The Jordan and the Rhine

Front matter

THE

JORDAN AND THE RHINE ;

OR,

Preface

I. The name of my book is intended to symbolise the two great divisions of the human race, whose customs, manners, and civilisation are so diflPerent from one another. The Jordan is associated with the deepest, holiest feelings of our nature, and is interwoven with the religion, the psalmody, and the devotion of the whole Christian world ; it is the river of sacred story, on whose banks have been transacted the greatest events recorded in the history of our race — the redemption of mankind, and the wars of the Crusades. How instructive the voice of its waters ! Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are at home on the Jordan. And oh, how various the events, how wonderful and glorious the chain of Divine Providence, ever one, though diverse and many- coloured as the rainbow which bespans the world. How numerous the sages and wise men, the kings, priests, and prophets, the saints, warriors, and heroes, who, from Melchisedec the King of Salem, to Grobat the Bishop of Jerusalem, have illustrated history and glorified or degraded humanity on the banks of the Jordan ! But the Ehine ! The Phine is, without doubt, the noblest, most celebrated, and most historical river of the West. It lives in the thousand legends of the olden times of brave knights, fair ladies, and enchanted castles ; it is named in the ten thousand patriotic songs of Fatherland ; it is synonymous with many healthful and delicious wines ; and, from the legions of Yarns to those of Napoleon, it has been associated with the victories

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and defeats of the Eoman empire. It is, therefore, a suitable companion for the Jordan, and shall be associated with the fortunes of my book.

II. The form ? Answer : I choose the form of Chapters and Journals, because I wish free scope for my thoughts. I wish to use all things — what I have read, what I have seen, and what I have heard— reason, imagination, and reflection. I would use history, philosophy, and religion; the customs and laws of nations ; criticism, poetry, and superstition ; everything that comes in the way of a man who has travelled much and read more. I would use it all for the objects which I have in view in this book.

III. Wh.at are these objects? The iUustration and defence of the Word of Grod. This is the main object of the author, and he would direct the attention of the reader to the Chapter on the Customs connected with the human body especially, to the Journals on the Nationalism of German}'-, and to the general spirit of the whole, as confirming this assertion. Again, I seek to give the British nation a true and exact description of Orientalism. This is no book of travels ; it is a book of life. It is not the record of what I passed through, but of what I lived in. How many books of travels have appeared since I went to Damascus ! And most of them owe all that they contain about Damascus to the missionaries, or the scanty information of mideteers. It must be so. A traveller arrives in that city, he has no friend in it, knows not a word of the language, his interpreter, too, can neither translate nor put together correctly a single sentence ; how can he know anything of the people ? He is asked to spend a day with the missionaries ; he accepts the invitation, pimips them thoroughly ; and, in the forthcoming book of travels, Damascus occupies a conspicuous place ! My aim is different, and I hope my qualifications also. I refer the reader to the

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Chapter on "An Oriental City as it is," and beg him to compare it with what he may have read on the same subject. As to the Journals, my object is to give my fellow-countrymen an idea of Germany as it is — the black and the white — the faith and infidelity — ^the prodigious labours, and the still more prodigious imagination of that plodding philosophical race. The subjects are miscellaneous, and were suggested by the occurrences of the day, or the quiet meditations of the evening. Those who expect to find in Journals nothing but the simple records of mental experiences, will probably find little pleasure in mine, inasmuch as they take in a much wider range. They include glances at the hidden life of faith in the soul, and the outward hopes of the church and the creation — the obstinacy and the inveterate infidehty of the Jews, as well as God's purposes in them — the great apostacy, which is the Papacy, and the man of sin which is its head, as well as the coming of the Lord to destroy them — the state of Popery and Protestantism in Germany — the German theories of reasoning, rationalism, and inspiration — their philosophies, their poetry, and their history, as well as the peculiarities of their social and domestic life. There is, also, an occasional reference to the East, inasmuch as the impressions which it made on me remain indelible, and occupy no small portion of my heart. There is no lack of variety, and I can only lament my inability to do justice to such vast and varied materials.

lY. But it is asked. What do you think of Turkey and the present war ? My dear friend, the question involves many others, and to answer them all fully would require a volume. We are willing, however, to consider a few of the most important of them, giving our opinion in the briefest manner possible.

