The war: Who's to blame?

Preface

The writer of the following pages was induced, with much\ reluctance, to undertake the heavy and unpalatable labour of analyzing the voluminous documents (1,300 closely printed folio pages) that have been published by the British Government, ^n what is technically called, " the Eastern Question.'' he labour became more irksome and unpleasant as, independent of all other authority, the close examination of the | )cuments referred to compels him to come to the conclusion, I 'at his country was completely wrong in the proceedings hich have led to the terrible contest into which she has •guardedly rushed ; and that every step she takes in carrying on will only add to her complications, difficulties, dangers, and expenses, without acquiring therefrom one additional (quite i the reverse) solid mark or point of national honour, power, or/ security, The regret that he felt at seeing this generous country so misled and maddened by the greatest, and the grossest, and most extensive system of error and fabrication ever before organized in any age or country, urged and impelled him in the discharge of a duty which he considered was due to his country, even if he should stand alone in the em test, to do his utmost to expose and condemn the disgraceful and dangerous system alluded to.

How far the work undertaken has been satisfactorily performed, is left to the reader to decide. Amidst considerable iv

PREFACE.

experience in attending to and investigating public documents, the writer never had occasion to witness so much deceit, concealment, misrepresentation, and mystification, not to use harsher names, than the papers under consideration contain. Our ambassadors, and the ambassadors of our ally, cut a deplorable figure in the eyes of plain dealing and truth. The errors, fabrications, and misrepresentations, to which these papers have at the same time given rise, are scarcely credible, and can hardly be believed. The work itself will sufficiently show and prove this. Sir II. Seymour has taught us that it is lawful to call things by their right names : truth demands it. Republican France abrogated the treaties of 1815. She next violated the treaty of 1841, by thrusting a three-decker through the Dardanelles, to menace Turkey, and promise her support against Russia, if she would beard the latter. She succeeded. She "frightened the unhcq^jy Turks,'' and "gained moral weight" by her "threats," says Seymour. Turkey broke her engagements with Russia under this pressure. Russia sought redress calmly. After much delay and chicanery, it was given : a firman by the Sultan, and an autograph letter from him to the Emperor Nicholas, appeared to settle everything. Both were instantly violated. The question was reopened by France. Prince Menchikoff was sent to Constantinople. The tales of his menaces and threats, and arrogance, were all Turkish, French, and English fabrications. It is not true that he fir$ settled the question of the Holy Places, and then brought forward new and severer propositions. His propositions were one and the same throughout, and all well known to Lord Stratford, though he has denied it : his letters will show this. He settled the question of the Holy Places as between Russia and France ; but as between Russia and Turkey, that part, the most important part, " reparation for the past and security for

PREFACE.

V the future," — in other words, a "national engagement" in one binding shape or another, embracing the recognition of the treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople, — was pointedly refused ; and this, too, done by the advice of Lord Stratford, the British ambassador. This refusal of a just demand justified Russia in declaring war against Turkey. She took, as Lord Stratford admits, a milder course, by first occupying the Principalities, a fief of, but not an integral portion of Turkey.

This state of things produced the war in which we are now engaged. Europe framed a pacific note to satisfy both parties. Russia at once accepted it. Turkey refused it, as she had been secretly taught to do. Our declaration of war against Russia suppresses the truth at this point : it asserts that Russia refused the acceptance of the Vienna note, though urged repeatedly upon her by the four great powers of Europe ! That is not correct ; the first note framed by these four powers was accepted by Russia at once. It was sent to Lord Stratford at Constantinople, to urge, in the most earnest manner, its acceptance by the Turkish Government. His Lordship tells us (Part II. p. 69), " When I delivered it to the Turkish minister, I called his attention to the strong and earnest recommendation to the Porte, not only by her Majesty's Government, but also by the cabinets of Austria, France, and Prussia" See. This fact is wholly suppressed in the declaration, and a note as amended by Turkey was substituted for it, which the Emperor of Russia did decline to accept, though subsequently recommended by the four powers to do so, because it gave no satisfaction for the wrong committed, and at the same time destroyed the letter and spirit of the treaties existing between the two empires, — the great and secret object of the new alliance to accomplish !

