History of the War between the United States and Mexico

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Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by

DERBY MILLER & CO.

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Northern District of New York.

THOMAS B. SMITH, STEREOTYPER, 216 WILLIAM STREET, N. Y.

TO

The American Army

WHOSE GALLANTRY AND INTREPIDITY WERE SO OFTEN MANIFESTED DURING THE PROGRESS OF THE WAR WITH MEXICO; AND THE RECORD OF WHOSE ACHIEVEMENTS WILL CONSTITUTE, THROUGH ALL FUTURE TIME, ONE OF THE MOST ATTRACTIVE FEATURES OF OUR MILITARY AND NATIONAL HISTORY.

CONTENTSContents

CHAPTER I.

ORIGIN AND CAUSES OF THE WAR.

Page

|The Government and People of the United States — Revolutions in Mexico — Claims of American citizens — Negotiations — Warlike feelings — Settlement of Texas — Revolution — Proposition for Annexation to the United States — Treaty of President Tyler — Joint Resolutions — Admission of Texas — Her Boundaries — March of General Taylor to the Rio Grande — Hostile Demonstrations on the part of Mexico — Capture of Thornton and his party | |15

CHAPTER II.

BATTLES ON THE RIO GRANDE.

|The intelligence of Thornton's Capture received in the United States — Fears for the Safety of General Taylor — Proceedings of Congress — Preparations for War — Prompt response to the call for Volunteers — The Army of Occupation — Skirmishing — March to Point Isabel — Bombardment of Fort Brown — Battle of Palo Alto — Resaca de la Palma — Capture of Matamoras, and other Mexican Towns on the Rio Grande | |89

CHAPTER III.

CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO.

|Fremont's Expedition — Jealousy of the Mexican Authorities — Affair at Sonoma — Declaration of Independence — The Pacific Squadron — Capture of all the prominent points in the Californias March of the Army of the West from Fort Leavenworth to Santa Ftt Conquest of New Mexico — Departure of General Kearny for California — Counter Revolution — Battle of San Pascual — Passage of the San Gabriel — Ciudad de los Angelos — Arrival of Troops, and complete occupation of the Country | |123

CHAPTER IV.

MONTEREY.

|Censure of General Arista — Arrival of Volunteers on the Rio Grande — Proclamation — Difficulty in procuring Transportation and Supplies — Advance of the Army — Encounter at Ramos — Defences of Monterey — Skirmish at San Jeromino — Storming of Federacion Hill and the Soldada — Diversion in the lower part of the Town — The Enemy's line of defence penetrated — Terrible slaughter among the Assailants — Capture of the Bishop's Palace — The Americans in the City — Street-fighting — Capitulation | |149

CHAPTER V.

WOOL'S COLUMN.

|Terms of the Capitulation at Monterey — Armistice — Revolution in Mexico — Return of Santa Anna — Proposition to Negotiate — Evacuation of Monterey — Concentration of troops at San Antonio de Bexar — March of General Wool — Change of Route — Monclova — Termination of the Armistice — Occupation of Saltillo, Parras, and Tampico — The Mexican Army at San Luis Potosi — Threatened Attack on Saltillo — March to Victoria | |178

CHAPTER VI.

NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE GULF.

|The American Navy — The Home Squadron — Blockade of the Mexican Ports — Loss of the Truxton — Laws passed by the Government of Mexico to encourage Privateering — Attempt against Alvarado — Attack on Tabasco — Occupation of Tampico — Burning of the Creole — Wreck of the Somers — Capture of Laguna | |195

CHAPTER VII.

BUENA VISTA.

|General Scott ordered to Mexico — Expedition to Vera Cruz — Withdrawal of Troops from the Army under General Taylor — Surprise of Arkansas and Kentucky Cavalry at Encarnacion — Advance of Sanla Anna from San Luis Potosi — The Pass of Angostura — Buena Vista — Position of the American Troops — Approach of the Enemy — The Battle — Bravery of the Volunteers — Skirmish near Saltillo — Disastrous retreat of the Mexican Army — Attack on the Wagon Trains — Pursuit of Urrea | |206

CHAPTER VIII.

