James Baird Weaver

Front matter

IOWA BIOGRAPHICAL SERIES

KDITKT) m' MKV.lWfIN" V Sir\MH\r<:if

FliKI) EMOKV HAVXHS

Contents

I Kaki.y Likk and Education, 1833-1856 1 II H(x]iNNiN08 IN Law and Politics,

III. Military Record. 1861-1865 .... 26

IV. f'oMMANDKR OF TIIK PoST AT Pfl.ASKI 53 v. I)K-l>n.NDINO THE Home CoiNTR'i "'!•

II Beginnings in Law and Politics

1856-1861

Immediately after his graduation at Cincinnati young Weaver returned to Bloomfield and entered into the practice of the law, taking the oath as an attorney-at-law before Judge H. B. Hendershott. Two years later he was admitted to practice in the United States District Court of Iowa at Burlington, the oath being administered by James M, Love."-^ Before he had fairly established himself in the practice of his chosen profession the Civil War broke out; and after 1878 he either held public office or was engaged actively in politics. People who remember his early appearances in court declare he was an able advocate.

At the time when his career was to receive its initial direction the country was agitated by discussions and conflicts over the slavery question. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise by the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 roused the opposition of all those who were hostile to the extension of slave territory and gave to the anti-slavery movement an impetus and support it had never before had. Iowa, bordering as it

LAW AND POLITICS 17

did upon the territory involved, was vitally interested in the conflicts that followed. Moreover, Iowa had been "a steadfast Democratic State. It had voted for two presidential candidates, Cass and Pierce. In ... . Congress it had two Democratic senators, one Democratic and one AVhig representative. Both of the senators and the Democratic representative voted for the Kansas-Nebraska Bill; the Whig representative did not vote."^*^

The southern half of the State was strongly pro-slavery, while the northern portion had been settled from the regions in the East that were opposed to slavery extension. It was in Iowa that the first election after the enactment of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was to be held. James W. Grimes who had been nominated for Governor by the Whigs was endorsed by a Free Soil convention. He conducted an aggressive campaign during which he visited nearly every part of the State, driving from county to county in his own conveyance. His election in Augnist by 23,325 votes over his Democratic opponent, who received 21,202 votes, marked the end of Democratic supremacy for thirty-five years. Another result of this election was the choice of an avowed anti-slavery man to the United States Senate. Fremont carried the State in 1856; and two years later Grimes was sent to the Senate. ^^

Beginning his active career under such conditions Weaver very naturally became involved in the slavery agitation. His interest was first aroused by a series of debates with George W. McCrary on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in the country school houses of Van Buren County during the winter of 1853-1854. The discovery, made at this time, that he had a gift for public speaking determined him to study law. Undoubtedly the debates with McCrary, which gave him an opportunity to test his ability, were of great importance in shaping his career.

His own account of these debates described ''the eventful period" of his life as beginning with them. He was clerking for Manning at Bonaparte, while McCrary was teaching school in the same town. Weaver, who was then a Democrat, was drawn into a public debate by McCrary who had already become opposed to slavery. Before an audience composed largely of Democrats Weaver ''portrayed the danger to the union if slavery was interfered with." He forced his opponent "into a position in which he declared that if it was necessary to preserve slavery to preserve the union, then let the union go. I had him then and the debate was decided for me."

It was not long after this that Weaver was converted to the Free Soil idea by reading the New York Tribune and Uncle Tom's Cabin.

LAW AND POLITICS 19

*'At that time, 1856, there were but six known Free Soilers in Davis County", writes Weaver in his Memoranda. "Being thoroughly impressed that human slavery was wrong and wholly bad, and convinced that the Democratic party was hopelessly committed to the institution, and pledged to perpetuate and extend it, after consultation with my parents, I openly left my party in 1857 and announced myself as a Free Soiler .... Of course this called down upon my j^outhful head the wrath of every other Democrat in the locality, but being combative and having anticipated the inevitable result I did not flinch, but prepared to defend myself against all assailants.