Several notes were subsequently presented, and made out by the four powers. All were rejected by Turkey; one, especially,

b vi

PREFACE.

by Lord Clarendon himself, was summarily dismissed with the taunt, that it was worse for them than Prince Menchikoffs proposition !

Prince Menchikoff reached Constantinople on the 5th March. The French fleet was, without consulting this country, and contrary to our remonstrances, ordered on the 22d March, to proceed from Toulon to Salamis, to overawe Greece, and to he at the command of their ambassador, to proceed to Constantinople to support Turkey ; and all this done, before any point of MenchikofF's proceedings were known, and ten weeks before the occupation of the Principalities was thought of, and sixteen weeks before that took place.

What are we to think of such suppressions and such conduct ? But still worse took place under the Secret Correspondence. Thus, while Lord John Russell and Lord Clarendon both admitted and advised the superintendence of Russia over the Greek Christians in Turkey, as a matter of right and of duty, their ambassador at Constantinople denied both, and taught the Turks to deny them. The Secret Correspondence, moreover, ended, as it was sought and intended it should end, namely, in an understanding or agreement between England and Russia, that they, as the parties most deeply interested, should both do their utmost to uphold, as long as possible, the existence of the Ottoman Government, should dangers which could not be foreseen or prevented precipitate its fall ; and that both parties should always cordially work together to render its dissolution as little injurious to the great interests of Europe as possible. This is and was the result of the Secret and Confidential Correspondence violated by France and England, not by Russia.V /'Moreover, almost every despatch from Lord Stratford, and also from Lord Clarendon, went to show that Turkey was not only and simply " $t<j$? s but dying of an incurable disease, brought on

PEEFACE.

Vll by a long life spent in immorality, cruelty, and oppression. Let

Lord Clarendon (June 24th, 1853) himself tell the tale: —

" Your Excellency is instructed to state to the Porte, that it is the deliberate opinion of her Majesty's Government .... that it is impossible to suppose that any true sympathy for their cause will be felt by the Christians, so long as they are made to experience, in all their daily transactions, the inferiority of their position, as compared with that of their Mussulman fellow-subjects — so long as they are aware that they will seek in vain for justice for wrongs done either to their persons or their properties, because they are deemed a degraded race unworthy to be put into comparison with the followers of Mahomet. Your Excellency will plainly and authoritatively state to the Porte, that this state of things cannot be longer tolerated by Christendom. The Porte must decide between the maintenance of an erroneous religious principle, and the loss of the sympathy and support of its allies. You will point out to the Porte the immense importance of the election which it has to make ; and her Majesty's Government conceive that very little reflection will suffice to satisfy the Turkish Ministers, that the Porte can no longer reckon upon its Mussulman subjects alone as a safeguard against external danger ; and that without the hearty assistance of its Christian dependents, and the powerful sympathy and support of its Christian allies, the Turkish ...Empire must soon cease to exist ! "

Was Russia wrong, then, to seek to retain the power she possessed by treaty, to repress as far as possible such intolerable evils ? " The cruel wrongs," says Lord Stratford, " of 400 years ! " Already the artful promises and pretences of the allies, and their professed objects as regards Turkey, are blown to the winds; and, as a beginning of evils, insurmountable difficulties rise before them. They cannot maintain the Mahommedan power in independence. Its days are numbered by unerring Wisdom. Its " power to make war" was to continue 1260 prophetic years, and no longer. The allies, as they are called^ cannot roll back the tide of time, nor even reproduce yesterday. Every one who studies the official documents referred to, and the subject seriously, must come to the conclusion that Count Nesselrode did ; namely, that France and England are solely and entirely to blame for the melancholy results that

Vlll

PREFACE.

have taken place ; and also concur in his opinion, expressed in Part II. p. 181, on the evils of " war between two powerful countries — two old allies, like England and Russia — countries which, whilst they may be of infinite use to one another, possessed each the means of inflicting great injury upon its antagonist; and that if, for any motives known to him, war should be declared against Russia by England, it must be the most unintelligible and the least justifiable war ever entered upon'." Lord Clarendon, Part II. p. 144, characterizes the contest with equal force and accuracy: " If," says he, "Europe is for such causes to be exposed to the calamities of war, they will be without parallel in history /" and at p. Ill, he says, u war would entail the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire! " Yet we are at war. Our " rowers have brought us into deep waters/' Unparalleled in history, this war will be, and most certainly unparalleled in its results. It will terminate for ever a cruel system — a daring imposture and delusion, the opponent of the Majesty of Heaven, that has tyrannised over, and trampled upon, a very large portion of the human race for 1260 years. It must perish, like all its great tyrannic predecessors. We see, we know, the fate of the Egyptian, the Assyrian, the Babylonian, the Persian, the Macedonian, and the Roman empires ; all swept from the face of the earth ! So, too, Mahommedanism must perish.

