Preface
I
The committee of the Historical Society of B. N. A. decided at their meeting of November 6, to again publish some of the documents in their possession.
From among a variety of papers of great historical interest, they have selected the following Military Journal of events in the war of 1812-1.3 and 14, which was kept by the late Hon. W. H. Merritt, M. L. 0. — one of the original founders of th# society.
In performing this duty the committee are aware that they have undertaken a grave responsibility, but at the same time they have endeavored to discharge it with fidelity
It may be remarked that, the journal, subsequent to the battle of Lundy's Lane, was written at a distance from the seat of action, and while Mr. Merritt was a prisoner of war, he had not the advantage of personal observation. The subject, however, wras one which never lost its interest; and the incidents described by Mr. Merritt are given in accordance with the statements of persons direct from the scene of the several occurrences.
Introduction
NEWS OF WAR — CONCENTRATION ON FRONTIER, ETC.
We received intelligence of the declaration of war by the United States on Saturday, the 27th. of June, 1812, from a messenger sent by the late John Jacob Astor to Thomas Clark, Esq., of Niagara Falls. An express was immediately sent to the President, General Brock, who was at York, (now Toronto) the seat of Government. The news spread over the country like lightning, and produced an instantaneous alarm. We expected an immediate attack from the United States forces, who, we believed, had long been prepared for war.
The President, Brigadier General Brock, who is justly described as the saviour of Canada, was, of all men, the best adapted $ for command at this juncture. He perfectly understood human nature, and the peculiar disposition of the Militia. He was active, brave, vigilant, and determined. He had a peculiar faculty of attaching all parties and people to his person: in short, he infused the most unbounded confidence in all ranks and descriptions of men under his command. General Brock arrived at Port George on the 28th. The Plank Volunteer companies and corps were assembled and marched to the line in the interim, with the greatest despatch. The 1st. 4th. and 5th. local Militia, and 2d. York, were at Queenston and Niagara, with the Artillery — the 2d. and 3d. local Militia at Chippewa and Fort Erie — the Dragoons detatched to the different Posts. General Brock communicated with the U. States people (by a flag of truce,) who had not yet been officially informed of the declaration of war. Our batteries, which had been prepared with the greatest diligence, he intended, at two different times, to open against Fort Niagara; which would have been a most valuable and easy conquest, as it was totally defenceless, and a small garrison in it. He was advised, at present, to desist; shortly after received an order which confirmed it, from Sir George Provost, the Commander in Chief, to act solely on the defensive, though much against his will and better judgment. This was conceived, by the Commander in Chief, to be a party war. He was fearful offensive operations would unite the enemy, without which they would be unable to carry on 1he war. Experience has fully proved the fallacy of those ideas.
NUMBER AND POSITION OF FORCES ON THE NIAGARA AND DETROIT
FRONTIERS.
It will be necessary here to take a summary view of the^ituation of this country, number of troops, and means of defence. Heretofore, we had merely the name of being taxed, consequently, there was very little money in the treasury; to remedy which, a few moneyed men formed themselves into a committee under the sanction of Government, called the British Niagara Association, and issued paper money for prompt payment of the troops, and for other purposes. The number of regular troops in the upper country consisted of part of the 49th. and 61st. regiments, and a few artillerists, in all, less than one thousand men, which garrisoned York, Ft. George, Chippewa, Fort Erie, Amherstburgh, Sandwich, and St. Josephs, covering an extent of nearly fifteen hundred miles. The Militia of the countiy were in tolerable order, one-third of each regiment was formed into two flank companies, who volunteered their services; of course, they were composed of the most active and zealous young men in the country. There wTere likewise a company of Militia Artillery, R. A. Drivers, and a troop of Cavalry, in the Niagara District, in all, something short of a thousand men; which, with the Indians, were all the hopes of the country at this alarming crisis. The most sanguine friends expected to see us overwhelmed by the enemy in a very short time, and this idea was industriously infused by every lukewarm individual, and it was our misfortune to have a few of them, although perhaps not more than any other country. The loyalists exerted themselves with a vigor and zeal that will ever be gratefully remems bered; the happy effects of which, together with the wise administration of our Commander, were soon perceived. There appeared a perfect unity of all parties: the only feeling was a fixed determination of defending the country to the last extremity.
