A history of conferences and other proceedings connected with the revision of the Book of common prayer; from the year 1558 to the year 1690

Front matter

Logical '

A history of conferences and other proceedings connected

AND OTHER PROCEEDINGS

Introduction

The state of religious opinions and parties during the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary.

The two objects of the English reformers. ... the different parts they were allowed to take. . . . their incidental advantages. . . . the character of the sovereign. ... the state of religious controversy. . . . illustrated from the cases of the eucharist and clerical vestments. . . . the progress of change. . . . exemplified in the second Service-book of king Edward. . . . changes made in the communion service. ... in the rubric respecting vestments. . . . principles involved in those changes. . . . opinion of lord Bacon. . . . the English reformers in exile. . . . the exiles at Frankfort. ... at Geneva. . . . state of religious opinions on the accession of Elizabeth. . . . sentiments of moderation. . . . divines who had remained in England. . . . archbishop Parker .... influence of the exiles. . . . character of Elizabeth. . . . the tendency of her measures.

Chapter I

The revision of the liturgy in the reign of Elizabeth.

The queen's neutrality. . . . efforts of the two great religious parties .... the queen's proclamation. ... committee of revision. . . . the only prudent method. ... of whom composed. . . .

CONTENTS.

Guest added to the committee. . . . the report he made to Cecil. . . . the convocation. . . . articles presented by them to parliament. . . . approved by the two universities. . . . the queen withdraws her bill of uniformity. . . . conference of divines at Westminster. . . . questions for discussion. . . . proceedings of the conference .... bill of uniformity again brought before parliament. . . . passed. . . . opposition in the house of lords. . . . changes made in the liturgy. . . . effects of these changes. . . . with reference to the eucharist. ... to clerical vestments. . . . extraneous influences. . . . conformists actuated by different motives. . . . sentiments of the clergy in general. . . . the convocation. . . . articles proposed in the lower house.

CHAPTER II. Documents connected with the revision of queen Elizabeth

I. The device for alteration of religion in the first year of queen Elizabeth, (supposed to have been drawn up by sir Thomas

Smith.) Cotton Libr. Julius F. 6 II. Dr. Guest to sir

William Cecil, the queen's secretary, concerning the Service-book newly prepared for the parliament. Corp. Chr. .Coll.

Camb. vol. 106 III. The first proposition upon which the

papists and protestants disputed in Westminster Abbey. The discourse of Dr. Home. Fox's Acts and Mon. and Corp. Chr.

Coll. Camb. vol. 1 2 1. Synodalia IV. The answer of Dr.

Cole to the first proposition of the protestants. Corp. Chr.

Coll. Camb. vol. 121. Synod V. The protestants' discourse

prepared to have been read in the public conference at Westminster on the second question. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. vol.

121. Synod VI. Dr. Cox's letter to Wolfgang Weidner,

with an account of the disputation at Westminster. Corp. Chr.

Coll. Camb. vol. 241 VII. A letter of Jewel's to Peter

Martyr, concerning the disputation at Westminster. Burnet Hist. Ref. vol. in. part 2. pp. 360 — 362.. ..VIII. The oration of Abbot Feckenham in the parliament house, 1559, against the bill for the liturgy. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb- vol. 121.

CONTENTS.

vii

Synod IX. The oration of bishop Scot in the parliament

house against the bill for the liturgy. Fox MSS. Vesp. D. 18. .... X. Extract from the journal of the lower house of convocation. Burn. Hist. Ref. vol. in. p.ii. p. 419.

CHAPTEE III.

The revision of the liturgy in the reign of James I.