England stands before the world in a new character. She now avows that her object is to waste and to destroy utterly, whatever she can ; and not to preserve and protect, as formerly ! Moreover, dignify or degrade it as we may, the truth stands prominent, that she is leagued with France to sustain the impiety and blasphemy of " the false Prophet,'* and to exalt " the Latin Church " as the supreme Church of this world ! !

London, Wlh Ort. 1854.

Chapter I. Page

Preliminary Observations^- Speech of Napoleon III. — French Policy — French Protectorate — Latin Church in the East — Occurrences and Proceedings till Prince MenchikofF was sent to Constantinople . . 1

CHAPTER II. y

Mission of MenchikofF— Arrival at Constantinople — His Proceedings there — Official Notes, Demands, and Correspondence with British Ambassadors and the Turkish Government — Declarations — Emperor of Russia — Failure of MenchikofF's Mission — His Departure — Consequences 30

Chapter III

Constantinople after the Departure of MenchikofF— Movements of the Fleets — Occupations of the Principalities — Declarations and Correspondence of England, France, Russia, and Turkey — The Vienna Conference — The Vienna Note, Proceedings regarding it, &c. . . . 75

Chapter IV

Vienna Note — Its Rejection by Turkey — Opinions of Government through the "Times" about it — Alterations by the Turks in that Note — Nesselrode's Remarks thereon — Lord Clarendon's long and able Letter on Rejection of the Vienna Note — French Proposals, and New Note — Correspondence about it by the different Powers . 113

X

Chapter V

pass

Declaration of War by Turkey — Important Concession, and Declarations by Russia, France, England, and Turkey — Movement of Fleets — Protocol of 5th December — Several other Notes and Protocols — All refused by Turkey, &c. &c 146

Chapter VI

Sinope — Fleets enter the Black Sea— Conference at Vienna— Labours — Fresh Protocols — Correspondence and Declarations about them by the different Powers — Hostile Message to Russia — Recal of Ambassadors — War announced — Secret Correspondence — Russian important Memorandum — Correspondence with this Country about Turkey, 1844— Treaty of 1841, &c. &c 17G

Chapter VII

Declaration of War against Russia — Misstatements and False Statements made therein— Official Authorities for this — Professed Objects of the War — Destruction of Russian Towns, Harbours, Fleets and Commerce — Authorities for this — Statements made that Russia made it a Religious War — Various Authorities to show that the Turks and French, and others, make it decidedly a Religious War . 207

Chapter VIII

State of the Christian Population in Turkey — Falsehoods told by Ambassadors and Statesmen about it— -Consuls' Reports — Lord Clarendon's Official Letters about their degraded and hopeless State — Layard's Accounts of their Cruel Treatment — Neale's ditto, &c. &c 227

Chapter IX

Russia — Sufferings, Campaign of 1812 — Become stronger than before — Population, Army, Navy, and Resources — Trade and Commerce — Great Improvement — Empire under Nicholas I. — Reformation Laws — State of Society — Native Industry protected — Religious Toleration — Refined Society in Siberia — Freedom of Serfs — Judicious Steps to effect it — Don Cossacks — Character — Christians 204

CONTENTS.

