Russia and the Eastern question

Contents

I. RUSSIA, TURKEY, AND ENGLAND, 9

II. POLAND, RUSSIA, AND ENGLAND, 47

III. THE BALANCE OF POWER 74

Introduction

Richajrd Cobden, Esq., of England, is a name extensively and i'avorat'y known. It would be difficult to find the man of the present of more good, practical common-sense. In the language of a personal friend, he is " England's prime-minister of common-sense." His name alone is sufficient guarantee for the extensive perusal of any production of his pen. The following work on Russia was written by him, and first published in a pamphlet form in Edinburgh, London, Manchester and Dublin, in 1836; but its principles and facts have not become essentially changed since that time. They are such as the lapse of time cannot materially affect. And it is believed that the present position of the "Eastern Question," will invest it with fresh interest, and render its reprint at the present time peculiarly seasonable. Few men in our country are better acquainted with European affairs than Rev. Dr. Baird, of New-York, and Foreign Secretary of the " American, and Soreign Christian Union." He was familiar and favorably impressed with this work of Mr. Cobden when it was first published in England, and he now says that " he thinks its republication in this country, and at this moment, would be eminently opportune." For these reasons, it is thought expedient to recommend the work of Mr. Cobden, with a few preliminary observations touching the Eastern Question, to the American public.

Russia is, territorially, the largest civil division of the globe.

4 INTRODUCTION.

Its total superficial area is estimated at eight millions of square miles, being more than twice the area of the whole of the United States, and comprising all the north of Europe and Asia, and the north-west corner of North America. This immense territory has given to the Russian empire an importance more imaginary than real. For, as with individuals, so with nations, — nothing, to the cursory observer, invests them so much with the appearance of strength as large landed possessions. According to this idea, however, the aborigines of this western world were a very powerful people, for the whole boundless continent was theirs ; and, though divided into a great variety of tribes, they were linked together by interests that made them the common foe of the white man. Nevertheless, they melted away, at his approach, like the snows of winter before the summer's sun. Something, therefore, beside land, is requisite to national strength.

The original elements, also, of the Rusian nation, have doubtless contributed to the prevalent exaggerated idea of its power. The Sclavonic, Finnish and Lettish tribes on the northern, and the Goths and Vandals on the southern borders of the Baltic, and stretching across to the Black Sea, together with the Huns around the Caspian, possessed great physical energy, common to rude habits of life and northern latitudes ; and their incursions upon their neighbors, and their overthrow of the empires both of Rome and Constantinople, fifteen hundred years ago, struck terror through all the more effeminate nations in the south of Europe. These facts appear to have given rise to that mythological character, the Great Northern Bear, whose reputation is so well known, and has, for ages, found so fit a personification in the Autocrat, whose power has extended over and absorbed all those barbarian hordes. And these facts, in connection with the more recent prowess and native energy of Peter the Great, and the providential defeat of Napoleon at Moscow, by the snows and frosts rather than the arms of Russia, have contributed to foster the notion of its invincibleness, and well-nigh made the world, civilized as well as uncivilized, stand in awe.

Again, the absolute despotism of the Russian government has conveyed to the world a factitious idea of its comparative power.

INTRODUCTION. O

Despotism, in its very nature, is abhorrent to all enlightened and liberal minds. But, in the case of Russia, it has been rendered more so, and, consequently, become a greater object of dread, by its connection with extensive dominion ; by its barbarian conquests of former ages as seen in the dim light of the past ; by its more modern and equally tyrannical edicts and atrocious deeds ; and, more than all the rest, by the opposite and increasing republican tendencies of the present age, in Europe as well as in our own country. But despotism, even severely executed upon its subjects and weak neighbors, is no criterion of power, in comparison of other and more enlightened governments. Despotism at home is not identical with power abroad.

