horse Artillery Battery at this period came up and shelled the redoubt on the south flank of the intrenchments, which had also been exposed to a heavy infantry fire from the Welsh Regiment and the 3rd Egyptian Battalion, which had advanced from their position behind the Water Forts. The two Egyptian brigades now cleared the whole line of intrenchments from north to south, and, with the Mounted Infantry on the north flank, poured steady volleys upon the Dervishes, by this time in full retreat upon Handoub.
An attempt made by the enemy's horsemen to work round the right flank of the attacking line at an earlier stage of the action was defeated by the 20th Hussars, who charged and drove them in disorder in the direction of Hasheen.
By 8 a.m. the whole thing was over, the position was taken, and the bugles sounded "Cease firing." The cavalry, however, continued to pursue the retreating enemy, whilst the rest of the troops intrenched themselves in zeribas on the captured position.
The defeat of Osman Digna's followers was most complete. Out of a force of a little over 1,500 men, they had 500 killed either in the fight or during the pursuit. On the other side the loss was insignificant, being only six killed and forty-six wounded. It must be admitted that the Dervish force was vastly inferior in point of numbers to their opponents,[144] who also possessed the advantages of superior skill and discipline. Even making every allowance for these circumstances, it is difficult to account for the trifling loss sustained by the Anglo-Egyptian troops, except on the hypothesis that they never, in point of fact, encountered any real resistance. Another circumstance was that the Dervish force was left to defend their position against greatly superior numbers without being reinforced. This may perhaps be explained by the diversion caused by the naval demonstration made at Mersa Kuwai, and which no doubt caused Osman Digna to imagine that a serious attack at that point was also contemplated.
The effect of Grenfell's victory on the local tribes must have been very great, and the idea naturally was that an immediate advance of the Egyptian troops would be made. This, however, formed no part of the General's instructions, which were simply to drive the enemy from their trenches, and on no account to advance against Osman Digna at Handoub.
Before leaving, Grenfell approved plans made for the construction of additional forts and redoubts, so as to prevent the enemy being able in future to intrench themselves within range of the town, and his mission being accomplished, he then returned to Cairo.
The British troops were next withdrawn, and Colonel Kitchener, who was left in command of the garrison of 2,000 men, maintained a purely defensive attitude.
LVI. THE NILE FRONTIER
At the end of March, 1886, Mohammed-el-Kheir was still at Kermeh, with a considerable force distributed between that place and Dongola. Although there was nothing to show that the contemplated invasion of Egypt had been abandoned, there is reason to believe that the Khalifa's attention was at this time diverted by events which occurred in Kordofan, where many of the tribes broke out into open revolt against his authority. Probably from this cause, and from troubles which arose on the Abyssinian frontier, no further move in the direction of Egypt had been attempted since the fight at Ginnis.
Seeing no further prospect of fighting, General Stephenson had quitted the Anglo-Egyptian force, which, on the 18th January, was concentrated at Kosheh, and returned to Cairo. It was now determined to fix the frontier of Egypt once more at Wady Halfa, and to this point all the troops and stores were withdrawn by the 15th April, not, however, without the loss of two steamers which were wrecked in trying to pass the Cataract. The British troops were sent back to Assouan, and the defence of Wady Halfa was thenceforth left entirely to the Egyptian soldiers.
As soon as the news reached Omdurman that the Anglo-Egyptian forces had retired there was great rejoicing, and fresh impetus was given to the northward movement. The Khalifa took steps to reinforce the various Emirs in command, and at the same time sent proclamations by the hands of emissaries to Egypt. These proclamations called upon the people of Upper and Lower Egypt "to rise as one man and destroy the Turks and infidels." They also announced that "the Khalifa of the Mahdi would shortly take Constantinople, Mecca, and all other parts of the world."
In pursuance of this programme, in the month of June the Dervish forces again began to advance on the Nile, and on the 15th occupied Akasheh once more, whilst a party advanced to Ambigol Wells and destroyed the railway between that point and Akasheh.
In July, the further carrying out of the project of invasion was suspended in consequence of the Khalifa receiving news that his emir Mohammed-es-Sherif had sustained a most serious defeat in Darfur. For this, and other reasons, he was prevented from sending the reinforcements intended to his followers on the Nile. On 6th July, the commandant, Colonel Smith, reported from Wady Halfa that Mohammed-el-Kheir was retiring to Khartoum, and Wad-en-Nejumi was not coming to Dongola, whilst all the Dervishes were leaving that province and massing at Khartoum. The Colonel added that "in this direction all heart appears to have died out of the movement."
In October, however, the situation took another turn, and General Stephenson, in a despatch to the British Government, reported that the force of the enemy in the Dongola district and to the north, including that on the way down from Berber, might be reckoned at from 7,000 to 10,000 fighting men, 1,500 of whom were armed with rifles; 5,000 of the number were already in Dongola and other places to the north. The force possessed two or three steamers and a fleet of native boats. The despatch stated that "a serious advance upon the frontier may be apprehended and should be guarded against."
On the nth November, Major-General the Hon. R. H. de Montmorency (now Lord Frankfort), commanding the British troops in Alexandria, was sent to take command of the troops at Wady Halfa.
On the 29th, the advanced guard of the enemy, under Nur-el-Kanzi, was at Abkeh, eight miles south of Wady Halfa and was estimated at about 2,000 men. The intention of the Dervishes was not to attack Wady Halfa at first, but to make a descent on the river at Argin, a few miles to the north of Halfa, thus cutting the communications, whilst the main body would besiege that place. To frustrate this design a fortified post was established at Argin, and also at Deberra, ten miles to the north of Halfa.
On the 30th, having first repaired the break which had been made in the railway, Colonel Chermside advanced with the Egyptian Cavalry, Camel Corps, and a battalion of infantry to the enemy's camp at Gemai, which he found deserted, and occupied it.
