History of Civilisation and Public Opinion

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Preface

TO THE THIRD EDITION.

The late sudden revolution in France — the unexpected political events that have convulsed other nations of the European continent — and even the attempts (at once rash and feeble) which, during the present year, have been witnessed in England and Ireland, tend so decidedly to confirm the principles developed in the following pages, that the Author trusts he may be permitted briefly to allude to them in this Preface.

The theory he endeavours to establish is that Civilisation spreads itself in proportion as moral principle, intellectual culture, and Christian faith are found in a community. In addition to the above elements, others, not necessary to repeat here, are requisite to give power and consistency to Public Opinion.

b 2

IV PREFACE

For the purpose of ascertaining how far civilisation has increased within the last fifty years in France, let us for a moment mark the contrast presented between the great Revolution of 1789, and that of 1848, in that country.

As observed in the second volume of this work, under the head of " France/' when the first revolution broke out, a lower class only, with scarcely a middle class, and having neither education, morals, nor religion, became dominant, which, with scarcely any opposition, destroyed the aristocracy, exiled or massacred the clergy, overturned the throne, murdered the deposed monarch and his innocent family, and, after committing unprecedented atrocities, established the " reign of terror," fitly so called ; during which, deeds of the most appalling nature and of grossest immorality, were perpetrated not only in Paris, but throughout France. Judicial assassinations were common in the prisons ; and public massacres under the guillotine. To be nobly born was, in itself, a sentence to death ; to worship God, was equally fatal; the possession of wealth consigned its owner to the scaffold, and the advocate of mercy became the victim

TO THE THIRD EDITION.

of a bloody sacrifice. So extreme was the deficiency of moral principle among the rulers, that even the leading men of that revolution, who assumed the reins of government, and who, for a time, held entire control over the people, having glutted to the full their passions on their political opponents, began to proscribe each other ! On one occasion, upwards of seventy Girondists, members of the Republican Assembly, were accused and, the next day, executed by the agency of Danton and Robespierre. Danton was subsequently condemned by his colleague, and guillotined ; and, in less than four months after, Robespierre himself, already wounded and bleeding, met his doom amidst the unanimous rejoicing of the frantic populace, partly composed of released criminals and of the refuse of society, whose thirst of blood (to assuage which became a dreadful necessity in the raging fever of the nation) derived equal gratification from the violent death of friend or foe. Slaughter, for slaughters sake, was the ruling passion. Irreligion and crime stalked through the land: the "madness of many for the gain of a few," was terribly realized ; and no middle class possessed of the requisites for

VI PREFACE

civilisation yet existed to control such a populace.

So desperate, indeed, was the state of anarchy under the then republic, that the nation, having recovered from its first frenzy, gladly saw itself fall under the sway of military despotism — although hatred of despotism, under what form soever, had been the first exciter of its energies. Any change, however galling might be its effects, was welcome — any government, even absolute power, was preferable to anarchy.

In the revolution of 1848, a desire was at first apparent to confiscate property, and to repeat deeds of massacre and spoliation, similar to 1792. Socialist demagogues and many of their followers, backed by the rabble of Paris, cherished these atrocious expectations, and hoped for the success achieved by a former generation. But the result was very different ; and the turbulent anarchists were checked in their career by public opinion now advancing towards wisdom and strength. Moral principle, to a certain extent, begins to be apparent in the French people; and a middle class has arisen within the last half century, having sufficient power "to give

TO THE THIRD EDITION. VII

strength and tone to public opinion, to control popular clamour, and to defeat the nefarious schemes of the rabble. In the height of the conflict of contending parties, in June last, not a word emanated from either side against religion — not a single reproach was cast on the clergy.* On the contrary, in the revolution of 1789, religion was reviled, while blasphemy was carried to the insane height of atheism. No doubt can be entertained that, in February last, the lower orders of Paris were goaded by misery, which made them lend a willing ear to unprincipled leaders who hoped to establish political power on the distress of the working classes. These machinations, successful in 1790, were frustrated in 1848 by men possessed of property, and by public opinion.