And, now, if there are circumstances that go to diminish the popular dread of Russian power, there are such as tend to mitigate, if they do not excuse, Russian intolerance. At least, there are reasons why other governments should be slow in its condemnation, and why, in comparison of other nations, Russia has a just claim upon our charity. Deeds, events, as well as objects, wear different aspects as seen from different stand-points. There are few questions that have not two sides, and it is not always easy to get at both correctly, when we are so remote in time and space as we are from most of those that have arrested the public attention with regard to Russia. We cannot apologize for despotism. There can be no more excuse for nations than individuals in the commission of moral wrong. Neither can the conduct of the one nor the other be justified upon the principle that the end sanctifies the means. We eschew it, by whomsoever advocated, and wheresoever applied. The mantle of American republicanism can hide its naked deformity no more effectually than Russian despotism, which has justly merited the rebuke of the ciliviled world. But it should be remembered that practical liberty is sometimes found in strange juxtaposition with organized despotism, and practical despotism in a similar relation to professed liberty. As a matter of fact, no human government exists that does not present the aspect of the most unnatural admixture of these opposing elements. All, more or less, violate their own principles, — some for the better, others for the worse. Hence, 1*

6 INTRODUCTION.

our own boasted republic is not so free from reproach as to render it entirely unbecoming in it to speak with some moderation, and a degree of charity even, of Russian rule. There is too much glass in our house to allow of casting stones at others with safety. For, if we compare the system of Russian serfdom with that of American slavery, the balance is certainly against us; and it is very much of a question, whether the future historian will be able to discover any essential difference, unless it be in favor of Russia, between the partitionings of Poland and Mexico. Do Americans find an apology for the annexation of a large portion of Mexico to the United States in the prospective improvement in the condition of its inhabitants ? Let them be generous enough to excuse Russia on the same ground, since the social and civil condition of the masses of Poland has been confessedly much improved since its dismemberment, and Russia has received its share of the plunder. If the prospect of good is a sanction for doing evil, certainly its realization is a sufiicient apology. If it is right to do evil that good may come, we may well rest satisfied after the evil is done, since good has come. But the prospective or the actual results are no excuse in either case ; only, similar indefensible aggressions of different nations upon their weak neighbors call for mutual forbearance and charity. Or, what is no less desirable is, that similar errors among the nations should beget patience under the reproof of their mutual bad example, and teach them to correct in themselves the faults that they see mirrored forth in each other's character. Surely a faithful, reciprocal application of this principle between Russia and the United States would be greatly to the advantage and honor of each, and the augmentation of their combined influence for good upon the world.

Again, the world has received much of its impressions respecting Russia through the distorted media of English and French prejudices. Speaking merely as Englishmen or Frenchmen, persons have too often given us the impressions of one form of despotism, though it may be somewhat mitigated, against another form. Their stand-points have been too low and too circumscribed to give the fairest view ; whereas, the point from which to obtain

INTRODUCTION. 7

such a view of any government is the highest peak of liberty, and no man, speaking simply as an Englishman or a Frenchman, nor yet even merely as an American, can be a perfectly impartial judge of other governments; because, the highest point — the Mount Washington of genuine liberty — is yet outside of all existing governments, and that man has attained nearest its summit who feels and speaks most as a man, as one of the race unbiased by national prejudice, and is possessed of the most enlightened philanthropy and the largest Christian principle.

These thoughts, it is apprehended, are important to a right consideration of the " Eastern Question," which is now exciting a new and universal public interest. All eyes are turned, with deep solicitude, to the scene of hostilities between Russia and Turkey. Sympathies are enlisted, opinions are formed, hopes and fears alternate, not so much in view of the issue of the contest with respect to either or both of the two principal contending nations, as of its final bearings upon the destinies, not only of Europe, but of the world. ''Kings and emperors are on tiptoe looking out for their crowns, politicians for their offices and salaries, merchants for their commerce, and Christians for the truth that they love more than all the rest. The friends of all that is good are inclined to despond, and to fear, in the event of the success of Russia, that all is lost ; and they are aided in this feeling both by the long-cherished apprehension of the invincible power and despotic aggression of Russia, and by their natural sympathy for the weaker party, and, especially in this case, as of late they see, or think they see, more indications of Christian toleration in Turkey than in her more powerful antagonist.

