My imprisonment and the first year of abolition rule at washington

Dedication

]T RESPECTFULLY DEDICATE THESE PAGES TO THE BRAVE SOLDIERS WHO HAVE FOUGHT AND BLED IN THIS OUR GLORIOUS STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM.

ROSE GREENHOW.

London: Nov. 6, 1863.

Chapter I. Introduction Chapter II. On To Richmond!

My Arrest - Lincoln’s Arrival - Scotch Cap and Cloak - His Election an Invasion of Southern Rights - Order for the Advance of the Grand Army into Virginia - Its Departure - Battle of Manassas - Defeat and Rout - Its Return to Washington - Demoralisation - Quarrels between Executive, Legislative and Military - Panic

Chapter III. Panic At Washington

Attack upon the Prisoners - United States Troops obliged to protect them - My Visit to the Prison - Mr. Commissioner Wood - Charles Sumner - Dismemberment of Virginia - Admission of Senators - Reign of Terror - Determination to remove Scott - Elevation of M’Clellan

Chapter IV. Days Of Trial

My Arrest - Search and Occupation of my House - Examination of my Papers - Miss Mackall - Mr. Calhoun - Destruction of my Cipher - Female Detective - Search of my Person - Resolution to fire the House - Arrest of Casual Visitors - Inebriation of the Guard - Outrage - Tactics of my Gaolers - Andrew J. Porter

Chapter V. Reign Of Terror

Abolition Effort to poison President Buchanan - Destruction of my Papers - Reward for my Cipher - Intercepting Despatches - Mr. Seward - Personal Danger - Mr. Davis - Effort to bribe me - General Butler - Yankee Publications - Other Prisoners - Spoliation - Detective Police give place to Military Guards - Miss Mackall - Illness of my Child - Dr. Stewart - Prison Life - The Spy Applegate -

Mr. Stanton - Judge Black and R. J. Walker - Foul Outrage - Yankee Policy - Petty Annoyances

The Great Armada - My Anxiety - Its Destination revealed by Seward - Information sent to Richmond - Dr. Gwin - Equinoctial Gales - Proposition to escape - Insult to Ministers of the Gospel - Query of Provost-Marshal - The Mother of Jackson - The First Victim of the War of Aggression - Visit from Members of my Family - Colonel Ingolls - Letter to Mr. Seward

Chapter VII. New Trials

Abolition Difficulties - M’Clellan - Scott - Fremont brought forward - F, P. Blair - Reviews and Sham Battles - Seward’s Policy - Destruction of Civil Rights - Armed Occupation of Maryland - Elections at the Point of the Bayonet - Despotism in Baltimore - My own Lot - Miss Mackall’s Visit to Lincoln and Porter - Her Illness and Desire to see me - Application to Lincoln - His Refusal - Death of Miss Mackall - My own Illness - Dr. M’Millen - Peculations of Cameron - Sent to Russia - Congressional Committee

Chapter VIII. Fremont And Other Things

Fremont - Fremont Pére - His Education - His Marriage - Career in California - His Trial - Dismissal from the U.S. Army - Senator for California - Retirement to Private Life - Appearance as Candidate for President - The Marriposa - Financial Schemes - Defeat for President - Relapse - Reappearance - Charges against him - Mrs. Fremont and F. P. Blair - Removal as Chief of the Army of the West - Halleck - Myself - Trials - M’Clellan - Public Archives

Chapter IX. Diablerie

Petty Annoyances - My Letters objected to - My Protest - ‘New York Herald’ - Judge-Advocate Key - What he said - Christmas-day - Warning - Other Prisoners - Comic Scenes - Detective Police - Severe

Ordeal - Seizure of my Journal, &c. - Writing Materials prohibited by Order of General Porter

Chapter X. Record Of Facts

My second Letter to Seward - Our Commissioners - At my own House - Seward’s Sketch of John Brown - On Arts - Seward’s Reveries - Bribery and Corruption

Chapter XI. Trials And Danger

Stanton in Power - Mr. Buchanan - Ordinances - ‘New York Herald’ - M’Clellan’s Humility - Ministerial Assumption - Financiering of Secretary Chase - New York Brokers and Bankers - Mrs. Lincoln - Her Shopping Toilette - My Removal to the Old Capitol Prison - Lieutenant Sheldon - Newspaper Correspondents - Mr. Calhoun’s Opinions - My Cell - Dr. Stewart again - Extracts from Journal kept in the Old Capitol - Nuisance - My Protest - My Child - Disgusting Sights - Protest