"The clouds were thickening, events multiplying and it became evident to close observers that the storm would soon break with the force of an avalanche over the whole country. Recruits began to come into our ranks and soon "w^e became aggressive and assailed the defenders of slavery in the school houses in every part of the county. "^-

In the course of this activity, Weaver "went into Van Buren County and stumped for Mr. McCrary, who w^as running for 'floating representative', at the request of H. Clay Caldwell, afterward judge of the United States Circuit Court. My speech was at Keosauqua, in the old court house there. Caldwell was so tickled

20 JAMES BATED WEAVER

over the speech that he kicked a solid walnut table to pieces. "^^

Once embarked upon a political career in such stirring times, Weaver threw himself heartily into the struggle. His own account of these years in Iowa, as recorded in his Memoranda, shows his characteristic enthusiasm and optimism. ''The election of James W. Grimes as Governor in 1854 completely unified the Whigs and Free Soilers .... imparted to the new and compact force an aggressive spirit, and made certain the election of Gov. Grimes to the United States Senate in 1858. This promotion of our stout hearted leader electrified his supporters and cleared the way for the great contest for Governor in 1859.

*'The Democracy determined to reclaim the ground lost in the Grimes campaign, understood fully the importance of selecting their strongest man, and accordingly placed in nomination Hon. A. C. Dodge who had served in the Senate of the United States acceptably and a gentleman of the highest integrity, possessing no mean military experience on the frontier, and held in the highest esteem throughout the state. In addition to this he was at the time of his nomination our Minister at the Spanish Court.

''The Eepublicans — this was the name under which the new force was now acting — nominated the Hon. Samuel J. Kirkwood, for-

LAW AND POLITICS 21

merly a Democrat who possessed exceptional skill as a campaigner, and immediately the struggle waxed hot and became fierce. These antagonists were both in their prime and each had seen enough of public life to sharpen their weapons of offense and defense and to give poise in the stress of battle. Kirkwood in those days was like a skilled swordsman, adroit, cool, knew his ground and always aggressive. Dodge was stately, military in bearing, a stickler for the old regimen. He invoked the constitution as interpreted in the Dred Scott decision and plead for the binding character and inviolability of the Fugitive Slave Law. Pie plead for the L^nion and predicted dire disaster if the decision and the law were ever repealed. But Kirkwood was the better debater, more impassioned and was abreast with the anti-slavery tide; while Dodge caught by the receding waters of the old feudality which he failed to see could never again flow back, was carried out and engulfed in inevitable defeat. The world was changing and searching out a new orbit.

''The campaign included a series of joint debates between these candidates, and the people came in multitudes to hear. A part of the discussion related to the Fugitive Slave Law. I was present at the Bloomfield encounter and it was a titanic struggle. Kirk^vood drew a picture of a slave mother with a babe in her arms fleeing from bondage with her eye on the North Star. In close pursuit was her cruel master with his bloodhounds hard after her, just as she crossed the Iowa line from Missouri. Clenching his fists and advancing toward Dodge he demanded to know if he under such circumstances would turn that fleeing mother and her infant back to her pursuing master. Before the breathless multitude Kirkwood shouted at the top of his voice 'Answer my question!' Dodge replied, 'I would obey the law.' Kirkwood retorted, ' So help me, God, I would suffer my right arm to be torn from its socket before I would do such a monstrous thing!' The crowd broke into a frenzy that resembled the sweep of a cyclone through a forest. Men grew pale and clenched each other in frenzy. The whole audience and everybody were carried off their feet. The moral sense of the multitude had been reached and it was vain to attempt to reverse the deep impression which had been made.

''How^ever, so evenly balanced were the opposing forces in the field that the official returns only gave Kirkwood a fraction of above 3,000 majority in the state over his sturdy antagonist, which demonstrated conclusively that it was skill in debate and presenting the claims of freedom that insured victory in that historic struggle. We were passing through

( was

LAW AND I'OlJTirs 23

tin- pjums ot* a new l>irtli, and for a wliilo it was lianl to t<*II the result. But wliile tlie marp^in was small, it was suftieieiit to jdace our. young coiiuMoriwealtli permanently in the anti-slavery column an<l to prepare her people for the historic nprisinir of l.*^()0, and the delupre just l.cyon.i."'^

Weaver's actual |)art in the stirrinu: events f the years (lurin«,' which the Kepuhlican party taking shape an<] while the stage was preparing for the Civil War could not have been a hirgc one since he was only twenty-eight in ISfll. One may inuigine, however, that he was more than an interested spectator, and that his persttnal experiences and observations during these years of party cliange and conflicts left im|)ressions tliat largely explain his belief in the possibility of the reorganization of parties to serve the i?if»'rc<fs of the masses of the yieople.