It may be asked how, under such a state of things, did the late revolution take place, and why were the middle classes so concurrent in its accomplishment. The fact is, that the conduct of the sovereign of France, and of his advisers, had militated against public opinion, and created great jealousy. The eight hundred

* The death of the Archbishop of Paris seems to have been the result of an accident regretted by both parties.

VUl PREFACE

millions of francs expended in the fortifications round Paris, caused the middle classes to imagine they might again be subjected to their former despotism : the Spanish marriage alarmed them under an apprehension of war : the imposts were excessive and arbitrary ; and the notorious venality exercised in the chamber of deputies, together with the disclosures regarding the profligacy of certain members of the government, had a powerful influence on public opinion, and caused a desire for elective reform. When, therefore, the outbreak of February occurred, the National Guards took the side of the people or were neuter ; the troops of the line followed their example ; the rabble became masters for the moment; monarchy was abolished; a provisional government was formed, and, to the astonishment of the world, a republic was proclaimed almost without a struggle. In achieving this end, however, no political proscriptions or murders took place.

But in a short time, the bourgeoisie became aware of their danger. They knew that the communist doctrine was a fallacy, baneful alike to the poor and the rich — a doctrine not having even novelty to recom-

TO THE THIRD EDITION. IX

mend it* Still, it was calculated to influence a restless and starving population, and, like the " mirage" in the desert, to lead them to an illusory phantom ; hut a middle class had now arisen, and the pernicious error was exposed and destroyed.

Public opinion, nevertheless, has not yet, in France, arrived at so healthy a state as in England. Every man who has dispassionately

* Communism was a favourite scheme of some of the ancient Greeks. In a comedy by Aristophanes, one of the characters thus speaks: " I declare that all property shall be in common. Every citizen ought to live equally well, and have the same food. All goods should be equally divided, bread, meat, wines, and tunics. Those who possess these things exclusively are great thieves. I will make of the whole town one habitation, where all shall be equally well located." — That communist doctrines were known in England, during the reign of Elizabeth, is apparent in the following lines, among others, in the celebrated poem of Spenser, of which the portion now alluded to was published in 1596.

" Seest not how badly all things present be,

And each estate quite out of order go'th?

******

Were it not good that wrong were then surceast,

And from the most that some were given to the least?

******

Therefore I will them equalize againe. Tyrants that make men subject to their law, I will suppresse, that they no more may reign; And lordings curb that commons over-awe; And all the wealth of rich men to the poore will draw."

See " Faery Queene," Book, v. Canto 2. These doctrines are, in the same canto, refuted by the poet.

PREFACE considered the subject, must conclude that the most temperate, firm, and free government which a community can possess — one where liberty of speech and action, and security of i

person and property exist — is to be found in the English constitution. In our case, we |

have a throne to which the nation is cordially and deeply attached ; a religion in which we sincerely believe; an aristocracy with hereditary means of independence ; an intelligent I middle class, and, for the most part, a well- j disposed lower class, whose education, let us hope, may be further cultivated. Are these i elements for a constitution found among our | neighbours ? Are they even likely to be created in a definite period ? The system of centralization which has always existed in France was not corrected by the revolution of '89, and was confirmed under the empire by Napoleon. This has given to Paris the dictation of France ; and, until lately, a wretched rabble occasionally overawed the capital. The provincial population have thus been prepared to submit, and have submitted, to the dictum of a demo- \ cratic assembly or military ruler. The French present government may accordingly be carried on— not, as with us, by the union of

TO THE THIRD EDITION. XI

several independent powers, mutually controlling and respecting each other, but by an assembly above all control, influenced by a few artful and designing men; a system which, under peculiar circumstances possible to arise, may not widely differ from the most perfect despotism.

The only chance for permanent and rational liberty among our neighbours, is in the establishment of a constitution having an hereditary sovereign with limited and defined power — an upper chamber, an assembly elected by the people, and also a poor law. But, alas, the elements for two of these are sadly deficient ! An upper chamber ought to have weight from its property ; and a poor law can with difficulty be established in a community where the great subdivision of property, and its constant tendency again to subdivide, may leave the greater part of proprietors in a condition only a shade better than those for whom a poor law would be established.

