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Li Hungchang

Robert Kennaway Douglas · 1895 · Scanned text

71,290 words · about 5 h to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
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About this book

Author
Robert Kennaway Douglas
Language
English
Published
1895
Length
71,290 words · about 5 h
Sections
14 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public domain · PD-US by publication date

 

Contents (14)
  1. Front matter under 1 min
  2. Preface about 2 min
  3. Chapter I about 1 min
  4. Contents about 15 min
  5. Chapter II about 22 min
  6. Chapter III about 42 min
  7. Chapter IV about 18 min
  8. Chapter V about 13 min
  9. Chapter VI about 34 min
  10. Chapter VIII about 36 min
  11. Chapter IX about 29 min
  12. Chapter X about 55 min
  13. Chapter XII about 15 min
  14. Chapter XIII about 19 min

Continue:

Front matter

by the

ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE LIBRARY

LIBRARY, JAN 4 1896

Preface

HE biographer of a Chinese statesman is at a distinct disadvantage compared with the writer of the life of a European notability. For him no kind friends produce packets of letters, in which the subject of the biography has expressed his thoughts and opinions for the benefit of his friends and relations. No diaries are forthcoming, in which is recorded the passage of events, with criticisms upon them ; nor does any literary acquaintance lighten the labours of the biographer by publishing personal reminiscences. So far as the outside world is concerned, a Chinese statesman appears only in the light of a public character. He is never to be seen but en grande tenue^ and is to be met with only at formal interviews and public functions. The line of demarcation between the mandarin and the man is clearly defined, and he is only to be followed into the domestic retreats viii PREFACE.

of his household by the help of the tongue of gossip.

The complete separation which is insisted upon between the sexes would, under any circumstances, make social intercourse, in the European sense, impossible ; and the ill-will which unhappily exists on the part of the mandarins towards foreigners, forms an impassable barrier in the way of even such friendly interchange of courtesies as the maimed conditions of society allow.

The materials for the present life of Li Hungchang have been gathered from every available source — from the Peking Gazette, in which Li is in the habit of constantly expressing to his lord and master his views on political and administrative questions, and in the pages of which he receives outspoken praise or blame, as the circumstances may determine, from the imperial pencil ; from the local newspapers, which chronicle his comings, goings, and doings with all the accuracy in their power ; from Blue Books, in which Li's part in all the diplomatic controversies of the time are recorded ; and from friends who have been brought into close and frequent contact with the great Viceroy.

Experience has shown that one word is necessary

PREFACE. ix

as to the pronunciation of the name Li Hungchang. For those who are unacquainted with the usually accepted system of transcribing Oriental names, it may be a convenience to know that the name is best phonetically expressed on paper as Lee Hoongchang, the d being pronounced as a in father,

Robert K. Douglas.

CONTENTS i

Chapter I

His birth and family history — Madame Li — Li's early career — Rise of the T'aip'ing Rebellion — The Triad Society — Hung Sewts'uan — T'aip'ing victories — Li's first active services — His appearance — Appointed to Fuhkien — Fall of Hangchow and Soochow — Attack on Shanghai , . Fa^-es 17-26

CHAPTER IL

The Ever -Victorious Army — Ward — The Patriotic Association — A radius round Shanghai — Ward's death — Russian proposal — Burgevine — His quarrel with Takee — Gordon takes command — Li's hostility to Burgevine — Treachery at T'aitsang — Tortures inflicted after the capture of the city 27-44

j CHAPTER HL

eng's 'blunder' — Gordon's resignation — Difficulties with Burge- I vine — Desertion of the Foreigners — Murder of the Wangs — \ Captain Osborn's opinion of Li — Edict on capture of Soochow — \ Imperial gifts — Reconciliation with Gordon — Li's Proclamation ) 45-75

CHAPTER IV.

Later operations — Death of Ch'eng — Dissolution of Gordon's force — Administration in Kiangsu — Sir Harry Parkes's correspondence with Li — Capture of Nanking — Removal of arsenal to that city — The Lay-Osborn Fleet 76-89 xii

Contents

CHAPTER V.