Brigadier General Brock made a most judicious choice of his staff. Capt. Gl egg, of the 49th. regiment, was his military, and Lieut, Col. Nichol and McDonald were his Provincial Aid-de Camps; William Clausd, Esq. was appointed Colonel of Militia; Major Thomas Merritt of Militia Dragoons, of which there were to have been a squadron in the Niagara District, a part of Capt. Burton's troop at York was to act under his command — only one troop, however, was allowed, owing to the jealousy of the Commanders of Militia regiments, who were losing their best men, and other causes. Capt. Swazey raised a troop of Drivers, and procured a hundred horses for Government at fifteen pence per diem. He deserves the greatest credit for his indefatigable exertions. Mr. Wilcox, overawed by the vigilance of the President, made him a tender of his press and services — Marakle and many of his adherents followed his example, which was declined, at the same time they were given to understand that silence was the only means of saving them a journey to Quebec.
From this period to the 21st. of July nothing material occurred on the Frontier. The flank companies and all corps took a pride in doing their duty, which was very severe, as we were in momentary expectation of an attack. Patrols were kept up with little intermission along the whole line from Fort George to Fort Erie. Those off duty, were on fatigue, notwithstanding which they improved rapidly in their discipline. Batteries were erected on every eligible position on the lines. The greatest possible exertions were making for a vigorous resistance, under the eye of our Commander, who was continually on the move, visiting every post.
HOSTILITIES COMMENCED AT AMHEBSTBUBGH INDIANS MUSTERED.
An express was despatched to Col. St. George, Inspecting Field Officer of Militia, who commanded at Amherstburgh, (this was afterwards styled the right division,) and to Capt. Roberts, commanding at St. Josephs, with orders to commence offensive operatious. Shortly after the declaration of war, Capt. Rochelle boarded and took possession of a United States schooner, with thirty soldiers and a quantity of baggage on board, near Amherstburgh, with only five men in his boat. The States people were completely driven into a surrender, thinking themselves within range of the Fort. This event, by giving information of the enemy's design, was of the greatest importance. Capt, Muir of the 41st. was preparing to cross the river and endeavor by every means in his power to retard the progress of the enemy, who were within ten day's inarch, with an army, magnified by report to eight thousand men. This is a most clear and unquestionable proof of the designs of the United States Government. The army above mentioned, raised three months before war was declared, was under the eye and command of Major General Hull, Governor of the Michigan Territory. These were to have been at Detroit by the time their plans were matured, and on the first intimation of war, to march over and take possession of Amherstburgh, and that before we possibly could have been prepared to receive them, pushed through the country to Burlington Heights or Fort George, and thus accomplish their own measures. Happily their tardy movements frustrated these designs, and turned their mighty preparations to their greater discomfiture; as counter orders arrived to act only on the defensive, and protect our own frontier, before the St. George detachment left. The order was, fortunately, not extended to Capt. Roberts; who, shortly after, or about the time Gen. Hull invaded Canada, took possession of Michillimackinac, without the loss of a man. This acquisition, with the noble motives by which Tecumseh was actuated, secured us the friendship of all the western Indians.
About the beginning of July, the celebrated and magnanimous Chief Tecumseh, arrived at Amherstburgh, with about one hundred and fifty Indians of the Shawnee Tribe; and by his singular tact and address, soon gained over the "Wyandotts, which, with some others arriving, made a force of between five and six hundred. Self preservation is alone a sufficient plea for our having recourse to the assistance of those warriors. The weaker and invaded party is perfectly justifiable in resorting to every means in their power for defence. The natives had commenced hostilities against the whites some time since, and certainly every candid and unbiassed person must say they had sufficient reasons for so doing, by the settlers unwarrantable encroachments on their lands and property. Every friend of humanity must deprecate the savage mode of warfare: to alleviate and restrain which, as much as possible, a grand council of war was held at Amherstburgh, where their Chiefs solemnly promised to abolish the shocking practice of scalping, likewise to save all prisoners that should fall into their possession.