His active particiiiaiiun in affairs led to his selection as a delegate from Davis County to the Republican State Convention held at Des Moines in January, ISGO, to name delegates to the national nominating convention. ^° With Fitz Henry Warren, Jacob Rich, Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood, James B. Howell, James Thorington, Hiram Price, Judge John F. Dillon, Amos X. Currier, and F. W. Palmer he is mentioned as among those who in May, 1860, com-

24 JAMES BAIKD WEAVKH

prised ''Iowa's volunteiT attendaiu-c" at tlie Chicago Convention which noniinate»l Lincohi for the Presidency.^'^ In addition lie is named in a list of fifty-eight ''leaders earnestly supporting Kirkwood" in 1859.^" He is referred to as making speeches in the campaigns of 1S56 and 18(J0, and as "fascinated" l»y the doctrines of Fremont to which "he gave himself up . . . . with all the ardor of his mature years."** To Weaver i)robably belongs the credit of being one of the originators of the expression "the bloody shirt". His own story of the origin of the use of the phrase was tliat a "preacher by the name of McKinney, a most pugnacious and forceful man, moved from Davis county to Texas. He was one of these fellows who would ])reach every Sunday if he had to be the audience himself. Down in Texas one Sunday he got the negroes together at Ft. "Worth and i)reached to them. Word was passed around that an abolitionist was exciting the negroes to insurrection and the citizens got together. They took McKinney out and whipped him with a rawhide blacksnake whip. cutting his shirt into shreds and lacerating his body. He returned to Davis county in about '55 or '56, and an abolitionist meeting was held and I presided. McKinney had his shirt with him. A few days later I was at Agency City. Senator Grimes, James F. Wilson, Edward

Law A.tti I « *i.i I iv. .'I ;_»,j

^•ilo9 ami myjii'lf v - akors. I recouiite«l

•• outra^ct'H on .M an«l had the shirt

uith me. I waviti a Uinre the crt>w«I.s aixl

Vm'IIowihI: *L'n«I. r tlil^ Moody shirt we propose

• march to vi. • I waa a verj* youii»? man durinjc thoftc yearn riHiiures no .. For nearly twenty year» after the

vil War "the bhKMly shirt** wa» reRiihirly ^' rari'ly faikn! to

ir..

It wail dunnir the»e years of preparation for iH w<»rk in life that Weaver marritsl Miss ' ara Vinson, a native of St. Mary's, Ohio, who iuid iHM-n • .K»| at K^Mmauijua and

whom he I was clerking at Hcma-

partc. Courtahip in ihoM pioneer days meant the fordinfT of stn . ' ' -li

the wimmU. On o; . r

K , a; and when he f^oi to Pittshtirif he

and the Des Moines River **a seething torrt'nt, the i. • " i the river was

full of hu. i rookiuiT and

almost prohihitinir iMissa^ce. i . . . . >fot a l'»nff pole. With the aid of this. I jumi>e<i from

•• cake to another until I reache*! the opposite >nore." They ..n .Inly l.i. 1858, at

Keosanqna by i. - .Miller.^

Ill

1861-1865

As soon as the call for volunteers was issued by President Lincoln in April, 1861, a company of volunteers was formed at Bloomfield; and of this company James Baker, who had served in the Mexican War, and James B. Weaver were elected captain and first lieutenant. It was the hope of these volunteers that they 'would be included in the First Iowa Regiment. Immediately upon the organization of the company, Baker and Weaver left for Burlington in search of Governor Kirkwood to tender to him the services of the new company. At Burlington as they went on board the boat they met the Governor coming off. They retired into the cabin, where commissions were issued to Weaver and others.