Condition of Kiangsu — Li's rule — TheNienfei Rebellion — Li appointed Viceroy of Hukwang — His want of success against the Nienfei — His ultimate triumph — Letter to Gordon — Viceregal policy — Li's conduct to Admiral Keppel — His promotion — Campaign in Shensi

CHAPTER VL

Chapter II

The Ever -Victorious Army — Ward — The Patriotic Association— A radius round Shanghai — Ward's death — Russian proposal — Burgevine — His quarrel with Takee — Gordon takes command — Li's hostility to Burgevine — Treachery at T'aitsang — Torture inflicted after the capture of the city.

A T this time Li Hungchang was serving again under his old chief Tseng Kwofan. With that keenness of observation which has always distinguished him, he had learned to recognise the superiority of foreigners in the field and in the workshop, and while he did not for an instant admit that they were other than "barbarians," he was yet fully alive to the value of their courage, ingenuity, and technical skill. He early advised therefore that a certain number of foreigners should be enlisted to drill and lead a division of the Imperial army. The threatened attack on Shanghai by the Faithful King had greatly alarmed the native merchants of that city, who were driven by the emergency to band themselves together into a Patriotic Association for the protection of the town. They raised money for the defence, and engaged at Li's instigation an American, named Ward, who had drifted to Shanghai with the true instinct of an adventurer, to lead a force in defence of the Imperial cause. At a seaport like Shanghai there are always a number of discharged sailors and other idle hands, who

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are fit for stratagems and spoils, and Ward had no difficulty in enlisting a hundred Europeans to serve under his banner. With this force he attacked the city of Sungkiang, and though he was at first unsuccessful, he eventually captured the town. The loot gained in this enterprise was considerable, and so raised the spirits of Ward's followers that they readily responded to a proposal to attack the town of Tsingpu. This city was of considerable strength, and a Chinese force of ten thousand men, with about two hundred small Chinese gunboats, were ordered to co-operate with Ward's battalions. Tsingpu, however, was not only a strong place, but the defence was entrusted to an Englishman named Savage, who so ably handled his men that with the assistance of the Faithful King, who advanced to the relief of the town, he completely defeated the attacking force.

The neighbourhood of the rebels to the various Treaty Ports had attracted the attention of the British naval and military authorities at the close of the war, and in 1861, Admiral Hope steamed up the Yangtsze to Nanking, and urged on the Heavenly King the necessity of his not interfering with the Treaty Ports, if he desired to avoid the intervention of the European Powers. The T'ien Wang expressed his wilHngness to come to terms with the Admiral, and agreed that no further attack should be made on Shanghai during the next twelve months. Meanwhile Ward's force, which had already adopted the somewhat grandiloquent title of the " Ever- Victorious Army," was, with the assistance of Li Hungchang, doing excellent work against the T'aip'ings. Li's difficulties in connection with this force were by no means incon-

THE EVER-VICTORIOUS ARMY.

siderable, and one of his chief anxieties was to supply sufficient funds to meet the expenses of the battalion. So hardly pressed was he that, even with the help of the Patriotic Association at Shanghai, he professed to be unable at all times to honour Ward's drafts. He, however, was partly successful in the administration of the force, and in 1862 his Imperial master appointed him Governor of Kiangsu, in recognition of his services. At this time Li resided principally at Shanghai, and while there was party to an arrangement by which, with the approval of the Ministers at Peking, a radius of thirty miles round Shanghai was kept clear of rebels by the English and French forces.

The war of i860 had demonstrated to the Chinese authorities, and to no one more clearly than to Li Hungchang, the superiority of the foreign military systems over that of China, and the same government which had lately defied the allied forces was only too glad when peace was proclaimed to make use of them against the T'aip'ings. It was therefore with complete satisfaction that Li Hungchang saw Admiral Hope and General Staveley take the field in pursuance of the arrangement just mentioned. In conjunction with Ward these commanders recovered town after town from the dynasty of " Great Peace," and so elated were the native troops by the successes which had been thus gained, that they determined to make an assault on T'aitsang, a strong city which had passed into the possession of the T'aip'ings. Hearing of the advance of this attacking force, the Faithful King marched to the relief of the garrison, and desiring to make sure of success, added a ruse to his

LI HUNGCHANG.

order of attack. He made two thousand of his men shave their heads and go into battle under the Imperial banners. No sooner had the fighting began than these men, at a given signal, turned against their supposed comrades, who being thrown into confusion by this outbreak in their midst, were easily defeated by the simultaneous onslaught of the Faithful King.