The progress of puritanism. . . . the cross and the surplice. . . . the auxiliaries of the puritans. . . .the loftiness of their pretensions. . . . causes of the support they met with. . . . proceedings of the high commission .... dissatisfaction with the government. . . . want of occupation. . . . illustrated in the conspiracy of 1603 .... all nonconformists treated as stateoffenders. . . . nonconformist ministers. . . . opinions of eminent statesmen respecting them. . . . publications on the subject. . . . Cooper, bishop of Winchester. . . . Bancroft, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury. . . . Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity. . . . the close of Elizabeth's reign. . . . the millenary petition. . . . sentiments of king James. ...he grants a conference.... advice of lord Bacon .... declaration from the two universities .... the king's proclamation .... divines convened at HamptonCourt. . . . statement of Dr. Montague. . . . resolutions adopted by the king. . . . his method of carrying them into effect. , . . the alterations made in the liturgy. . . . disappointment of the puritans. . . . petition from the diocese of Lincoln .... plans of moderation. . . . strong opinion expressed of their futility. . . . decided answer in their favour.

Chapter IV

Documents connected with the revision of king James I.

I. A proclamation concerning such as seditiously seek reformation in church matters. Wilkins' Cone. vol. iv. p. 37 1 ... . II. The opinion of Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, touching certain matters, like to be brought in question at the con-

VU1

CONTENTS.

ference. Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 392 — 402 III. King

James to some person unknown in Scotland, concerning the conference at Hampton Court. Cott. Libr. Vespasian, F. 3. .... IV. A letter from court by Toby Matthew, bishop of Durham, to archbishop Hutton, giving an account of the conference. Strype, Whitgift.vol. iii. pp.402 — 407. ... V. The sum and substance of the conference at Hampton Court, contracted by William Barlow, D.D.,dean of Chester. ... VI. A letter from Patrick Galloway to the presbytery of Edinburgh, concerning the conference. Calderwood's Hist, of the Ch. of Scotland, p. 474 .... VII. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi et aliis pro reformatione Libri Communis Precum. Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 565. .... VIII. A proclamation for the authorizing of the Book of Common Prayer to be used throughout the realm. Wilkins' Cone. vol. iv. p. 377.

CHAPTER V. Interpolations charged against archbishop Laud

Quickness to discover matter of accusation .... readiness to give it credence. . . . character of abp. Laud. ... his vigilance over the press .... his instructions respecting works written against popery. . . . displeasure created. ..." The news from Ipswich" .... Sermons by H. Burton. . . . form of prayer for the 5th of November. ... for the public fast of 1636. . . . forms of prayer, &c. on different occasions .... alteration in the prayer for the royal family. . . . made by competent authority .... alteration in one of the Epistles. ... no ground of accusation against abp. Laud. . . . the change of " minister" into " priest". . . . not made by the archbishop .... his speech in the star-chamber .... how far these charges were revived at his trial.

CHAPTER VI. The proceedings of the conference at the Savoy

The time of the rebellion .... committee appointed by the house of lords .... entered actively upon their duties .... motives that actuated them .... the changes they agreed upon ....

CONTENTS.

effect of their concessions .... ordinances proscribing the Common Prayer Book. . . . their natural results .... aided by collateral circumstances .... strong principles of churchascendancy. . . . the king's declaration. ... an exclusive desire for a strong government .... boldness of the dissenters. . . . their unreasonable demands. ... the king's refusal. . . . proceedings of the episcopal clergy. . . . anxiety of the king's ministers respecting them. . . . the advice they gave as to the dissenters .... restoration of the liturgy. . . . critical circumstances of the times. . . . the king's method of proceeding. ... a conference resolved upon. . . . good policy of the court. . . . conciliating demeanour of the king. . . . the dissenters invited to make overtures. . . they deliver in proposals. . . . the groundless nature of their basis. . . . the answer of the bishops. . . . influence of extraneous circumstances. . . . the king's ample concessions. . . . his private reasons. . . . success of his stratagem. . . . satisfaction of the dissenters. . . . commission for the revision of the liturgy .... the instructions provided. . . . proper interpretation of them .... proper course of proceeding. . . . dissenters required to tender their exceptions. . . . the policy of such a method. . . . uncompromising principle of the dissenters. . . . their list of exceptions and new liturgy. . . . their high tone of language. . . . the bishops determine to act as judges .... their answers. . . . the rejoinder of the dissenters. ... its peremptory nature. . . . ten days only remaining. ... a personal debate. ... its natural consequences .... bishop Cosin's proposal .... disputation on one single topic. . . . general reflections as to toleration.