The Weaver commission bears the date of April 23, 1861, the name of the company and of the regiment being left blank. The First Regiment being full before the offer was made, the Bloomfield company became Company G of the Second Iowa Infantry. To Weaver a later

MILITARY KECORD 27

commission was issued, under date of May 28, 1861, in which the company and regiment were given their proper designation.-^

*'Bloomfield was then thirty-five miles from a railroad, and the patriotic farmers of the neighborhood brought in their teams and hauled the embryo warriors to the nearest station — Keosauqua."-- The rendezvous for the troops from southern Iowa was Keokuk; and as soon as enough companies had arrived to form a regiment, the Second Iowa Infantry was organized and mustered into the service of the United States. "It was the first regiment of three years' men .... sent into the field, and the first of all to leave Iowa for the theatre of war."-^

It left Keokuk on June l.'Jth with instructions "to take military control of the lines of the irannibal and St. Joseph and North Missouri Railroads." Colonel Samuel R. Curtis stated in liis official report "that he received the order at one o'clock a. m. and that at five o'clock a. m." the regiment was on board the steamer. Landing at Hannibal, Missouri, on the same day. Colonel Curtis "proceeded to take military possession of the railroads indicated, using for that purpose .... a force of about 2,700", including his own regiment. "As he advanced, small forces of the enemy were encountered and quickly overcome ; flags, munitions of war, prisoners and supplies were captured, and loyal and peaceable citizens assured protection. Leaving detachments to guard the bridges, buildings and other railroad property from destruction, he pressed forward", and arrived at St. Joseph on June 15, 1861.

In fifty-six hours from the time orders were received at Keokuk, military possession of the railroad had been taken and the Confederate forces that were mustering through that part of the State were scattered and disorganized. ''The promptness with which the order was obeyed alone saved this important line of railroad for the transportation of Union troops and supplies, and prevented a more prolonged resistance by the Confederate forces in that portion of the State of Missouri. Colonel Curtis was promptly promoted to the rank of Brigadier General and later was given the rank of Major General. "^4

The principal points from which the Second Iowa Eegiment operated during the summer and autumn of 1861 were Bird's Point, Ironton, Pilot Knob, and Jackson in Missouri, and Fort Jefferson in Kentucky. Its duties were of the same character as those which it performed so well in its first action. "The fact of principal interest, however, connected with this part of the regiment's history, was its unhealthfulness. When the command returned to St. Louis, in the latter part of October, there were only about four hundred men fit for duty. The sick list was large in every company."-^

Remaining in St. Louis during the winter, the regiment was assigned to guard duty at ''McDowell College", an institution which Avas used ''as a sort of prison" for persons suspected of secession sympathies. Some of the specimens in the museum having disappeared, the regiment was held responsible. By general order the command was publicly disgraced, and when it embarked for Fort Donelson on February 10, 1862, it did so "without music and with its colors furled." This disgrace, whether deserved or not, was soon wiped out by the bravery manifested at Fort Donelson, where the Second Iowa led the famous charge.^^

During the year 1861 the war had not been vigorously or skilfully conducted, and consequently the Union arms had suffered during the campaigns. But the successes in the West in 1862 more than reversed the disasters of 1861. The first in importance of these victories was the capture of Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River in Tennessee, which opened the way for the passage of the Union armies up the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers. General Grant, who had just captured Fort Henry on the Tennessee River only twelve miles away, had twenty-seven thousand men, while the garrison of Fort Donelson numbered twenty-one thousand. "The Federal superiority in numbers was more than balanced by the Confederate superiority of position: the fort itself stood on a bluff one hundred feet above the river, dominating also the country to the rear, while well-planned intrenchments occupied the ridges, all approaches blocked with abatis. . .