Meanwhile a rebel force was advancing upon the treaty port of Ningpo, which was defended by the English fleet under Captain Dew. Ward with his battalion was also operating in the neighbourhood. To this officer was detailed the duty of attacking the town of Tseki, and while gallantly leading his troops to the assault he received a wound from which he died two days later. Ward was undoubtedly a brave man, and he had done excellent service for the Chinese government. The news of his death was therefore received with universal regret, and every honour was paid to his memory by the authorities. It is worthy of mention that although he had only held command of the force for two years, he left behind him a fortune of fifteen thousand pounds. A Colonel Forester, also an American, being next in seniority, was on the death of Ward offered the command of the Ever- Victorious Army. But he declined the honour, and Ward's mantle fell on Henry Burgevine, of the same nationality. Almost before this officer was able to take up the command, an offer reached Li Hungchang, which might have tempted a less astute man to fall in with the proposition made. A Russian officer arrived at Shanghai with authority to place at the disposal of the Governor ten thousand Russian troops. Li had made himself

THE EVER-VICTORIOUS ARMY.

thoroughly acquainted with the recent action of the European Powers in their relations with China, and the study of this question had taught him to regard with a profound distrust any proposition emanating from St. Petersburg. Unquestionably ten thousand European troops, ably led, would have settled the rebellion ; but Li saw, or thought he saw, dangers lurking in the distance which would make the purchase even of this advantage too costly a bargain, and he therefore declined the offer with thanks. It is probable that Li had some misgivings with regard to others beside the Russians. It was commonly said that Ward carried in his knapsack a regal sceptre, which in the event of fortune and the fitting opportunity combining to his advantage, he was prepared to produce. Success, however, did not attend his banners with sufficient persistency to make him dangerous. He was too cautious to run any great risks. But with his successor, Burgevine, the case was different. He was endowed with a more recklessly ambitious nature, and was from the first viewed with distrust and suspicion by the far-seeing Li. The two men were both too masterful and too antagonistic in their views to make a continued alliance possible.

An occasion of falling out soon arose. An advance was made from Soochow by Mu Wang, one of the T'aip'ing leaders, and was opposed successfully by troops under Li, in conjunction with the Ever-Victorious Army. The victory was complete, and a son of the T'aip'ing General lost his life. It is difficult to decide which force took a leading part in the battle. Both leaders claimed the credit of the success, and, in course

LI HUNGCHANG.

of the dispute, the ill-will that had until then been latent, broke out into an open quarrel. It so happened that a General Ch'eng (Ching), who had transferred his allegiance from the rebels to the Imperialists, shared with Li his jealousy of the Ever -Victorious Army, and did his best on this occasion to foment the quarrel between the disputants. The distrust which had been engendered in the mind of Li was communicated to the Patriotic Association at Shanghai, and the members in consequence declined to continue to pay the large sums which they had hitherto contributed towards the maintenance of the Ever- Victorious Army. Thirty thousand pounds a month was a sum which Li and the Association had been compelled to subscribe for the maintenance of the force, and both the Governor and the members of the Association felt that if they were obliged to pay such considerable amounts, they were at least entitled to the services of a General in whom they could put implicit confidence. Burgevine was not such a man, and Li determined to take active steps to depose him. With this object in view he visited General Staveley, then in command of the British troops at Shanghai, and begged him to remove Burgevine, on the several grounds of the extravagance of the force, of the insulting behaviour of the commander towards the Chinese authorities, and of the very loose discipline with which he controlled his men. General Staveley professed himself unable to take the step proposed, but undertook to communicate with the British Minister at Peking and the Home Government on the subject.