At daybreak on the 1st December, the main body, consisting of two and a half Egyptian battalions, under General de Montmorency, left Wady Halfa for Gemai, where it joined Chermside. The latter with his force then pushed on to the enemy's main position at Sarras, thirty miles south of Halfa. The Dervishes retreated across the desert before his advance, and he was only able to come up with a few stragglers. De Montmorency halted the main body at Gemai and went on with his staff to Sarras, where he arrived the same evening. His intention had been to break up Nur-el-Kanzi's force, but finding that the Dervishes refused to make a stand anywhere, after remaining at Sarras two days, the General returned with the whole force to Wady Halfa.
At the end of the year a band of Dervishes again gave trouble, occupying Sarras once more. From this point they threatened Wady Halfa and devastated the neighbouring country. They then retired, but only to return in April, 1887.
On the 27th April it was reported that the Emir Nur-el-Kanzi, with the advance guard of a formidable force, had occupied Sarras and pushed forward an outpost as far as Gemai.
Colonel Chermside, who commanded at Wady Halfa, at once despatched Major Rundle with 200 cavalry and two guns of the Camel Battery en route to Sarras, with orders to march by night and to prevent the natives giving notice of the advance of the main body.
The 9th Soudanese Battalion, under Captain Borrow, and the 1st Egyptian Battalion, under Major Lloyd, moved out soon after, and early next morning concentrated at Abkah.
The cavalry were directed to push on, and at daylight to engage the enemy and keep him occupied until the arrival of the infantry. These instructions were ably carried out, and a block-house situated on the hills overlooking Sarras was seized, as well as the railway station and a block of buildings adjacent. This operation was performed under fire from another block-house on the hills to the eastward, held by the enemy's riflemen.
At 5.15 a.m. a cavalry patrol was pushed along the destroyed railway line, but before it had advanced a quarter of a mile it came across the main body of the Dervishes, and retired to the railway station, from behind which a heavy fire was now directed on the enemy's position. Messages were at once sent back to Colonel Chermside, who was by this time advancing with all haste with the remainder of the column.
At 6.30 the two guns of the Camel Battery came up, and, after firing twenty rounds, breached the second block-house, which was then promptly stormed and taken. The guns were then turned on the enemy's main position, which was shelled with satisfactory results.
Chermside, with the infantry, had by this time arrived, and the enemy having evacuated their camp and retired into a narrow ravine about 200 yards from the river, two companies were detached to turn the left of their position, the remainder being retained as support near the railway station.
The cavalry had been previously sent to take part in the turning movement, and succeeded in doing this simultaneously with the front attack which was now made, driving in with considerable loss some fifty Arabs. The enemy's second line, seeing the cavalry in their rear, made no attempt to join the first line, but made straight for the river and escaped. In the meantime, as the two detached companies had neared the enemy's left, the spearmen with wild yells rose from the ravine, and dashed down the bank on them. The shock was so great that the small Egyptian force was compelled to fall back on its supports, nevertheless fighting all the way. They were promptly reinforced, and again advanced. The enemy contested every inch of the ground, fighting hand to hand, and falling almost to a man. Many of them were killed in the river, and others, in attempting to turn the left of the infantry, fell under the fire of the reserve of the fighting line. Here their leader, Nur-el-Kanzi, was killed.
At a quarter to 11 a.m. the enemy's whole position, with ten standards and a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition, was captured. Nearly their whole fighting force of 200 men was annihilated, whilst the Egyptian loss was but twenty-one killed and thirty wounded.
The Dervishes from the first were hopelessly outnumbered, and the fight was principally interesting as being the first action fought by the modern Egyptian soldier independent of British support.
After the action the whole of the Egyptian troops withdrew to Wady Halfa, where for a short time they were allowed to enjoy peace and tranquillity.
This state of things was not destined to last. On the 18th June another descent was made on Sarras, to which its former inhabitants had returned. The Dervishes, on this occasion, contented themselves with plundering the houses, and carrying off the women and any other objects of value they could lay hands on, after which they again retired south.
At a council of emirs held at Omdurman early in August, it was decided to resume the advance on Egypt. By the end of the month, a force of 2,000 men, under the Emir Mohammed Ahmed-el-Hashim, left Ferket for Sarras, which, on the 27th September, was again occupied. On the 19th October the Dervish force at Sarras, having been joined by reinforcements from Dongola, amounted to 2,500 men. On the 25th a message was received from Khor-el-Musa, the outpost fort, four and a half miles from Wady Halfa, that a body of 1,000 Dervishes was in sight and marching on Halfa. Colonel Wodehouse, then in command, advanced with the mounted troops and came in view of the enemy watering their camels near the Abka Pass. The 9th Soudanese Regiment had meanwhile taken up a position on the hills three miles south of Khor Musa. The mounted force, having completed its object, prepared to fall back on the infantry. At this moment, it was sighted by the enemy's cavalry, which, followed by their infantry, approached and opened an ill-directed fire. Wodehouse's camels had difficulty in moving rapidly over the rocky ground, and delayed the retiring force. Taking advantage of this, the Dervishes dashed into the midst of the Egyptian mounted troops, and several hand-to-hand encounters took place. The retirement on the infantry supports was gradually effected, and the 9th Soudanese then checked and eventually drove them back with loss. The Egyptian casualties were one man killed and two wounded.
After this skirmish, the Dervish force retired to Gemai, which it adopted as a permanent outpost, the main body remaining at Sarras. The idea of a direct attack by the Mahdists on Wady Halfa seems to have been for the moment abandoned.
After a time the difficulty of keeping a large body, like that at Sarras, supplied with food became apparent to their leaders. Small-pox, too, broke out in their camp, and numbers of deaths occurred daily. Under these untoward circumstances, and with the continued troubles in Darfur on his hands, the Khalifa was once more obliged to postpone the execution of his project of invasion.
On the 4th June, 1888, the last detachment of British troops, viz., one company of the Welsh Regiment, was withdrawn from Assouan, and the protection of the frontier was intrusted solely to the Egyptian army.
The skirmish in which Colonel Wodehouse defeated the enemy was followed by a series of desultory raids, not only in the vicinity of Wady Halfa, but at many points between that place and Assouan, raids which spread terror in the hearts of the villagers. The Egyptian troops, by establishing posts along the Nile and by patrolling the river by gunboats, did their best to repress and punish these forays. One of the most serious of these was the midnight capture and recapture of the Egyptian fort of Khor Musa on the 29th August, 1888. At this date, the Dervish force was still occupying Sarras, which had become a sort of central point for the raiders, and from this point the attack on the fort was directed. The fort itself was a native house on the river bank converted into a fortification.