"Operations against Donelson began with a poor outlook for the Federals. The weather, so mild at first as to lead many of the inexperienced troops to throw away their coats and blankets, became cold and stormy. For a day or two Grant's force was distinctly inferior, and might have been attacked to advantage by an enterprising foe. But his front w^as bold, and his reinforcements arrived in time." In addition the three Confederate Generals — Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner — were not in harmony, and no aggressive attack was made by them at a time when it would have been most effective.^"^

The Second Iowa Regiment was transported by water from St. Louis to Fort Donelson where it arrived on the 14th of February. Heavy skirmishing had occurred on the 13th, but the first determined attack w^as not made till the next day by the gunboats under Foote. Meanwhile the army proceeded with the investment, wiiich on the evening of the 14th was practically complete. It was early on the 15th that Pillow attacked the Union right held by General John A. McClernand, and after a furious battle of four hours the Union troops were forced to retire; reenforcements and a new supply of ammunition enabled them to reoccupy their old position and recapture the guns lost in the morning.

Meanw^hile General C. F. Smith held the Union left. General Grant ordered him to assault the fort in order to retrieve the situation resulting from McClernand 's retirement. He selected as "the storming party" the brigade commanded by Colonel J. G. Lauman of the Seventh Iowa, which was composed of the Second Iowa, the Seventh Iowa, and the Fourteenth Iowa, a regiment of "western sharpshooters", and the Twenty-fifth and Fifty-second Indiana regiments. Colonel J. M. Tuttle with the left wing of the Second Iowa led the advance, and his official report describes the part played by that regiment in the famous charge by which victory was won for the Federal arms.

According to this account the Second Iowa on its arrival had been assigned a position on the extreme left where it spent ' ' a cold and disagreeable night, without tents or blankets." It remained in this position until 2 P. M. of the next day (February 15th) when it received the order "to storm the fortifications of the enemv in front." It proceeded "steadily up the hill . . . . without firing a gun. On reaching the works, we found the enemy flying before us, except a few who were promptly put to the bayonet. I then gave the order to fire which was responded to with fatal precision until the right wing with Lieutenant Colonel Baker arrived, headed by General Smith, when we formed in line of battle again under a galling fire and charged on the encampment across the ravine in front, the enemy still retreating before us. After we had reached the summit of the hill beyond the ravine, we made a stand and occupied it for over an hour." Soon afterwards Colonel Tuttle retired because of an injury, leaving Lieutenant Colonel Baker '4n command until the following morning, when the enemy gave signal for a parley, which was succeeded by the enjoyable intelligence that they had surrendered the fort. We were then ordered by General Smith to take the post of honor, in marching to the fort, where we placed our colors upon the battlements beside the white flag of the enemy".

The work of the Second Iowa brought from Major General H. W. Halleck, department commander in the West with headquarters at St. Louis, a telegram in which he referred to the regiment as 'Hhe bravest of the brave. They had the honor of leading the column which entered Fort Donelson. "

A committee of the General Assembly of Iowa, then in session, was sent to the battlefield to care for the wounded ; and on its return to l)es Moines it carried the fla<? that had been used in the famous charo^e. The flao- was presented to the House to be hung near the Speaker's desk till the close of the session, when it was to be turned over to the State Historical Society for permanent preservation.-*^

Lieutenant Weaver was with the regiment throughout its service from June 13, 1861, to the capture of Fort Donelson. He was on railroad guard duty in Missouri from June to October and in St. Louis from October to Fel)ruary. From October 2nd to 12th he took part in an expedition to Charleston, the nature of which is not specially described.^'' In a letter to Mrs. Weaver, written from Fort Donelson, February 19, 1862, he gives a vivid and detailed account of the part played by the Second Iowa in the assault.

According to Lieutenant Weaver's description the regiment landed four miles below the fort during the night of the 13th, and the next morning "bright and early .... started over the hills in fine spirits to the scene of bloody conflict. We were ordered by our General Smith to the extreme left of the grand army [which] encircled this indescribable stronghold of secession. The morning of the

15tli dawned cold and desolate .... Early .... that day the battle began to rage with great fury on the right wing (though they had been fighting at intervals for nearly two days) and lasted until about two o'clock when Gen'l Smith rode up to our regiment and informed them that he expected the left wing of our Regiment, including our company, to charge the breastworks of the enemy about four hundred yards distant from us in full view. These works were situated on the brow of a very steep hill all over which the enemy had felled in wild confusion, heavy timber which had grown there. Several other regiments had made the attempt to storm the well planned works of the enemy before and had failed with terrible loss. Hence the reason for sending but half of our regiment. It was enough to sacrifice.