Meanwhile an event occurred which precipitated an

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irreconcilable breach between Li and Burgevine. The pay of the men in the Ever -Victorious Army was undeniably in arrear, and Takee, a Shanghai banker and a prominent member of the Patriotic Association, through whose hands all disbursements were made to the force, had, probably owing to the growing suspicions of Burgevine's intentions, withheld a payment which he had positively undertaken to make. Burgevine was not a man to submit to the non-payment of funds due to him, and his quarrel with Li still less inclined him to endure Takee's refusal to loosen his purse strings. He therefore went with his body guard to Shanghai, and after a stormy interview with Takee, during which he used personal violence towards the banker, he carried off a very considerable sum of money, which he found on the premises. This outrage furnished Li with a further valid reason for demanding his resignation, and he now appealed to General Staveley to arrest the offender. This General Staveley had no authority to do, but he undertook to communicate to Burgevine the fact that Li had dismissed him from his command. With unexpected submission Burgevine retired from his post, and Staveley nominated Captain Holland to the command pending the appointment of a permanent chief. The news of Burgevine's dismissal was received by the Ever- Victorious Army with loud murmurs of disapprobation. The loose discipline which had prevailed under his rule, and which had afforded abundant opportunities for looting, had made him popular among the troops, and Li was seriously apprehensive of a mutiny, unless something could be done to keep both officers and men

c

LI HUNGCHANG.

steadfast to the colours. With a true instinct he gauged the real cause of the discontent, and promptly recovered their loyalty by the instant payment in full of all arrears due.

Burgevine, however, declined to regard himself as dismissed, and only agreed to consider himself off duty pending a reference on the whole question to the Tsungli Yamen and the British Minister at Peking. In the meantime Captain Holland, of General Staveley's staff, went up to Sungkiang to take the reins until Major Gordon, the officer whom General Staveley designed for the appointment, should be able to assume the command. It had been plain to all observers that for some time Li's suspicions of the force had prompted a desire to get rid of it altogether, and with this object in view he had, while Burgevine was still in command, ordered him to march to the relief of Nanking. If this march had been undertaken the force would have passed out of the province of Kiangsu, and so beyond the limits of Li's jurisdiction. The assumption of the command by an English officer, however, made this expedition impossible, and Li, disappointed in his main object, determined to minimise the dangers of discontent by keeping the army constantly employed. He therefore ordered it to advance at once to the attack of T'aitsang, a fortified town which had long been held by the rebels. Against this venture General Staveley protested vehemently. He told Li " that the force as yet was not sufficiently organised to undertake such serious affairs as the capture of walled towns." To this Li replied that if the force could not undertake so simple an operation it was not worth keeping up. In these circumstances General Staveley thought it wise to allow Captain Holland to accompany the expedition, on the ground that the only hope of success lay in his presence at the attack. The result was such as General Staveley expected. The assault was completely unsuccessful, and the Ever- Victorious Army retired discomfited to Sung-kiang.

The emergency demanded instant action, and Major Gordon, who had been engaged in making a survey of the country round Shanghai, was ordered at once to take the command. From that day the fortunes of the Ever- Victorious Army appeared in the ascendant. Gordon's first expedition was against the fortified town of Fushan. "The rebel stockades were not strong, but there were heavy masses of T'aip'ings in the rear and on each flank." By the exercise of skilful manoeuvring Gordon's attack was completely successful. A breach having been made in the walls, the assault was ordered, and after a paltry resistance the town fell into the hands of the Imperialists. For this achievement Gordon was made a Tsungping, or Brigadier-General, in response to a memorial addressed to the Throne by Li, who had readily recognised the superior calibre of his new colleague. In notifying to Major Gordon the news of his promotion, Li wrote :

*' The Governor has already communicated a copy of the memorial to the Throne despatched on the 12th April from his camp at Shanghai, in which he soKcited the issue of a decree conferring temporary rank as a Chinese Tsungping upon the English officer Gordon, on his taking command of the Ever- Victorious Force. He is now in the receipt of an express from the Board of War, returning his memorial with the note that a separate decree has been issued to the Prince of Kung and the Council of State; and on the same day he received,

LI HUNGCHANG.

through the Prince and Council, a copy of the decree issued to them on the 9th May in the following terms :

" ' Gordon, on succeeding to the command of the Ever- Victorious Force, having displayed both valour and intelligence, and having now, with repeated energy, captured ^ Fushan, we ordain that he at once receive rank and office as a Chinese Tsungping, and we at the same time command Li to communicate to him the expression of our approval. Let Gordon be further enjoined to use stringent efforts for maintaining discipline in the Ever- Victorious Force, which has fallen into a state of disorganization, and thus to guard against the recurrence of former evils. Respect this ! '

"The Governor has accordingly to forward a copy of the foregoing Decree, to which the officer in question will yield respectful obedience."