CHAPTER VII. Documents connected with the conference at the Savoy

I. Proceedings of the committee of divines appointed by the house of lords in 1641. Baxter's Life by Sylvester, b. I. p. 2. p. 3 69.... II. The first address and proposals of the ministers to king Charles II. Baxter's Life by Sylvester, b. I. p. 2. p. 232 .... III. His majesty's declaration to all his loving subjects, bearing date October 25, 1660. Wilkins' Cone, vol. iv. p. 560 .... IV. His majesty's letters patents for a commission of divines, bearing date March 25, 1661. Wilkins' b

X

CONTENTS.

Cone. vol. iv. p. 572 .... V. The exceptions against the Book of Common Prayer, presented by the ministers May 4, 1661. Baxter's Life by Sylvester, b. I. p. 2. p. 316.... VI. The answer of the bishops to the exceptions of the ministers. From the account of the proceedings of the Savoy commissioners, published in 1 661 .... VII. The disputation in which the episcopal divines were opponents and the ministers respondents. From an account printed in 1662.

Chapter VIII

The revision of the liturgy in the reign of Charles II.

The king's intention to summon a convocation .... reasons for his change of plan. . . . convocation finallv summoned. ... its proceedings .... it receives the thanks of the house of lords. . . . excitement of the house of commons. . . . their resolute measures .... more considerate proceedings of the lords .... they pass the bill of uniformity. . . .jealousy and suspicion felt by the commons. . . . strong provisions added by them to the bill .... somewhat mitigated by the lords. . . . the bill receives the royal assent. . . . alterations made in the liturgy. . . . amounting to about 600. ... no changes made to gratify the dissenters . . some changes made that were known to be galling to them .... the apparent design was to restrain and exclude them. . . . and they themselves so interpreted it. . . . the fear that was felt of Laudian sentiments. . . . grounds for that fear. . . . Mr. Sancroft's book. . . . produced in the convocation. . . . employed in the revision of the Liturgy. . . . the great use that was made of it. . . . its leaning towards the Laudian theology.

Chapter IX

The attempt made to revise the liturgy in the reign of William and Mary.

Defection from the side of the dissenters. . . . Dr. Tillotson. . . . still continued to promote a comprehension. ... progress of

that cause in the time of Charles II banishment of lorj

Clarendon. ... the cabal. ... the cause supported by bishops

CONTENTS.

xi and peers . . . always disappointed. . . . Dr.Tillotson pronounce? it hopeless. . . . the king's secret designs. . . . their constant and powerful influence. . . . the court and the dissenters in alliance. . . . they continually thwart each other. . . . reasons for the quiescence of the episcopal clergy. . . . king James II. . new posture of affairs. ... affinities between churchmen and dissenters. . . . claims of the church. . . . acknowledged by the dissenters. . . . merits on their part. . . . anger of the king. . . . many circumstances favourable to a coalition. . . . disposition of the bishops. . . . archbishop Sancroft. . . . aids the prevailing sentiment. . . . what were probably his own convictions. . . . letter of the bishop of Ely. . . . moderation of king William .... his caution as to the encouragement of the dissenters. . . . bills of comprehension and toleration. . . . the latter bill passed .... the former laid aside by the commons. . . . who resolve to petition for a convocation. . . . the lords join in the address. . . . the king advised by Dr. Tillotson to consent. ... a commission of bishops and other divines. . . . concessions expected from them. . . . much in advance of public opinion . . . letter of Dr. Comber. . . . bishop Patrick. ... his line of conduct. . . . proceedings of the commission. . . . their report never made public .... question of reordination. . . . collateral circumstances. . . . violences in Scotland. . . . the toleration recently obtained. . . . the non-jurors. . . . danger of making any changes in the liturgy. ... the feeling of the convocation .... election of prolocutor. . . . objections of the lower house to the address of the bishops. . . . convocation prorogued.