In the darkness of the night, some 500 Dervishes arrived close to the fort, and a small party, detached from the main body, crept quietly up under the river bank unperceived until close under the walls. The sentry at the south-western corner, hearing a noise, challenged, and was immediately shot. The corporal of the guard, hearing the report of a rifle and a shout outside the walls, at once opened the western gate on the river, and was shot down. The assailants then streamed through the gate and killed the whole of the guard. The garrison, suddenly roused, turned out, and finding the south end of the fort full of the enemy, fought their way into the northern section. Here, for two hours, they made a stubborn resistance, firing from every available spot, though without much effect, the enemy being protected by the intervening walls. The defence, thus far, had been conducted by a native major, who, on the first alarm, had telephoned to Wady Halfa for assistance. The news reached Colonel Wodehouse at 11.30 p.m., and, without delay, he despatched reinforcements by train, as well as a detachment of cavalry as a guard. The gunboat Metemmeh also got under way, and at 1.30 a.m. opened fire on the portion of the fort held by the enemy.
Lieutenant Machell, who arrived with the troops, posted his men in such a way as to prevent any possibility of the enemy escaping, and with fifty men crept stealthily round, until they arrived at the western gate, which had been left open. Here his men, rapidly forming up, fired a volley straight into the mass of the enemy collected inside. The latter, completely surprised, attempted to climb the wall, but only to be met at the point of the bayonet by the men waiting below to receive them. Machell then dashed in through the gate and, forming his men into a rough line, repulsed the assailants, who, finding their retreat cut off, fought with the energy of despair. Soon all within the adjoining inclosure were either killed or wounded, and the fort was again in the possession of the Egyptians. The bodies of eighty-five, mostly Baggara and Jaalin Arabs, were found in and around the fort, and many others fell in the line of retreat. The Egyptian loss was also severe, amounting to nineteen killed and thirty-four wounded.[145]
The reverse sustained by the Dervishes, on this occasion, was a serious discouragement to their leaders, whilst, at the same time, it gave increased confidence to the riverain population.
LVII. WAD-EN-NEJUMI AND COLLAPSE OF THE INVASION
After the repulse of the Dervish attack on Khor Mussa (in August, 1888), the southern frontier of Egypt was left for some time comparatively undisturbed, but, early in 1889, persistent rumours reached Cairo that the long-threatened invasion was at last to come off. This time it was to take place down the left bank of the river, the idea being to avoid Wady Halfa and the other fortified posts, and, by starting from a post opposite Sarras, to strike across the desert to Bimban, a place on the Nile, about twenty-five miles north of Assouan. The military authorities in Cairo, from the first, considered the project impracticable, seeing the difficulties which must arise in conducting an army of 5,000 men (the estimated number of Wad-en-Nejumi's force), with an equal number of camp-followers and without either adequate provisions or means of transport, across a waterless desert, only to fight a battle at the end. Nevertheless, it was deemed advisable to be prepared, and steps were taken to provide for the defence of the villages on the west bank in the neighbourhood of Wady Halfa, where block-houses were constructed at the various points most liable to attack.
The first indication of the forward movement of the Dervishes was in April, 1889, when the Emir Abd-el-Halim reached Sarras with 1,000 men. Wad-en-Nejumi at this period was at Hafir, thirty miles north of Dongola, with about 5,000 more, and with this force he calculated upon taking Egypt with a rush.
On the 5th May, a party of the Dervishes at Sarras, where by reinforcements the enemy's force had been increased to 2,500 men, crossed over to the west bank and set out for the village of Serra (north of Wady Halfa). Here, on the 9th May, they appeared to the number of 600 and commenced pillaging the houses, but, after a stubborn fight with a detachment of the 13th Soudanese, were driven off into the desert, taking with them some of the loot. In the fight, the marauders lost some thirty men, the Egyptian loss being only six wounded.
On the 22nd June, Wad-en-Nejumi reached Sarras, and, crossing the Nile, united his followers with those of Abd-el-Halim, who had already transferred his camp to the western bank. The combined forces, estimated at over 4,000 men, then marched to Matuka,[146] which they reached on the 28th.
To oppose the invaders, a flying column was organized at Wady Halfa. It consisted of two squadrons of cavalry, eight Krupp guns, two companies of the Camel Corps, and the 9th, 10th, and 13th Soudanese Battalions, in all 1,940 men. Colonel Wodehouse, in command, hearing from his scouts that the enemy might march at any moment on Argin, three miles distant, took his measures accordingly. To protect the village of Argin, there was at the south end, standing a little back from the river, a block-house held by a company of the Camel Corps and an infantry detachment. At the extreme north end, three and a half miles distant, was a large building, the house of the "Omdeh," or head man of the village, garrisoned by 250 more infantry. In the centre, between the two points, the 13th Soudanese, under Captain Kempster, took up a position in some detached houses, which they placed in a state of defence. All three positions were practically in a line, and, with the exception of the block-houses, on the river. On the east bank, facing the north end of the village, stood the fortified post of Ishkait, with one gun. Such were the dispositions made for the defence of Argin by Colonel Wodehouse, who had at his disposal four stern wheel gunboats, and a number of native craft for transport purposes. With these, his intention was to reinforce with the remainder of his flying column any point of the straggling line of defence which might be threatened.
On the 1st July, after sunset, Wad-en-Nejumi's force left Matuka in a vast crowd in a north-western direction, and making a detour into the desert, were seen at dawn on the 2nd at a distance of two miles from the forts of Wady Halfa. Colonel Wodehouse, sending the cavalry along the west bank, proceeded to Argin by steamer with half the 9th Soudanese and the 10th Battalion. Learning that the mounted troops were in touch with the enemy, he disembarked his men and guns on the east bank, opposite the centre of the village, and, after sending the gunboats to cruise in front, awaited events. Meanwhile, at 8 a.m., a portion of the cavalry had cut off a few stragglers in the enemy's rear, who were making for the Nile, until, faced by superior numbers, the Egyptians were forced to fall back.