Chapter XII. Progress Of Events

Congressional Committee - Dame Rumour and Mrs. Lincoln - ‘Herald’ on Mrs. Lincoln - M’Clellan - Policy of Administration towards him - Chance Prophecy - My Yankee Visitors - Abolition Policy, &c. - Southern Chivalry - ‘Richmond Examiner’ - President Davis - ‘On to Richmond,’ 3rd - Estimate of our Forces - Expenditure - Pressure of Public Opinion - Reinforcements - Festive Scenes - Ball at the White House - Mrs. Lincoln’s Toilette - General Magruder - M’Clellan’s Ideas - Policy of the Government - Evacuation of Yorktown by Johnson - President Davis's Coachman, and what he said - Northern Credulity and Venality

Chapter XIII. Hopes And Fears

Illness of my Child - Application for Medical Attendance - Dr.

Stewart - Protest against his Insolence - General Johnson - Change of Programme - Homesteads in the South - Senator Wilson - Stanton’s

Order, &c. - My Letter announcing it - Police-court - Letter to Stanton - General Wordsworth - His Order - Vexations and Annoyances - The Officers of the Guard - Extraordinary Drive - General Commotion

Chapter XIV. Further Developement

Visit of United States Commissioners - Their Objects - Conversation - My Child - General Dix - Insolence of Dr. Stewart - Rebuke to him - Stanton’s Policy - Cause of his Appointment - His Political Programme - Lincoln and Abolition of Slavery - Demoniacal Intentions - Appearance before the Commissioners - Picture of Desolation - Sketch of Commissioners - The Object of the Commission - Gentlemanly Conduct of the Commissioners - Letter to Mrs. S. A. Douglas in answer to hers - Anxieties - Letter to General Wordsworth - Murder of Lieutenant Wharton - Letter to General Wordsworth

Chapter XV. Renewed Anxieties

Visit of Hon. Mr. Ely - Cause of my Detention - New York Paper - Application to visit me refused - Tedium.of Prison Life - The Guard - The Female Prisoners - Captain Higgins - My Child’s Health - Dr. Miller - Federal Officers Ex-Governor Morton - Correspondence - Anxieties - Fate of New Orleans - Order No. 28 of General Butler - Caleb Cushing - Senator Bayard - Fate of Norfolk - Murder of Stewart - Examination -. Yankee Panic - Senatorial Committee - Disagreeable Rumours - Correspondence with Wood relative to my Papers - Gloom - Cheering News - Announcement of Departure for the South - Arrival in Baltimore - Kind Friends - General Dix - En Route - Arrival in Richmond - The President - Aspect of Richmond

Chapter XVI. Man Incapable Of Self-government

The American Revolution - Slavery not the Cause of it - Political Supremacy - Ex-President Fillmore’s, Daniel Webster’s, Lord John Russell’s, and R. J. Walker's Opinions on the Subject - Non-intervention the best Policy, &c.

Introduction

WHETHER a faithful record of my long and_ humiliating imprisonment at Washington, in the hands of the enemies of my country, will prove as interesting to the public as my friends assure me it is to them, I know not. It is natural for those who have suffered captivity to exaggerate the importance and interest of their own experiences; yet I should not venture upon publishing these notes and sketches merely as a narrative of indignities heaped upon myself personally. It is hoped that the story may excite more than a simple feeling of indignation or commiseration, by exhibiting somewhat of the intolerant spirit in which the present crusade against the liberties of sovereign States was undertaken, and somewhat of the true character of that race of people who insist on compelling us by force to live with them in bonds of fellowship and union.

I had been long a resident of Washington before the secession of the Confederate States, and, from my intimate acquaintance with public men and public measures under the old government, had peculiar and exceptional means of watching the progressive development of the designs of these Leaders of opinion in the Federal States, which, as I had long foreseen, would necessarily end in forcing on a separation.