But commerce, learning and religion, have nothing to hope for, but everything to fear, from Mahometanism. This is the lesson of its history from the beginning. Nothing is to be feared, in the long run, from the overthrow of the power of the Moslem, by whomsoever it may be brought about. What of toleration it has granted seems to be a mere conventional or political regulation, forced upon it by the powers upon whom it is dependent for national protection. There is still no toleration for the Turk, as a reasoning, responsible being. Witness the recent beheading of

8 INTRODUCTION.

a man for renouncing the false prophet in favor of Christ. Let Turkey be subdued and Greece be annexed to Russia, as would probably soon be the case, and, though temporary embarrassments might obstruct the progress of free institutions, yet those same influences that have rendered Greece so indigestible to the Sultan may make it equally so to the Autocrat, and lead to the transformation of his empire, the popularizing of its government, and the actual transfer of the seat of its power to Athens or Constantinople. For, where the greatest degree of genuine Christian light and liberty shall prevail, there is the pledge and the nucleus of a future and ultimate supremacy that shall bless mankind. And it has been said by high authority, of late, speaking of Athens and Constantinople, — " In both these cities there is more freedom of speech, pen and action, more political and religious tolerance, than in any other continental capitals." Though this must be taken with considerable limitation, there is evidently a light kindling there to scatter the darkness, and break the power that has so long oppressed the surrounding nations.

It is well, therefore, to take enlightened and extensive views of this " Eastern Question " before, as Americans, we allow our sympathies to carry us decidedly to either side of the two principal belligerent powers. Our mission, as Americans, is rather still to cultivate our own field — to expend our national sympathies at home, and be content to look on and see the nations of the Eastern world work out their own political destiny.

J. C. W.

Hopkinton, Feb. 16, 1854.

RUSSIA.

Chapter I. Russia, Turkey, And England

Contents. — Persevering Efforts of an Individual to rouse the People of Britain in favor of Turkey and against Russia. — Protest against any "Wish to palliate the Violence and Aggression of Russia. — Peace and Non-intervention the WriteFs sole Object. — Character of the Turkish Government — contrasted with that of Russia. — Consequences to Humanity and Civilization of the Occupation of Constantinople by the Russians. — Absurd Apprehension of Injury to our Trade from the Greatness of Russia.

— National Wealth the true Source of National Power ; not Extent of Territory. — Immense Power of the Manufacturing Districts of England.

— Lord Dudley Stuart's and Mr. T. Attwood's Indiscreet Zeal for British Interference with Russia. — State of the Caucasian Tribes — the Georgians, Circassians, &o. — Condition of Wallachia and Moldavia — Persia — the Crimea — Finland.

It has been somewhere remarked that, in former times, some false alarms usually preceded or accompanied a new war. Thus, in 1792, Mr. Saunderson, then Lord Mayor, and soon afterwards made a Baronet, got up in his place in the House of Commons, and declared that he knew of a plot to surprise the Tower of London. All England was thrown into a fear of the Jacobins, and the anti- Jacobin war soon afterwards followed ; but of the conspiracy to seize the Tower not another word was heard. Again, at the close of the short peace, or, more properly speaking, the truce of Amiens, it was alleged in all the public prints, and subsequently inserted in the declaration of war, that Bonaparte had armies ready to invade England ; and, in proof, it was adduced that in-

RUSSIA.

