Life of Thomas Jefferson, with selections from the most valuable portions of his voluminous and unrivalled private correspondence. By B. L. Rayner

Front matter

Qass.

Book.

n

Preface

The materials for this volume are principally derived from the posthumous works of Mr Jefferson himself. These works were received with extraordinary approbation by one great portion of the public, as was the case indeed with every thing which ever came from that remarkable man; and by another considerable portion, with a corresponding degree of dissatisfaction, always to be expected from the well known opinions of the Author on certain fundamental points, upon which a strongly marked division of public sentiment has prevailed, since the foundation of the federal government.

These works extend through four large octavo volumes, of about 500 pages each ; nearly the whole of which is occupied with the Correspondence of the Author, public and private. And taken as a whole, it corfprises the richest auto-biographical deposit, and one of the most valuable publications ever presented to the world. It is written in a style of unrivalled felicity ; and supplies the record of many important transactions connected with our government, of which no authentic memorials had been preserved. But it is in the light of a

IV PREFACE.

private revelation, making its disclosures from the inmost recesses of the mind and character of the man, that its most distinguishing excellence consists. We have here the ungarbled contents of the cabinet of the author, gradually accumulating through an era among the most momentous in the annals of the world, and in which he was himself a principal actor, and incessantly placed in the most trying situations which it afforded. This vast collection of letters, compiled from the unrevised manuscripts of the writer, thrown off on the spur of the occasion in the freedom of unrestrained confidence, and spreading over a period of fifty years, have opened the folding-doors to the character of Mr Jefferson, and introduced us into the sanctuary of his most secret meditations. They derive essential importance from the fact that at the time they were written, the author had no conception of their ever being made public.

It would undoubtedly be a happy circumstance for this country, and for the mass of mankind, besides serving to enhance the reputation of the author, if these works could obtain a circulation which should place them in the hands of every reader ; for if any tiling could give stability to those principles, which form alike the basis of his renown, and the elements of the splendid structure of free government which he was instrumental in establishing, it would be such an extensive dissemination of his writings. Unfortunately, however, the form in which they have appeared, is not the most advantageous to the accomplishment of this desirable purpose. The publication is too voluminous, and consequently too expensive, to admit of a general circula-

PREFACE. y

tion; nor is the mode of arrangement the best adapted to its reception into ordinary use as a work of reference.

These considerations have suggested the plan of the present undertaking, which aspires to no higher claims than that of an analytic, and, it is hoped, a well assorted generalization of the original publication. It has been the leading object of the compilation, to condense the most valuable substance of the four, within the compass of one volume, and to supply what are presumed to be essential wants of the former, by interweaving a connected narrative of the Author's Life. The more important political papers of Mr Jefferson, contained in the original works, have been copied into this, or their substance faithfully stated ; and many others of importance, that have been procured from other sources, are likewise introduced.

The selections from his private correspondence are dispersed through the volume with reference to the topic under consideration, more than to the order of time ; and in making the quotations from this department, it has been the object to bring the greatest quantity of useful matter within the smallest space. Parts of letters, therefore, are usually introduced — rarely the whole of any one — but sufficient to give the full sense of the writer on any required point, avoiding all extraneous observations. The historical and biographical portions af the work have also been derived, in great part, from this pregnant source. In some cases the very language of the author has been adopted, without invariably noting it with the usual mark of credit. In all such cases,

however, the style or the sentiment will be sufficiently J*

VI PREFACE.

distinguishable to place it where it belongs. Some parts of the narrative may ajDpear overwrough t with eulogy — It is indeed a difficult matter to commemorate the deeds of so distinguished a benefactor of the human race, without yielding in some degree to the influence of a passion which they are so justly calculated to inspire ; and the writer does not scruple to admit, that he has less endeavored to restrain his own grateful feelings, than to infuse them into the minds of his readers.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

BY A FRIEND TO THE EDITOR.

It was the good fortune of Washington to finish his unexampled career of usefuhiess, with universal approbation. No such fate has attended any of his contemporaries, or successors. Mr Jefferson had many and powerful opponents to contend against, during the whole •/ of his political career. Some of these were no doubt influenced by personal jealousies, and many by an honest difference of opinion.

Where these differences involved matters of local or of temporary importance, it could answer no useful purpose to bring them forward for renewed discussion at this late day ; — and in the volume before us everything calculated to revive party animosities has been studiously avoided, without however suppressing any thing that was necessary for historical accuracy, or to elucidate deliberate opinions, and develop essential traits of character.