It is fortunate for the internal tranquillity of France that Algeria affords so vast an extent of country near at hand, for colonization, and it is to be hoped that the efforts now made for that purpose will meet with

XU PREFACE i more success than has attended French settle- J

ments in fonner days. Unless educated in |

moral and religious principles, a redundant population, with scanty means of employment, is a cause of great danger in any nation, both to property and social order ; and it will be seen in the following pages that, with a population of the above character, revolutions are all but inevitable. On the contrary, a religious sentiment creates benevolence in the community, and a desire to succour the distressed; and guards the lower classes espe- I cially from the poverty and misery arising -, from vice and intemperance, besides creating respect for the property of others.

But while every honest man must denounce the lawless state of mob-government, it is impossible, on the other hand, not to regret that the sovereigns and their advisers in the continental states, should have been so tardy in making those concessions to public opinion and equality of rights which necessarily must arise as civilisation is extended. It appears singular that any continental government should be so infatuated as not to take an example from Great Britain, where it is scarcely possible to point out any measure

TO THE THIRD EDITION. X1U

for the welfare of the community, and sanctioned by public opinion, which does not meet with the concurrence and steady support of the government.

This last remark will in a great measure account for the result that took place with us a few months ago, the anticipation of which occasioned, among the timid, so much uneasiness.

On the 10th of April last, the power of public opinion over popular clamour, in our capital, was manifested in a remarkable manner, and so materially aids in confirming the following chapters, that we must give it a single glance. It is true, in our island, seasons of distress occur, by which, destitution and want become prevalent amongst the agricultural population. It is equally notorious, that in the ebbs and flows of manufacturing demands, the working classes, in large towns and populous districts, occasionally experience great privations. Speculations also, in various ways, may cause much irritation in those who have been indiscreet or unfortunate. It is, moreover, known that in every great community, discontented men of energy and talent are found, anxious

XIV PREFACE

and ready to improve their fortune, and rise to political eminence. There is besides, in most populations, ours certainly not excepted, a sort of ground-swell of popular discontent, from various irremediable causes, chiefly directed against the executive government ; but none of these causes of complaint, taken separately or collectively, can in England for a moment shake the fabric of the constitution. We have constantly asserted that, in Great Britain, popular clamour is put down by public opinion, and a convincing proof of this assertion is evident in the transactions on the day already mentioned. The entire of the upper and middle classes, and the better portion of the lower class, were unanimous in suppressing popular clamour. Would such a result, one affording so great and bright an example to other nations of the civilised world, have accrued, had it not been that the community were satisfied— that public opinion was satisfied — and the nation was convinced, that it was not desirable, in any manner whatever, to make any change in our constitution. With few exceptions, Englishmen feel secure in their persons and property, and are satisfied that, if any amendments m

TO THE THIRD EDITION. XV

legislation are desired, and called for by public opinion, they will be granted by a sovereign and government, always ready to concede what may be for the common good, but equally firm in opposing the vociferation or turbulence of popular clamour.

November, 1848.

PREFACE

TO THE FIRST EDITION.

The favourable manner in which two editions of the work on Public Opinion were received by the public, induced me to direct my attention to a more extensive view of the progress of Civilisation, and of the sentiment already mentioned. After a consideration of the subject for some years, I could arrive at no other conclusions than those laid down in the following pages. To establish my theory, it was necessary to refer to former times, and to compare them with the present. For this purpose an investigation into the customs and social relations of past ages w r as necessary.

Historic narratives, it has been observed, may be divided into three kinds or stages.*

First, that of the annalist or chronicler, who deals merely in facts and events arranged in

* See Coleridge.

VOL. I. A

XVlll PREFACE order of time, having no principle of selection and no plan of arrangement.

Next, that of the writer who takes his stand on some moral point, and selects a series of events for the purpose of illustrating, if not proving, his position; such as Thucydides, who recounts the evils of democratic or aristocratic partisanship, or Polybius, when he describes the tactics and military discipline of the Romans.

The last stage, the highest and most grand, founded on philosophy, is not composed for any particular cause, but attempts to describe human nature itself on a great scale ; to hold a mirror up to mankind, such as the Herodotean history.