structions had been given to the French diplomatic and commercial agents to take surveys and soundings of our coasts and harbors.^ The people, thus deluded into an anti-Bonaparte war, forgot that many different surveys of every part of our coast, and of every harbor in the British dominions, might have been purchased for a few shillings at every hydrographer's or chart-seller's; and that no foreigner, by years of study, could have added an iota to the information contained in the various pilot-books then used in the different channels. We live in other times ; but still the constitution of our government, which gives to the court the power of declaring war, and to the Commons the privilege of providing for its expenses, remains the same ; and, however we may be verging upon a more secure era, we confess we think there is sufficient ground in the predominant influence which an aristocracy essentially warlike exercises at this moment in the ministry, to warn our readers and the public against the passion for a foolish war, with which the minds of the people have been latterly very industriously inflamed. We do not charge the noble lords who form the great majority in the cabinet with a design to stimulate the country to demand hostilities with Russia ; the policy of the ministry may probably have stopped far short of that, and aimed only at accomplishing an augmentation of the army or navy. Certain it is, however, that one active mind has, during the last two years, materially influenced the tone of several of the newspapers of this kingdom in reference to the affairs of Russia and Turkey, and incessantly roused public opinion, through every accessible channel of the periodical press, against the former and in favor of the latter nation. Certain it is, moreover, that this

* « When once Persia fell under the yoke of Russia, one great obstacle to the acquirement of that which constituted our possessions in the East would be removed. He hoped that its success was impossible, it was at least problematical ; but this, at all events, was in no degree doubtful, that the matter was very seriously entertained at St. Petersburg. In the war-office there, maps and plans, drawn expressly for the purpose, were deposited, showing not only the practicability of such a scheme of aggrandizement, but the various modes in which it might be best carried into effect, and the way the several military stations necessary for the purpose might be established." — Lord Dudley Stuart's Speech, House of Commons, Feb. 19, 183G.

RUSSIA.

individual, if not previously an agent of the government, has latterly become so by being appointed to a diplomatic post in our embassy at Constantinople.^ How far this indefatigable spirit has been successful in his design to diffuse a feeling of terror and a spirit of hatred towards Russia in the public mind, may be ascertained by any one who will take the trouble to sound the opinions of his next neighbor upon the subject, whom, it is ten to one, he will find an alarmist about the subtlety of Pozzo di Borgo, the cruelty of the Czar, and the barbarism of the Russians. He most likely will find him to possess but vague feelings of apprehension, and very little exactness of knowledge upon the subject ; he will not know, perhaps, precisely, whether the province of Moldavia be on the right or the left bank of the Danube, or whether the Balkan and the ancient Haemus be an identical range of mountains ; he will have but an indistinct acquaintance with the geography of Asia Minor, and probably confound the Bosphorus with the Dardanelles ; but still he shall be profoundly alarmed at the encroachments of Russia in those quarters, and quite willing to go to war to prevent them. Such, we gravely assert, is the feeling and such are the opinions of the great majority of those who take their doctrines from some of the newspapers at this moment, upon the question of Russian aggrandizement. Believing that the fate of Turkey, and the designs of her great northern neighbor, are by no means matters that affect the interests of England so vitally as some writers imagine, we are yet more directly opposed to them, by entertaining a conviction that, even if the worst of their forebodings were to arrive, — if even Russia were to subjugate Turkey, — England would gain rather than suffer by th "^ event. In order to state our views fairly upon this interesting and difficult question, it will be necessary for us to glance hastily at the past history and the present condition, as respects the government and resources, of the two empires ; and then, having assumed that Turkey had fallen a prey to the ambition of Russia, we will weigh the probable consequences of, and meet the possible objections to, such an event.

* We state these facts from personal knowledge.

But, before entering upon our task, we would disavow all intention of advocating the cause of Russian violence and aggression. It can only be necessary to say thus much at the outset of this pamphlet in order to prevent the reader from anticipating our design with an undue prepossession respecting our motives ; for the whole spirit and purpose of the following pages will show that we are hostile to the government of St. Petersburg, and to every principle of its foreign and domestic policy. Our sympathies flow altogether towards those free institutions which are favorable to the peace, wealth, education and happiness, of mankind.

