Parliamentary government considered with reference to reform

Front matter

CORNELL

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY

Preface

In the first edition of my Essay on Parliamentary Government, I endeavoured to ascertain on what principles any new measure of Parliamentary Eeform ought to be framed, and to what, objects it ought to be directed; but I advisedly abstained from suggesting any means of carrying into effect the views I had stated. I venture now to offer to the Public a new edition of the Essay, for the purpose of supplying this intentional omission in the former one. I am induced to do so by my belief that the altered circumstances of the present time afford advantages which were previously wanting for discussing proposals for the improvement of our Eepresentative system. The subject is no longer likely to give occasion for an immediate strife of political parties, since the House of Commons

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has equally rejected the Bills submitted to it by the Administrations of Lord Derby and Lord Palmerston ; the first by a direct vote, the second by the less candid, but not less etFectual, process of delaying its progress by interminable speeches, till it was vi^ithdrawn by its authors in despair. In the debates on these Bills, the leading Members of the House of Commons have stated their views, not only on the measures before them, but generally on the changes it would be proper to make in our system of Representation. The subject has also been discussed in many pamphlets, reviews, and larger works, some of them written with great ability and in a philosophic spirit, the want of which, though perhaps unavoidable, is to be remarked and regretted in the speeches of Parliamentary speakers. Much light has thus been thrown on this difficult and important question, and many of those who had given their assent to the expediency of attempting a Eeform of the House of Commons, have opened their eyes both to the tendency of such measures as have hitherto been proposed, to lead by steps more or less rapid to the ascendancy of mere numbers in the government of the country, and also to the danger of thus throwing a preponderance of political power into the hands of the least educated classes of the commu-

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nity. The wholesome dread of such an alteration in the character of our Constitution, has likewise been much increased by late events in America, and there is at present a manifest indisposition among a majority of the educated classes of all parties, to entertain projects of change having a Democratic tendency. Yet it would be a mistake to infer that this state of public opinion renders it unnecessary to consider the subject at all, or that it is either possible, or desirable, that the question of Parliamentary Eeform should be indefinitely, or even very long, put aside. The defects in the constitution of the House of Commons are so real and so serious, that those who carefully consider them can hardly wish that all attempts to correct them should be finally abandoned ; and if it were ever so much to be wished, it would be impossible that the present state of things should be permanently maintained unaltered.

Though I believe a large majority of the educated classes to be opposed to a Democratic Eeform, we know that there is a numerous and active party bent upon carrying such a measure. In striving to attain their object this party possesses a great advantage, in the fact that the other considerable political parties in the Nation are irrevocably committed to the principle of Parliamen-

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tary Reform ; and though the current of opinion is just now against Eeform, we cannot expect that it will always continue to be so. The prosperity of the Nation, which has, on the whole, been so wonderfully nriaintained, notwithstanding the failure of the supply of cotton, may be succeeded by general distress, which would probably have its usual effect of producing political agitation. And even without distress the cry for Reform may revive. Even now we see that in elections for large towns nearly every candidate finds it to be to his interest to declare himself ready to support at least an extension of the Franchise, and the successful candidates for the most part are those who have pledged themselves to far more sweeping measures. No doubt these pledges ai*e often given unwillingly by men who would gladly, if they could, defeat the measures they have promised to support. And sometimes the real opinion of the majority of the Constituents by whom they are exacted, may not be favourable to such proposals, the imposition of these pledges on their Representatives being the work of an active minority, skilled in the manoeuvres of elections.

But the state of parties, and the manner in which elections are conducted, give an advantage to those candidates who are most ready to meet

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the demands of agitators ; and whatever may be the opinions of Members of the House of Commons, their votes are almost always governed by the pledges they have been induced to give, in order to secure their return. Granting, therefore, that the desire for Eeform in the great town Constituencies may be more apparent than real, it still produces its effect ; and we must be blind to the signs of the times not to see that motions for carrying into effect the various schemes for increasing Democratic influence in the House of Commons will continue to be again and again brought forward, while it will become more and more difficult to oppose them with success, by a mere resistance to all change in the present constitution of Parliament. Hence we may expect that if this mode of opposition to the proposals of the Eadical party should be adhered to, some of them will sooner or later be adopted. Probably it will be only some very slight change in a Democratic direction that will be carried in the first instance ; but what we have to fear is, that when a first step has thus been made, a series of measures will be passed, which in the end, by their collective effect, will completely alter the character of our Constitution.

