Annals of the English Bible

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Introduction

P««e

Brief suirey of the ages which preceded any printing of the Scriptures in the English tongue — Including the revival and triumph of classical learning and the arts, contrasted with the times of Wickliffe, with his version of the entire Sacred Volume, and its effects — ^The invention of printing, ifcs rapid progress to perfection, and the point to which the European nations, but more especiallj England and Scotland had been brought, before ever this invaluable art was applied to any version of the Sacred Scriptures in the language spoken by the people, zxv

THE ANNALS

OR

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

Book I.— England

From the birth of Tyndale, the original translator, to his embarkation for the Continent, in pursuit of his design, ... 1

The New Testament in English preparing by Tyndale, for circulation in his native land ; and in two editions from the press by the close of 1526 — State of England immediately before the reception of either edition, ...... 44

VOL. I. c xxii CONTENTS.

Puge

Section Iii.— 1626

Memorable introduction of the New Testament into England — ^the first two editions — ^the first alarm in London, Oxford, Cambridge — ^the first burning of books — ^New Testament denounced by the King and Wolsey— then by Tunstal and Warham— The Third Edition — Violent contention respecting it — ^Burning the Bacred Volume, abroad and at home — but all this fury is ineffectual, 87

Section Iv.-~1627

The Translator's progress — His earliest compositions — Agitation of Europe — Sack of Rome— Consequences — ^Persecution in England — Virulent Opposition to the New Testament — Warham and the Bishops buying it up— Fresh importations — The Fourth Edition — Scriptures singularly introduced once more, . 134

SECTION v.— 1628

Tyndale and Fryth — England and Spain — ^England and Italy — Retrospect— ^Present persecution in England — ^Arrested by prevailing disease — Persecution in Antwerp— Nobly withstood, and the English Enyoy defeated — ^Wolsey's pursuit after Tyndale and others — His efforts are all in yain, 166

Section Vi.— 1629

Tyndale*s progress in the Old Testament — Persecution in England— ^Thwarted once more — ^Tunstal at Antwerp— Wolsey's career — Tyndale*s influence in the Palace — Cranmer first employed— ^Wolsey's feJl — ^Lord Chancellor More— Rise of Crumwell — Parliament assembled — Commotion there — More, the Bishops, and the King, in league against the Scriptures ^^Coyerdale sent to Hamburgh — Another or fifth edition of the New Testament, so dreaded by the authorities, . 208

Section Vii.— 1630

Tyndale's progress in the Old Testament — Practice of prelates — State of England — ^Wolsey*s final ruin, sickness, death — ^Persecution goes on — King and prelates denounce the Scriptures — Latimer's bold remonstrance — ^New Testaments burnt by Tunstal— ^Another, the sixth edition — Vigorous importation going forward — Death of S. Fy she, - 241

Section Viii.— 1631

Formidable opposition — ^Pursuit after Tyndale by the King and Crumwell— Still in yain — ^Tyndale*s answer to Sir T. More- Epistle of John expounded— Jonah, with a prologue—- Critical

CONTENTS. xxiu

POR©

liate of England — Renewed persecution — Brother of Tjndale — Bilnej — Bayfield — Many books importing — Gonstantyne caught — ^Escapes — Persecution abroad — Powerful remonstrance from Antwerp, by Yaughan the English ambassador, with Cromwell, including the King and the Lord Chancellor More, 266

Section Ix.— 1532

^ndale*8 progress — Exposition in Matthew — His sentiments under persecution — ^The King not appeased — Renewed pursuit of Tyndale— Now by Sir Thomas Elyot— Still in vain— State of England — Parliament — The Bishops fined — The King's affitirs — Persecution goes on — Bainham — ^Latimer — ^More against Tjndale — Pryth arrives in England — In peril — In the Tower — ^Writing there in defence of the truth, and addressing the Christians in Enghmd, 315

^SECTION X.— 1533.

One distinguishing feature of Tyndale*s course and character as compared with o^^his contemporaries — His answer to Sir T. More — His letter to Fryth in prison — State of England — Fryth's voice from the Tower — Strange condition of England — The King married — Cranmer's procedure — Gardiner roused — Fryth's examination before the Bishops assembled — His triumph in argument— ^Martyrdom — ^England and the Continent — One effect of Fryth's death — Sir T. More writing still — One powerful opponent at home— More, considered as a controversialist — His prodigious exertions — ^Other qualities — Finally overcome— The prospect is rather brightening, ...... 350

SECTION XL— 1534.