Chapter X

Documents connected with the attempted revision of William and Mary.

I. Commission of William and Mary for the review of the liturgy, 1689. From Rennet's Complete History, vol. iii. p .590. ... II. Letter from lord Nottingham, to bishop Burnet, requiring him to attend as one of the king's commissioners. From the original among the Burnet papers in the Bodleian .... III. Proceedings of the Commission of 1689. From xii

CONTENTS.

Dr. Calamv's Life of Baxter, p. 432. . . . IV. Proceedings of the commission of 1689. From Dr. Nicholl's Apparatus ad Defens. Eccles. Angl. p. 95 V. The particular acts and adjournments of the convocation of 1689. From Mr. Long's Vox Cleri, printed anno 1690, p. 59. (Comp. Wilk. Cone. vol. iv. p. 619.). . . . VI. Letter to Dr. Tillotson, bearing date Oct. 5, 1689. From the MS. Library at Lambeth. Gibs. 930, No. 183. . . . VII. An act for uniting his majesty's protestant subjects. From a MS. among the Burnet papers in the Bodleian.

Conclusion

No attempt at a revision since the time of king William. . . . applications made to the bishops for that purpose. ... is any new attempt necessary ?. . . . or desirable ?. . . . admitted that the liturgy is capable of improvement. . . . such an attempt not necessary. . . . except on one supposition. ... a case irrelevant and unprofitable to discuss. ... is the attempt desirable ?. . . . practical difficulties. . . . supposed case of such an experiment. . . . favourable occasions at the restoration and the revolution. . . . danger of opening the question. . . . opposite objectors would rush in. . . . probable consequences to the nonconformists. . . . illustrated from the time of Charles II.

INTRODUCTION.

The state of religious opinions and parties during the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary.

THE English reformers during the reign of king Edward VI. were engaged in the distinct, though 5 kindred, objects of renouncing the corruptions and authority of the Romish Church, and reconstructing the Church of England. But the means that they had of accomplishing these two portions of their work were extremely different. Having been the principal 10 agents and conductors of the one, it seemed as if they were considered to have neither right nor interest in the other. They had exposed the errors and renounced the jurisdiction of the court of Rome ; but the powers which that court had exercised were transferred, as is of necessity, to their sovereign, and no inquiry was made, whether some of them were not part of his original prerogative, and others inconsistent with the nature of his office. It appeared as if the Church of England, having drifted away from the shores of the 20 papacy, was treated by the statesmen of those times as a waifa or an estray, and claimed, like all other bona vacantia, as the property of the crown.

With respect, then, to the future condition and

a This view of the case, though resting on other grounds, was doubt- 25 less confirmed by the act of submission, 25 Henry VIII. c. 19.

B

Introduction.

the positive reformation of the national church, the powers of the reformers were at an end, as soon as they had shaken off the tyranny of Rome. But though excluded by the nature of the case from any direct interference in the reconstruction of the Church, their 5 difficulties were mitigated and in great measure removed by the circumstances of the time and the character of the sovereign. Edward VI. had adopted the principles of the reformation to a greater extent and in a more religious spirit than most of his con-io temporaries. Independently of his general attainments, and the wonderful proficiency he had made in every branch of sacred knowledge, his youth, his ingenuous disposition, and even the delicacy of his physical constitution, were the occasion of placing 15 considerable power in the hands of the reformers, by inducing him to confide in their integrity and wisdom. As yet, moreover, this spirit of confidence, a spirit least likely to flourish in those exalted regions, was not repressed by the existing condition of religious 20 controversy, or by the appearance of disunion among the reformers themselves. The cause in which they were engaged had not yet been so successful in its warfare against the power of Rome, as to afford them time for turning away their attention from the com- 25 raon enemy, and fixing it upon their own differences. Being a time of general danger, calling for their constant and united activity, it left no room for the exercise of curious and idle speculation ; and the party zeal and bitter hatred, which gradually made their 30 appearance, as the points in dispute were more narrowly examined, were still latent among the elements of the contest, and unknown and unsuspected by the parties that were engaged in it.