SAN JUAN DE ULUA.

|The Island of Lobos — Rendezvous of American Forces — Offer to negotiate — Vera Cruz — Castle of San Juan De Ulua — Landing of the Troops under General Scott — Skirmishing — Line of Investment — Bombardment — Effect of the Fire — Affair at the Puente del Midois — Dragoon fight at Madellin — Capitulation of the City and Castle — Capture of Alvarado — Advance of the Army into the Interior — Opening of the Mexican Ports | |244

CHAPTER IX.

SCOTT AT CERRO GORDO.

|Return of Santa Anna to the city of Mexico — Fortifications at Cerro Gordo — Arrival of the American Army at the Rio del Plan — Storming the Heights — The Enemy routed — Capture of Jalapa and Perote — The Guerilleros — Proclamation of General Scott — Entrance of the Americans into Puebla — Warlike proceedings of the Mexican government — Skirmishing on the road from Vera Cruz — The Army reinforced — March towards the Mexican Capital | |268

CHAPTER X.

DONIPHAN'S MARCH.

|The Missouri Volunteers — Expedition against the Navajos — Orders to join General Wool — La Jornada del Muerto — Skirmish at Bracito — El Paso del Norte — Fortifications of the Enemy at the Pass of Sacramento — The Battle — Flight of the Mexicans — Entrance into the City of Chihuahua — March to Monterey — Return Home | |305

CHAPTER XI.

REVOLT IN NEW MEXICO.

|Disaffection among the inhabitants of New Mexico — Murder of Governor Bent and others — March of Colonel Price — Defeat of the enemy at Cañada — Affair at Moro — The Pass of Embudo — Storming of Puebla de Taos — Suppression of the Revolt — Depredations in the Valley of the Moro — Skirmishes with the Marauders — Quiet restored in the Province | |321

CHAPTER XII.

CONTRERAS AND CHURUBUSCO.

|Route from Puebla — The Valley of Mexico — Fortifications — Turning Lake Chalco — Affair at Oka Laka — March of Major Lally from Vera Cruz to Jalapa — Arrival of the American army at San Augustin — Attempt to reach the San Angel road — Crossing the Pedregal — The Night Bivouac — Storming the Intrenchments at Contreras — The Enemy driven from San Antonio — Battle of Churubusco — The Victors at the Gates of the Capital | |334

CHAPTER XIII.

EL MOLINO DEL REY.

|The Armistice — Fruitless attempt at Negotiation — Bad faith of the Mexican authorities — Political dissensions — Violation and Rupture of the Truce — Correspondence between General Scott and Santa Anna — Reconnaissances — Assault of El Molino del Rey and Casa de Mata — Severity of the Action — The Enemy driven from their position | |374

CHAPTER XIV.

CAPTURE OF MEXICO

|Preparations for a final attack on the City and its defences — Heavy Batteries planted — The Cannonade — Storming of Chapultepec — Advance of General Quitman to the Garita de Bélen and the Ciudadela — Operations of General Worth on the San Cosmé Causeway — Flight of Santa Anna and his Army — Entrance of General Scott into the Capital — The Leperos — Quiet restored in the City — Change in the Mexican Administration | |398

CHAPTER XV.

THE ARMY UNDER TAYLOR.

|The American forces on the line of the Sierra Madre, and in the Valley of the Rio Grande — Correspondence between General Taylor and General Mora y Villamil — The Texan Rangers — Expedition to Huejutla — Part of General Taylor's forces ordered to Vera Cruz — Position of the Troops — The command transferred to General Wool | |433

CHAPTER XVI.