1. What is meant by the Turkish Government ? It means the Government of the House of Othman, in Constantinople, vm

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over kingdoms and provinces acquired by plunder and conquest. Tlie Turks are a small horde of warlike barbarians, wbo for centuries have subjected to their power Christians, Jews, and Moslems. Their dominion is not merely that of one religion over another, but also of one nation over many nations. The Egyptians, Syrians, and Grreeks, be they Moslems, Christians, or Jews, detest the Turks as foreign conquerors and oppressors. The Turkish Government in Damascus is as foreign, and detested as the French Grovernment in Berlin was. Everything shows the rule of a stranger. The Pasha, and his clique from Constantinople, speak Turkish, while Arabic is the language of the people ; therefore, his commands, his edicts, his coui^ts of justice, must be administrated by agents and interpreters. A few years ago, the Damascenes rose up and burned the palace of their Pasha, as a proof of their detestation of foreign tyranny.

2nd. Is there religious liberty in the Turkish empire ? Among certain classes there is, and the principle is making progress. It is a fact that there is a great body of Protestants in the empire, and their numbers and influence are increasing rapidly, and to them we must look for the true principles of religious liberty. A Protestant missionary labouring among J ews and Christians has more liberty in the Turkish empire than in any other country, save England, America, and Belgium. You may labour in Damascus abundantly among Jews, Papists, and Greeks ; they are all equally dogs and swine, though of a different aspect and colour, and whether a few of them change their colour or not, makes no difference in the mind of the Moslem ruler. But touch not the true believer at your peril ! The Moslem who changes his religion must, by the law of the Koran, die the death, and he shall die to this day with infallible certainty, notwithstanding all the rumours and plaudits that have been raised

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about the reKgious Kberties of the East. In this respect the Moslems are as much persecutors by principle as the Papists themselves. The Pope, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and the Commander of the Faithful, are of one mind in this matter. I now, therefore, put the question to the British nation and government, "Is it lawful for a Moslem to become a Christian in the Turkish empire ? Is he sure of his life and property if he does ? I assert that to this hour both these questions must be answered in the negative ; and now is the time, when our fleets and our armies are propping up the tottering throne of the Osmanlis, to secure in its fullest extent the great principle of religious liberty. We must do it, or it will never be done ; Pussia will not guarantee liberty of worship ; she is tyrannical in church and in state — a fierce, a murderous persecutrix of the truth of God as well of as all dissentients from the established religions.

3rd. What is meant by maintaining the integrity of the Turkish empire ? J^othing whatever. It is high-sounding verbiage. To keep the Russians out of Constantinople is another matter, and we know what it means. The integrity of the Turkish empire ! Where is it ? The French claim the right of protecting the Papists, the Emperor of Eussia claims the right of protecting the members of the Greek church, and we have established a consul at Damascus to protect the Jews ! Yet these are all subjects of the Porte ! Has not every consul and consular agent (and their name is legion), even fi'om the pettiest kingdoms of Europe, the right to protect all their servants and employees from all kinds of taxation and government control ? Is not every European of whatever name, and all who can in any way claim to be his servants, were it only by sweeping his court once a year, exempted by positive treaties from the taxation and control of the Turkish government ? This may be all right and neces-

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sary, but it is not like independence, and without independence it will not long retain its integrity. The integrity of the Turkish empire ! We, the English, have dismembered it, and should other circumstances arise we would, without compimction, dismember it more and more. Who gave Greece its independence ? We did so, by dismembering the empire of the Osmanlis ; Egypt is nearly independent, and we made it so. Are we not by a kind of quiet prescription establishing our right to the navigation of the Euphrates ? Woidd it be any dismemberment of the empire were England on certain terms to become masters of Egypt ? By no means. The Pasha pays the Porte a certain number of purses annually, &c. ; now were we to provide for the Pasha as we do for the princes in India, would the Porte not as willingly receive the purses from us as from him ? Undoubtedly ; and his Highness would be more regularly paid. For more than a century the Turks have been receding before the civilisation and warlike power of the West ; nor should it cause iis many regrets if their empire was entirely broken. But