The enemy, continuing the advance, occupied the hills west of Argin, about 5,000 yards from the village, driving in the 2nd Camel Corps, which had been reconnoitring from the southern post.
From a commanding position on the east bank, where Colonel Wodehouse had established his head-quarters with two companies of the 9th Battalion and the artillery, the enemy were now perceived planting their banners on the hill-tops to mark their positions, and descending in numbers towards the north end of the village. The artillery immediately opened on them, and the 10th Battalion, under Major Hunter, was sent across in a gunboat to reinforce the central and northern posts. The enemy continued their forward movement in a north-easterly direction, though exposed to a flanking fire from the cavalry and Camel Corps, and at 8.30 a.m. three large parties of them approached within 1,000 yards of the 13th Soudanese in the central post, when the volleys they received from Captain Kempster's battalion forced them to sheer off and take cover behind a long ridge to the left of the position. From this point, they kept up a harassing rifle-fire until, the reinforcements having disembarked near the northern post, the rifles of the 10th Battalion, added to those of the 13th, compelled them to retreat.
Though this first attempt to seize the village failed, small parties of Dervishes continued to come down to the river between Kempster's position and the southern post, and occupying a portion of the houses, opened fire on the cavalry and Camel Corps, inflicting some loss.
Up to this time no serious attempt had been made to push home the attack, and the fighting had been of a somewhat desultory character. The Dervishes occupying the captured houses, continually receiving reinforcements from the main body, about noon placed a gun in position and opened fire on the artillery on the east bank, only to be silenced, however, by the latter after firing a few rounds.
One of the gunboats was then sent to drive the Dervish force out. In this she signally failed, and after a cannonade on both sides lasting for an hour, she had to return with the commander and two men wounded.
In the meantime there was, it seems, a disagreement between the two Emirs, Abd-el-Halim wishing to capture the village, and Wad-en-Nejumi refusing to consent. The dispute ended in Abd-el-Halim collecting his own men, and as many others as he could prevail upon to follow him. Then he advanced rapidly down a khor leading to the centre of the village, his left being protected by riflemen posted on the ridge behind, to which they had been driven in the morning, and his right being covered by the fire from the captured houses.
The movement being perceived from the eastern bank, Colonel Wodehouse again opened fire with his artillery, but the Dervishes nevertheless still came on, and divided into three groups, one of which was directed towards Captain Kempster's position, the second taking the centre of the village, and the third advancing to the southern post.
Seeing the nature of this new attack, Wodehouse promptly ordered the 10th Battalion, then stationed near the northern post, to embark and reinforce the troops to the southern end of the village. Two of the first companies to land from the steamer had hardly advanced any distance before they were charged by the enemy's cavalry and spearmen, and forced back to the water's edge. There, aided by the fire from the gunboat, they maintained their position against heavy odds, until help came in the form of two companies of the 9th Soudanese and some of the Camel Corps.
Major Hunter, the rest of whose battalion had by this time landed, now assumed command of these detachments, and, advancing steadily, drove back the assailants, who frequently charged him, only, however, to be shot down to a man. Seeing a number of horse and spearmen rallying on the left, Hunter now halted his men in a position which, with the adjacent houses right and rear, formed a square, and remained on the defensive.
In the meantime, Captain Kempster, observing the enemy streaming down into the village, kept up a steady fire from his loopholed houses, to which the Dervish riflemen on the ridge replied. Hearing that a gun had been brought into position on the river bank to his left, he went with a party of men to seize it, but, finding that the post was too strongly held, he retired after some fighting, in which he lost seven of his men. The gun was shortly after captured by a party of the 13th Soudanese, though not without a severe hand-to-hand encounter. Wodehouse had now arrived on the west bank, and sent Major Hunter with some companies of the 9th to clear the ground to his left front. Though three times charged by the Dervish spearmen, he succeeded, and drove the enemy back through the khor by which they had advanced. Some fifty of the Arabs who remained in the captured houses were surrounded, and the houses being set fire to, the unfortunate inmates had no alternative but to come out and be killed.
This completed the work of the day, and at 6 p.m. Argin was completely cleared of the Dervish force, which left some 900 men killed in and around the village, besides 500 prisoners, men, women, and children.
The Egyptians engaged amounted to less than 2,000 men, and their loss was eleven killed and fifty-nine wounded.
The enemy's camp was found the next day still in its original position, and although Wodehouse, with the object of drawing the Dervishes, placed the 10th Soudanese opposite the entrance to the khor, there was no response.
There was now another difference of opinion between Abd-el-Halim and his commander-in-chief, Wad-en-Nejumi, as to the further steps to be taken. The former, wounded in the engagement, and depressed by his recent defeat, wished to retreat to Matuka. To this Nejumi positively refused to consent, and, assembling his entire force, declared that he would never desist from what he regarded as a holy undertaking, and that the weak hearts who wished to retire to their homes might do so. The result was that over 500 of his followers seceded and made their way back to Matuka, whence they subsequently went further south. By this proceeding, Wad-en-Nejumi's force was diminished altogether by nearly 2,000 men.
At midnight on the 4th, the Dervish leader burnt his camp and moved still further north towards Serra.
Wodehouse, not feeling strong enough to attack now, contented himself with keeping in touch with the enemy, and heading them off the river. With the bulk of his flying squadron on the west bank, and his four gunboats in mid-stream, he was able to do this without running unnecessary risk.
The Dervish army continued its onward march, Wodehouse's force descending the river and keeping abreast of Wad-en-Nejumi all the time. Conflicts frequently occurred, and the enemy lost several men from the fire of the steamers, and by desertion.
This state of things continued till the 8th, when the Dervish force was discovered encamped behind the village of Faras. From this point they were shelled out by the artillery on the east bank, and on the 10th they took up a position on the hills two miles above Belanga, and 3,000 yards from the river.
Wodehouse concentrated his column at Belanga village, sending on the Camel Corps to Toski.
After the fight at Argin, it dawned upon the military authorities that if any stop had to be made to the advance of the Dervishes on the Nile, Kitchener's force would have to be supplemented by further troops. Accordingly the 1st and 2nd Egyptian battalions, a mule battery, and two squadrons of cavalry were despatched in hot haste to the front.
