Lives of the English cardinals : including historical notices of the papal court, from Nicholas Breakspear (Pope Adrian IV) to Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal Legate

Front matter

BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE

SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND

THE GIFT OF

Chapter I. Philip Eepingdon, Cardinal Peiest

ileligious Excitement in England — Richard Fitz-Ralph, Arcl> bishop of Armagh — Wickliife, Warden of Canterbury College — The Mendicant Orders assailed at Oxford — Philip Repingdon Canon of Leicester, joins Wickliffe — Humility and Purity of Life of the Reformers — Enormous Papal Patronage in England— Wickliffe's Reply to a Monk — Bulls against him — His Confession of Faith — Repingdon denounced — His Sermon in the Cloisters of St. Frideswide — -His Popularity — Persecution — Flight of Repiingdon — makes his Submission and abjures his Errors — Death of Wickliffe — Repingdon's Elevation — He becomes a Persecutor — TJiorpe and Archbishop Arundel — The Primate's Constitutions — Repingdon, Bishop of Lincoln and Cardinal

PUBLIC dissatisfaction witli tlie working of the papal system in England liad been expanding century after century witli the progress of intelligence. In tlie schools there seemed always more or less regard paid to opinions that had been expressed by scholars of eminence, even if restrained by papal authority ; while the superstitious practices which had originated in the ignorance of the people during the Middle Ages, were openly denounced by liberal and enlightened churchmen. There was

1 * mucli relio-ious feeling' in the land ; but the more it increased, the more strenuous became its opposition to habits of living and usages that were inconsistent with the clerical profession. Society seemed preparing for a great change, and required only a few powerful and courageous minds to direct it.

Richard Fitz-Ralph, archbishop of Armagh, distinguished himself as an opponent of the mendicant orders. Like Bishop Grosstete, he was impatient of the abuses of the Roman system, and denounced the enormous evils it had created. The discourses and writino's of these eminent reliafious reformers had created a great effect in England about the middle of the fourteenth century, and wherever superior intelligence or virtue was to be found, they were certain to be discussed and approved. The archbishop died in 1360, but his principles did not die with him. The desire for a reform in the Church was gaining strength, particularly among rising scholars ; and many young and energetic priests began openly to declaim against the begging ft'iars, with a full consciousness that they were assailing the outworks of the stronghold of papal corruption. Prominent among these was John Wickliffe, at this period rector of Fylingham.

He was selected to fill the post of warden by the secular scholars of Canterbury College, to which body he belonged, while the archbishop promoted the election of Henry Wodehull, a member of one of the monastic fraternities, and insisted that the choice must fall on a monk. The fellows elected Wickhffe ; then the primate seized the revenues of the college. The quarrel was carried on with great heat at Canterbury,

WIOKLIFFE. 5

Wicldiffe evidently being popular there. At last tlie cause was transferred to Rome, where so mucli was made in the papal court of Wickliffe's suspected heterodoxy, that the cardinal of St. Marcellus, to whom it was referred, gave judgment against him. He was ejected, and Wodehull appointed warden in his place,* — a gross act of injustice, because the former had been accepted by the founder. Archbishop Islip, on the 5th of December, 1365. t

The interposition of the Pope and cardinals to effect his disgrace brought on them a share of the animosity with which he had previously assailed the monks and friars. By this time feelings of hostility against them, particularly the mendicant orders, had grown to such a height among the regular clergy and the students at college that constant disturbances occurred. In the imiversities an attack upon them was sure to obtain a favourable hearing, so that when the displaced warden Avent to Oxford, and began to inveigh against their numbers, their in-

* Wood, " Hist, and Antiq. of Oxford," i. 483. While warden, Wickliffe is said to have numbered among liis pupils Chaucer the poet. — Idem, 488.

t The Rev. Walter Waddington Shirley, in his Introduction to one of the works printed under the superintendence of the Master of the Rolls, asserts that the John Wickliffe turned out of the wardenship of Canterbury College, and the John Wickliffe, rector of Fylingham and master of Balliol College, were two distinct persons. This idea was first put forward by Mr. Courthorpe, in a letter to the Gentlemans Magazine, Aiagust, 1841. In a note placed at the end of Mr. Shirley's volume, the facts are carefully examined, and he comes to the conclusion already expressed. It is diificult, however, to explain why a contemporary. Dr. Woodforde, should refer to the displaced warden as the John Wickliffe. — " Fasciculi Tizaniorum Magistri Johannis Wyclif," ifec.