THE GULF SQUADRON.

|Expedition against Tuspan — Capture of the Town — The Carmelita — Recapture of Tabasco — Repeated Skirmishes with the Enemy — Affair at Timulte — Abandonment of the City — Difficulties in Yucatan | |445

CHAPTER XVII.

CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR.

|Defence of Puebla — Occupation of the Prominent Points on the National Road — March of General Lane to the Relief of Colonel Childs — Battle of Huamantla — Attack on Atlixco — The Guerilleros — Opening of General Scott's Communications — The Mexican Congress and Government — Negotiations Resumed — The Army in the Capital — Orders for the Collection of Taxes — Expedition to Tehuacan — Affairs in California — Capture of Guayamas and Mazatlan — Defence of La Paz and San José — March of General Price upon Chihuahua — Storming of Santa Cruz de Rosales | |454

CHAPTER XVIII.

TREATY OF PEACE.

|Firmness of the Mexican Administration — Treaty of Peace concluded — Skirmishes — Expedition of General Lane — Ratification of the Treaty — Evacuation of Mexico by the American Troops — Reflections — The Territory Acquired — Capacity of our Country for War — Conclusion | |491

Frontispiece

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Preface

PREFACE.

The War with Mexico constitutes an episode, and by no means, an unimportant one, in the history of the American Union. Its brilliant scenes, and stirring incidents, have attracted unusual attention, and they must long continue to be remembered. The honor of the nation, and the triumph of her arms, are so closely allied, in the estimation of our citizens, that the permanent record of these events cannot be devoid of interest.—The military annals of the world present no higher, or more enduring evidences, of the skill and courage of any other soldiery. Each arm of the service,—cavalry artillery, and infantry,—has gained imperishable renown; and the navy, too, ever famed for its gallantry and heroism, though necessarily participating, to a less extent, in the active operations of the war, is entitled to no small share of the laurels which have been won.

Since the commencement of hostilities, there has certainly been no great dearth of publications, having reference, directly or indirectly, to the prosecution of the war. Biographical sketches of our most distinguished officers, and numerous compilations, glancing at the more important achievements of the array, have been issued;—but, at the moment of writing this Preface, I am not aware of the publication of any complete history of the collision between the two great republics on this Continent, which is now happily terminated. Such a work must naturally be desired, and these pages have been written, with a view of satisfying, in some degree, the public expectation.

In the preparation of this volume, my main reliance, for the facts and details connected with the military operations, has been upon the official reports of the officers of the army,—as well those occupying subordinate positions, as those at the head of columns or divisions. The narrative, proper, of the war, is preceded by a review of its origin and causes, written after a careful examination of the diplomatic correspondence, and the various publications, of a public or private character, that have appeared from time to time, calculated to throw any light on the subject.

Most of the works which have been of service to me, in preparing the volume, are cited in the text, or notes. Among those not so cited, are,—Newell's History of the Revolution in Texas; "Texas and the Texans," by H. Stuart Foote; "Our Army on the Rio Grande," and "Our Army at Monterey," by T. B. Thorpe; the Campaign Sketches of Captain W. S. Henry; "The Conquest of California and New Mexico," by J. Madison Cutts; "Doniphan's Expedition," by J. T. Hughes; and "Adventures in Mexico," by C. Dunnovan.

I have also derived much valuable information from the letters of the regular and occasional correspondents of different public journals, and, particularly, those of the New Orleans press, I have often found these, however, conflicting very materially with the official statements, and, as, from the nature of the case, was to be presumed, more or less tinged with the gossip of the camp. It has, therefore, been sometimes extremely difficult to separate the real from the fanciful; and I can hardly flatter myself with the hope that I have entirely avoided errors, though I trust none may be found, impairing the general fidelity of the work.

It is likewise proper that I should acknowledge my indebtedness to the well-executed maps of Majors Tumbull and Linnard, and the other able and intelligent officers of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, which have accompanied the official reports from the seat of war.