Much of my information upon this subject had been derived from the intercourse of society in the Federal capital; and would therefore have been unsuitable to be made public, if the relations of the North and the South had continued as they used to be - subjects of political discussion and party contest. But the Federal leaders have now carried the matter far beyond this point. After repeated and intolerable aggression upon the rights of these States - accompanied and aggravated by an insulting tone of moral superiority, until a union with such communities was no longer to be endured by any high-spirited people - they at length stirred up a furious and desolating war. For two years a torrent of blood has flowed between their people and my people. The noble State of Virginia, with which I am most nearly connected, has been devastated by hosts of barbarous invaders - always overthrown indeed in the field before Southern valour, but always destroying and plundering where they found the country unprotected; whilst my own dear native State of Maryland has been subject to a still more stinging and maddening oppression, in the utter destruction of all her liberties, and in the establishment of a brutal and vulgar military despotism, which has reduced the gallant old State to the debased condition of Poland or Venetia; and such ‘order reigns in Baltimore,’ as that moral death which tyrants call ‘order’ in Warsaw or in the beautiful City of the Sea.

To me, therefore, the days of my former abode in Washington seem to belong almost to another state of being. That time - when I, in common with all our people, looked up with pride and veneration to the banner of the stars and stripes - appears to be now with the years before the Flood. I look back to the scenes of that period through a haze of blood and horror. Those men whom I once called friends - who have broken bread at my table - have since then stirred up and hounded on host after host of greedy invaders, and precipitated them upon the beloved valleys where my kindred had their peaceful homes. Many who were dear to me have-been slain, or maimed for life, fighting in defence of all that makes life of value. Instead of friends, I see in those statesmen of Washington only mortal enemies. Instead of loving and worshipping the old flag of the stars and stripes, I see in it only the symbol of murder, plunder, oppression, and shame! and, like every. other faithful Confederate, I dwell with delight on the many glorious fields where this dishonoured standard has gone down before the stainless battle-flag of the Confederacy.

In short, two years of terrible war, equivalent, an age of quiet life, have passed through the existence of us all, leaving a deep and ineffaceable track. Between us and those former friends there is a gulf deep and wide as eternity; and under these circumstances I have felt myself at liberty to be much more unreserved in the narrative of my personal recollections: suppressing, in fact, nothing which I thought would be either interesting or useful to my Confederate countrymen - except only when reserve was dictated by self-respect, or by the duty of avoiding disclosures which might compromise the safety of certain Federal officers, whom I induced without scruple as will be more fully seen in the following pages, to furnish me with information, even in my captivity, which information I at once communicated with pride and pleasure to General Beauregard, then commanding the Confederate forces near Washington. Whatever may be thought of the conduct of these Federal officers in betraying to an avowed enemy secrets material to their own Government, it will readily be admitted that after having made this use of them I should not have been justified in naming them, or affording a clue by which they could be discovered.

If, in detailing conversations which passed either with me or in my presence, before or after my arrest, I may be thought to have exhibited too great bitterness, it is hoped that the circumstances under which I found myself may plead my excuse. It will be seen that I was well aware from an early period of the dark designs of the Abolition leaders at Washington, and that while they were holding publicly the language of patriotic zeal for the constitution and the law, they were already meditating, and preparing, all the dreadful scenes of lawless outrage and spoliation which have since that time rendered their names odious to the whole world It was well known to me what fate they were reserving for my own native State, and what diabolical agencies they were setting to work over all the country, both to destroy the Confederate States and to crush out the liberties of the North. The chief projectors of all these horrors, too, were well aware that I knew their plans and machinations intimately; and that, weak woman as I was, I possessed both the means and the spirit to throw serious obstacle in their way. Hence the keen and jealous surveillance by which my every motion was observed and noted, even long before my arrest. Hence, also, the useless series of torments and provocations to which I was subjected - the changes in my place of imprisonment, and the many attempts to entrap me into a betrayal of myself or the Confederate cause. Hence the long and wearisome captivity, to break my spirit, or goad me into undignified bursts of indignation - in all of which I trust I may flatter myself that they signally failed. Satisfied thoroughly of the justice and sacredness of our great cause, thinking only of the s gallant struggle into which my kindred had thrown themselves, I was enabled, not only to ‘possess my own soul’ and keep my own counsel, but also to establish and maintain a continuous correspondence with Virginia, and reveal certain contemplated military movements of enemy in time to have them thwarted by our generals. For this I do not desire to take any special credit in the eyes of the public. I only performed my duty, and have already been gratified by the thanks of those who best can judge of the services which I endeavoured to render; and the matter is mentioned here merely as one of the reasons why it has been thought that a narrative furnished by one who enjoyed such opportunities of observation may be found not uninteresting.