Vlll INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

To such readers as have not been favored with the perusal of the valuable edition of Mr Jefferson's writings already alluded to, this unpretending volume may prove a safe guide to the true character and sentiments of that distinguished man.

The difference between Mr Jefferson and his honest opponents was this. The republicanism of Thomas Jefferson was too thorough, too radical, to be adopted even by a considerable portion of the best men of the Revolution. A disinterested sacrifice of personal safety to the welfare of the country was the same on the part of all, but Mr Jefferson had greater confidence in the wisdom and discretion of the people, than was entertained by a majority of his patriotic and devoted fellowlaborers. Upon the organization of the government under the federal constitution, this difference in opinion soon became apparent in the councils of the nation — and Mr Jefferson stood forth the champion of Democracy. The more aristocratic party were inclined to restrain the people, under the apprehension that they were unqualified to govern themselves. This party was designated by the name of Federalists, anid soon embodied a very large proportion of the wealth and intelhgcnce of the nation. Deriving our literature, our laws, and our most respected usages from a nation where arbitrary institutions prevailed, it was quite natural that our intelligent citizens should desire an approximation to that form of government, and suppose it indispensable to tie up the hands of the people, in order to save them from working their own destruction.

There can be no reason to doubt that here was an

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. IX

honest difference of opinion on the part of the Federal and of the Democratic leaders, whatever may have been the wicked animosity which grew up in the breasts of designing and ignorant men who afterwards arranged themselves under the banners of each party. Without pretending therefore to decide at this time to what extent either party might have erred, it is certainly to be desired that the preJLKJices which belonged to those times should now so far be overcome, as to qualify us to appreciate fairly^the talents and services of the great men of the Revolution, and render a just tribute to their merit, besides aiding us in the more necessary duty of acquainting ourselves with the character of our government, of our existing institutions, and their effect upon the happiness of the people.

From the commencement of the Revolutionary struggle down to the period of his death, Mr Jefferson's predominating fear was, that the rights of the people would be disregarded. Neither was his love of liberty and of human happiness confined to one race of men. So early as 1769, upon his first taking a seat in the legislature of Virginia, he had the hardihood to rise amidst that body of ' inexorable planters,' and propose a bill for the ''permission of the Emancipation of Slaves. ''

Whilst a member of the Continental Congress, he made use of these remarkable words : —

* It can never be too often repeated, that the time for fixing every essential right on a legal basis, is while our rulers are honest, and ourselves united. From the conclusion of this war we shall be going down hill. It will not then he necessary to resort every moment to the people for support. They will he forgotten^ therefore^ and their

X INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

rights disregarded. They will forget themselves but in the sole faculty of making money, and will never think of uniting to effect a due respect of their rights. The shackles, therefore, which shall not be knocked off at the conclusion of this war, will remain on us long, will be made heavier and heavier, till our rights shcdl revive^ or expire, in a convulsion.^

Many of us now see the truth of this prophecy — many of the present and of the coming generation may see and feel it both*

Mr Jefferson was among the first to perceive the fallacy of sustaining individual rights at the expense of the general welfare. With our English ancestors, the first struggle for civil liberty, was to guard the property of the private citizen against the encroachments of the crown and of the nobility. All that was thus gained to untitled individuals was considered as subtracted from an arbitrary and irresponsible power, over which the people possessed no control. With us, the government is not an independent and irresponsible power, but the agent of the people, and controlled by their wilK There is, therefore, and there can be, under our form of government, no permanent usurpation on the part of those who administer it, and from this source we have no arbitrary influence to apprehend that the ordinary remedy of election may not effectually control.

The same right to acquired property which may be indispensable to the private citizen, who needs a defence against the usurpation of hereditary power, is not called for under a republican government, where nothing can be assumed by those in authority which does not immediately revert to the people. What Justice Blackstone,

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XI

therefore, in speaking of the British constitution, might correctly term a private right, would operate with us, as a public wrong.

Many principles which we have adopted under the name of individual or private rights, and which originally obtained as a necessary defence against arbitrary power, are wholly inapplicable under our form of government, and so far as persisted in, place individuals and incorporated associations above the control of law, and wholly independent of what is usually considered the province of legislation. They are invested with privileges that were created as a defence against abuses which can have no existence in a free commonwealth.