My thanks are further due, to J. S. Meehan, Esquire, the Librarian of Congress, and his assistants, for their kindness and courtesy; and to the Hon. John A. Dix, of the United States Senate, for the receipt of several valuable public documents.

Auburn, September 1, 1848.

Chapter 1

THE WAR WITH MEXICO.

CHAPTER I.

ORIGIN AND CAUSES OF THE WAR.

The Government and People of the United States — Revolutions in Mexico — Claims of American citizens — Negotiations — Warlike feelings — Settlement of Texas — Revolution — Proposition for Annexation to the United States — Treaty of President Tyler — Joint Resolutions — Admission of Texas — Her Boundaries — March of General Taylor to the Rio Grande — Hostile demonstrations on the part of Mexico — Capture of Thornton and his party.

From the time of the cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, in pursuance of the treaty concluded at Ghent, in December 1814, until 1816, a period of more than thirty years, the government of the United States was not involved in war with any of the nations of the earth. Occasional interruptions of her friendly relations with other countries and governments temporarily disturbed the harmony previously existing between them; but the causes of dispute were soon removed, and every difficulty satisfactorily adjusted, with, perhaps, the single exception — that which terminated in the war with Mexico. The American Confederacy was formed, not for the political aggrandizement of its members, collectively or individually, but solely and entirely for purposes of mutual protection and defence. It has been our uniform policy, since the assertion and successful vindication of our independence, though never sacrificing anything of national dignity, to keep aloof from all entangling alliances with foreign powers, to avoid subjects of contention likely to furnish an excuse for their interference in our domestic affairs, and assiduously to cultivate the arts and the institutions of peace. The elements of greatness and power are ours; yet these have been manifested, not so much in the achievements of our armies, and the splendor of our military establishments, as in the protection afforded to our commerce, and the encouragement given to the agricultural and industrial pursuits to which our people are devoted. The growth of the nation has been rapid, beyond parallel. At the beginning of the present century, she was weak and feeble—she is now great and powerful. But her career of glory, unexampled as it is, has been marked, more than all, by the development of new principles in government, by the energy and industry which have made the wilderness to blossom like the rose, and by the extension of human civilization, from the frozen regions of the north to the land of perpetual flowers—from the rock-bound coast of the Atlantic to the prairies of the West—"the gardens of the desert," whose "very weeds are beautiful," and whose

"waste More rich than other climes' fertility."

At the close of the Revolution, a new government was established, and we became, emphatically, a new people. It was our aim and object to remain at peace with the world, and to continue forever wholly independent of every other power. Our land was the refuge of the oppressed of every nation and creed; the natural enmity of the Briton and the Gaul was forgot ten; the traits and characteristics which were always found arrayed in hostility upon the Eastern Continent, were here blended harmoniously together; and those prejudices calculated to diminish or impair the strength of the alliance, were softened and subdued by the consciousness that its preservation was essential to our safety. The terms "Anglo-Saxon," and "Anglo-American," are often applied to us; but is not this the language of mere affectation and cant? Surely they are inapplicable to us and to our children. We have sprung from the Saxon, the Norman, and the Celt, with here and there an admixture of nearly all the other races of the earth. We are Americans!—neither more nor less—and why should we claim a different title from that which Washington and his contemporaries were proud to own? This is ours, justly ours; and it has become a passport to respect and confidence throughout the world.