It may be that the language which was sometimes extorted from me in conversation, or some of the remarks now found in my book, are more bitterly vituperative and sarcastic, than in ordinary times, and upon ordinary subjects, would be becoming in the personal narrative of a woman. Those who may think so are only entreated, before they judge, to endeavour to imagine themselves in my position - subject to the stinging indignities of a Washington prison, having to encounter sometimes the vicious taunts of vulgar guards, sometimes the treacherous warnings or counsels of politicians pretending to be my friends; a little daughter, too, always before my eyes, torn from the peaceful delights of home, and the flowery path of girlhood, and forced to witness the hard realities of prison-life, and hear the keys grating in dungeon locks. No wonder if my nature grew harsh and more vindictive, and if the scorn and wrath that was in my heart sometimes found vent by tongue or pen.

It was, above all things, when I thought of my own State of Maryland - where sleep the manes of my ancestors - that I burned with indignation in my prison. While the great State of Virginia, with her strong river frontier of the Potomac, was enabled to bid defiance to the utmost efforts of her enemies, it soon became evident that Maryland, penetrated by great bays and rivers, and with her very heart opened up to the naval forces of the enemy, would be, for the present at least, overpowered, and prevented from casting her lot openly and decisively with her sister States. I knew also that every genuine child of Maryland cherished in their souls but one feeling - one burning desire to share the destiny of their section, and to perish, if need be, in the glorious struggle; and could well imagine how so proud and refined a people would suffer and chafe to see themselves treated as vassals and serfs by a race they have always despised.

Yet the men were not so deeply to be pitied. They had always at least the resource of flinging themselves across the border, joining the Confederate service, and thus either opening a way to the redemption of their country, or at any rate meeting her oppressors on many a battle-field, and wreaking a righteous vengeance upon their heads. But the women of Maryland - the far-famed, delicatelynurtured, and universally-courted ladies of that fair State - they, whose slightest notice in days gone by was so dearly prized by Northern men - they, so essentially Southern in taste, and style, and association - to see their country ruled by hordes of the despised Yankees, and their haughty city tamed and cowering under the insolent sway of the coarsest of all human creatures! - to know that ‘the tinkling of that little bell’ at the State Department could tear the maiden from her mother’s arms, to be dragged to the pollution of a Yankee prison! The thought was often almost maddening; and it may well be that my profound sympathy with my people has coloured with a deeper tinge of gloom my views of the whole field of action.

At all events, I have endeavoured in this sketch of my captivity to discharge a great duty. That duty was to contribute what I myself have seen and known of the history of the time. If the exposure therein made of the Yankee character, in the first year of its luxuriant and rampant development (after long compression in a condition of inferiority), shall add to the feeling of execration for such a race of people, and deepen the universal gratitude at the happy change which has severed us from them, and made it still more and more impossible that we can ever submit to any kind of political association with them again, then my poor narrative will not have been written in vain.

Chapter II. On To Richmond!

MY ARREST - LINCOLN’S ARRIVAL - SCOTCH CAP AND CLOAK - HIS ELECTION AN INVASION OF SOUTHERN RIGHTS - ORDER FOR THE ADVANCE OF THE GRAND ARMY INTO VIRGINIA - ITS DEPARTURE - BATTLE OF MANASSAS - DEFEAT AND ROUT - ITS RETURN TO WASHINGTON - DEMORALISATION - QUARRELS BETWEEN EXECUTIVE, LEGISLATIVE AND MILITARY - PANIC.

ON FRIDAY, August 23rd, in Washington City - the metropolis of this once free and happy land, the proud boast of which was that life, liberty, and property were protected by the law - I was made a prisoner in my own house, and subjected to an ordeal which must have been copied from the days of the Directory in France.

My blood boils when I think of it. But, for the benefit of all who may feel an interest in the subject, I will give a circumstantial account of an act which should shed renown upon the distinguished authors of it.