In comparing the Turkish government with that of Russia, however, it will be found that the latter is immeasurably the superior in its laws and institutions ; and if, in the remarks which we shall have occasion to make, we should appear to bestow commendations upon that northern people, we entreat that the reader will consider us to be only speaking in comparison with its more barbarous and despotic Mahometan neighbor, and not from any abstract predilection in favor of the Russian nation. Again, whilst we argue that we should, in all probability, benefit by the subjugation of Turkey by Russia, we do not attempt to justify, or even to palliate, the forcible spoliation of its territory ; still less do we advocate the intervention of the English government for the purpose of promoting such a conquest. Our sole object is to persuade the public that the wisest policy for England is, to take no part in those remote quarrels. To accomplish this end, we will endeavor to examine every distinct source of danger which the advocates for our interference in the affairs of states a thousand miles distant adduce as arguments in defence of their policy. We shall claim the right jf putting the question entirely upon a footing of self-interest. We do not, for a moment, imagine that it is necessary for us to show that we are not called upon to preserve the peace and good order of the entire world. Indeed, those writers and speakers who argue in favor of our intervention in the affairs of Russia and Turkey invariably do so upon the pretence that our commerce, our colonies, or our national existence, are endangered by the encroachments of the former empire. We trust the futility of such fears will be shown by the following appeal to reason, experience and facts.

The Turks, a race of the Tartars of Asia, conquered Constantinople in 1453. In the Succeeding century, this people struck terror into all Europe by their conquests. They subdued Egypt, the Barbary States, and all the Arabian coasts on the Red Sea. In Europe, they conquered the Crimea and the countries along the Danube; they overran Hungary and Transylvania, and repeatedly laid siege to Vienna. At sea, notwithstanding the gallant resistance of the Venetians, they subdued Rhodes, Cyprus, and all the Greek islands. Down to our own time, the Turks governed a territory so vast and fertile that, in ancient ages, it comprised Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria, Greece, Carthage, Thrace, Pontus, Bithynia, Cappadocia, Epirus, and Armenia, besides other less renowned empires. From three of these states went forth, at various epochs, conquerors who vanquished and subjected the then entire known world. The present lamentable condition of this fine territory, so renowned in former times, arises from no change in the seasons, or defalcation of nature. It still stretches from thirty-four to forty-eight degrees north, within the temperate zone, and upon the same parallels of latitude as Spain, France, and all the best portion of the United States. " Mount Haemus," says Malte Brun, " is still covered with verdant forests ; the plains of Thrace, Macedonia and Thessaly, yield abundant and easy harvests to the husbandman ; a thousand ports and a thousand gulfs are observed on the coasts, peninsulas, and islands.

The calm billows of these tranquil seas still bathe the base of mountains covered with vines and olive-trees. But the populous and numerous towns mentioned by ancient writers have been changed into deserts beneath a despotic government." All the authorities upon this country assure us that the soil of many parts of Turkey is more fruitful than the richest plains of Sicily. When grazed by the rudest plough, it yields a more abundant harvest than the finest fields between the Eure and the Loire, the granary of France. Mines of silver^copper and iron, are still existing, and salt abounds in the country. Cotton, tobacco and silk, might be made the staple exports of this region, and their culture admits of almost unlimited extension 2 throughout the Turkish territory ; while some of the native wines are equal to those of Burgundy. Almost every species of tree flourishes in European Turkey. The heights on the Danube are clad with apple, pine, cherry and apricot trees ; whole forests of these may be seen in Wallachia ; and they cover the hills of Thrace, Macedonia and Epirus; The olive, orange, mastic, fig, and pomegranate, — the laurel, myrtle, and nearly all the beautiful and aromatic shrubs and plants, — are natural to this soil. Nor are the animal productions less valuable than those of vegetable life. The finest horses have been drawn from this quarter to improve the breeds of western Europe ; and the rich pastures of European Turkey are, probabty, the best adapted in the world for rearing the largest growths of cattle and sheep.