''Col. Tuttle took charge of our wing and Col. Baker the right wing which was to come to our support after we had gained the works. We were ordered not to fire a gun until we had driven them from their works at the point of the bayonet. The command of 'forward march' was given, and at quick time we moved forward to the terrible slaughter and to a more wonderful triumph. Presently we came within short range of the enemy's trenches when they opened upon us a terrible and deathly cross fire. All around us and amongst us flew the missiles of death and all around and on every side of me men were falling in the agonies of death .... But on, on we went without firing a gun or saying a word except those of cheer to our men until we gained the works and then with an awful yell we leaped into the midst of the enemy and here our revenge began. And such a holocaust to the demon of battles! Everywhere could be seen the enemy falling in death while ever and anon some one of our own boys would lay down and give up the ghost. On we went until we gained the second hill. Our right wing was now with us and we were fighting with desperation, but our ammunition was about exhausted and we were compelled to fall back to the entrenchment we had just taken. We came back very slowly and silently. But the enemy had got enough of us and did not pursue. When we got there we found the 7th and 14th Iowa, the 25th and 52d Indiana Regiments occupying the earthworks and eager for the enemy to come upon them. Here we were ordered by Gen'l Smith to form our Regiment outside of the breastworks and to lay under their cover all night ready to fight if attacked and 'in the morning', said he, Sve mil advance and drive them from the next tier of works or lose every man in my division'.

''We formed over near those who remained and there we lay without shelter or fire until daylight. During the time we looked around for our dead and wounded .... About daylight we were supplied with ammunition and it was expected that we were going to move forward. But the enemy, thank God, began to 'sound the bugle for the parley', and presently we saw moving everywhere white flags. It was Sabbath morning and we supposed they wanted to bury their dead. But no, it was unconditional surrender. And then such a shouting! Our flag was moved from the breastworks, and in a few minutes our regiment was informed that the General desired to give the 2nd Iowa the distinguished honor of moving into the fort first and of planting our flag upon the ramparts of their citadel. Here I wept like a child. We marched in and such a sight! 25,000 prisoners were there formed to receive us. Voltaire Twombly, our flag bearer, unfurled our banner on the walls. But I shall have to stop. I was struck on my right arm but it did not hurt me. My cap was shot through and my head grazed but through the providence of God I was saved. Thank God! Let us ever worship Him."^"

An interesting letter from John A. Duckworth, then second sergeant in Company G, to the editor of the ''home paper" at Bloomfield gives an account of the same events. It refers to Lieutenant Weaver during the assault as passing ''quickly from right to left, reminding us of our duty, and charging us to 'keep cool' ". Of incidents it mentions Colonel Baker and Lieutenant Weaver as each receiving a ball through their caps."^ Colonel Tuttle, in his official report, refers to Weaver and eight other lieutenants by name as deporting "themselves nobly throughout the engagement. "•'^^

"Of the six hundred and thirty officers and men who formed the storming party, being all of the regiment fit for duty at the time", thirty-three were killed and one hundred and sixtyfour were wounded. The losses of the Second Iowa were higher by more than one hundred percent than those of the regiment standing next in number of casualties, the Twenty-fifth Indiana. From Company G the losses were six killed and twenty-two wounded.-'^''

General Grant believed that in the confusion following the fall of Fort Donelson a good leader, well supported by the united Union forces in the West "could have marched to Chattanooga, Corinth, Memphis, and Vicksburg". The Union armies, however, were not united, and General ITalleck seems to have been suspicious and jealous of Grant, with the result that the victory was not immediately followed up. After a costly delay, which had given the Confederates time to rallv from the confusion that followed the unexpected defeat, the Union troops moved up the Tennessee to attack "the strategic points on the Mississippi and Alabama frontiers". At the end of March it appears that Grant had about 33,000 men "at and near Pittsburg Landing", while twenty miles distant Johnston and Beauregard occupied Corinth with 40,000 troops. Buell with about 30,000 was marching to join Grant. Would the Confederate General attack before the two Union armies united?^'*