That principle, therefore, which universally prevails, and which is adopted and placed upon the most stable foundation among us, — the existing Right to Property, — is in fact an arbitrary principle, w4th no foundation in natural justice, having been originally set up to counteract other and greater usurpations, and preserve something like a balance of power in the miserable schemes of government which have hitherto afflicted the human family. The Right to Property, as now sustained to individuals, and as in some measure aggravated by charters to associations, may be considered the only permanent usurpation that can exist under our constitution. It tolerates an inequality of possession that must forever prove fatal to republicanism, and gives to a successful few as galling a superiority over the multitude as could be conferred by hereditary rank, or by any other usurpation that prevails under more arbitrary forms of government. Upon this subject the American people will soon require a reform. They will eventually effect one. In

XU INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

the mean time would it not be prudent that the best informed, the most judicious among us, should approach this subject as a matter well deserving the consideration of a free people, — strip it of its borrowed sanctity, make it a subject of rational inquiry, and place it, where it has never yet been fairly recognized, within the pale of Legislation,

CHAPTER i

Nativity of Mr Jefferson. Peculiarity in the concealment of his birth-day — Motives of his conduct in this particular — Reply to the city authorities of Washington — To Levi Lincoln, pp. 21, 22. Genealogy of Mr Jefferson — Peculiarity by which it was marked- Anecdote by Mr Madison. Ciiaracter of his father. His early edlication — Critical position of his boyhood — His juvenile mind and habits — Fondness for the classics — For what qualities distinguished in College, pp. 23-26. Circumstances which decided the particular direction of his life. His character of Dr -Small — Of Greorge Wythe. Commences the study of Law — Extent of his researches. His description of the speech of Patrick Henry against the Stamp-act— Influence of that scene upon his subsequent career. Mottos of hie Seals, pp. 27-31. Enters the Practice of the Law — Professional celebrity. Qualifications as an Advocate, pp. 32-34.

CHAPTER IL

Mr Jefferson comes of age. Elected to the Legislature. His first effort in that body for the Emancipation of Slaves — Overwhelming defeat of the measure. Progress of the Revolution. System of Non-intercourse adopted by the Colonies — Its utility as an engine of coercion. Retaliatory resolutions of the British Parliament. Counter resolutions. Germ of the American Union. Sudden dissolution of the Legislature. Jefferson and others rally a private meeting at the Raleigh tavern. Influence of the revolutionary proceedings in Virginia, pp. 35-41. Apathy of the Colonists — How viewed by Mr Jefferson. He devises measures for arousing them. Private meeting to set the machinery in motion-^ 2

Xiv CONTENTS.

Committees of Correspondence established — Agency of this measure in promoting a General Congress. Legislature dissolved, pp. 42-46. Committees of Correspondence appointed by the other Colonies. News of the Boston Port Bill. Popular effervescence. Measures set in motion by Mr Jefferson. Appointment of a general Fast in Virginia — Mr Jefferson's draft of the proclamation — Effect of this measure throughout the Colonies. Legislature again dissolved. Association entered into by the members. Recommendation of a General Congress, pp. 47-52.

CHAPTER IIL

The other Colonies unite in the measure of a General Congress, First democratic Convention in Virginia. Mr Jefferson elected a member. Instructions proposed by him for the Congressional Delegates — Published by the Convention under the title of Summary View of the Rights of British America' — Re-published by the Whigs in Parliament — Bill of Attainder commenced against the author — The Convention virtually assumes the government of the colony, pp. 53-60. Inequality of sentiment in the Convention. Grounds taken by Mr Jefferson. Resolution for putting the Colony into a state of warlike defence — Its effect upon the older members — Violent debates ensue — Conduct of the opposition on its passage. Mr Jefferson elected a Delegate to Congress, pp. 61-65. Letter of Mr J. to Dr Small, in England. The regal Legislature of Virginia meets. Conciliatory Proposition of Lord North — Mr Jefferson designated to prepare the answer. Flight of the royal Governor, pp. 66-71.

CHAPTER IV.

Mr Jefferson takes his seat in the Continental Congress. He is appointed on the committee to prepare a Declaration of the Causes of taking up arms — Character of the document. Disparity of sentiment in Congress. Extract from the War Manifesto, pp. 72-75. Mr Jefferson designated to prepare the answer of Congress to Lord North's Proposition. Re-elected to Congress. His draught of a Preamble, Declaration of Rights, and Constitution

CONTENTS. XV

for Virginia, His opinion on the Constitution as adopted, and on popular government in general, at this epoch, pp. 76-84. Virginia instructs her Delegates in Congress to declare Independence. Preparatory steps of Congress. Mr Jefferson appointed to prepare an animated Address. Introductory motion of Independence — Powerful resistance to the measure. Committee appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence— Mx Jefferson designated to make the draught — His report, pp. 85-88. Vehement opposition to the Declaration — Parts stricken out. The original instrument, with the alterations. Reception of the Declaration by the people. Extracts from his writings. Re-elected to Congress — Reasons for declining — Retirement. Appointed Commissioner to France — Declines. Extract from his private memoranda, pp. 89-107.