Meanwhile Burgevine had not been idle. He had gone to Peking and had gained the good opinion of Sir Frederick Bruce, the English Minister, who strongly recommended Prince Kung to reinstate him in the command of the force. Li, however, had lost no time in expressing his views in full to the Tsungli Yamen, and Prince Kung, therefore, while courteously receiving Bruce's recommendation, declined to interfere on the ground that it was a matter within the jurisdiction of Li only. Against this Burgevine protested. He affirmed that he had been appointed by the Central Government, and that, therefore, he could only be removed by the same authority. He also stated that the circumstance of his visit to Takee had been grossly misrepresented, and he detailed his version of the interview in the following memorandum. " I left," he wrote, " at once for Shanghai, but on my arrival there next morning was coldly informed that Takee had not only denied writing the letter promis-

THE EVER-VICTORIOUS ARMY.

ing payment, but still refused to send the money. * I immediately proceeded to his house with a small portion of my guard who usually accompany me. There was no forcible entrance, no confusion, the men standing quietly at 'Order Arms,' while Takee's compradore removed the money. I was aware of the responsibility of the step I was taking, but felt justified in so doing by the critical state of affairs at Sungkiang. There was no time for deliberation : it was truly a question of money or the existence of the force, and the lives of the European officers. The money had been appropriated for the use of the troops, and was immediately paid to them on its arrival at Sungkiang. The only part of the affair I regret," he added, " is having struck Takee."

But the true cause of Li's determination to get rid of Burgevine lay, as has been said, in the suspicions he entertained with regard to that adventurer. Li, during his residence at Shanghai had gained a sufficient knowledge of foreigners to be able to differentiate them. He had no confidence whatever in Burgevine, but his communications with General Staveley and Sir Walter Medhurst, the Consul, had led him to believe that he could work harmoniously with, and implicitly trust, a British officer recommended by them for the command. It is obvious also that this predisposition was confirmed by his acquaintance with Gordon, and it is plain that throughout their whole connection, both in sunshine and in storm, for there were at times fierce quarrels between the pair, he entertained for Gordon a real esteem and friendship. The capture of Fushan and the relief of

* Parliaiiientary Papers. China, No. 3(1864).

LI HUNGCHANG.

Changshu (Chanzu) convinced him that Gordon was a military commander of no common merit. He was, therefore, vehemently opposed to the restitution of Burgevine, and on this subject in a despatch to Vice-consul Markham, who wrote to inform him that Burgevine had received the support of the British minister at Peking, and was returning to Shanghai with an Imperial Commissioner especially deputed by the Tsungli Yamen to settle the matter, he wrote as follows :

"The officer, Gordon, having received the command of the Ever-Victorious Army, having immediately on doing so proceeded to Fushan, working day and night, having worked harmoniously with the other generals there, having exerted himself and attacked with success the walled city, and relieved Changshu, and at once returned to Sungkiang and organized his force for further operations to sweep out the rebels, and having proved himself valiant, able, and honest, I have congratulated myself, and have memorialized His Imperial Majesty to confer on him the dignity and office of Tsungping, to enable me to consider him as part of my command,

"This Memorial I sent up on the 25th day of the 2nd moon. On the 5th of the 3rd moon I received a letter from the Tsungli Yamen, stating that during the 2nd moon Burgevine had taken on himself to enter Peking, and proceed surreptitiously to the American Legation ; that while they were taking steps on this they received a number of letters from the American Minister, to the effect that Burgevine repented him. They also received a strong letter from the English Minister in his favour; but that in their opinion Burgevine should be dealt with according to law for striking a mandarin, and taking forcible possession of public moneys ; but as he was guaranteed by the English and American Ministers, as he had already confessed contrition for his fault, and as he had proceeded to Shanghai, to be dealt with by the chief military authorities of the Province, they thought perhaps

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the rule might be departed from, and an opportunity given him to turn over a new leaf. They had, therefore, sent an officer to accompany him to Shanghai, for the Fut'ai to do what he thought best; that if Burgevine did really proceed to Shanghai, and expressed contrition for his offence, the Fut'ai might decide on the line to be taken.