Part of the Grenadier and battalion companies being sent up, the regular forces of the right division numbered three hundred men. Nearly all the Militia were out, many of whom were deficient in arms, not more than three hundred were in the Fort, the remainder had retired to their homes. Capt. Muir, a most active and enterprising officer, was stationed at Sandwich, with a company of the 41st.', and a detachment of Militia, with which force he wished to make a defence, and if beaten, retire to Amherstburgh. He received an order from Col. St. George to retire on the first approach of the enemy, by which means General Hull and his army of twenty-five hundred men were allowed to land on our soil, without a solitary shot to celebrate the event, The first act of this General was to issue a proclamation, calling upon the people to throw off their allegiance, threatening all those found fighting by the side of a native with extermination. To carry his threats * into execution, he said he had four thousand men, which were only the vanguard of a much greater force. With the cowardly and disaffected it had some weight, but only stimulated the brave and loyal inhabitants to a more determined resistance. On the enemies landing, on the 11th. of July, our advance posts were withdrawn to the river Canard, within three miles of Amherstburgh, by which means the enemy had a communication open with the whole western district. The Fort could only communicate by water, or through a wilderness, to Long Point or Fort George. Col. St. George was severely censured by the country for retiring without a shot before the enemy. He likewise lost Ihe confidence of his detachment by his irresolute conduct. Many skirmishes took place at the Canard, in which we were always successful. In one, thirty Indians drove one hundred and fifty of the invaders several miles — during the contest an Indian was killed and scalped by a United States Captain, who showed it in camp as a matter of exultation — the same officer was killed and scalped at Brownstown shortly after, for the Indians brought in the body, called a Grand Council, and produced it, retracting all former promises, and denouncing vengeance against those enemies to whom the continuation of this horrid practice should.be ascribed, as they certainly commenced it. Two sentinels of the 41st. in one of those skirmishes stood to their posts till one was killed, having received four wounds; the other taken, after receiving three. A plundering party of the enemy were sent to Beldoon, a settlement of Lord Selkirk's, brought away several hundred Merino sheep, and every article they could get hold of: they were likewise sent up the river Thames to Dolson's, and McGregor's mill, and carried away a quantity of flour, &c. Mr. Watson, a traitor, who had left this country, penetrated as far as Delaware Town, distributing proclamations and endeavoring to incite the inhabitants to insurrection.
LIGHT DRAGOONS SENT TO DETROIT IN ADVANCE OF THE GOVERNOR*
GENERAL BROCK.
Hearing of Watson's conduct, on the 28th. of July, I was sent up with a small detachment of Dragoons to take him if possible, and establish a communication with Col. Proctor, who had a short time since superseded Col. St. George. We got intelligence of tine party, but he made off half an hour before we arrived. Made
Allen and two more of bis clan prisoners; bad tbe mortification to find some people disaffected; returned with my prisoners to Fort George; met Capt. Chambers at Burford, with fifty of the 41st. on bis way to Oxford, where our advance was to be kept. The enemy were expected on this route daily. General Brock was on • his way to York at the time, I overtook bim with a boat on the lake. Hearing of the very critical situation of the right, and knowing the importance of checking the enemy in time, be formed the resolution of attacking them in person, and driving them out of the country. I was sent back with twenty-eight men to join Chambers; I distributed proclamations to counteract the effects of Hull's, and ordered the Long Point Militia, under Col. Talbot, to join Capt. Chambers: the most of whom on their march refused to serve under him, from personal dislike, as they alleged, to the individual, and returned to Dover, the same place General Brock had ordered the boats and men from the frontier to rendezvous at. The York flank companies and Capt. Robertson's rifle corps marched from thence by land; likewise fifteen of Capt. Button's Dragoons to join me. I was purposing to go to Delaware with Major Chambers, on a scout, when he received intelligence of the Long Point Militia. We were immediately marched back to chastise those refractory gentlemen, and bring them to a sense of their duty. Most of the Oxford Militia volunteered on the occasion; on our arrival at Burford a report was industriously spread of a party of United States Dragoons being in the neighborhood.