CHAPTER V.

Mr Jefferson resumes his seat in the Virginia legislature. His bill for establishing a Judiciary System — For abolishing the Law of Entails. Biases of Mr Jefferson against Aristocracy. His eulogium upon agriculturists. View of his objects in repealing the law of Entails. Preamble to the act, pp 108-112. His attack upon the hierarchy. History of the Church establishment in Virginia. Resistance of the privileged order. Final success of his efforts — Importance of this achievement. He introduces a bill for abolishing the slave trade, pp. 113-119. He introduces a resolution for revising the legal Code of Virginia — Appointed, with others, to execute the work. Project for a Dictator — Resistance of Mr Jefferson. Meeting of the revisers of the Laws — Distribution of the labor — General propositions of Mr Jefferson — Opinion of Mr Pendleton. Letter to Dr Franklin. Passage of his bill for abolishing the Slave traffic — Order in which the example of Virginia was followed by other States. Committee of Revisers complete their task, pp. 120-133.

CHAPTER VI,

Revisors report to the Legislature — Opinion of Mr Madison on the Revised Code — Principal innovations by Mr J. — His bill for abrogating the right of Primogeniture — Opposition of the aristocra-

XVI CONTENTS.

cy. Bill for the establishment of Religious Freedom, pp. 134-140. Bill for the Emancipation of Slaves — Extracts from his writings. His Criminal Code — Extent of its innovations on the prevailing system — Amendments proposed by him — Passed. His Bill for the General Diffusion of Knowledge — Fate of the Bill in the Legislature. Remarks on the general merits of the Revised Code. Removal of Burgoyne's troops to Charlottesville, pp. 141-156,

CHAPTER VII.

Mr Jefferson elected Governor. He institutes retaliatory measures on British prisoners — Remonstrance of the British General — His reply — Approbation of the Commander in Chief. Effect of his policy upon the enemy. His measures for extending the western establishments of Virginia — Success. Virginia cedes her unappropriated territory to the United States — Effect of this measure, pp. 157-164. Re-elected Governor. Distressing situation of Virginia. Extraordinary powers conferred on the Governor. Invasion of the State under Gen. Leslie. Invasion under Arnold. Capture of the metropolis. Attempt to seize Arnold. Invasion of Virginia by Cornwallis. Governor's appeal to the Commander in Chief for aid. Mr Jefferson declines a re-election. Closing events of his administration. Approbatory resolution of the Legislature. Tarlton's attack on Monticello. Story of Carter's mountain. Narrow escape of Mr Jefferson, pp. 165-178. Writes his Notes on Virginia. His comparison of American genius with that of Europe — Remarks on the Constitution of Virginia — on Slavery — on Free Inquiry in Religion. Appointed a Commissioner to negotiate peace. His pursuits in retirement. Description of him by a traveller, pp. 179-194.

CHAPTER VIIL

Re-elected to Congress. Washington's resignation of the command of the army — Description of the ceremony. Appointed chairman of the committee on the ratification of the treaty of Peace — Debates. Contentious character of Congress, pp. 195-199. Appointed to draught a system of Uniform Currency for the United States, and establish a Money Unit — Adoption of his plan. Is chairman of a committee to revise the ti;easury Department — to draught

CONTENTS. XVU

a Plan of Government for the Western Territories. On a committee of retrenchment — of locating and disposing the Western lands. Measures taken by Congress for investing the General Government with exclusive power to regulate Commerce, pp. 200-205. He submits a proposition for appointing a ' Committee of the States,' to serve during the recesses of Congress — Subsequent failure of the scheme ; humorous anecdote of Doctor Franklin. General Washington consults him on the Cincinnati institution. Appointed Minister Plenipotentiary, with Franklin and Adams, pp. 206-213.

CHAPTER IX.