"Now had a Chinaman committed the offence of which Burgevine had been guilty, he would long ere this have been seized and severely punished; but, perhaps being a foreigner, he did not fully understand Chinese customs, and he has in days gone by exerted himself in our service, and received a wound. As he has represented this at Peking, and the various foreign Ministers have spoken strongly in his favour, and as the Tsungli Yamen have written leaving the decision to me, and not distinctly ordered me to give him the command of the force should he repent him, and acknowledge his fault, I must change my course with regard to him, and not cut off entirely his chance of repairing his fault.

" But with regard to the Ward force, as when Burgevine had the command, there was no regularity about its expenses ; as he allowed it to be disorderly and mutinous, disobedient to orders, and a pest to mandarins and people ; as he gave no account of the manner in which he expended the 90,000 taels which Takee had got together for the Nanking expedition, and which he took thence ; and as he made up claims for over 300,000 taels of debts, causing Taot'ais Woo and Yang to be degraded and involved, so that to this moment they had been unable to extricate themselves, — I cannot give him command of the force, again to increase vain expenses, and suffer future difficulties.

" Again, since Gordon has taken the command he has exerted himself to organise the force, and though he has had but one month has got the force into shape. As the people and place are charmed with him, and as he has already given me returns of the organization of the force, the formation of each regiment, and the expenses, ordinary and extraordinary, in the clearest manner,

LI HUNGCHANG.

wishing to drill our troops, and save our money, it is evident that he fully comprehends the state of affairs, and in the expedition he is preparing his men delightedly obey him, and preserve proper order : I cannot therefore remove him without cause.

"As, moreover, should the report be spread about that Burgevine has come back to Shanghai to resume the command, the various officers and petty officers will be insulted, and the service will suffer, I feel it right to make the letter I have received from the Tsungli Yamen public, together with my intentions with regard to it, that both Gordon may be fully satisfied as to his position and the officers may pay no attention to idle reports.

" I have therefore forwarded you herewith a copy of my memorial to the Emperor, and beg you to tell Gordon to feel every confidence, to organise the force jointly with his Chinese colleague, to look for orders to me only, to pay no attention to rumours and relax in consequence ; and should any of the officers who were in the force in Burgevine's time, and who have since been dismissed, spread idle reports in Sung-kiang, or stir up doubts and plots in Shanghai, causing the men to get disturbed and mutinous, I have written to the General, to assist him to seize and deport them, that discipline may be maintained. The Tsungli Yamen, has, in referring Burgevine's case to me, shown extraordinary regard for foreigners, and I myself have no desire to show favour to one to the disadvantage of another, at one time severe and at another lenient, but look merely to what is best for the armies, and least dangerous to the State. And as Gordon carries on his duties well, I cannot displace him ; should he not do so hereafter, I will then consider what is to be done. I have therefore made up my mind, and besides replying to the TsungU Yamen memorializing His Majesty to settle the case, and instructing Major Gordon of my decision, I write to inform you, and trust you will give him similar instructions." *

* Parliamentary Papers. China, No. 3(1864).

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In the Memorial referred to in this dispatch Li laid great stress on the facts that Gordon had recovered Fushan without delaying an instant, and had worked harmoniously with him and the native Chinese generals. These facts, coupled with the powerful support which he received from Peking, confirmed Li in his determination to stand to his decision. There is no question that in this matter Li was right, and subsequent events fully justified the course he took. At this time the recovery of Soochow from the rebels was the main object which Li had in view. As a preliminary, however, it was necessary to take Kunshan (Quinsan), a strongly fortified town on the main road from T'aitsang to Soochow, and it was against this point that Gordon, in consultation with Li, directed his force in the first instance. But while yet on the road a circumstance occurred which compelled him to divert his attention at once to T'aitsang. Li had for some time been holding secret communications with the rebel leaders in that city, and had been induced by them to believe that they were willing to surrender the town. Confident in the honesty of their purpose Li despatched his brother with a force of two thousand men to arrange the terms. In fulfilment of this project General Li held several consultations with the rebel chiefs, exchanged gifts with them, and amongst other things presented on his part a number of Mandarin's hats to be worn by the rebel leaders on their joining the Imperial host. On the day appointed for the surrender (26th April) fifteen hundred Imperialist soldiers were admitted into the city. They had, however, no sooner passed within the walls than the gate by which they had entered was closed behind them and they were

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