After a ride of nearly sixty miles, found there had not been a man in the District, although a fellow made an affidavit he had seen them. On the 8th. of August, Gen. Brock and Staff arrived at Dover, the different detachments arriving the same night from Fort Erie with the boats for the expedition. His first step was to send for the ringleader of the last meeting, and send bim, Squire Beamer, to York; on the 9th. he reviewed the Militia, and addressed them in a very pathetic and encouraging manner, commenting on the evil of having any disaffected characters among us, on whom he threw the reproach of the late disturbance; praised them for their alacrity in coming forward so nobly at this crisis, said he placed the most unlimited confidence in their loyalty and courage, expressed his determination of proceeding to Amherstburgh an,d not returning till the enemy were driven from the country, and desired all those willing to follow him to volunteer their services. This short harrangue had the desired effect, every man volunteered. Unfortunately the boats could not carry more than four hundred men; on bearing which, he told the officers to select three hundred and fifty of the best men, which, with the fifty regulars, would be more than he wanted. That force was marched down, embarked the very same night, and arrived at Amherstburgh the 14th, Friday evening. This small force, with the General, gave new life to the worn out troops, who had shortly before been beaten at Maguagua; which, added to their excessive fatigue, served to depress their spirits. In the beginning of the month the Indians surprised and defeated a body of the enemy at Brown's Town, opposite Amherstburgh, and took an Express giving an account of their destination, saying they would be in Detroit the ensuing week. A detachment of regulars and Indians under Col. Muir, was defeated shortly after, by a superior force, with but little loss — the Indians behind bravely covering the retreat, and maintaining the unequal action for a length of time. Capt. Muir and Tecumseh were both wounded — our defeat was owing to Col. Muir changing his position on the eve of action — from being covered, our men were exposed in an open ground. The United States forces derived no advantage whatever from their victory.
THE GOVERNOR ARRIVES OPPOSITE DETROIT, MAKES HIS PREPARATIONS,
AND TAKES THE PLACE.
On the arrival of General Brock the enemy evacuated Sandwich; on hearing it he assembled the Militia, and told them that the pusillanimous conduct of the enemy, who abandoned their posts at the name of a reinforcement, made him desirous of removing the miseries of war to their own shores, and take them before they had time to reflect. They were all eager to follow when and where he liked. The enemy retired with a great quantity of plunder. Private property was very little respected; even one or two houses were burned, which they said was necessary for the defence of their works. On Saturday he marched up to Sandwich ; erected two batteries opposite Detroit; sent over a flag of truce demanding the surrender of the fort, magnifying our force; saying that motives of humanity, and to save the unnecessary effusion of blood alone induced us to make the demand, fearing the savages could not be restrained after taking forcible possession, &c. As was expected, Gen. Hull sent for answer that he would defend while an officer was left to draw a sword; on receiving which, to let him know our threats were not idle, the batteries, which were just finished, were opened on the fort and town. A warm and well directed fire was returned during the day, but little effect on either side was made. The boats and men arriving in the evening, orders were issued for embarking on the following morning at 5 o'clock.
In council of war that was called, only Nichol and McDonald
Provincial aid-de camps, approved of the attack. At 5 o'clock on Sunday, the 16th of August, the batteries were again opened ;at the same time, the Indians, to the number of seven or eight hundred, under Col. Elliott and Tecumseh, landed at Spring Wells, two miles below Detroit, in a commanding position, entered the wood, and went in rear of the fort. Tecumseh extended his men, and marched tbem three times through an opening, in full view of the garrison, which induced them to believe there were at least two or three thousand Indians. The regulars and militia crossing shortly after, formed in open sections, and marched direct for the fort with the intention of gaining a ravine within two hundred yards of it, which would completely shelter them till prepared for the attack.
Although the enemy had two twenty-four pounders, doublecharged, in a position that would rake the road every shot, our troops were allowed to march up, file off to the left, and cover themselves. A communication was immediately opened on our left with the Indians, by means of Capt. Eobertson's Rifle Company, (and two or three prisoners taken,) by which means the place was completely invested on all sides, the men were waiting to recover breath for the assault which was to have been on all parts at the same instant, when a white flag was unexpectedly hoisted in the fork Gen. JBr$ck sent an aid-de camp to inquire the meaning of it; if to surrender, it must be done unconditionally and instantaneously, or the assault would be made in five minutes. The message having been so bold and decisive, the terms were agreed to, signed, and garrison taken possession of by our troops in thirty minutes.