4th. Is it not possible to regenerate the Turkish nation by making them a great reforming, progressing, ciAoLising kingdom ? I think it nearly impossible. (1.) Their religion is opposed to progress, and must be overthrown in the first place. (2.) Then the vigour and force of the Turks lie in fanaticism alone ; if this is inflamed and strengthened they are invincible. If you fanatici-se them, civilisation is impossible ; if you destroy their fanaticism, the foundation of their empire is destroyed. (3.) The Turks are a smaU minority of the population, and have been so long accustomed to domineer over all others, that they never will, in my opinion, voluntarily submit to civil equality with the other nations and reLLgions. They will submit only to the conqueror, as they do in India. (4.) Besides, the Christians are still subjected to double taxa-

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XI tion ; all the offices of state are filled witli Moslems ; and the imperial armies, under the standard of the prophet, must be taken exclusiyety from the dominant religion. These are some of the impediments which stand in the way of Turkish progress and civilisation, and till I see other reasons than I liave yet seen, I must beKeve them to be insurmountable.

5th. But what are to be the issues of the war ? God alone knows, and we can commit our ways only to Him, as the Eedeemer of His church and the Governor among the nations. It is possible that the threatened wars and commotions may be only the precursors of the King and the kingdom of righteousness and peace. The eye of the church has been opening of late to the glories of the millennial kingdom, and we cannot desire too earnestly that the fond aspirations of those students of prophecy ma}^ be true who look forward to the speedy coming of Christ in His glory. But apart from the prophetic hopes which sustain us in the season of adversity, it may be well to consider the human probabilities which seem to arise out of the present political combinations. It is probable, if in the decrees of God the hour of Turkey be not come, that the allies may prop up the government and postpone the overthrow of the empire for eighty or one hmidred years ; it bears, however, the death- wound in itself, and in due time it shall be overthrown or break up of its own accord. It is melancholy that in the present war the Turks are in the right and the Eussians are in the wrong — the enemies of our Lord Jesus Christ are the defenders of treaties and the laws of nations, and the professors of Christianity the violators of both ! But He was betrayed to the Jewish rulers by one of His friends ! It is painful and very grievous that justice and the force of circumstances should have made it necessary for England to defend the Turks. But we are acting out our part in the great drama of history, and are no doubt, as a xu

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nation, under the leading of Diyine Proyidence. It seems strange, howeyer, tliat tlie most Protestant nation in the world should be at the present moment so unequivocally favouring the pretensions of Popery, and that the most Christian nation on earth should be preventing the destruction of the mortal enemies of the gospel. France and England are now united ; and it seems likely, though contrary to our institutions, our character, and our history, that political combinations may make aristocratic England the patron of democracy and rebellion throughout the world. If the war becomes general, and the Continental courts league themselves against us, the conflagration will encompass the world, and it is impossible to anticipate what the end may be. In a bloody and prolonged struggle the principles of self-defence may compel us to side with nations against their princes, until, in the wars of classes — the many against the few, the deceived and trampled upon against their tyrannical deceivers — the demon of revolution shall have shaken every kingdom on the Continent. The spirit of revolt shall proceed from conservative England and inflame all the nations of the world. Our ships shall touch the shores of Italy, and a few proclamations about unity, liberty, and independence shall set the Peninsula in a blaze. A million of warriors and liberators shall in less than three months, under the protection of France and England, rise up against their tyrants in the Italian plains. The Pope, more detested than all other sovereigns, shall leave Pome to return no more ; the tyrant of Tuscany, dethroned and banished, shall find a refuge in the British isles ; the hated dominion of Austria in that classic country shall fall, and Italy, regenerated and united, shall take her place among the nations of the earth. Meanwhile our agents and our money have reached the ancient kiagdom of Hungary — ^there is hope held out to the oppressed ! — there are leaders