6 LIVES OF THE EKGLISH CABDINALS.

science, tlieir greediness, tlieir pride, tlieu' luxury, and similaT cliaracteristics, lie not only liad many listeners, but many coadjutors. Presently lie formed his friends into a body, and publicly in tbe schools, assisted by several eminent professors, entered into controversy with the boldest of the friars respecting points of doctrine.

It became evident that the long-desired apostle of religious reform had appeared— at a period too when the national spirit was indignant at papal attempts at coercion. The principal university, where most of the distinguished prelates of the Anglican Church had received their education, at last became so conspicuous for the ardour with which controversies were carried on against Roman dogmas and ceremonies, that orthodox churchmen sounded the alarm.

The eminence and popularity of Wickliffe, — now master of Balliol College and doctor of divinity', as well as incumbent of Lutterworth, — and of tlie thirteen distinguished scholars by whom he was openly assisted, caused rapid dissemination of his opinions. These created great excitement, as they were sometimes completely at variance with such as were taught by the Church. They were particularly obnoxious to the monks, who usually professed ultraorthodoxy. The latter formed a council, with the assistance of four of the regular clergy, and pronounced them dangerous heresies.*

The coadjutors of Wicldiffe in the mental crusade he was preaching against pontifical abuses, were, like himself, Catholics who desired only a purer catholicity. They were priests possessed of superior

* Of the twelve members of the council, eight were monks.

PHILIP EEPINGDON. 7

attainments, who led unexceptionable lives. Like many zealous churchmen in an earlier age, like more than one pontiff, they desired a reformation in the Church. English enterprise had helped materially in establishing the Papacy, but the appetite had grown with what it fed on, till it threatened to devour all nationality. English judgment had restrained popular devotion within rational bounds ; but Roman cupidity had stimulated it till enthusiasm became idolatry. The operation of such intelligence now was directed against excesses in ecclesiastical government, the results of inordinate pride and neglected disciphne.

The religious fraternities in England had drawn upon themselves a large amount of popular indignation and ridicule. Satire had become a prominent featiire in English literature, and historians and poets joined in exposing priestly folly, hypocrisy, and greediness. It was against such " caterpillars of the commonwealth " that Wickliffe declared war. He wrote against them, and preached against them, with uncompromising energy. Oxford was overrun with friars and monks — indeed, so was the kingdom. Some came forward to answer these attacks, but to very little purpose. His denunciations and exposures appear to have shamed at least four members of the mendicant orders, who joined him and helped him in his work. Amongst them Philip Repingdon, a canon of Leicester, preached the same popular appeals. Several of the orders possessed vast influence at the papal court, where their complaints against the audacity of the Oxford schismatics became daily more grievous.

The favourable impression Wickliffe made upon

*

tlie jjeople was owing quite as mucli to the purity of Ms life as the boldness of his doctrine. His personal appearance conformed to that of the originators of Christianity. He went barefoot, in a russet gown — in marked contrast to the scarlet robes and other affectations of state which distinguished ecclesiastics. This was a grave offence in the eyes of all who delighted in clerical parade. The greater their assumption of state, the more incensed were they at seeing such a protest against it ; and the prelates, the cardinals, and the Pope were of one mind to put down the English reformer.

The introduction of aliens into English benefices was still a monstrous evil. It has been shown that in the reign of Henry III. this abuse of papal patronage absorbed a revenue three times that of the Crown. Edward III. instituted, in 1374, an inquiry into the value of benefices still in the hands of foreigners, and placed the name of Wickliffe second on the hst of commissioners. The result was so startling — it was now five times the revenue of the Crown — that Parliament complained of the diversion of so large a fund for the maintenance of foreigners, "amongst which number," Eox avers, "the cardinals of the court of Eome lacked not their share." This was the root of the evil. It formed a portion of the patronage of the papal court ; and though the Pope more than once promised that the grievous wrong should be redressed, the cardials profited too much by its existence to consent. The EngHsh legislature therefore passed a statute agamst the usurpations of the Pope, and made the sense of it extremely plain to papal understandings.