Tyndale all alone after Fryth's death — Genesis, second edition — Fresh issue of the Pentateuch — Surreptitious edition of the New Testament by Joye — ^The corrected and improved edition by Tyndale — Joye's interference explained — State of England — ^Parliament assembled — Separation from Rome — Constructive treason — ^More and Fisher in trouble— The Pontiff's supremacy at an end — ^The import of that event equally misunderstood in England, by sovereign and subject — ^Divine truth in progress — Richard Haxman, an early importer of New Testaments, is now in London — Restored to favour by the Queen — Glance at the past and present— The New Testament importing in several editionsy in forcible contrast with the idle dreams of the Convocation, 391

XXIV

CONTENTS.

Page

SECTION XII.--1635.

Tyndale's apprehenflion at Antwerp— Imprwomnent in the Caetle of VUTorde— Distinct infonnation conveyed to Cromwell and Cranmer— .The strenuous exertions of Thomas Poyntz— Risking his own life for Tyndale's sake— Tyndale's progress in prison- State of England— Key to its commotion— Henry's supremacy- Fisher and More faU before it— The odium ensuing— The visitation of Monasteries— Cranmer and the Bishop*— Cranmer and Gardiner in collision- The latter offendmg— His dexterity or address— He is translating Luke and John ! — Gardiner and Pole —Spain— France— German States, and Barnes as envoy— The Bishops applied to for a transition of the New Testament— A fruitless attempt— And in contrast once more, with fresh editions of Tyndale's translation, printed and importing this year, 416

SECTION XIII.— 1636.

Last year of Tyndale— State of England— Monasteries— The two Queen»— Anne Boleyn— Mock trial— Queen executed — Scene succeeding"— The new or imprecedented Parliament — Queen Anne's treatment reviewed— Her character— The new or unprecedented Convocation— Latimer preaching before it— State of parties there— Old and new learning— Proceedings in Convocation—The first articles— Cromwell's first injunctions— No Bible mentioned —

Tyndale's latter days — Phillips once more— Cold indifference of England — ^The Court of Brussels — Home and abroad now deeply implicated — ^The martyrdom of Tyndale — His benevolent character— His reward — ^Poyntz, the friend of Tyndale — Future history of the miserable betrayers — State of the Continent at the time of Tyndale's death— State of England and her King — ^The only prosperous cause, or the year which excelled all the preceding — ^Nine or ten editions of Tyndale's Testament, 457

SECTION XIV.— 1537.

Memorable introduction of the entire Sacred Yolume— Myles Coverdale — ^His circumstances compared with Tyndale's — Coverdale's temporary success — ^The remarkably sudden change— « Tyndale's Bible — State of England before its introduction — Cranmer's previous engagements — ^Tyndale's Bible arrived— Immediately received — ^Must be bought and read — The King agrees — ^This at first seems to be incredible — Grafton the proprietor— ^All parties most memorably overruled — ^Distinction between the Bible rejected and the Bible received — Conclusion of the first year of triumph, 551 i

INTRODUCTION

BBnr SUBYXT or THS ages which PBECEDBD ant PKIVTIirO OF THB SCBIPTUBES IK THE EVOLISH TONGUE — INCLIIDINO THE BEYITAL AND TBIUXPH or CLASSICAL LEABNING AND THE ABT8, C0NTBA8TED WITH THB TIMES OF WICKLIFFB, WITH HIS YEB8I0N OF THE ENTIRE SACRED TOLUXX, AND ITS EFFECTS — THE INTENTION OF PRINTING, ITS RAPID PROGRESS TO PERFECTION, AND THB POINT TO WHICH THB EUROPEAN NATIONS, BUT MORE ESPECIALLT ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND HAD BEEN BROUGHT, BBFOBE BTEB THIS INTALUABLE ART WAS APPLIED TO ANT TXRSION OF THB SACRED SCRIPTURES IN THB LANGUAGE SPOKEN BT THE PBOPLB.

The darkest hour in the night of Europe, is an era respecting which historians are not eTen yet agreed. It has heen regarded by many aa being in the tenth century. One or two other writers consider the seventh or eighth century to be the lowest in point of depression, or the nadir of the human mind; and they suppose that its movement in advance began with Charlemagne, while Enghmd can never forget her own Alfred the Great. A few modems, too feustidious, or by no means so affected by the gloom and barbarity of the middle ages, profess to be tender of allowance as to the extent of this darkness, and would fondly persuade us to adopt a more cheerful retrospect. But speaking, generally, with reference to the people at large, the entire period, from the fifth or sixth to the fourteenth century, presents at the best, but a tedious and dreary interval in the history of the human mind. Individual scholars, indeed, like stars which shed their light on the surrounding gloom, there ever were; and wherever there existed any marked regard for Sacred writ, in the vernacular tongue, there the life-spark of Christianity was preserved. The Albigenses, the Waldenses, and other parties, might be adduced in proof; the persecution and dispersion of whom, had considerable influence in diffusing the light which its enemies laboured to extinguish.

xxvi INTRODUCTION.