On 5th July, the Sirdar, Sir Francis Grenfell, left Cairo, and a British brigade, under Brigadier-General the Hon. R. H. Montmorency, was moved up the river. It was composed of the 2nd Battalion Royal Irish Rifles, the 1st Battalion of the Welsh Regiment, with a squadron of the 10th Hussars, a detachment of Mounted Infantry, and a mule battery.
These forces were to be concentrated, in the first instance, at Assouan, and thence either to take up a strong position at Bimban, and there await the Dervish attack, or, in case Wad-en-Nejumi's advance should prove less rapid than was expected, to form a second column to join Wodehouse's force, and bring on a decisive action further up the river.
The British cavalry, artillery, and Royal Irish Rifles reached Assouan on 25th July, and the Egyptian troops having also come up, a column of the latter, composed of the 1st and 2nd Battalions of Egyptian Infantry, the 11th Battalion of Soudanese Infantry, with artillery and cavalry, was organized and placed under the command of Colonel Kitchener.
No time was lost in pushing them forward; and on the 19th two of the infantry battalions reached Toski, which they proceeded to put in a state of defence.
In the meantime, Wad-en-Nejumi's force at Belanga had been strengthened by the arrival of 500 men, with 100 camels, under the command of another emir, called Makin-en-Nur. This brought the number of Wad-en-Nejumi's troops up to a total of 3,300 fighting men and 4,000 camp-followers. With these, on the 28th July, he resumed his march to the north.
Pausing for one night at a distance of ten miles from the celebrated temple of Abu Simbel, they continued on their way till the 1st August, when they took up a position in the hills four miles to the south of Toski. On the same day Wodehouse's force, which step by step had followed Wad-en-Nejumi's movements down the Nile, also reached Toski, where the whole of the Egyptian troops from Assouan, together with General Sir Francis Grenfell and the British cavalry, had concentrated the previous day.
With the exception of the British brigade, the entire Nile field force was now assembled, and General Grenfell took over the command.
On the 3rd the General, receiving information that Wad-en-Nejumi intended to resume his march northward, ordered all the mounted troops to make a reconnaissance in force, the object being to check the Dervish advance and keep Wad-en-Nejumi in his present position until the arrival of the British brigade.
Nejumi's camp was placed on the inner extremity of a range of granite hills, extending from the river inland in a westerly direction and situated about four miles south of Toski. The village consisted of scattered houses covering the land for about three miles from end to end and dotted in places with palm groves; 1,200 yards in the rear the cultivated ground disappeared in the desert which stretched away till closed in by a range of hills at a distance of six miles from the Nile. Behind these hills lay Nejumi's camp.
The desert was intercepted here and there by rocks and boulders of a height and size sufficient to afford cover to considerable numbers of men. Across this desert ground the British and Egyptian mounted troops advanced. They consisted of four squadrons of cavalry and a camel corps. Grenfell himself accompanied the force.
On nearing the enemy's position, it was seen that camels were being loaded up, and everything prepared for an immediate move. It was evident that if this was to be prevented no time was to be lost. The cavalry pushed on, and the enemy's riflemen, advancing in skirmishing order, at once opened fire. This was answered by the dismounted Camel Corps, which, taking up a position on a commanding ridge, poured volleys on the Dervishes, now coming on in considerable numbers. The fire of the latter, however, became too hot, and the Camel Corps, as well as the mounted troops generally, retired to a second position, which they were equally unable to hold. A third position, 900 yards off, was now occupied, and it being on a hill with clear ground intervening, the mounted troops were able for some time to hold their own and keep up a steady fire.
The situation at this moment was such that orders were sent back to bring up the 1st Brigade from Toski. At 8.30, before there was time for the reinforcements to arrive, the Arab spearmen in force emerged from two ravines and steadily advanced on the position. A further retirement then became necessary, and the troops took up a position at the foot of a conical hill two miles from Toski, where they were joined by two guns of the Horse Battery. At 9 a.m. the guns opened fire on the advancing column, which now, followed by a mass of camp-followers and baggage animals, turned to its left and marched steadily across the Egyptian front.
It then became evident that Wad-en-Nejumi did not mean fighting, and that his object was simply to get away, and continue his advance northward. To prevent this, which would have frustrated the whole object of the reconnaissance, Grenfell immediately sent off for the 2nd Brigade, and whilst the two guns continued their fire Colonel Kitchener, with the mounted troops, made a detour to the north and checked Nejumi's further advance. Finding that his march was opposed, the Emir determined to accept battle, and placed his followers upon some semi-detached hills to the west of the ground occupied by the mounted troops.
The tops of these hills were by this time planted with standards and lined with riflemen, the spearmen being kept out of sight. The camp-followers and transport animals were placed in a temporary camp behind the hills in front.
In the meantime, the 1st Brigade, under Major Hunter, together with the artillery, had come up unseen under the cover of some rising ground, and stationed themselves on an eminence 800 yards distant from and exactly opposite to the enemy's position. The 2nd Brigade, arriving shortly after, was kept as a support on the left rear of the 1st.
The 1st Brigade then opened fire all along its front. This was kept up and replied to for half an hour. Colonel Wodehouse, who was in command of the infantry division, then proceeded to extend his line by moving the 9th Soudanese to the right with a view to enfilading the enemy's left flank. After the battalion had moved only 500 yards it was halted on a number of men on the first hill being observed preparing to charge. At this moment, emerging from their cover, on they came with wild cries, and charged down towards the battalion. The Egyptians never wavered, and maintaining their formation, by a steady fire drove the enemy back with a loss of some 150 of their men. The battalion, supported by a company of the 2nd Egyptian Regiment, then advanced and took possession of the hill, in spite of frequent isolated charges made by its defenders.
Under cover of a heavy cannonade kept up by the artillery, the whole line of troops then advanced towards the various points held by the enemy. On arriving in front of Wad-en-Nejumi's central position, another attempt was made to charge. It was directed this time against the 10th Soudanese, which, in combination with the 9th, had seized a ridge connecting two of the hills. The charge, however, collapsed under the well-directed volleys of the 10th.