PAPAL EXACTIONS DENOUNCED. 9

In one passage it is stated, " That tlie Pope's collector, being also receiver of the Pope's pence, keepeth an house in London, with clerks and officers thereunto belonging, as if it were one of the king's solemn courts, transporting yearly to the Pope twenty thousand marks, and most commonly more." Here follows an enumeration of the clerical dignities possessed by foreigners — a cause of gi'eat dissatisfaction to English churchmen, in every way better qualified to fulfil the duties they imposed on the possessor,* as well as a grievous wrong to the Anglican Church, whose offices of honour were so thoughtlessly disposed of. It was, however, a wrong which the community had long endured; moreover, was one their posterity were forced to endure, till a more determined anti-papal movement effected the desired change. The statute then avers : " That the Pope to ransom Frenchmen, the king's enemies who defend Lombardy for him, doth always at his pleasure levy a subsidy of the whole clergy of England : that the Pope for more gain maketli sundry translations of all the bishopricks and other dignities within the realm : that the Pope's collector hath this year taken to his use the firstfruits of all benefices ; that therefore it would be good to renew all the statutes against provisors from Kome, since the Pope reserveth all the benefices of the world for his own proper gift, and hath within this year created twelve new cardinals ; so that now there are thirty ; whereas there were wont to be but twelve in all ; and all the said thirty cardinals, except two or three, are the king's enemies."* * Lewis, "Life of WicklifFe," 35.

10 LIVES OF TITE ENGLISH CAItDINALS.

The vest of the bill was given to the relation of other instances of spoliation and oppression, making out a case that loudly called for legislative interference. Its composition was no dcubt Wickliflfe's. He liad also answered the monk who had ventured to defend the Pope. His reply was given in the form of a debate in the upper House of Parliament, and the arguments there introduced are so intensely anti-papal, that the zealots raised an outcry denouncing the Eeformer as a deserter and an enemy. The campaign against him and his abettors commenced with a bull from Pope Gregory, addressed to the authorities of the university, to put an immediate stop to the mischievous, vsdcked, and damnable heresies vomited out of the breast of the parson of Lutterworth ; and, after giving them a good scolding, the document insisted that he should be surrendered into the safe custody of either the archbishop of Canterbury (Sudbury) or the bishop of London (Courteney), to whom other bulls were sent, commanding them to admonish the king and imprison the heretics. Another mandate was forwarded to the king. The jDrimate immediately sent to the chancellor of the university directing him to summon Wickliffe to appear before him at St. Paul's.*

Everything seemed to threaten "Wickhffe's destruction. His enemies, the prelates, had assembled with a determination to crush him and his heresy with all possible despatch. While they were deliberating, a messenger entered the chamber in which they had assembled, and in the name of the Princess of Wales forbade their proceeding further. * Wilkins, "Concilia," iii. IIG.

WICKLIPFE AT OXFORD. 11

It lias also been stated that the citizens of London made a similai^ requisition ; certain it is that the reformer escaped with an admonition — a signal triumph for the Oxford reformers, who, seeing their leader thus powerfully protected, considered his cause likely to prevail. The consequence was a marked increase in the number of Wickliffites, and a bolder tone in their public addresses.

This continued till the year 1380, when Oxford received a new chancellor, selected apparently for the work he was directed to perform. It became clear that the government of the young king had been won over. Certain ambitious churchmen were placed in his household for a specific purpose, and the prelates were encouraged to recommence the persecution.

The reformer, while lecturing in the school of the Augustine Friars at Oxford, was served with an edict from the chancellor, in opposition to certain opinions he had declared on the sacrament, and threatening excommunication to all who should entertain them. WickliflFe expressed his intention to appeal to the king ; but ascertaining that court influence was no longer available, he drew up, at considerable length, a confession of his faith, so skilfully put together that he left nothing that his prosecutors could use as the foundation of a charge of heresy.

In the year 1382, Courteney, now archbishop of Canterbury, held a convocation in London, composed of the most learned divines in the country, and found no difficulty in condemning nine propositions of Wickhfie as heretical, and fourteen as erroneous.