In my humble attempt to trace out the progress of civilisation from the earliest time to the present day, I have endeavoured to follow the second of these kinds of historic narrations, and to delineate, from the most authentic sources, and the best records of foregone days, the gradual progress of civilisation, and its results on the social relations of mankind.

In examining the state of information in Egypt, Greece, and Rome, I fear that I may

TO THE FIRST EDITION. XIX militate against some generally received opinions. If I have done so, all I can plead in justification is, that, from ancient writers of history no other conclusions could be arrived at, than those which I have made, even after consulting the volumes of several modern authorities, and conversing with two intelligent travellers who have lately written, one on Egypt, and the other on Greece, with much ability.

After considering those nations of the ancients, whence information is supposed to have spread over the Western world, I take a survey of the prominent events of our history from the Conquest (inclusive) to the present time. I then proceed briefly to examine the situation and state of civilisation of other countries in Europe, and the several quarters of the globe. In this research I have deemed it advisable to allude, at the close of the second volume, to the frequency of wars that have desolated the human race ; to the condition of women in barbarous or semi-barbarous times ; and also to the prevalence, even to the eighteenth century, of a fearful sacrifice of human life, on the charge of sorcery and witchcraft.

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XX PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

When a hope is expressed that warfare between nations may not in these days be so prevalent as formerly, it is not intended to convey the impression that such events will not occur, but only that they may be of more rare occurrence than in bygone days.

In the Introduction to this work, I have deemed it advisable to give a definition of the elements necessary to form civilisation, without which my meaning could not be clearly understood.

I have endeavoured not only to avoid, but to divest myself, as far as the weakness of our nature will admit, of all party bias or political feeling in the following pages. It has also been my anxious desire to manifest that respect which I sincerely entertain for all sects and denominations of Christians.

After making these necessary statements, I will only beg for that indulgence which is required in a work on a subject which may be termed novel, and which as yet, to the best of my belief, has scarcely been noticed by any writer in our nation.

January 1st, 1846.

Introduction

Civilisation and Public Opinion depend on each Other. — Definition of the several Classes of Society. — Upper, Middle, and Lower Class. — Popular Clamour. — Public Opinion. — Middle Class the most important in a Civilised State. — Increased by the Use of Machinery. — Machinery increases Civilisation. — Enumeration of the several Stages of Society as they advance towards Civilisation. — Savage Tribes. — Pastoral Tribes. — Agricultural Population. — Feudal System. — Arbitrary Power. — Increase of Happiness in the People caused by Civilisation. — Ancient States have decayed from a deficiency in Moral Principle .... page 1

STATE OF CIVILISATION AMONG THE ANCIENTS.

Chapter I. Civilisation In Ancient Egypt

Obscurity of Egyptian Records. — Inaccuracy of Herodotus and Diodorus. — Early Arts and Sciences. — Population divided into Castes. — Priestly Surveyors of Land. — Privilege of the Priesthood, as demonstrated in Genesis. — Stupendous designs of Egyptian Monarchs, executed by a slavish Population. — The Pyramids. — Ignorance and Idolatry of the Egyptians. —

XX11 CONTENTS.

Prophetic Denunciation against Egypt. — Its Fall. — Colossal Statue of Ozymandias. — Civilisation, as defined, not known in Ancient Egypt page 33

Chapter II. Ancient Greece

Remote Connexion of the Inhabitants of Egypt, India, Greece, and Italy. — The Ancient Greeks deficient in the requisites for Public Opinion. — Greek Barbarism and Absence of Moral Principle. — Licentiousness of Greek Females and Prevalence of Infanticide. — Commerce in the Grecian Republics extremely limited. — Extent of Slavery in these States. — Middle Class. — Slaves, or Helots. — Reasons for the Absence of Commerce and Manufactures. — Fabulous Narrations of Greek Historians and Philosophers. — Passion for War and Violence. Downfal of the Grecian States 49