XI

Chapter X. Page

Circassia — Character of its People — Schamyl the Impostor — White Slave Trade in Circassia and Turkey — Black Slave Trade in Ottoman Territories — Georgia as it was and is, &c. &c 297

Chapter XI

Mahommedanism and Christianity — Rise, Decay, and Destruction of the former — Rise, Increase, and Final Supremacy of the latter — Historical and Scriptural References and Proofs — The Year 1854 the Period determined for the Overthrow of Mahommedanism, as an Independent Power, both as calculated by the Mahommedan Era and the Scriptural Prophetic Writings 312

Conclusion

Recapitulation of Principal Topics — Additional Official References to general Heads — Lord John Russell's Navigation Laws — Fight for the Food we are to eat — Distortions and Misrepresentations by the Allies — Their crooked Policy — Bind Turkey Neck and Heel — French and English Alliance — Dangers from it — Union with Austria, Alliance still more dangerous — Clarendon and Saxony — Menacing Despatch — The Four Points — Rejected by Russia — Saxon spirited Reply — Government, through the " Times," threatens to extinguish Prussia, and sweep away all the States of Europe as established by the Treaties of 1815 — Threats of the Allies ineffectual — Mahommedan Power must fail — The Scriptures point out their Fate — Cost of War, &c. &c 343

Appendix

Nesselrode's Circular about Greek Revolt 399

Nesselrode's Memorandum, Agreement between Russia and England,

Tartars — Their Character and Manners — Remains of them in Southern Russia — Improvement and Education progressing among them — Propositions to rouse them to Rebellion 404

Firman abolishing Circassian Slavery 407

I

THE WAR: WHO'S TO BLAME?

Chapter I

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS — SPEECH OP NAPOLEON III. — FRENCH POLICY- FRENCH PROTECTORATE — LATIN CHURCH IN THE EAST — OCCURRENCE AND PROCEEDINGS TILL PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF WAS SENT TO CONSTANTINOPLE.

" We are at war ! We are at war — at war after we and Europe have been forty years at peace." Such are the hypocritical lamentations and avowals of all those who have been the great advocates for war, who are now its principal supporters, and whose fables, inventions, and mischievous falsehoods, have been the chief cause of producing the deplorable result. Their fables and inventions, which have chiefly tended to produce hostilities, are, at the same time, as baseless as their thoughtless averment, — that the world, Great Britain included, had been m a state of profound tranquillity during the last thirty-nine years.

Let us, for a moment, attend to facts. During the period mentioned, France has had about half-a-dozen great and bloody internal revolutions, — a war with Spain, — a war with and the conquest of Rome, — a war in and the conquest (not yet concluded) of Algiers — a war which has continued for twenty-four years, and which is not yet finished, 1 — a tousel with Mexico, Morocco and Tunis, Buenos Ayres and Tahiti, exclusive of some serious conflicts in which she acted in

1 Prom a Paris paper. — "Algiers, June 25th; Marseilles, June 30th, 1851. The army in Africa had had, to them, a disastrous engagement with a tribe of the Kabyles, numbering 100,000 souls, and mustering 15,000 warriors. Their country is very difficult, consisting of mountains and rocks. They are more civilized than the Bedouins, and are becoming more formidable daily. The Prench army was commanded by General Renden, the governor of the colony. He was completely defeated. A colonel and major were killed, several officers wounded, and 300 men put hors de combat"

What a strange contrast does the conduct of nations afford to the close observer of human affairs ! Here we have a great European nation crushing independent Mahommedan tribes on Mount Atlas, at " the same moment that she is encouraging and advising the wilder and more barbarous tribes of the Caucasus to rush into war in order to secure their independence."

B

THE WAR*.

conjunction with England. In Africa she has conquered a coun tryequal in extent, to France herself, besides the addition of the Society- Islands, the Friendly Islands, New Caledonia, and a settlement on New Guinea. Austria has had a terrible revolution which nearly overthrew her empire, and two bloody contests with Piedmont, and serious disputes with Switzerland. Switzerland herself has had serious internal commotions. Naples has been engaged in bloody strife with her dependency, Sicily. Prussia, besides a war with Den° mark, has had a revolution which nearly overthrew her monarchy. Russia has had a bloody civil war in Poland, one bloody war against Turkey, two serious wars with Persia, and two wars to support Turkey against Mehemet Ali, exclusive of her interference to quell the Hungarian insurrection, and her aid to separate Greece from Turkey. The latter power, when not engaged in war with her neighbours, is almost constantly engaged in quelling revolts of her barbarous pashas, or in aiding them, by the application of brute force, to oppress and massacre her unhappy Christian subjects. Russia, since 1815, has only added to her territory a few points on the eastern coast of the Black Sea, and a small slip on the Georgian frontier not larger than the county of Kent.