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Xlll to guide the movement, and money to pay the troops ! It is enough. The repressed nationality springs into existence, and five millions of heroic men, long oppressed by the House of Hapsburg, proclaim their independence and war to the death against their oppressors. Austria shall have enough to do without sending armies against the Turks. It is not impossible that she may sink in the struggle, and it is impossible that a worse system of oppression should rise up in her stead. But Poland ! — ^yes, Poland, partitioned by her neighbours, has heard that England and France are at war with her enemies and oppressors, and the spirit of that heroic nation, which more than once saved Europe from barbarism and Islam, shall burst forth into fearful conflagration. Two words, one from France and another from England, would reunite fifteen millions of men, who have a country, heroic valour, and a historic name ! There will be work for Russia at Warsaw as well as beyond the Danube. But would England, the friend of the oppressed and the bulwark of order, liberty, and justice, unchain the demon of democracy to overturn the stable foundations of the whole social edifice, and cover the civilised world with anarchy and blood ? Answer : England will shrink from nothing necessary to preserve her existence ; and there are many mighty spirits in her who would willingly do the work in the name of liberty and a righteous retributive Providence. It must and will come to this, if the Continental powers join Russia and the war becomes long and bloody. Such is the position of England, and the force of political circumstances will not allow her to shrink from it, ;

5th. But what if Russia should succeed in the war ? The consequences would be many, of which I may mention the following : (1.) All the movements of liberty and progress which are beginning to take place in the Orient would be arrested; the Turks are, on the whole, as ci^dlised as the

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E/Ussians, and latterly have become more tolerant to those who diiFer with them on the subject of religion. (2.) The taking of Constantinople would not advance Christianity so much as many think ; the Turks would still remain, and the sword is no justifiable means of conversion. (8.) It would destroy the independence of Greece. (4.) It would seriously endanger our Indian possessions, and give the Russians the means of becoming the first maritime power in the world. (5.) It woidd deliver the Christians from cruel masters, who have long insulted and plundered them, but it would probably give them harder masters under the Christian name. JN^evertheless, I have no doubt the Oriental Christians would wish the Russians to succeed in the present struggle. (6.) It would not augment the power of Russia so much as is imagined, inasmuch as she would have ten millions of enemies as a thorn in her side, and it seems impossible for any government to imite and harmonise so many different nations and languages. Besides, if the Turkish Empire were broken up, Russia could not appropriate all the spoil. England would make arrangements with the Imperial house of Ottoman for Syria and Egypt at least, while France and Austria would, in self-defence, seize their portions of the plunder.

6th. But what about the Grreek nation ? There are still five millions who speak the language of Homer and Herodotus, who also inherit the pride, subtlety, and valour of their fathers, and who might be supposed to act a conspicuous part in the bloody drama of Oriental history. This people, if united under one head, and resolute to re-assert their ancient glory, might turn the scale between the contending parties, and re-establish in the nineteenth century the throne of Con&tantine. They have also a better right to Constantinople than the Turks ; and could a strong independent Christian

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XV empire be established on tbeBosphoms, it would be for religion, civilisation, and the progress of the human race, one of the most glorious events of history. Are the Greeks capable of this ? I doubt it very much.

The Greeks are not fully independent, and they are divided into many parties, who hate each other cordially. There is an English party, a French party, a Russian party, and the protecting powers who guarantee their national existence have become the means of diminishing the national force. JSTo doubt there is a large body of Greeks in Greece, and elsewhere, who long for the restoration of the Byzantine Empire, and who consider this the best way of arresting the ambitious steps of Russia. These are enthusiasts, and deceive themselves. Every movement of the Greeks at the present moment, and in their weakness and divisions, can be only ruinous to the nation, and the Russian agents who are so busy with their promises and their gold, may be the means of breaking the kingdom to pieces. Let us hope that Greece may yet arise from the dust of its present ruins ! And that the future may bear some resemblance to the glory of the past ! In the meantime we must await the decisions of Divine Providence with patience and hope. We know there is a righteous Ruler over the nations, who can turn the hearts of men like the rivers of water to run into the ocean-current of His purpose of love. The threads of the wondrous web of providence centre in His throne ; and however perplexed and entangled the events of history may appear to the dim eye of reason, they are all subordinated to the will of our Father who is in heaven.