During this period the 13th Battalion, supported by the 1st Egyptian, had been operating on a detached hill to the left and suffering from an enfilading fire from some concealed riflemen. The battalion had already lost seventy of its men, when General Grenfell ordered the hill to be stormed. The two battalions together then advanced, and, after a severe hand-to-hand fight with the Dervish spearmen, swarmed up the hill and captured the position.
Repeated attempts were made to retake the lost ground, and even after the Egyptian troops had gained the summit of the hill, small bodies of the enemy collected on the off side and charged upwards with the greatest determination. These attempts only ended when the last of the brave assailants was shot dead only a few paces in front of the Egyptian line.
Only one hill out of those chosen by Nejumi for his position was now held by the enemy, and this was soon stormed and carried at the point of the bayonet by the united 9th, 10th, and 13th Soudanese Battalions. By this operation, which was achieved at 11.30 a.m., the whole of the enemy's position was taken, and the two guns of the Horse Battery were occupied in shelling a defeated foe, in full retreat.
At this period, Wad-en-Nejumi personally made an heroic effort to rally his dispersed followers, and the cavalry, which, during the fight, had been stationed in the rear of the infantry, had to be sent to stop the movement. The Egyptian squadrons led the charge, followed by the British Hussars, and, dashing into the midst of such of the enemy as were collected, completed the rout. The Camel Corps assisted in the final fight by a carefully directed fire on the enemy's flank, and in a few minutes not an Arab was to be seen on the plain.
There was, however, reason to believe that Nejumi, so far from fleeing, had, with his defeated band, taken up a new position in the temporary camp formed for his camp-followers and baggage behind the hills. Therefore Grenfell, desirous of following up at once the advantage gained, at noon directed a general advance in that direction. The troops moved forward with the 11th Soudanese and 1st and 2nd Egyptian Battalions in front, and the 2nd Brigade in support. The artillery shelled the enemy's position as the troops advanced. The resistance encountered was but trifling, the foe, by this time, being in full retreat, leaving his camp, with a large collection of arms and military accoutrements, to fall into the hands of the victors. The cavalry then pursued the defeated Dervishes for over two miles, and captured a great number of prisoners, and amongst them several women and children.
At the moment when the fighting was deemed finished, a loaded camel, surrounded by about forty men, was observed following the line of retreat, and was fired upon by a troop of cavalry. The camel and most of the men fell apparently killed. The cavalry then approached and summoned the survivors to surrender. This was met by the Arabs springing to their feet and making a charge on the cavalry, in which all the Dervish warriors were killed except one, who escaped on a stray horse. The load carried on the camel turned out to be the body of the brave Wad-en-Nejumi, who, though badly wounded early in the day, had refused to fly, and devoted his last moments to an heroic attempt to rally his dispersed followers.[147]
The defeat amounted practically to annihilation, and Wad-en-Nejumi's force as an army ceased to exist. On the day of the fight and during the three days following 4,000 prisoners were taken, and the enemy's loss in killed was estimated at over 1,200. The Egyptian loss was but 25 killed and 140 wounded.
In this, as in many of the other fights, it was simply the same old story: on the one side a mass of reckless, fanatical, and courageous savages; on the other trained and disciplined troops, acting under the orders of a skilful general. In a conflict conducted under such conditions, there could be but one result, and nothing remains but to regret the appalling loss of life which formed one of its inevitable concomitants.
On the 9th August, as soon as arrangements had been made for the disposal of the numerous prisoners, the troops returned to Assouan, and the Nile field force was distributed amongst the various points where it was deemed necessary to retain garrisons. The British brigade, which had not succeeded in arriving in time to participate in the fight, was gradually moved down to Cairo.
The victory at Toski marked the turning point in the invasion, and was a shock to the cause of Mahdism which it took years to recover. The reinforcements, which were on their way down the Nile to join Nejumi, beat an immediate retreat, and all further operations for the invasion of Egypt were suspended. Numerous deserters from the Dervish force, as well as hundreds of destitute refugees, crowded into Wady Halfa, and were provided with relief. Though there was no longer any talk of invasion, as a protection for the frontier a battalion of Egyptian infantry reoccupied and held Sarras, and peace and tranquillity now reigned once more.
LVIII. THE EASTERN SOUDAN AGAIN
In January, 1889, things at Souakim had drifted back pretty much into the same old groove, and the petty attacks of Osman Digna's followers were constantly renewed. The enemy's mounted men used, time after time, to approach the outlying forts, fire a few shots, and then retire.
The military authorities, not feeling themselves equal to the task of clearing the neighbourhood of the hostile Arabs, hit upon the expedient of inviting the tribes suspected of being unfriendly to the Mahdist cause to do so. The invitation, which took the form of a Proclamation issued by General Grenfell, was not favourably responded to. The attitude of the tribes was one of expectancy, and all the Sheikhs who responded stated pretty much the same thing, namely, that they would come in and help as soon as Osman Digna's power should be broken, and that they were perfectly willing to assist in cutting off stragglers, but they declined for the present to compromise themselves further.
On the other hand, Osman Digna was not more successful in inducing the tribes to flock to his standard. On the 11th February, he burnt his camp at Handoub, and transported the remainder of his forces to Tokar, which now became the central point of rebel authority in the Eastern Soudan.
After Osman's departure, matters around Souakim visibly improved. The tribes brought in cattle frequently, a little trade sprang up, and things generally wore a more peaceful aspect.
By the month of August, the Haddendowa and Amarar tribes combined against the Baggara, who were Osman's chief allies, and, obtaining assistance, in money and food, from the Souakim authorities, advanced upon Sinkat, intending, if successful there, to attack Osman's position at Tokar. The united warriors, 700 strong, succeeded only in capturing some cattle at the former place, after which, meeting with a superior force, they were compelled to fall back on Tamanieb. No further assistance being given them, they then broke up and dispersed.
On the 7th October, Osman Digna departed from Tokar to attend a council held by the Khalifa at Omdurman, in consequence of the defeat and death of Wad-en-Nejumi, which had meanwhile taken place at the fight at Toski.
In December, Osman left Omdurman, and proceeded by way of Gedaref and Kassala with the object of gathering followers with whom to renew the struggle in the Tokar district.