12 LIVES OF THE ENGLISH CAEDTNALS.

The priests about the young king sliowed their influence in a letter addressed by him to the authorities of the university, directing them to take prompt measures for the suppression of th.e opinions for whicli Oxford had become famous. It contained the following passage : — •

" And if henceforth you shall find any that shall believe, favour, or defend any of the foresaid heresies or errors, or any other such like, or else which shall be so bold [as] to receive into their houses and innes Master John Wickliffe, Master Nicholas Hertford, Master Philip Reppindon,* or Master John

* In the clever Latin Poem " On tlie Council of London," some of the leading Reformers are mentioned by name. We can onlyfind room for the concluding verses —

With an 0 and an I, pecuniis placatus, Quicquid fratres cupiunt, dicit, ' Sum paratus.'

Ashton, or any other noted by probable suspicion of any the foresaid heresies or errors, or any other like unto them in meaning or in word, or that shall presume to communicate ^yith any of them, or else to defend or favour any of such favourers, receivers, communicants, and defenders, within seven days after the same shall appear and be manifest unto you, to banish and expel them from the university and town of Oxford, till such time as they shall declare their innocence before the archbishop of Canterbury for the time being by manifest purgation."

This was followed by directions to search for and seize heretical books.

It is evident that the canon of Leicester was one of the most eminent of Wickliffe's supporters.* Of this we add a stronger proof. The vice-chancellor

Wright, "Political Poems and Songs," i. 262.

* The same poem has been printed by Mr. Brewer, Appendix XL " Monumenta Franciscana,"but without marking the peculiar burthen or refrain. This seems to have been a favourite. It is repeated in the curious satire "On the Minorite Priars" — "Political Poems and Songs relating to English History," by Thomas Wright, i. 268 — Rolls Publications. The first verse runs thus — " Of thes Frer Minours me thinkes moch wonder That waxen are thus hauteyn, that som tyme weren under j Among men of Holy Chirch thai maken mochel blonder ; Nou he that sytes us above make ham sone to sender ! With an O and an T, thai praysen not Seynt Poule, Thai lyen on Seynt Praunoeys, by my fader soule ! "

These are the Minorites, or begging friars, more than once referred to in the text. They were specially denounced by the disciples of Wicklifie.

(Eigges), and tlie two proctors were among the " favourers " of tlie new opinions. They appointed to preach the customary sermons on two festivals, the Ascension and Corpus Christi, in the cloister of St. Frideswide (Christ Church), the popular Wickliffite preachers Nicholas Hertford and Philip Repingdon. This selection created a sensation among the high church party in Oxford. The citizens they knew would be admitted to the cloisters, and would be sure to hear a warm commendation of the obnoxious Wickliffe, and much sharp abuse of themselves. They therefore flocked to hear the sermon of Hertford. He confined himself to the praise of the reformer as a model of all that was faithful, good, and innocent in man. The friars appear to have contented themselves with making rude interruptions.

They were more apprehensive of the other preacher, and to prevent as much as possible the impression he was likely to make, Brother Peter, a Carmelite, obtained from the primate his condemnation of the Wickliffe conclusions, and in presence of the university denounced them as heretical, a little before the hour aj^pointed for the canon of Leicester to mount the pulpit. Not in any way disconcerted by this ruse, Philip Repingdon commenced his sermon to a congregation that thronged every part of the old cloisters. No discourse on Corpus Christi had ever been so attractive, gown and town pressing forward to hear with similar eagerness. The preacher did not disappoint the general expectations ; he delivered an extraordinary discourse, part of which must have astonished the friars extremely. This was the bold bepingdon's seemon. 15

argument that popes or bisliops ought not to be recommended above temporal lords.* It was heresy with a vengeance ! It was bringing the axe down upon the tree of spiritual supremacy, while its branches were throwing so deep a shadow upon Christendom ; and he brought it to the base of the towering trunk with a will that promised its being felled in good time. The cowled recluses doubtless stood aghast as they listened to this portion of the thoroughly Wickliflfite sermon.

The cloisters of the patron saint of Oxford must have put on a very animated aspect on that Corpus Christi day, for the monks and friars mustered strong, zealous to put down the bold disciple of the detested heresiarch ; the chancellor with the collegiate authorities collected their strength, ostensibly to keep the peace ; while the students and teachers who favoured the movement flocked in overwhelming numbers, as though determined to support the popular preacher in case of any attempt at interruption. Some, it is said, came with concealed weapons, as if to avenge any insult the friars might offer their favourite ; and the annals of many a religious house in the neighbourhood could have assured them that the scholars were dangerous to provoke. The preacher not only dwelt on the merits and virtues of his leader, but dilated on the prospects of preferment to his followers, opened by the patronage of the king's son. He said, " Thp duke of Lancaster is very earnestly affected and minded in this matter; and would that all such

* That spiritual ought not to be prayed for before temporal peers.

should be received under his protection." The hint was not likely to be lost on those earnest waiters on Providence — divinity students. To get a footing at court would be tantamount to a good status in the Church ; the king's chaplain had more than once been elevated to the dignity of cardinal. Some apparently became zealous Wickliffites on the spot.