Chapter III. Ancient Rome

• Our Ignorance of the early History of the Roman Commonwealth. — Senators, Fquites, and Mass of the People. — Decline of Virtue, Patriotism, and Discipline under the Empire. — Government of conquered Provinces harsh and oppressive. — Prevalence of absolute Power. — Consolidation of the Roman Conquests destructive of the early Moral and Poetical Interest of her History. — Influence of the Upper and Middle Classes destroyed by the Admission of the Rabble to vote in Elections. — The excessively luxurious Habits of the Romans, and their desire for the possession of vast Numbers of Slaves, gradually rooted out the Middle Classes. — Shocking Depravity and Licentiousness prevalent among all Classes during the Decadence of the Empire. — Easy Conquest by Barbarians of the degenerate Romans. — The Emperor Constantine's Adoption of Christianity. — Christianity the surest Means of civilising Nations. — Consequence of the Degeneracy and Immorality of the Romans 62

CONTENTS. Xxili

ENGLAND.

CHAPTER L

THE C0NQUE8T.

The Heptarchy a confused State. — Conquest of England by the Duke of Normandy the last territorial Conquest in Western Europe. — A Step gained towards Civilisation by the Results of the Conquest. — Social State of England after that Event. — Slavery under which the English People were held by William .... page 81

CHAPTER II.

THE CHARTER.

Magna Charta of little Service at the Time it was granted. — Useful in Theory, but not in Practice. —Immorality of the Feudal Barons. — Degraded and Ignorant Lower Class. — No Constitutional Form of Government in existence 101

CHAPTER IIL

WARS OF THE R08ES.

The Factions of York and Lancaster. — Great Part of the English Barons perished in these Wars. — Policy of Henry VII. — Legal Sanction given to the Feudal Chiefs to alienate their Lands. — Great Advantage to the Cause of Civilisation. Absolute Power of the Monarchs of England - 114

Chapter IV. The Reformation

Its Origin. — Selfish Motives of Henry VUL — His Persecution of Protestants. — The Bloody Statute. — National System of Belief dictated by the King. — Luther and Leo the Tenth. — Cruelty and Folly of Henry VIII. — Slow Progress of Civilisation. — WicklifFe's Failure and Luther's Success. — The

XXIV CONTENTS.

Reformation forwarded by the Art of Printing. — Commercial State of England under Henry VIII. — Augmentation of the Middle Class .... page 123

Chapter V. The Rebellion

State of the Nation. — Undefined Power of the Crown incompatible with the Growth and Increase of the Middle Class. — Absolute Power of James I. — Policy of Placing Persons of Property in Possession of Political Influence. — Mistakes committed by Charles I. — Great Property of the Third Parliament - - - . - - 137

Chapter VI. Civil War

The Nation adverse from proceeding to Extremities against their Sovereign. — A Change required by public opinion. — Cromwell's Government more despotic even than that of Charles. — Puritan Sentiments prevalent. — Middle Class not trusted by the Government of Charles - - - 154

Chapter VII

RESTORATION OF CHARLES II. AND ABDICATION OF JAMES II.

Reaction in Favour of Charles II. — Oversight of the two Branches of the Legislature in not making Conditions on the Monarch's Return. — Moral Character of Charles not in his favour. — Ballads of the Day. — Increase of Public Opinion. — James II. — His Conduct not in Accordance with Public Sentiment. — James's Unpopularity much increased by his conduct towards the Church of England. — James's private Character not unamiable - - - J 82

Chapter VIII

Little Liberty in England previously to the Revolution in 1688. — The greatest Instance of the Influence of Public Opinion

CONTENTS. XXV

that had hitherto been manifested in the civilised Part of the World. — William not popular in his Manners, and a Jealousy of Foreigners entertained. — The Prince of Orange supported by nearly all Classes, even the Officials of James. — William's Desire to become Absolute. — He is frustrated by Public Opinion. — Jealousy of the French King entertained by the Nation in consequence of his acknowledgment of the Pretender as King of England ... page 206

Chapter IX. Queen Anne

Constitutional Speech of Queen Anne. — Jacobite Party. — Public Spirit of the English People. — Peace of Utrecht. — Letter from the States General to Queen Anne. — Bishop Burnet's Interview with the Queen. — State of Affairs previously to the Peace. — Political Animosities. — Jacobite Conspiracy in Anne's Court. — Lord Bolingbroke. — Public Opinion in favour of the House of Hanover. — The Queen herself desirous of her Brother's Succession. — Jacobite Documents. — Hope entertained by the Pretender's Party on the Death of Anne - 216

Chapter X

GEORGE I. AND GEORGE II.