This is the more to be apprehended in conse-

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quence of the course taken in the House of Commons by the Ministers of the Crown. While they have refused to bring in any measures of Reform on their own responsibility, they have supported with the whole influence of the Government bills introduced by private Members of Parliament for extending the Franchise both in Counties and in Boroughs. The Chancellor of the Exchequer (without calling forth any public expression of dissent from his colleagues) has also rested his vote in favour of the second reading of the Borough Franchise Bill, on arguments which must make it difficult for him to find tenable grounds for resisting the widest extension of the right of voting ever asked for by the most extreme politicians. The present Parliament is likewise so rapidly approaching the legal term of its existence, that even if it should not be dissolved sooner than the law requires, a general election cannot be distant, and it is already certain that it will produce a greater change in the House of Commons than is usual on such occasions, from so many of its present members having signified their determination not to offer themselves for re-election. Among those who will retire are some of the most experienced and useful members of the present House, whose places, it is to be feared, will be but imperfectly supplied

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by their successors, while there is reason to anticipate that in the new Parliament there will be an increased proportion of members pledged to support what are called measures of Reform.

In these circumstances, the danger that changes inconsistent with the principles of our present constitution may ultimately be carried, must be regarded as very serious ; nor do I see how it can be long guarded against, except by effecting a reform which, without being Democratic in its tendency, might yet remove those defects in our Representative System of which there is now just ground to complain. I do not believe it to be at all impossible that a Reform Bill answering this description should be framed, but I am sure that one of such a character could not as yet be proposed with advantage or with the slightest hope of success, because it is clear that public opinion is not yet prepared for it. For these reasons I think that the opportunity for calm discussion afforded by the present political lull, and the absence of serious agitation in favour of Parliamentary Reform, ought not to be neglected ; and this most difficult and important question ought now to undergo such a thorough and searching examination, that when it shall become necessary to attempt its practical solution (as I am convinced it will at no very distant time), there may be

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a better prospect of arriving at a satisfactory result than there would be in the present state of opinion. In the hope that I may contribute something, however little it may be, towards thus preparing the way for the passing of a safe and useful measure of Reform, I am desirous of laying before the Public the conclusions to which I have been led as to the nature of the changes it would be desirable to make in the constitution of the House of Commons. With this view I have added two Chapters to the following Essay. In the one I have examined the two schemes of Reform submitted to Parliament in the years 1859 and 1860, and I have endeavoured to show that neither of them would have been likely to improve the character of the popular branch of our Legislature, or to promote the good government of the country. In the other I have given a general description of a measure which would, in my opinion, be better calculated to effect these objects. I have preferred stating my views as to the kind of reform which is wanted in this shape, rather than in a separate pamphlet, because I must necessarily refer continually to arguments contained in my Essay in explaining the suggestions I have to offer, which are in fact merely an attempt to work out in practice those principles which I had previously endeavoured to establish ; it is therefore

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convenient that they should appear in the same volume with the explanation of the principles on which they rest.

The two Chapters I refer to are the sixth and seventh, and are substituted for the one entitled " Considerations as to a New Reform Bill," which was the sixth in the former edition of this Essay. They form the only part of the present edition, which is altogether new ; but I have made considerable alterations in the other Chapters, which I have carefully revised, and I hope improved.

Howiclc, September, 1864.

Contents

CHAPTBE I.

ORIGIN AND RESULTS OF PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT.

Subject of this Essay. — Nature of Parliamentary Government. — It virtually unites the Executive and Legislative Powers. — But subject to limitations. — How this system of Government differs from the ancient Government of England. — The last was suited to the state of Society at the time. — The present system has grown gradually out of it. — This has worked well on the whole. — Evidence of its having done so in the prosperity and progress of the JNation. — And in its moral improvement. — Parliamentary Government is peculiar to this Country. — No other instance of its having continued long in successful operation Page 1