Introduction.

And this may be distinctly shewn from the two controversies on the nature of the eucharist, and the proper use of clerical vestments, which were the most remarkable at the present period. The dispute respect-

sing the real presence in the eucharist, which more than any other occupied the thoughts and exercised the skill of the reformers, gave them the first opportunity for pursuing new and more subtle subjects of discussion, but found them so much in fear of the

io Romish tenet of transubstantiation, that their confidence in each other continued hitherto unshaken. Even the objections against the use of clerical vestments, objections that were levelled at an early period by the reformers against each other, and have since

15 become a fruitful source of discord and disunion, appear to have been laid aside for the time by general consent, from an implicit reliance on the prevailing wisdom and moderation of their counsels.

From these causes, then, from the character and

20 circumstances of the sovereign, combined with the peculiar state and the limited development of religious controversy, ensued a general sense of trustworthiness and a direct influence of public opinion, which, notwithstanding the demands of the prerogative, enabled

25 the reformers to take their part in removing the errors and filling up the void of their national church, as well as in establishing their independence of the court of Rome.

It is not necessary to inquire whether the mutual

30 confidence entertained by the reformers of this period, and their consequent readiness to include as many as possible within the terms of communion, were not owing to a peculiar and transitory state of feeling, rather than to a condition of things likely to become b 2

Introduction.

permanent. It is sufficient to observe that, after an interval of no great length, whatever was the cause, whether the fear of surrendering some essential truth, or the jealousy arising from past dissensions, the terms of communion were narrowed, and the national 5 church had then to encounter a new description of enemies.

But the rapid progress of change during the short reign of Edward, and the earnest endeavour that was made to include all degrees of reformers within the *o pale of the Church, may be easily traced in the alterations introduced into the Book of Common Prayer in the year 1552. The earlier edition of 1549, although constructed wisely and with due regard to the existing state of public sentiment, was soon found 15 to adhere too closely to the ancient learning. The encouragement, which had in the mean time been given to the exercise of private judgment, and the necessity that followed and was readily obeyed, of appealing to the sole authority of Scripture, had swept 20 away the foundations of Romanism, and brought into the minds of men principles and motives powerful enough to throw down the strongholds of their early associations. The older and more thoughtful among the reformers were well aware that there was a moral 25 force in the practice of past ages, and a Christian duty connected with the sense of God's government of his Church, which should make them fearful of change, and distrustful of their own impressions. But how could they forsake the very principle on which their 30 religious freedom had been obtained, or abandon their more ardent brethren, who had been the most effectual instruments in obtaining it ? On this impression, then, they still continued to act in concert, enlarging, as

Introduction.

occasion needed, the pale of their communion ; but they seem to have forgotten that some of the special tenets they were renouncing, were still an important part of public opinion, and that in extending their 5 limits for the purpose of admitting persons, who had few articles of faith, b they were unavoidably excluding others, who believed accurately and completely. It may be doubted whether in such cases the converts, who are newly admitted into communion, are more

io valuable members than those who are displaced by them. It is certainly not improbable that if the reign of Edward had been prolonged, and his counsels had continued to be directed on the same principle, an attempt would have been made to establish an ecclesi-

15 astical polity after the model of some foreign churches, and would have terminated either in civil discord, or in the permanent loss of some of the best properties in our church-government.

Two principal alterations introduced into the Liturgy

20 on the revision of 1552, and connected with the two important points of controversy already noticed, will illustrate what has been stated. The service of the communion had previously been so constructed as to accord with the belief of the real presence of Christ

25 in the sacred elements, and even in some respects to favour the doctrine of his substantial and corporal presence. It was declared, for instance, in one of the rubrics, after describing the kind of bread to be used,

b " The doctrine of the Lord's supper hath been so slenderly 30 taught by some, that a number have conceived with themselves that they receive nothing but the external elements in remembrance that Christ died for them. And these their cogitations have they uttered to other to their great misliking." Bp. Cooper's Admonition to the People of England, p. 121.