While engrossed in the prosecution of those peaceful pursuits, for the security of which their government was formed, the American people have not been unmindful of the efforts that have been made to establish institutions similar to their own, in other quarters of the globe. Their sympathies were never withheld from the oppressed, nor their assistance denied, when it could be rendered consistently with their duties and obligations as a nation. Neither have they failed to assert, at all proper times, and on all proper occasions, their rights as a separate and independent sovereignty. The martial spirit of a republic, whose independence was secured by force of arms, could not be easily subdued. Every citizen among us shares the privileges and the responsibilities of government; each one can say, like the French monarch, though in a far different spirit, "I am the state!" and hence it is, that the language of menace, or an act of outrage or insult committed in the remotest section of the Union, sends an instantaneous thrill through the breasts of our countrymen. Peace societies and conventions have denounced feuds, and contentions, and wars; they have striven to inculcate mildness and forbearance in the adjustment of all difficulties among governments; they have labored, earnestly and zealously, to make forgiveness the law of the council-room and the audience-chamber; but, however praiseworthy their efforts, or benevolent their intentions, they have produced little change in the feelings and dispositions of the American people. Go where we may, at home or abroad,—on the sea or on the land,—wherever we find one of our citizens, standing beneath the broad folds of our national flag, we shall see his eye kindle and his bosom throb, as he gazes on the proud emblem floating above him: and if, at such a moment, violence be offered, either rightfully or wrongfully, to him or to it, his arm is nerved for the defence with tenfold vigor and strength!

The moralist who can sit calmly down to analyze the sentiment which is thus manifested, may discover something of error mixed up with what is commendable; but so long as it forms the same part of our natures with patriotism and love of country, it cannot well be separated. If it be dangerous to arouse it, without justifiable and sufficient cause, it is far more so, to trifle with, or insult it with impunity. This sentiment, or emotion, or impulse, by whatever name it may be dignified, has become a fixed and abiding principle in the hearts of our fellow-citizens; and it was never more signally exhibited than during the progress of the Mexican war. Differences of opinion existed with regard to the necessity for the commencement of hostilities; but when once determined on, all classes and parties aided in their vigorous prosecution. Our young men, at the plough and in the workshop—in the office and the counting-house—in town and in country—had no sooner heard of battles, than they longed "to follow to the field." The recital of the brilliant deeds performed by men animated by such a spirit, will, no doubt, be welcome to the reader: but before proceeding with the narrative, the origin and causes of the war seem very appropriately to demand attention.

The republic of Mexico, for such she has claimed to be, amid all the phases and changes in her political condition, has never possessed a firm or stable government since 1821, when she ceased to be one of the dependencies of the Spanish crown, except during the first presidency under the federal constitution. Her prolonged struggle for independence was not viewed with indifference in the United States. The government of the latter was the first to recognize her separate existence, and her battle fields were crimsoned with the blood of many an American citizen. In the darkest hour of her fortunes, in the midst of peril and difficulty, she was cheered and encouraged by those who had encountered similar trials and dangers, and who were then basking in the sunshine of freedom, and enjoying the rich reward they had labored to secure. The ties and associations thus formed, it was hoped would become more firm and enduring, as the commercial and social intercourse between the two countries was extended. But the character and habits of the Mexican people unfitted them for the rational enjoyment of free institutions; and they became the easy prey of the military despots, who by turns harassed and oppressed them. The descend of the Spaniard, while they have retained many of the more noble traits of their ancestors, they have acquired all the baser passions and characteristics of the different races with which they have amalgamated. They are passionate and vindictive, treacherous and cruel, indolent and selfish; and their bravery is an impulse rather than a sentiment. The fierté of the ancient Hidalgo, the pride of the old Castilian, are almost forgotten; and the faith of their forefathers is corrupted by the traditions of Tlascala and Cholula.