That, in a region so highly favored, the population should have retrograded whilst surrounded by abundance, that its wealth and industry should have been annihilated, and that commerce should be banished from those rivers and harbors that first called it into existence, must be accounted for by remembering that the finest soil, the most genial climate, or the brightest intellectual and physical gifts of human nature, are as nothing when subjected to the benumbing influences of the government of Constantinople. It is necessary to refer to the religion and the maxims of its professors, which constitute all that serves as a substitute for law with this Mahometan people, if we would know the causes why ignorance, barbarism and poverty, now overspread the fairest lands of Asia and Europe. The Turks profess, as is well known, the most bigoted and intolerant branch of the Mahometan faith ; they regard with equal detestation the Persian Shiite and the follower of Christ ; nay, the more zealous amongst their doctors contend that it is as meritorious to slay one Shiite as twenty Christians. Their colleges, or madresses teach nothing but the Mahometan theology; many years being sp-mt in mastering such knotty points as whether the feet should be washed at rising, or only rubbed with the dry hand. As the orthodox Turk, of whatever rank, is taught to despise all other fields of learning than the Koran, under the belief that Mahomet has, in that sacred book, recorded all that his faithful followers are required to know, it follows, of course, that he is religiously ignorant of all that forms the education of a Frenchman, German or Italian ; he knows nothing of the countries beyond the bounds of the Sultan's dominions.

The Turks (unlike the liberal Persians, who have made some advances in science) are unacquainted with the uses of the commonest scientific instruments, which are exhibited to them by travellers just as we do to amuse children. Notwithstanding that this people have been for nearly four centuries in absolute possession of all the noblest remains of ancient art, they have evinced no taste for architecture or sculpture, whilst painting and music are equally unknown to them. Nor have they been less careless about the preservation of ancient than the creation of modern works of labor and ingenuity. They found, at the conquest of the Eastern empire, splendid and substantial public and private edifices, which have been barbarously destroyed, or allowed to crumble beneath the hand of time ; and huts of wood, compared by travellers to large boxes * standing in rows, with their lids opening upon hinges, compose the streets of modern Constantinople, and other large cities. Bridges, aqueducts and harbors, the precious and durable donations of remote yet more enlightened generations, have all suffered a like fate ; and the roads, even in the vicinity of the capital, which in former ages maintained an unrivalled celebrity, are described, by the last touristjt to be now in so broken and neglected a state as to present a barrier against the progress of artillery as complete as though it had been designed by an engineer for that purpose.

The cause of all this decay is ascribable to the genius of the Turkish government, — a fierce, unmitigated, military despotism, allied with the fanaticism of a brutalizing religion, which teaches its followers to rely solely on the sword, and to disdain all improvement and labor. The Sultan, who is the vicegerent of the prophet, holds both temporal and spiritual authority over his followers; and this enables him to sway the lives and destinies of the people with an absoluteness greater than was ever enjoyed by

* Willis — " Pencillings by the Way." t Quin — "Voyage down the Danube."

any tyrant of ancient times ; unchecked, too, by the growth of cities, the increase of knowledge, or the accumulation of wealth, — all which are alike incompatible with the present government of the country. Every man who is invested with absolute power is at liberty to delegate his power unimpaired to another : the Sultan is the vicegerent of the prophet ; every pasha is a representative of the Sultan, and every soldier who carries an order the representative of the pasha. The situations of pasha and cadi, or judge, are all given to the highest bidders, who are removable at will, and, of course, take care to indemnify themselves at the expense of the governed. " It is a fact of public notoriety," says Thornton,^ " that governments of every description are openly sold at the Porte ; they are held for the term of one year only, and, at the ensuing bai?'am, the leases must be renewed or transferred to a less parsimonious competitor. In the public registers the precise value of every important post under government is recorded, and the regular remittance of the taxes and tribute is the only acknowledged criterion of upright administration." It is a fundamental principle that all the property conquered by the Turks belongs to the Sultan. Hence the Christians are accounted the slaves of the conqueror, and they are only allowed to live by paying a heavy tribute, the receipt for which bears that it is the ransom of their heads !