Introduction.

and the manner in which it was to be divided, " men must not think less to be received in part than in the whole, but in each of them the whole body of our Saviour Jesus Christ." This service accordingly was approved by the advocates of the ancient learning, and 5 the sacrament, as thus administered, was received by many who considered themselves in communion with the Church of Rome. But the alterations of 1.552 were of such a nature as to be consistent with the belief that the sacred elements had no new virtues io whatever imparted to them, and that Christ was present in the eucharist in no other manner than as he is always present to the prayers of the faithful. That this important change was actually intended, is evident from the words addressed individually to the 15 communicants, which may fairly be considered as the cardinal point of the whole service. Those words were no longer " The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life," but merely " Take and eat this 20 in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith with thanksgiving :" and the new form appears to have been suggested from the ritual of a church of foreigners0 then resident in England, who were among the most remarkable for 25 their rejection of ancient practices and distinct confessions of faith. Here, then, was a difference in a question of religious belief, where, for the sake of enlarging the pale of communion, several shades of opinion were excluded from the public ritual, and exposed to the 3° imputation of being publicly condemned.

The other important alteration was in regard to the

0 See the two Liturgies of King Edward VI. preface, p. xxix. note.

Introduction.

use of clerical vestments. The vestments used by the Romanists in divine service, and more especially the further decorations required in the sacrifice of the mass, had hitherto been retained by the reformers in 5 their corresponding offices, and probably were not without effect in moderating the hostility of their opponents. But it was owing to the reverence in which these vestments were held by the people, that they were odious to the more earnest reformers, and

io that the removal of them was declared to be essential to the purity of Christian worship. It was accordingly enjoined in a rubric of 1552 " that the minister at the time of the communion, and at all other times in his ministration, shall use neither alb, vestment nor

is cope : but being archbishop or bishop he shall have and wear a rochet : and being a priest or deacon he shall have and wear a surplice only."

Now this alteration involved an important victory, not merely because it departed still further from the

20 practice of the Romanists, but much more because it led to the admission of a new principle among the reformers themselves, a larger interpretation being given to the right of private judgment. Unlike the other subject of controversy, which was altogether a

25 question of faith and conscience, and was left on both sides to be solved by an appeal to Scripture, the proper use of vestments was an ordinance of the Church. Being indifferent in its nature, it had merely the force of a human regulation, and became binding on the

30 conscience only so far as the Church had authority to make it so. Such, at least, was the opinion which men in general would entertain respecting it. In favour, then, of the ancient practice were the authoritative decision of the Church, the conscientious feeling

Introduction.

that was unwilling to disturb it, the approbation of those semi-converts who were attached to the ancient worship, and the calm assent of the greater portion of the faithful : opposed to them were the convictions of a small minority of the reformers, but those convic-5 tions combining an unconquerable activity, an utter hatred of Romanism, and a deep persuasion of the sinfulness of acquiescence. The strong feelings of the few prevailed against the judgment of the many, and the sense of individual responsibility was allowed to 10 overpower the voice of Church-authority. And yet, in such a case, where the considerations on the two sides were so different in tbeir moral nature, where no religious advantage was gained by maintaining the ancient practice, and provision was effectually made 15 for the decent performance of public worship, who shall say that the alteration was unwisely granted, or unworthy of the high authority that consented to it?

This view of the matter may be confirmed by the 20 judgment of Lord Bacon, which he expressed at a later period in the following emphatic language : d " For the cap and surplice, since they be things in their nature indifferent, and yet by some held superstitious, and that the question is between science and 25 conscience, it seemeth to fall within the compass of the Apostle's rule, which is, ' that the stronger do descend and yield to the weaker.' Only the difference is, that it will be materially said, that the rule holdeth between private man and private man; but not be- 30 tween the conscience of a private man and the order of a church. But yet since the question at this time is of a toleration, not by connivance, which may end Of the Pacification of the Church. Works, vol. ii. p. 541.