With great difficulty, owing to tribal dissensions, he after some months got together a force of 10,000, including women and children, which he conducted to the scene of his former exploits. Owing, however, to the grain supply from Souakim, on which he had relied for his requirements, being suddenly stopped, he had a difficulty in feeding his new levies. The result was that many of them left him and went in search of food and shelter elsewhere.
In November, 1890, Osman Digna was again at Tokar with a greatly reduced force, estimated indeed at only 1,000 men, whilst at Handoub but about 150 of his followers remained. From this last point they made occasional raids in the neighbourhood of Souakim, harassing the friendly tribes, and generally making things unpleasant so far as the limited numbers of the aggressors would allow.
The misery and starvation of the well-disposed inhabitants round Souakim at this time was intense, owing to the gates of the town being closed, and a cordon being drawn round the forts as a measure of precaution against the cholera, thus stopping all trade. The Haddendowa, Beni-Amer, and Amarar tribes implored the Government to assist them in casting off the Dervish yoke.
This was the position when the moment was deemed favourable for striking a final blow at Osman Digna, taking Tokar, and pacifying the Eastern Soudan.
In January, 1891, the situation became all the more favourable for these operations inasmuch as Osman Digna, towards the end of the month, again left Tokar, taking with him many of his already reduced garrison.
On 27th January, Colonel Holled-Smith, then in command of the troops at Souakim, advanced to Handoub with the Egyptian cavalry and the 11th and 12th Battalions of Soudanese Infantry, and, after a short engagement, captured and occupied the place. Over forty of the Dervishes fell in the fight, and the remainder dispersed and fled to the hills.
Handoub having fallen, the attack on Tokar was next taken in hand.
For this purpose, on the 8th February, an expeditionary force under Colonel Holled-Smith was formed. With the addition of some companies of the 1st Egyptian Battalion, which joined a few days later, it consisted of nearly 2,000 men, and was composed of 180 cavalry, two large Krupp guns, two mountain guns, and four battalions of infantry, viz., the 1st and 4th Egyptian and the 11th and 12th Soudanese. Following the course pursued in all the former campaigns, the force was sent by sea to Trinkitat, which was selected as the base of operations. At the same time a force of 500 friendly natives was raised and sent by land towards Temerin, to intercept the retreat of the Tokar garrison if opportunity offered.
By the 15th, the expeditionary troops had reached Trinkitat, and on the morning of the following day the advance, directed in the first instance towards the wells of El Teb, commenced. The line of march led over the site of General Baker's defeat exactly seven years before, and heaps of white bones still marked the spot. At 3 p.m., the column reached the wells without encountering any resistance. Here the troops bivouacked, every precaution being taken to guard against a surprise. On the 18th, a severe sand-storm prevented the march being resumed, and the troops remained in camp. In the interval news was received that Osman Digna was now at a place called Afafit, a village a mile and a half beyond the ruined town of Tokar, and had with him considerable reinforcements.
On the 19th, at daylight, the column, after leaving a small garrison at El Teb, advanced upon Tokar. The cavalry in advance first seized and occupied the ruined Mamourieh or Government buildings, and then at 10 a.m. the infantry were brought up to the north-eastern side of the village, which consisted merely of crumbling walls. Scarcely was the place reached when the enemy were seen advancing through the bush surrounding the "Mamourieh." There was no time to be lost, and the infantry moved up at the double and formed a semi-circular line of defence, the 4th Battalion lining the ruined buildings on the right, the 11th Battalion those on the left, whilst the 12th Battalion held those in the centre of the position. So rapidly was the attack developed that some Dervishes had actually taken possession of some of the ruins on the left flank of the Egyptian position before the 11th Battalion had taken up the defence assigned to them. The main body of the enemy, now only fifty yards from the front rank of the troops, proceeded to extend to the right and left to envelop the entire position. Firing began along the whole line as the enemy came on. The bulk of their force was directed against the 12th Battalion, their attack being pushed home with the usual dash and fearlessness. The troops, however, stood their ground, and did not yield an inch throughout the whole line. Their firing settled down to steady volleys, which quickly began to check the onward rush. As soon as this was perceived, the 11th Battalion, moving from the left, advanced into the bush and cleared it of the attacking force, taking, at the point of the bayonet, some ruins occupied in front. The 11th then halted at a commanding point to the south-east of the original position. The 4th Battalion remained in position on the right of the line, and, with the transport escort column, protected the rear, which at one time was seriously threatened by the enemy's horsemen.
The Dervishes, after the charge of the 11th Battalion, at once commenced to retreat, followed closely by the cavalry, which, advancing into the bush on the right, found some open ground, where they did great execution.
This completed the rout of the Dervish attacking column, which gradually disappeared to the south in the direction of Temerin.
The troops then formed up on the high ground occupied by the 11th Battalion and halted for a rest prior to advancing on the Dervish head-quarters at the village of Afafit. It was reported that Afafit was occupied in force, but as the troops advanced the enemy, who had occupied some intervening sand hills, hurriedly retreated, and at 4 p.m. the village was entered by the cavalry, the inhabitants coming out in numbers and welcoming the troops with many expressions of joy.
The strength of the Dervish force was estimated at 4,000, but this included 2,000 men whom Osman Digna kept in reserve, and who never came into the fight at all. The enemy's loss was put at as high a figure as 700 men, and it must have been considerable even allowing for bad shooting, no less than 60,000 cartridges having been fired away by the Egyptian force. This last lost Captain Barrow, of the South Lancashire Regiment, and nine men killed, besides forty-eight wounded.
On the morning of the following day it was ascertained by a cavalry reconnaissance that Osman Digna, deserted by all but 300 followers, had passed through Temerin, going off in the direction of Kassala.
Communication by land was now established with Souakim, and on the 22nd Afafit was visited by General Grenfell, who reviewed the troops and congratulated them on their victory of the 19th.[148]
On the 2nd March the expeditionary force was broken up, and after leaving garrisons at Afafit, El Teb, and Trinkitat, the rest of the troops returned in triumph to Souakim.