Many causes combined to induce him to surrender so precipitately. First, he could not place the least confidence in his troops from their former conduct. His own officers sent to reconnoitre magnified our force to very great numbers, thinking them all regulars; although we had but three hundred and fifty regulars and four hundred and thirty militia, the vigorous measures of Gen. Brock led to a surrender.
The garrison was crowded with troops, which after our gaining the ravine, were of no manner of use in repelling the assault; would only be in each other's way and increase the carnage. To heighten the confusion, the women of the town, for safety, were allowed to enter the garrison. The savages were another powerful motive; had they succeeded, it would have been impossible to restrain them. Our general had got the range of the fort. Every shot, from their, being so much crowded, had effect. Where Hull showed unpardonable neglect, was allowing our troops to land and choose their position, when onehalf of his troops ought to have annihilated them. Three hundred men would have been sufficient to defend the garrison; the remaining two thousand and two hundred men were diposable.
As my detachment could not embark from Dover, it was sent by land to Delaware again to keep up the communication with, the Westesn District. After an unnecessary delay at this place, were allowed to proceed on by Col. Tolbot, (under whose command I then was,) to Sandwich, where we arrived the day after the fall of Detroit, much chagrined at not being up in time. . It is easy to imagine the joyful and happy effects this unexpected conquest had on the minds of the people. To see this army that had so recently been the terror of the country, marching down, prisoners to so unequal a force. On the arrival of the vessels, the State's people at Buffalo ran down to the shores to welcome their arrival. They imagined it was Gen. Hull with the garrison of Amherstburgh. Nothing could exceed their despondency at seeing them landed on oiu* shores, and being informed of the event. Their only consolation was in reviling their unfortunate genera], whom they accused of Bribery and Cowardice. They had reason to censure him for the latter, but more for mismanagement.
Thus fell the whole territory of Michigan, twenty-five hundred men, and an immense quantity of stores, by the prompt and vigorous measures of Gen. Brock. His presence being no longer required, next day removed to Amherstburgh, and returned in a birch canoe immediately for the Niagara Frontier, which was threatened by Gen. Yan Rensselaer. He embarked for Kingston and returned to Fort George without a moment's delay. The management of everything at Detroit was left to Col. Proctor.
Gen. Hull and the regulars were sent to Quebec; the militia and volunteers were parolled and sent home, which measure at the time was considered politic. Were those men sent to Quebec and detained till regularly exchanged, it would have been the means of deterring others from turning out. Many of those fellows were base enough to return before exchanged, in the ensuing campaign.
CHAPTEE II.
MILITIA RETURN TO NIAGARA, FOLLOWED BY LIGHT DRAGOONS.
On the 20th. the militia returned to the Niagara Frontier, escorting the prisoners. My men were detained till the 7th of September, collecting stores, flour, &c, about the country. Arriving at Fort George on the 15th, we found the enemy had collected a . large force at Lewiston, N. Y., and Black Rock. It was obvious from their movements they meditated an attack. It was impossible to ascertain the point, consequently we were obliged to extend our force along the whole line, which made the duty excessively severe; patrols moving continually from Niagara to Queenston, and from Chippewa, with little intermission, to Fort Erie. York Flank Companies wero stationed at Field's Point. Two Flank companies 49th, and three companies of the 5th Lincoln and 2d York, at and near Queenston; the remainder at Fort George and above Chippewa. Batteries were thrown up at every mile or two from Fort George to Queenston, where a formidable one was erected half way up the mountain; at Scotts', left of Queenston and at Durham's.
At Chippewa our only fortification was an old irreparable block house. At Fort Erie, the works were just begun, and for the want of means were left unfinished; two or three batteries were erected opposite Black Rock on a rising ground. Part of the 49th regiment arrived while we were at Detroit, say three hundred and fifty men. Major Armaud commanded at Fort Erie.