Accepts the appointment of Minister to Europe — Arrival in France. Mr Adams joins his colleagues at Paris. General form of treaty. Result of the conference with the French Minister. Result of their propositions to the several Powers of Europe, pp. 214-218. Appointed Resident Minister at the Court of Versailles — Reception at that court. Visit to London — Reception at the Court of St James. His tribute to La Fayette, and the Count de Vergennes. His project to engage the principal European Powers against the Piratical States — Letter to Mr Adams — His proposals — Their reception, pp. 219-225. His measures for securing the foreign credit of the United States — Visit to Holland. Extracts, on the state of society, &c, in Europe. Insurrections in America — How viewed by him. Extracts from his letters to America. Movements in the United States for forming a Constitution — Agency of Mr Jefferson. His opinions on the new Constijtution. His influence in producing the amendments, pp. 226-245. Proposed abandonment of the Mississippi — Letter to Mr Madison. He introduces into the Southern States upland cotton and the olive tree. Tour through France and Italy — Extracts. His scientific and literary efforts in France. Endeavors to improve the architecture of the United States, pp. 246-256. Opening scenes of the French Revolution. His Letter, accompanied with a Charter of Rights — Consultation at his house — Apology — Character of the Queen. Departure, and Farewell tribute to France. Arrival in Virginia, Receives the appointment of Secretary of State. Arrival at the Seat of Government, pp. 257-267,

XVlll CONTENTS.

CHAPTER X.

Political elements of Washington's cabinet. Hamilton, Adams, and Knox. Extensive duties of the State Department. His Report on Coins, &c. — Its outlines. Report on the Cod and Whale Fisheries ,: its general features. Report on Commerce and Navigation, pp. 268-275. His duties as to foreign affairs. Extracts from his instructions to our minister in Spain, on the Navigation of the Mississippi, &c. His controversy with Mr Hammond. Instructions to our minister at London on Impressment. Intemperate character of the French minister. Request for his recall decided upon. Mr Jefferson's retirement from the Cabinet, pp. 276-288.

CHAPTER XL

View of Mr Jefferson in retirement, &c. — Extracts from his works. Appointed President of the Amer. Philo. Society; his answer. Question of a successor to Washington agitated — Character of the contest. Election of Adams, pp. 289-293.

CHAPTER XII.

Mr Jefferson's arrival as Vice President, and precaution to elude ceremony. Determination regarding executive consultations. Separation between him and the President. Parties bring out their candidates for the Presidency. Character of the contest. Licentiousness of the* Press against Jefferson. Notice of some of the principal libels on his character; his singular passiveness. Extract from his works. Result of the election by the people. Constitutional difficulty. Election scenes in the House, pp. 294-302.

CHAPTER XIIL

Inauguration of Jefferson. Description of the ceremony. Inaugural address. Formation of the Cabinet. Removal of officers, and rules of action. Private rescript of reform meditated by him. Abolition of levees. Anecdote of Washington. Rule of receiving company, pp. 303-308. Principle of reform. Reduction of the army and navy ; abolition of superfluous offices, &c. Measures of

CONTENTS. Xix

the President relating to the international code of mankind. Chastisement of the Mediterranean pirates. His first annual message. Propositions of reform. Effect of the proposition to abolish internal taxes, and his private explanation, pp. 309-318. System of finance adopted by the President. Measures adopted by him for the Purchase of Louisiana. Ratification of the treaty. Policy of the Executive towards the Indians — Towards foreign nations. His views on commerce, treaties and alliances. Rejection of the treaty negotiated with Great Britain. Opinions of the President on the Navy. Letter of John Adams to him, and reply. Gun Boats, pp. 319-342. Re-elected. Second inaugural address. His views on the most eligible arrangement of the Tariff after the discharge of the public debt, and on the distribution of the surplus revenue. Conspiracy of Burr; his designs, and trial. Immovable tenure of the Judiciary. Correspondence of Jefferson on the subject. Foreign relations of the United States. Embargo. Impressment. Attack on the Chesapeake. Causes of opposition to the Embargo, pp. 343- 355. Policy of the President on the Freedom of Speech, and the Press — Anecdote. He discharges those suffering under the Sedition law. Refuses to permit prosecutions for libels against himself. His policy on Freedom of Religion. His personal religious observances. Review of the minor traits of his administration. Examples of his simplicity and disinterestedness, pp. 356-361. Private labors, &c, of the President. His syllabus of the doctrines of Christianity. Correspondence with literary men, and different societies in Europe. Efforts for the introduction of Vaccination. His labors on colonization. Improvements bestowed on the city of Washington. Anecdote of Bonaparte. Urgency of the people for his second re-election, pp. 362-368. Extracts from his letters. Retires to private life. Gratulations of the people. His reply to the citizens of Washington. He declines all ceremony. Address of the citizens of his native county — His affecting reply. Farewell address of the Virginia Legislature, pp. 369-375.