House of Brunswick support the free Constitution of Great Britain. — Apprehension of the People of England from the Power and Ambition of the Monarch of France. — George I. not popular in his Manners. — Dread of the Return of the Stuarts. — All the populous and manufacturing Towns in Great Britain declare for the Hanoverian Succession. — The ignorant Part of the remote Districts the only Population in favour of the Pretender 229

CHAPTER XL

GEORGE III.

Length and Importance of this Reign. — General Warrants declared to be illegal. — Letters of Junius. — Fate of the

XXVI CONTENTS.

Toleration Bill. — Riots of 1780.— Bill to reform Parliament. — Peace-ministers and War-ministers. — The American Revolution. — Public Opinion on this Subject. — Its Vacillations. — Unpopularity of the War with America. — Its Impolicy. — Declaration of the Commons. — The India Bill. — The Troubles in Holland. — Attempts to abolish the Slave Trade. — Mr. Pitt's Speech in favour of the Abolition. — Measure for Relief of Roman Catholic Disabilities - - page 242

Chapter XII. George III

Effect on Public Opinion of the Revolution in France. — Excesses of the French Demagogues denounced in England. — Public Opinion supports the Government in commencing Hostilities with France. — Popular Clamour enlisted in the same Cause. — Mr. Pitt's Policy. — Suspension by the Bank of England of Cash Payments. — Effect of this. — Republican Societies in Great Britain and Ireland. — Voluntary Contributions of the English Community. — Failure of Negotiations for Peace. — Policy of the ruling Powers in France 264

Chapter XIII. George III

Serious State of Affairs in England. — Threats of Invasion. — England's Attitude of Defence and Defiance. — Enrolment, as Volunteers, of almost the entire Male Population. — Mr. Pitt's Speech on this subject. — Unparalleled Exertions of Britain. — Paramount Influence of Public Opinion. — Peace of Amiens. — Renewal of War. — Absurd Demands of the French Government. — Austerlitz . — Trafalgar. — Do wnfal of Napoleon . — Change in the Prospects of England - - 275

Chapter XIV. Present State Of Civilisation In Britain

Present State of Society contrasted with that of the last Century. — Former Indecorum of Manners. — Street Outrages. —

CONTENTS. XXV11

Deficient Police. — Horrrible Frequency of Capital Punishments. — Gibbets in the Highways. — Feeble Attempts in 1763 to organise a Constabulary Force. — Destitute Class. — Alteration in the Proportion of the several Classes of Society. — Tendency of the last War, and the Increase of the Public Debt, to augment the Middle Class and to diminish the Upper. — Effects of Steam Power. — Condition of the Working Class. — Personal Property - - page 290

Chapter XV. •the Monarchical Power

Strength of Constitutional Authority. — Genuine Loyalty.— Opinion of Frederick the Great on the Sovereigns of his Day. — Uncertain Tenure of Despotism. — Succession of Females to the English Crown. — Necessity of Upholding the Monarchical Power. — Effects of the Reform Bill. — Increase of Influence in the House of Commons. — Proper Functions of a Sovereign - 320

Chapter XVI. The House Of Lords

The House of Lords sanctioned by the Voice of the Country. — Admission to it a high and distinguished Reward for Services to the State. — Its Importance as one of the Branches of the Legislature. — Influence of Personal Property. — Antiquity of the Separation of the People into Classes. — Advantages and Faults of Aristocratical Government 333

Chapter XVII. The House Of Commons

Powerless State of the Commons in former Times. — Conduct of the Tudors and Stuarts towards the Commons' House. — Peter and Paul Wentworth. — Subserviency of the Commons. — Advance of the House in Power. — Early Desire for representative Government — Influence of Property. — Curtailment of the Privileges of the House. — The Commons act in accordance with Public Opinion - 339