It is necessary for my purpose to make a brief résumé of the incidents of the few months preceding. I might even go back to the advent of the Scotch cap and cloak, but will content myself with an event quite as remarkable in the reign of the Abolition ‘Irrepressible conflict chief,’ whose shadow now darkens the chair of Washington.

As the allusion to the ‘Scotch cap and cloak’ may not be generally understood, I deem it advisable to furnish information on that head, as a means of explaining the modus operandi by which the Abolition leader entered the national Capitol.

He had been elected President by a strictly sectional majority, not having received one vote in the States south of Mason and Dixon’s line - the great geographical line dividing North and South - arriving thereby at the very point in our political destiny which Washington, in his ‘farewell address,/ had foreshadowed as a cause for the dissolution of the Union.

During the heated sectional contest which resulted in the election of Mr. Lincoln by the Abolition party, they openly proclaimed ‘the higher law doctrine,’ and announced their determination, regardless of constitutional guarantees, to deprive the South of her sovereign equal rights, and to reduce her to a state of vassalage; for a feeling of bitter jealousy had been festering and strengthening in the Northern mind against her, on account of the superior statesmanship and intellect, which had always given her preeminence in the councils of the nation, and in the legislative assemblies.

In order to carry into effect this hostile determination to destroy the political importance of the South, they had seized upon what they conceived to be the vulnerable point in our domestic institution - well knowing that they could enlist the fanatical aid and sympathy of those who were ignorant, save theoretically, of that institution, and of the benign and paternal manner in which it was conducted in the South; having in view no object themselves of ameliorating the condition of the servile class, but to exterminate or drive them out, in order that their own pauper population might secure to themselves the superior advantages which were everywhere in the South monopolised by the slave population.

Denunciations were levelled against us by the poorer classes of the North as ‘a pampered aristocracy,’ for the reason they gave ‘that a poor white man at the South was not as good as a negro.’ And the negroes, I must confess, always arrogated to themselves this social superiority, for the bitterest insult they could offer each other was, “You are no better than a poor white Yankee!’

The Abolition party were not, however, prepared for the firm and dignified bearing of the South, at the result of an election strictly sectional and avowedly subversive of the Constitution; and they believed, according to their own established precedent, that mob law would take the matter in hand, and summarily dispose of the candidate elect, or prevent his inauguration.

Excited and absurd discussions and plans were made at Washington and other places as to the means by which he should reach the capital. Lincoln had, however, formed a plan of his own, and, having far more reticence than had been ascribed to him by his partisans, executed it whilst these discussion were going on, and suddenly appeared at Washington, at six o’clock in the morning, under the disguise of a ‘Scotch cap and cloak,’ announcing himself with characteristic phraseology in the apartments of his sleeping Committee of Safety at Willard’s Hotel with - ‘Hillo! Just look at me! By jingo, my own dad wouldn't know me!’

On the morning of the 16th of July, the Government papers at Washington announced that the ‘grand army’ was in motion, and I learned from a reliable source (having received a copy of the order to M’Dowell) that the order for a forward movement had gone forth. If earth did not tremble surely there was great commotion amongst that class of the genus homo yclept military men. Officers and orderlies on horse were seen flying from place to place; the tramp of armed men was heard on every side - martial music filled the air; in short, a mighty host was marshalling, with all the ‘pomp and circumstance of glorious war.’ ‘On to Richmond!’ was the war-cry. The heroes girded on their armour with the enthusiasm of the Crusaders of old, and vowed to flesh their maiden swords in the blood of Beauregard or Lee. And many a knight, inspired by beauty’s smiles, swore to lay at the feet of her he loved best the head of Jeff. Davis at least.

Nothing, nothing was wanting to render the gorgeous pageant imposing. So, with drums beating and flying colours, and amidst the shower of flowers thrown by the hands of Yankee maidens, the grand army moved on to the land of Washington, of Jefferson, of Madison, and Monroe; whilst the heartstricken Southerners who remained, did not tear their hair and rend their garments, but prayed on their knees that the God of Battles would award the victory to the just cause.