During the period in question, the United Kingdom has had a rebellion in Canada, a rebellion in Ireland, a bloody contest, in conjunction with France, to deprive our old ally, the King of Holland, of Belgium, allotted to him by the treaties of 1815 ; one war to deprive Turkey of Greece ; one to deliver Turkey from the victorious march of Mehemet Ali ; a mongrel war in and about Spain ; another such in and about Portugal • and nearly another such about Tahiti ; a mighty tousel with' poor Greece about Don Pacifico's bed and his wife's linen or flannel petticoats. She has also had two Kaffir rebellions and wars ; a severe war with China, the chief object of which was to compel the Chinese to purchase from us and to eat smuggled opium ; two bloody wars with Affghanistan, two bloody wars with the Sikhs ; one bloody war with the Ameers of Scinde, and two wars with the Burmese ; in which three latter we have added to our territories a greater extent of dominion than the whole superficies of the United Kingdom ! and, lastly, we had an important contest amidst the swamps of Nicaragua to maintain the sovereignty of our illustrious ally, the drunken king of the Musquito coast !

Such a state of things, we are confidently but audaciously told, constituted general and profound tranquillity ; therefore, by way of change, we must now have a war, the sweeping operations and terrible results of which, shall eclipse all those tumults combined!

who's to blame?

England especially calls for such a contest, because she has not for centuries known what war really is within the boundary of her own shores, and because the present generation does not recollect the war of twenty-five years' duration, which cut off 8,000,000 of men, the flower of Europe, and which covered Europe with misery, destruction, and blood, and added 560,000,000£. to her National Debt, besides 750,000,000/. more to her National Expenditure.

Under such circumstances Great Britain, in conjunction with France, have entered into war with Russia. The reasons for this ter~. rible step — for terrible it will be found to be before all is over — may be given in the words of two Ministers of the Crown in their place in Parliament, when the subject was officially brought before it by command of her Majesty, thus : 1 —

Lord Palmerston. — " It is said these were the military armaments of Russia. But then the armaments, we were always assured, were only to counteract the menacing language which had been held by the representative of France on the question of the Holy Places. It is said there was a secret treaty by reason of the disregard of pledges and firmans already issued by the Sultan. There never, Sir, was the slightest intimation given that there was any other question than that to be settled. And when Count Nesselrode asserted that the Government of this country had been from the beginning informed of the demands of Russia, he states what was utterly untrue {sensation). Sir, it is painful to speak of a Government like that of Russia in such terms of condemnation, but I must say, in vindication of the Government of her Majesty, that through the whole course of these negotiations, Russia exhausted all her agents, and by every means, by every modification of untruth, concealment, and equivocation, ending in the assertion of utter falsehood {considerable sensation). Well, Sir, has anything been lost by the forbearance which the Government of her Majesty has manifested ? " &c.

- Lord John Russell. — " The whole of her (Russia) conduct was no doubt deception {Hear, hear). There was concealment, and there was deception, on the part of Russia toward the Government of this country {renewed Hear, hear). But they (the British Government) feel the cause is still more — it is to maintain that peace of Europe, of which the Emperor of Russia is the wanton disturber {Hear, and cheers). It is to throw back on the head of that disturber of the peace of Europe, the consequences which he has so violently, and I believe so imprudently, evoked. It is to maintain the independence, not only of Turkey, but of Germany and all the European nations," &c. " But if this is not to be done, and if peace is not consistent with our duty to England, with our duty to Europe, and with our duty to the world — if this enormous power of Russia is to go to such a pitch that even its moderation is more ambitious than the ambition of other nations—* if Russia will not be content with any less than the possession of Constant

1 First Debate, Eastern Question, House of Commons, April 17th, 1864.

tinople, — if such are her meaning and her objects, we can only enter into the contest with strong heart, and may God defend the right ! In fact, I will willingly bear my share of the burden and responsibility {cheers)'' — Rep. Speech, Stamford, April 18th.