CHAPTER XIV.

His retirement. His principal objects of employment. His OPINIONS — On the Constitution, and popular Rights — On the

XX CONTENTS.

Relative Powers of the General and State governments — On the Relative Powers of the three branches of the General government — On Internal Improvement, constructive powers, &c. — On Domestic Manufactures — On the Laboring Classes, Agriculture — On the National Bank — On Political Parties — His character of the Sovereigns of Europe — His portraiture of General Washington — On Religion — On the Loss of Friends. On the Studies of young men — On Rules for the regulation of their moral conduct. His Physical Habits, pp. 376-395. His system of employment in retirement. Description of Monticello. Portraiture of Mr Jefferson, by a guest. Number of letters received by him. Treachery of correspondents. His efforts to revive ancient affections between Mr Adams and himself. Receives a friendly opening from Mr Adams. Letter to Dr Rush. Correspondence with Adams. Extracts, pp. 396-413. University of Virginia — His agency, and leading object in its establishment. State of his finances. Alarming state of his health. Letter to the mayor of Washington. Particulars of his last hours. Extraordinary circumstances of his death. Epitaph by himself, pp. 414-431.

LIFE

OF

CHAPTER I.

Thomas Jefferson was born April 2d, 1743, on the farm called Shadwell, adjoining Monticello, in the county of Albermarle, Virginia. The date of his nativity was unknown to the public until after his decease. Repeated attempts had been made to ascertain it, by formal applications to him on various occasions, both by individuals and public bodies; but from scruples of a patriotic nature, he always declined revealing it, and enjoined the same privacy upon his family. The principles which determined him on this subject, were the great indelicacy and impropriety of permitting himself to be made the recipient of a homage, so incompatible with the true dignity and independence of the republican character ; and the still greater repugnance which he should feel, at seeing the birth-day honors of the Republic transferred, in any 3 degree, to any individual. Soon after his inauguration in 1801, he was waited on by the Mayor and Corporation of the city of Washington, with the request that he would communicate the anniversary of his birth, as they were desirous of commemorating an event which had conferred such distinguished glory upon their country. He replied, ' The only birth-day which I recognize, is that of my country's liberties.' In August, 1803, he received a similar communication from Levi Lincoln, in behalf of a certain association in Boston ; to which he replied : ' Disapproving myself of transferring the honors and veneration for the great birth-day of our Republic, to any individual, or of dividing them with individuals, I have declined letting my own birth-day be known, and have engaged my family not to communicate it.' This has been the uniform answer to every apphcation of the kind.

On the paternal side, Mr Jefferson could number no titles to high or ancient lineage. His ancestors, however, were of sohd respectability, and among the first settlers Gf YirginiH, They emigrated to this cou ntry from Wales, and from near the mountain of Snowden. His grandfather was the first of whom we have any particular information. He had three sons ; Thomas, who died young; Field, who resided on the waters of the Roanoke, and left numerous descendants ; and Peter, the father of the subject of these memoirs, who settled in Albemarle county, on the lands called Shadwell. He was the third or fourth settler in that region of the country. They were all gentlemen of property and influence in the colony.

But the chief glory of Mr Jefferson's genealogy was the sturdy contempt of hereditary honors and distinctions, with which the whole race was imbued. It was a strong genealogical feature, pervading all the branches of the primitive stock, and forming a remarkable head and concentration in the individual who was destined to confer immortality upon the name. With him, indeed, if there was any one sentiment which predominated in early life, and which lost none of its rightful ascendency through a long career of enlightened and philanthropic effort, it was that of the natural equality of all men in their rights and wants ; and of the nothingness of those pretensions which * are gained without merit and forfeited without crime.' The boldness with which, on his first entrance into manhood, he attacked and overthrew the deep rooted institutions of Primogeniture and Entails, forms a striking commentary upon this attribute of his character. An anecdote is related by Mr Madison, which is no less apposite and striking. During the infant stages of our separate sovereignty, the slowness with which the wheels of government moved, and the awkwardness of its forms, were everywhere the prominent topics of conversation. On one occasion, at which Mr Jefferson was present, a question being started concerning the best mode of providing the executive chief, it was among other opinions, gravely advanced that an hereditary designation was preferable to any elective process that could be devised. At the close of an eloquent effusion against the agitations and animosities of a popular choice, and in favor of birth, as on the whole affording a better chance for a suitable head of the government, Mr Jefferson with a smile remarked, that he had heard of a University somewhere, in which the Professorship of Mathematics was hereditary !