In fear and trembling they awaited the result - hoping, yet fearing to hope. Time seemed to move on leaden wings. Imagination sounded in their ears the booming cannon, and many a time their hearts died within them at the sickening delay. Few had the hope which filled my own soul, or shared in its exultant certainty of the result. At twelve o'clock on the morning of the 16th of July, I despatched a messenger to Manassas, who arrived there at eight o’clock that night. The answer received by me at mid-day on the 17th will tell the purport of my communication - “Yours was received at eight o’clock at night. Let them come: we are ready for them. We rely upon you for precise information. Be particular as to description and destination of forces, quantity of artillery, &c. (Signed) THOS. JORDON, Adjt.-Gen.’ On the 17th I despatched another missive to Manassas, for I had learned of the intention of the enemy to cut the Winchester railroad, so as to intercept Johnson, and prevent his reinforcing Beauregard, who had comparatively but a small force under his command at Manassas.

On the night of the 18th, news of a great victory by the Federal troops at Bull Run reached Washington. Throughout the length and breadth of the city it was cried. I heard it in New York on Saturday, 20th, where I had gone for the purpose of embarking a member of my family for California, on the steamer of the 22nd. The accounts were received with frantic rejoicings, and bets were freely taken in support of Mr. Seward’s wise saws - that the rebellion would be crushed out in thirty days. My heart told me that the triumph was premature. Yet, O my God! how miserable I was for the fate of my beloved country, which hung trembling in the balance!

My presentiments were more than justified by the result. On Sunday (21st) the great battle of Manassas was fought, memorable in history as that of Culloden or Waterloo, which ended in the total defeat and rout of the entire ‘Grand Army.’

In the world’s history such a sight was never witnessed: statesmen, senators, Congress-men, generals, and officers of every grade, soldiers, teamsters - all rushing in frantic flight, as if pursued by countless demons. For miles the country was thick with ambulances, accoutrements of war, &c. The actual scene beggars all description; so I must in despair relinquish the effort to portray it.

The news of the disastrous rout of the Yankee army was cried through the streets of New York on the 22nd. The whole city seemed paralysed by fear, and I verily believe that a thousand men could have marched from the Central Park to the Battery without resistance, for their depression now was commensurate with the wild exultation of a few days before.

On the afternoon of that day I left New York for Washington, where I arrived at six o’clock in the morning of the 23rd, in a most impatient mood. Even at that early hour friends were awaiting my arrival, anxious to recount the particulars of the glorious victory. A despatch was also received from Manassas by me - ‘Our President and our General direct me to thank you. We rely upon you for further information. The Confederacy owes you a debt. (Signed) JORDON, Adjutant-General.’ My first impulse was to throw myself upon my knees and offer up my tearful thanks to the Father of Mercy for his signal protection in our hour of peril.

During my journey from New York the craven fear of the Yankees was manifested everywhere. At Philadelphia most of the women got off. I was advised to do so by Lieutenant Wise, of U. S. A. (son-inlaw of Edward Everitt), as he said, ‘It was.believed that the rebels of Baltimore would rise, in consequence of the rout of the Federal army.’ I laughingly replied, ‘I have no fears; these rebels are of my faith. Besides, I fear, even now, I shall not be in time to welcome our President, Mr. Davis, and the glorious Beauregard.’ He sneeringly replied, ‘that I should probably see those gentlemen there in irons.’ I received a scowl also from Mr. Winter Davis, who was a passenger from New York, and had been loud- mouthed and denunciatory against the South during the journey. I observed, however, that he and Lieutenant Wise got off at Philadelphia, deeming ‘discretion the better part of valour.’

A large force was distributed throughout Baltimore, and it was even difficult to thread one’s way to the train on account of the military, who crowded the streets and the depét. Thence to Washington seemed as one vast camp, and on reaching the Capitol, the very carriage-way was blocked up by its panic-stricken defenders, who started at the clank of their own muskets. After a hurried toilette and breakfast I went up to the U. S. Senate, where I saw the crest-fallen leaders who, but a few days before, had vowed ‘death and damnation’ to our race. Several crowded round me, and I could not help saying that, if they had not ‘good blood,’ they had certainly ‘good bottom,’ for they ran remarkably well.

For days after the wildest disorder reigned in the Capitol. The streets were filled with straggling soldiers, each telling the doleful tale, and each indulging in imaginary feats of valour, which would throw into the shade the achievements of Coeur de Lion, Amadis de Gaul, or Jack the Giant-killer.