The responsibility, terrible as that is, Lord John has yet to learn in the injury and humiliation of his country • while the wicked bravado discovers the bitter feeling of a statesman having unexpectedly, and from his own imprudence, had some secret, selfish, and roguish political scheme prematurely forced into the light of day, and compelled to appear in all its naked deformity. 1

The statements here made, and the language here used, against a great nation, are indeed strong, and may well be supposed to be able to stand the strictest scrutiny ; but which the use of so many " ifs " fully leads us to doubt. Lord John's appeal bears that he is right, and that certain and complete victory is to be for him ! Lord Palmerston's great political experience and prudence give his declarations great weight, and confer on them an importance which, coming from any other quarter, they would not have deserved. Still, the subject is of such vast importance, that, as it is the right, so it becomes the duty of every free British subject, to inquire into the matter, and, by the lights which Government has given us, to ascertain if his Lordship is, in all points, strictly correct. With reference to Lord John Russell, he is so well known to allow, on particular occasions, his feelings to outrun his discretion (witness * mummeries of religion " — denounced, then succumbed to), that his words might be left to pass for what they are considered worth, and his " ifs," and objects, and "great heart," be left to find their level with those claptraps which statesmen, when they feel their cause to be feeble, and their conduct to have been wrong, are so apt to launch forth, and to brave by boast what cannot stand inquiry.

The appeal, however, which his Lordship here makes is most serious and most solemn, and is, and ought always to be, the last resort of pure innocence — it is to the Almighty ! to Him to whom all hearts are open, and from whom no secrets are hid ; to Him by whom kings reign, and princes decree judgment ; to Him who always "mustereth the hosts of the battle to Him who alone gives, and who alone can give, victory ; and to Him who " ruleth among the kingdoms of men, and

1 A close examination of the official Papers alone will, it is to be feared, and as we shall learn, prove the conclusion to he just, that a less solemn hut more appropriate appeal ought to have been made; such as, We are in for it — we have brought the country into it — we mean to maintain our position by war. — " The sword of Mahomet is the key of heaven," and it does not recmire absolute wisdom to make it also the key of Downing Street — "a material guarantee" for our future security !

who's to blame?

giveth them to whomsoever He 'will." This is the great Being that is appealed to ! and his Lordship makes the appeal under the clearest conviction that he, and this country, and France, are right, and that the Emperor of Russia is wholly wrong. It will be fortunate for this country if he is so. It may be presumed that .the matter will stand inquiry. If Lord John has not supplied us with all the documents which can enable us to judge correctly, that is his blame ; but, taking the ponderous volumes with which we have been furnished, let us carefully examine who is right, or who is wrong, and, finally, who is to blame in the matter. The inquiry will be laborious — it cannot be pleasant — and is most certain, for the moment, to be unpopular. But truth can know no fear; and, while guided by her, every personal offence against individuals or communities of men will, in our pursuit, be carefully, and to the utmost that is possible, avoided. Yet, thus situated, it must be permitted, without giving offence, " to call things ~by their right names" — which Sir H. Seymour told his wondering hearers, at the Mansion House, is never done, " in English," at St. Petersburg. This he proved in his own person.

In order to understand the Eastern question fully, and the strange proceedings which have plunged Europe and Asia into a dreadful war, it is necessary to turn to the beginning of the diplomatic discussions which have taken place in our day, and also to revert shortly to the proceedings and views of European Powers in reference to the Turkish Empire in former times. It is proposed to do this in a narrative, as continued and as connected as possible, and in regular order of the dates belonging to each subject ; the whole selected from the voluminous official Papers that have been published, extending, to this date (Sept. 20th), to 1,300 closely printed folio pages. The confused manner in which these documents have been published — where we find confusion worse confounded reigning — together with the endless repetitions and extraneous rubbish connected with each particular portion of the subject, renders the task undertaken all but impracticable, and might well induce the boldest to avoid such a work, in despair of getting through it in a satisfactory * manner : it is something like seeking for a grain of wheat in a sack of chaff. Lord Derby acknowledged (House of Lords) that he had lost his way, and got bewildered, before he got to the end of the first volume (400 pages). Still, it is evident, notwithstanding the very great number of Papers that have been published, that many of those have been mutilated ; while it is also clear that others have been withheld— a practice very reprehensible, but very common with official people, when it does not suit their purpose to tell all things that relate to public affairs of great moment.