In 1822, Iturbide was proclaimed Emperor of Mexico, by the lawless and licentious soldiery whom he had rendered obedient to his wishes. His short reign was characterized by the profligacy, anarchy, and corruption, which reigned everywhere triumphant. The money and property of foreign merchants were seized without warrant or justification, and the laws of nations openly and constantly disregarded. His attempt to unite the descendants of the Spaniards, and the original natives of Mexico, on terms of amity and friendship, in support of a government whose rapacity was only limited by its power of gratification, proved utterly abortive. He was dethroned and put to death by an exasperated people, in 1824, at which time the federal constitution, modelled after that of the United States, was adopted, and Victoria elevated to the presidency. Aside from the revolt of General Bravo, the vice-president, which was soon quelled, his term of office was comparatively tranquil and peaceful; yet, in several instances, the prop fi of American citizens was illegally wrested from them by the corrupt agents of the government. Upon the expiration of Victoria's term, a bloody contest ensued between the rival candidates for the succession. General Guerrero was the successful candidate, and his competitor, Pedrazo, was banished. Within a year the former was deprived of his power and his life. Confusion, disorder, and misrule, prevailed throughout the republic. Two great parties, embracing numerous minor factions, were contesting for the supremacy. The Federalistas were in favor of adhering to the constitution of 1824, and the Centralistas desired to establish a central consolidated government. Guerrero was succeeded by the vice-president, Bustamente, a prominent and leading centralist. The war between the two parties was waged more fiercely than ever. Bustamente was finally banished, and General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, one of the heroes of the revolution, was raised to power by the joint efforts of the aristocracy and clergy. The constitution of 1824 was nominally preserved during all these dissensions; but in October, 1835, it was set aside by Santa Anna, and the country divided into departments, with governors appointed by the central authorities. The southern states, or provinces, generally concurred in the change; but those at the north refused to accede, until they were chastised into submission by the presidential dictator, who had broken the league of federation, and established centralism in its stead. Texas alone refused to surrender her state sovereignty, and maintained a successful resistance against the armies sent to subdue her. This consolidated government, formed in 1835, underwent no material change, until the year 1846, although its founder was compelled to share the power secured to the central head, in turn, with Bustamente, Herrera, and Paredes.

While the republic of Mexico was divided and distracted by these internal tumults and disorders, the government of Spain attempted its re-subjugation. Expeditions and armaments were fitted out, but they only served to exhaust the treasuries of both the mother country and her former colony. The Mexican authorities employed the most illegal measures to replenish their coffers. The position of the United States, in the immediate vicinity, and the extent of their commerce in the Gulf, caused them to feel the effects of the arbitrary proceedings which were resorted to, more seriously than any other nation, and rendered it im possible to maintain that strict amity which, under other auspices, might have been forever preserved between the two great republics on the Western Continent. Vessels sailing under the American flag were plundered; the goods of our merchants confiscated, and the owners, or their agents, imprisoned with impunity. The advent to power of each new usurper, was attended by renewed violations of public law and private rights. Useless and oppressive blockades were attempted to be enforced by one party against the other, though fighting beneath the same banner, and loudly professing their attachment to the same country. That the adventurous citizens of the American Union, knowing little or nothing; of civil strife and commotion in their own country, should be unable at all times to distinguish between the party in power and their opponents, and should sometimes disregard the regulations and enactments which appeared to them to have been unjustly and arbitrarily established, were the natural consequences of the unsettled character of the Mexican government.

For a long time the authorities of the United States contented themselves with remonstrating against these proceedings, and making reclamations in behalf of our citizens. Promises of redress were postponed or evaded, and remonstrances were followed by new acts of depredation, and still more wanton outrages. At length, a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, was concluded between the two republics, on the 5th of April, 1831. The condition of things, however, remained unchanged. Although the provisions of the treaty were clear and positive, "the course of seizure and confiscation of the property of our citizens, the violation of their persons, and the insults to our flag, pur by Mexico previous to that time, were scarcely suspended for even a brief period." The situation of that country was, indeed, most deplorable; the accumulating burdens beneath which she struggled, threatened to blot out her national existence; and it was thought best to exhibit towards her a spirit of forbearance and magnanimity, in the hope that corresponding feelings would be produced on her part, to be followed by an amicable adjustment of all difficulties and disputes. On the contrary, additional indignities were heaped upon the officers and flag of the United States; applications for the redress of grievances were unavailing; and in 1837, the American government was itself insulted by the Mexican minister at Washington. These circumstances constituted, in the opinion of the then Executive, a sufficient justification for immediate war; but desirous, as he was, to avoid this alternative, and in view of the embarrassed condition of Mexico, he thought one more opportunity of atoning for the past should be given, before taking redress into our own hands. "To avoid all misconception," he said, "on the part of Mexico, as well as to protect our national character from reproach, this opportunity should be given with the avowed design and full preparation to take immediate satisfaction, if it should not be obtained on a repetition of the demand for it. To this end, I recommend that an act be passed authorizing reprisals, and the use of the naval force of the United States, by the Executive, against Mexico, to enforce them, in the event of a refusal by the Mexican government to come to an amicable adjustment of the matters in controversy between us, upon another demand thereof, made from on board of one of our vessels of war on the coast of Mexico."