The preacher then proceeded to the other branch of his discourse, and having announced that in moral matters he was ready to defend Master WicklifFe as a true Catholic doctor, he became so eloquent in commendation, as well as in defence of the reformer, that both scholars and citizens must have been gratified beyond measure. He avoided reference to subjects that were too holy for discussion, satisfying himself, at the conclusion of his discourse, by saying to the people, " I will, in the speculative doctrine as appertaining to the matter of the sacrament of the altar, keep silence and hold my peace until such time as God otherwise shall instruct and illumine the hearts of the clergy."

A disturbance had been anticipated, but the anti- Wickliflfites dared not molest the preacher. The busy Carmelite slunk away Avhen he found that his ruse had produced no effect. Repingdon, after he had concluded his sermon, was escorted into the church by a large company ; presently the vice-chancellor saluted him in the porch, and then dismissed the congregation to their homes.

The effect produced by the canon of Leicester, particularly among the scholars and divinity students, exasperated the ultra-montane party'; and Brother Peter, the Carmehte, did everything in his

OXFOED. 17

power to induce the arclibisliop to punisli. His example brouglit forward Henry Crompe, a Cistercian, as well as a regent in divinity, who was suspended for too prominently exhibiting his zeal ; but he went to London, and appealed to the government with such effect that a letter was written in the name of the king to the vice-chancellor and proctors, settingaside this sentence, and restoring him to his " accustomed lectures and scholastic acts." Moreover, the authorities were restrained from molesting the Carmelites who had been most active in their proceedings against Wickliffe, Hertford, and Repingdon.*

The clamour in the university increased when the friars found themselves thus powerfully supported. No part of the recent discourse had excited their hostility so greatly as the bold opinion preached by Eepingdon to the people, that in prayer the dignitaries of the Church were not to have precedence of temporal princes and peers,! and the schools were

* " The true sources of our civil wars iu tlie fifteenth century," observes a modern historical scholar, " are to be found rather in the teaching of Wickliffe and his followers than the rival claims of Yorkist or Lancastrian." This may be true to a certain extent, but wo cannot accept the rest of the sentence, "and Wickliffe is the genuine descendant of the friars, turning their wisdom against themselves, and carrying out the principles he had learnt from them, to their legitimate political conclusion."— (Brewer, Preface to "Monumenta Franciscana," lix. 1858.) From such recluses as Eoger Bacon the reformer may have learnt much, but from the mendicant orders, Wickliffe's contemporaries, the object of his constant attacks, he could have learned little or nothing.

t Contrast this idea, openly discussed at the principal English

university by Catholic priests in the last half of the fourteenth

century, with the custom insisted on, five centuries later, by

professors of the same faith, of drinking the Pope's health at public

8 LIVES OP THii ENGLISH CAEDINALS.

esieged by tlie zealous supporters of tlie superior [aims of tlie Pope, cardinals, and prelates of the 'hurcli.

That the doctrines preached by Wickliffe and Lepingdon were very popular at the university is vident from the statement of the chancellor that he arednot put in operation the archbishop's commands 3r their suppression. The seculars were against ny severe measures, and encouraged the attacks pon the friars. Nevertheless, the power brought 3 bear ao-ainst the directors of this reformation "as of a nature they could not hope to resist. "What ffected them most deeply was an unexpected change 1 the conduct of their patron, John of Gaunt. The Itra-churclimen got round him, and appear to have larmed him by their representations of the dangers kely to arise if a stop were not put to the Oxford eresy ; so that when Philip Kepingdon and Nicholas [ertford waited upon him to request his protectipn, e turned sharp upon his old friends, calhng them nproper names, and offering to refute their opinions imself.*

So violent a persecution now commenced against le Wickhflfites, that, warned by the friendly vicehancellor, Hertford and Eepingdon fled and oon- 3aled themselves. They were excommunicated by le archbishop (Courteney) and the bishop of london (Braybrooke), and directions sent to the ice-chancellor that diligent search and watch

stivals before that of the sovereign, under whose mild rule they ijoy, among other valuable privileges, that of forgettino- their yalty, their gallantry, and their patriotism. °

* Wood, "Hist, and Antiq. Oxford" (Gutch), i. 508.