CONTENTS,

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

I. Differences between the East and the West in general. II. Some of the chief Causes of these Diversities, viz. : 1st. The Influence of the Pulpit ; 2nd. The Press ; 3rd. The Bar ; 4th. Steam, Roads, Means of Communication ; 5th. Union, Societies ; 6th. Religious and Political Liberty. HI. Distinguishing and attractive Peculiarities of the Land : 1st. It is the Land of Antiquities ; 2nd. It is the Land of Literature ; 3rd. It is the Land of Great Wars ; 4th. It is the Land of the Bible; 5th. It is the Land of Prophecy; 6th. It is the Land of a peculiar People and of peculiar Promises

Chapter II. Lebanon

I. Illustrations of Scripture : 1st. General Observations ; 2nd. The House of the Forest of Lebanon ; 3rd. The Cedars of Lebanon ; 4th. The Sides of Lebanon ; 5th. The Roots of Lebanon ; 6th. The Violence of Lebanon ; 7th. The Glory of Lebanon ; 8th. " The Skin of the Teeth " illustrated. II. The Inhabitants of Lebanon : — First, The Maronites ; Second, The Greeks. The Two Parties compared: 1st. As to Literature; 2nd. As to Secular Employments; 3rd. As to Preparatory Training; 4th. As to Character in General. Monastic Institutions considered : 1. As to unnatural Crimes ; 2. As to Piety and Charity; 3. In Reference to Civilisation. III. The Druses of Mount Lebanon particularly described. IV. Various particulars : 1st. The Roads ; 2nd. The Terraces ; 3rd. The Animals ; 4th. The

Villages and Houses

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Contents

CHAPTEH III.

BAALBEK.

PAGE.

Chapter IV

DAMASCUS. AN EASTERN AND A WESTERN CITY COMPARED.

1st. As seen from above ; 2nd. As to Smoke and Clouds ; 3rd. The Approach to the City described ; -ith. Suburbs, Villas, single Houses ; 5th. Life, motion, stir, business, confusion ; 6th. The laying out and disposition of the City; 7th. Compared as to Hotels and Pubhc Buildings ; 8th, As to Literatm-e, Books, Paintings, Fine Arts, &c. ; 9th. As to Knowledge, current Literature, Newspapers, <fec. ; 10th. Compared as to public Amusements ; 11th. The Veiled Ladies ; 12th. A Peep into the Streets of Damascus 67

CHAPTEE V.

THE CITY OF DAMASCUS AS IT IS.

The City of Damascus described exactly as it is : — I. The WaUs. II. The general Plan of the City. III. The Streets : 1. Their Dirt; 2. The Dogs ; 3. The Varieties and Extremes in the Streets ; 4. A strange Scene in the Streets; 5. Everything pubhc in the Streets. IV. The Houses : 1. The Materials ; 2. General Plan and Purpose ; 3. The Doors, Keys, &c. ; 4. The Court ; 5. The Eooms ; 6. The Harem ; 7. The Eoofs ; 8. The Baths 86

Chapter VI. The Jewish Mission In Damascus

A. The Origin of the Mission : I. The Claims of the Jews ; II. The Mission proposed. B. Missionary Difficulties ; I. The Language ; II. The Habits of the People ; III. The Climate ; IV. Con-upt Christianity; V. Civil Government; VI. Family Difficulties; VIL Jewish

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Fanaticism ; VIII. The Missionary is Alone ; IX. Much is expected from a Missionary; X. What Converts have you made? C. Missionary Labours ; AVhat are they? I. Acquiring the Language; II. Preaching the Word ; III. The Distribution of Books ; IV. Intercourse with the Jews ; V. The Use of the Press ; VI. Schools. D. Missionary Success : I. Among the Jews ; 1. Great Movement among the Jews ; 2. Noble specimens of Converted Jews ; II. Among the Heathen ; 1. The Noble Nature of the Enterprise ; 2. Have the Missionaries found Access to the People ? 3. Special Examples given ; 4. The American Board of Missions ; 5. Subsidiary Objects Ill