The two houses of Congress coincided with the President in the opinion, that the government of the United States would be fully justified in taking redress into her own hands; but, in order that "the equity and moderation" with which she had acted "towards a sister republic," might be placed beyond doubt or question, they advised "the experiment of another demand," to be "made in the most solemn form." The recommendation was carried into effect, and a special messenger dispatched to Mexico, by whom a final demand for redress was made, on the 20th of July, 1837. The reply of the Mexican government, made on the 29th of the same month, abounded in expressions of an anxious desire "to terminate the existing difficulties between the two governments" upon fair and honorable terms, in a speedy manner, and in accordance with "the sacred obligations imposed by international law, and the religious faith of treaties." It was also stated, that the decision made by the Mexican government in each case, would be duly communicated to the government of the United States, through her minister at Washington. These promises and assurances answered the object which Mexico appears to have had in view—that of securing further delay and postponement.

The annual message of President Van Buren, in December, 1837, informed Congress, that "for not one of our public complaints had satisfaction been given or offered;" that but "one case of personal wrong" had been favorably considered, and but four cases, "out of all those formally presented, and earnestly pressed," had been decided upon by the Mexican government. This tedious mode of proceeding, especially where the claims were so numerous, and had so long been the subjects of discussion and negotiation, was certainly unworthy of any nation. The American Executive recommended the adoption of prompt and decisive measures; but the pecuniary embarrassments of the country, and a desire to avoid hostilities, induced Congress to hesitate. A new negotiation was opened with Mexico, and on the 11th of April, 1839, a joint commission was appointed "for the adjustment of claims of citizens of the United States of America upon the government of the Mexican republic," whose powers were to terminate in February, 1842. The commissioners met, and organized on the 11th of August, 1840. Four months were spent in the discussion and determination of frivolous questions raised by the Mexican commissioners; and it was not until the month of December following, that the board commenced the examination of the claims. The powers of the commission ceased in February, 1842, before one half, in amount, of the claims submitted to them had been disposed of The amount of claims allowed by the board, and by the umpire authorized to make a final decision in cases of disagreement between the Mexican and American commissioners, exceeded two millions of dollars. The claims pending before the umpire, who considered that his authority expired simultaneously with that of the joint commission, amounted to more than nine hundred thousand dollars; and those left undecided, for want of time, amounted to near three and a half millions. The sum acknowledged and awarded to the American claimants by the joint commission and the umpire, was admitted by the Mexican government to be an actual liquidated debt; and at her request, and for her convenience, its payment was postponed by a convention concluded on the 30th of January, 1843, and entered into, as therein expressed, "for the accommodation of Mexico." The interest due on this sum, on the 30th of April, 1839, and three of the twenty instalments provided for by the terms of the convention, were paid; but the remaining instalments, commencing with that payable in April, 1844, were still due by Mexico on the breaking out of hostilities. The convention of January, 1843, also made provision for another convention, for the settlement of the remaining claims; in accordance with which, a third convention was signed at the city of Mexico, on the 20th of November, 1843. This convention was ratified by the Senate of the United States, in January, 1844, with two amendments, which were both just and reasonable. Although the subject was repeatedly urged upon the consideration of the Mexican government, she did not decide whether she would or would not accede to those amendments.