EECANTATION. 19

should be laid for them in Oxford and London, that they might be apprehended. The vice-chancellor replied that, after much search, neither could be found, and that he knew nothing of their whereabouts.

A few months later, Philip Repingdon voluntarilyappeared before the primate, whom he so thoroughlysatisfied, that he was restored to his scholastic functions. He went back to Oxford ; but the friendly vice-chancellor had been displaced, and at a convocation held in the university a few days before his arrival (October 16), rigorous measures had been taken for the suppression of heresy, including " ciu-sing and banning." Having had a private communication with the archbishop, Repingdon seems to have been so con-vinced of his errors that in the presence of the primate, prelates, and clergy assembled in convocation in the chapter-house of the very chui'ch in the cloisters of which he had preached his memorable sermon, he made his abjuration in the following form : —

" In Dei nomine, amen. — I, Philip Eepingdon, canon of the house of Leicester, acknowledging one Catholic and apostolic faith, do curse and also abjure all heresy ; namely these heresies and errors underwritten, condemned and reproved by the decrees canonical, and by you, most reverend father, touching which hitherto I have been defamed : condemning, moreover, and reproving both them and the authors of them, and do confess the same to be cathohcally condemned. And I swear also by these Holy Evangelists, which here I hold in my hand, and do pro-

9 * aise never by any persuasions of men, nor by any ray hereafter to defend or liold as true any of the aid conchisions underwritten ; but do and will tand and adhere in all things to the determination f the holy Cathohc Church, and to yours in this lehalf. Over and besides, all such as stand conrary to this faith, I do pronounce them, with their .octrine and followers, worthy of everlasting curse, bid if I myself shall presume at any time to hold r preach anything contrary to the premises, I shall le content to abide the severity of the canons.

" Subscribed with mine own hand and vfith mine wn accord. "Philip Eepingdon."*

The persecution against the supporters of Wick- [fFe would have been equally severe against himself, .ad he not followed prudent advice and remained uietly in his parsonage. Urban YI. cited him to ppear at Rome ; but he was afflicted with paralysis, ?'hich in his reply to the papal mandate he gave as n excuse for not respecting it. He does not appear

0 have been in any way molested in his retreat, and ied at Lutterworth, about the commencement of lie year 1384.

There can be no doubt that his writings increased

1 popularity. The ideas they contained were prouced and reproduced, till the public mind became 0 full of them that not the friars only but the Itramontane portion of the English hierarchy were ager to commence a new and fierce persecution.

* Fox, "Acts and Monuments." Jolm Asliton, student of ivinity, made his abjuration in the same form, but probably 3sumed his preaching ; for, subsequently, Archbishop Arundel ited him to his court and imprisoned him.

KEPINGDON A PBRSEOUTOE. 21

In Henry of Bolingbroke tliey found a willing agent, and his government readily lent itself to the policy of the court of Eome.

It was shortly ascertained what inducement had been used with Philip Repingdon to secure his recantation. He was appointed abbot of Leicester, and a few years later (1400) elevated to the dignity of chancellor of Oxford. As soon as he had been invested with this authority, he made the university distinguished by the severity of his persecutions against all persons to be found there who professed the opinions he had preached so boldly in the cloisters of St. Frideswide, and had taught so confidently in the university schools. Nevertheless there were many priests still actively engaged in the dissemination of these opinions, and many laymen of eminence by whom they were favoured. Of the former, by far the most distinguished was Pecock, bishop of St. Asaph ; of the latter, the earl of Salisbury; while among the humble classes, especially in London, they spread with extraordinary rapidity.

The alarm created in the minds of orthodox churchmen by the diffusion of these new doctrines, is clearly evinced by the care they took to stifle them. Archbishop Arundel, roused by representations, remonstrances, and commands that came from the papal court, exerted himself among hig suffragans to produce a combined resistance. The Anglican Church was still a dominant power in the State, and a vigorous action, with the co-operation of the government, might suppress the dangerous heresy.