On the night of the 9th of October, the United States people succeeded in cutting out two of our schooners, the "Caledonia" and " Detroit," which had conveyed some prisoners from Detroit the preceeding day. A Capt. O, paymaster 4th regiment, and who was sent over on his parole, gave information of their defenceless state.
Col. McCoomb and Chapin, with three or four hundred men, surprised, and after a short resistance, took possession of them. The " Detroit" grounded on Squaw Island. The enemy abandoned her, but we could not possibly get her off. After Lieut. Dantford 49th having made an unsuccessful attempt, Cornet Pell, Major of Niagara Light Dragoons, made an attempt with seven or eight men; he gained the vessel, but the rapidity of the stream drove the boat to her stern, which exposed him to the fire of several hundred muskets within one hundred yards of
Squaw Island: he in the act of jumping in the cabin window was shot in the forehead. The boat moved off; nearly every man was wounded before they reached our shore. The Major received three wounds; the first proved fatal. This rash and fruitless attempt deprived the country of a gallant and promising young officer. Gen. Brock arrived just as the enemy had fired the schooner, gave the officers a severe reprimand for not keeping a better lookout, and return ed.|Capt. Rolett and Lieut. Kerr, Royal Newfoundland Regiment, were taken in the schooners.
This petty affair highly elated the enemy; and being the first advantage gained during the war, in a measure hastened and was the means of their discomfiture at Queenston; as Gen. Van Rensselaer says in his dispatch there was no restraining the men. From this till the 13th. small parties of the enemy were continually firing over the river at any person seen moving. A militia sentry was killed by this means on Queenston Heights a few days before. Capt. Dennis, 49th Grenadiers, commanded at Queenston; from the numbers on the opposite shore, he was confident of an attack. Beacons were raised on the line to communicate with Fort George in a few minutes. At 3 o'clock, A. M., on the 13th of October, the enemy launched a number of boats, and embarked at the old Ferry House. The sentinels gave the alarm without challenging, the guard opened a spirited fire, and was shortly supported by the grenadier company 49th, and part of two companies of militia, and Lieut. Ball, Militia Artillery, with two six pounders, who disputed their landing with the greatest obstinacy. The United States forces at this period deserve credit for their perseverance; although many of their men were slaughtered and one boat destroyed, they effected a landiDg on their left under cover of the bank, ascended a point of the mountain, and gained the summit unobserved, to the number of five hundred men. This post was guarded by Capt. Williams, 49th light company, and one of the militia, who seeing their comrades so warmly engaged below, ran down to their assistance without leaving a guard at this invaluaable position.
Owing - to the confusion, the beacons were not lighted. A dragoon gave the alarm at Fort George. Gen. Brock galloped up to the scene of action followed by his aid-de camps; on his arrival the day began to break. Observing our shells falling short of the opposite shore, he rode up to the battery and. ordered logger fuses. By this time Capt. Dennis had repulsed the enemy at all points below, killed a great it umber and made one hundred and fifty prisoners. All imagined the action was over, when the enemy were observed on the mountain within fifty yards of the battery. An order was given to retreat, our men abandoned the battery, and escaped down the mountain. Gen. Brock was assembling the grenadiers with an intention of charging the enemy and retaking the battery, when a fatal shot pierced his breast; he articulated, "Push on my boys /" and immediately expired. Lieut. Col. McDonald, his provincial aid-de camp, and Oapt. Williams, being joined by a few of the York Militia, gained the heights, although exposed to a galling cross-fire. At the same time a few militia men under Lieut. Kobinson, attacked them on the Chippewa Road. The enemy thinking that Gen. Brock had rallied his forces, and was making a joint attack upon them, retired to the brow of the hill; and was on the point of leaving it, when observing some confusion among our men, occasioned by the loss of Lieut. Col. McDonald and Capt. Williams; (the former, after having his horse shot under him, was mortally wounded,) returned to the attack, and drove our small party back with loss. After the enemy gained the mountain, Capt. Dennis was under the necessity of leaving his post under the hill, which enabled the enemy to land without opposition. Our detachment withdrew after bringing the wounded to Durhams, where they collected the stragglers and awaited the reinforcements from Fort George and Niagara. They were soon joined by the detachment 41st and Flank companies of militia, who came double-quick march, all the wav.
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