Disturbances in the Eastern Soudan then for a while ceased; a general amnesty was proclaimed; the tribes hastened to offer assurances of their loyalty; trade revived; and steps were taken to resume the cultivation of the fertile lands in the Tokar district.
The concluding events in the Eastern Soudan, though not chronologically in their place in the present chapter, are here inserted to avoid recurring to the subject. They may be briefly stated as follows:--
In 1892 the indefatigable Osman Digna once more appeared in the neighbourhood of Souakim, with a force varying in number from time to time. His principal object was to raid the local Arabs. In the summer of that year he attacked the Egyptian post established at Temerin, but was driven off by Major Hunter, with a loss of seventy men. This and other attempts led to the strengthening of the Souakim garrison, and Osman made no further attempts.
Although in 1893 Osman was reported to have received considerable reinforcements and to be contemplating a fresh advance, it did not come off.
After a long interval, in 1895, Osman, from his position in the hills, made a raid into the now cultivated lands of the Tokar delta.
On the 15th April, 1896, an Egyptian force of 1,000 officers and men, under Colonel Lloyd, left Souakim to co-operate with a detachment of 250 soldiers, under Major Sidney, from Tokar, in supporting a party of friendly Arabs, headed by a sheikh called Omar Tita, at Horasab, in the Erkowit Hills, where Osman Digna and a number of Dervishes had established themselves.
The column, which marched in square formation, arrived at the Teroi Wells in the afternoon, having covered a distance of nineteen miles. Here the force bivouacked, and the animals were watered.
The cavalry, under Captain Fenwick, was then ordered to reconnoitre and to endeavour to establish touch with the Tokar force and inform the commanding officer that the Souakim force would remain where it was for the night, so as to enable the Tokar contingent to join. It had been arranged previously with Omar Tita that he should hold the heights and the pass of Khor Wintri while the two Egyptian forces concentrated.
While the cavalry were proceeding towards the Khor Wintri they were suddenly attacked by a body of 200 horsemen, supported by a large force on foot. The men were ordered to trot, but it was soon seen that the Dervishes were gaining upon them. The reconnoitring party then galloped towards the open country. Some, becoming entangled in the bush, fell off their horses and were speared. Fenwick, with thirty-eight officers and men, retired to the left flank and ascended a hillock, where they kept the enemy off by firing volleys all night. The Dervishes made four attempts to storm the hill, but were on each occasion repulsed.
Meanwhile an officer and thirty-two men rode through the scrub and returned to Teroi Wells. Colonel Lloyd immediately despatched two volunteers from the mounted police to endeavour to discover the whereabouts of Captain Fenwick and the Tokar force, but both men were killed by the Dervishes.
On the morning of the 16th the Dervishes, hearing heavy firing during the night from the Khor Wintri, drew off, and Captain Fenwick's party was then able to make its way back to Teroi Wells and rejoin the force there.
The return of Captain Fenwick's reconnoitring party to the square at Teroi Wells was a great relief to the members of the column, who had entertained the gravest fears for their safety.
The cavalry having rested, the column left Teroi Wells and moved towards the Khor Wintri to join the Tokar force. Owing to the thickness of the bush and the roughness of the country, the troops were obliged to proceed on foot. The camels were not required, and the food and reserve ammunition were sent on towards the hills held by Omar Tita's men. The two forces joined in the evening at the Khor Wintri, eight miles from the bivouac at Teroi Wells.
The column, on arriving at the Khor Wintri, found Major Sidney there holding the wells, the Dervishes with whom he was in touch having retreated up the pass.
Major Sidney reported that he had arrived at the Khor Wintri on the previous afternoon and surprised the Dervishes there. On the approach of his force a party of Dervishes moved up the hill to the right, and Sidney sent a party up the hill to check them. The remainder then formed into square and opened fire upon the main body of the Dervishes, who were advancing and who numbered about 90 horsemen and 500 spearmen. The latter attempted to turn the right flank and rear by ascending the mountains, but in each instance they were met by a heavy fire and finally retreated up the pass, losing about thirty killed and many wounded. Only three Soudanese soldiers were wounded.
Shortly after the junction of the Souakim and Tokar forces Omar Tita arrived in camp. He reported that his tribesmen had abandoned the heights and pass to the enemy.
It was decided that the column should return to Souakim on the following day, the enemy having retreated bodily towards Horasab. The column bivouacked again at Teroi Wells on the 17th, and arrived at Souakim on the 18th, where it was enthusiastically welcomed by the inhabitants.
The effect of this engagement was that demoralization set in at Osman Digna's camp. It was known that he had lost over 100 killed and about the same number wounded. Nevertheless, by making a considerable detour the remainder of his fighting force managed to reach Horasab, whence they dispersed among the hills. Thus ended the last fight in the neighbourhood of Souakim.
The story has now arrived at the point at which the reconquest of Dongola was decided upon. For this undertaking every available Egyptian soldier was required, and the Souakim troops having to be withdrawn, a strong Indian contingent was once more despatched to protect Souakim.
The force, which arrived on the 30th May, consisted of 4,000 men, made up of the 26th Bengal Infantry, the 35th Sikhs, the 1st Bombay Lancers, the 5th Bombay Mountain Battery, and two Maxim guns, the whole under the command of Colonel Egerton.
The duty of the Indian Contingent was simply to act as a garrison for Souakim, where they remained, but saw no fighting.
A question as to whether the expenses of the Indian troops should be borne by the taxpayers of the United Kingdom or be thrown on the Indian Budget was raised soon after the Indian Contingent reached Souakim. The matter was warmly discussed in the House of Commons on the 6th July. Of the merits of the case there could hardly be a doubt. The force was sent to Egypt in order to set free the Souakim garrison which was required for the Dongola expedition, a matter in which India had not the remotest interest. It could not be pretended that the Khalifa was in any way a source of danger to the Suez Canal, the great highway to India, or that he threatened the interests of that dependency in the slightest degree. Nevertheless on a division, by 252 votes to 106, the House decided that India was to bear the burden (about £5,000 a month), England paying only the expenses of the transport of the troops, a conclusion so obviously unjust that it shocked the national conscience, and for a time seriously endangered the popularity of Lord Salisbury's Government.