It was not, however, till after a long and profound deep throughout the dreams and visions of the middle ages, that the human mind was at last effectually roused to action ; and in none of the countries throughout Europe more decidedly than in Italy and England. But still, for some great moral purpose, worthy of infinite wisdom, and to be afterwards disclosed, that mind, throughout all these western kingdomsi was first to be permitted to discover what was the utmost vigour of its native strength.

First came the age of the chisel^ and the painter s pencil, and the pen, not to say of the music of the human voice. Those stupendous fiibrics, which began to be erected from the tenth to the twelfth centuries, in which the massive dullness of the Lombards, was giving way to the influence of the Saracens of Spain, still stand out in proof, that many hands were already busy, under the guidance of some presiding ingenious mind. Literature and the fine arts, more especially classical learning, painting, and sculpture, were then to enjoy that triumph, the spoils of which now adorn the walla of every palace, as well as the cabinets and libraries, the gal' leries and public rooms of every city in Europe. This triumph, too, must take place in Italy, or in the very seat of that extraordinary power which had ruled for ages, with unmeasured sway, over all the west ; for, throughout the long preceding night, it could never be said that Rome herself had been either ajdeep or inactive. The Eternal City, as it was styled, the Lady of Kingdoms, like the Assyrian of old, having '^ found out as a nest the riches of the people ; as one gathereth eggs that are left, so had she gathered all the earth ;" and, generally speaking, it was only here and there tliat some solitary individual '^ moved the wing, or opened the mouth, or peeped."

There was, however, one singular peculiarity belonging to this power. Ruling over the mind, its vigour seemed to increase with its remoteness from the seat of government ; and the thunders of the Vatican, unlike those of nature, often struck terror in proportion to the distance at which they were heard. This much at least is certain, that though Great Britain and Ireland formed the utmost confines of that power on the west, there was no country between these islands and Italy where the Roman Pontiff felt such confidence of his strength, nor one which was more harassed and oppressed by his pecuniary exactions. The western states of Europe, even the most remote, had, indeed, all couched down under their burdens, and that for ages, before the full claims of the RotOy or pontifical conclave, were admitted upon Italian ground. Nor is this mysteiy inexplicable. Kings, however despotic, had by degrees been moulded to subjection ; but the stem Republics of Italy, composed of a metal

VENICE, IN ITS ORIGIN. xxvii

least of all malleable, long remaiiied hard, unbending, and most yezatioos neighbours. To say nothing of Florence, Pisa, or Genoa, it is well known that even in the diooese of Italy, properly so called, the Milanese had resisted the claims of the Pontiff down to the eleventh oentoiy; and during the twelfth, the country was covered with cities still fighting for liberty; but that, so very near to Rome, there should have been such a power or form of government as that of Venice, at once arrests attention as by far the most extraordinary point in European history. As this remarkable State, less than two hundred and fifty miles distant from Rome itself, ^^ arose before the dd empire of Rome was swept away, endured through the barbarism of the northern irruptions, as well as through all the darkness ensuing, and was only extinguished by Napoleon within our own times, its history forms a connecting chain, if not the only one that can now be traced, between the Europe of the Romans, of the middle ages, and of modem history."^ With its internal feuds we do not interfere ; but no survey, however brief, can be complete where Venice is overlooked.^

An insignificant band of fugitives, in the fifth century, took possession of the rocks and little islands on the north-west shores of the Adriatic sea. Cut off from all possessions on the mainland, not possessing one foot of land there for eight hundred years, but surrounded by their own marshes, they were at first ruled by magistrates sent down from Padua. This people, resolved to provide for their own security, form a government for themselves. ^^ Detestation of the despotic authority or government of one man, and an inflexible determination to remain a separate and distinct people, were the two principles by which the Venetians were guided, and upon which they continued to act with the steadiness and success of a natural principle." At the close of the seventh century, indeed, they elected a chief magistrate, (the Doge, Dux, or Duke,) whose office was to continue for life, and the people to choose his successor ; but his powers, though vast, were rendered next to nominal by those of the Council and the other magistrates. Without his Council the Doge durst not open an official letter, and much less do any thing official. Yet here, and at a moment when every prince in Europe was a vassal to the Emperor, either of the East or West, the Venetians, unsubdued, were rising to greater opulence and strength. Though Pepin fought against them with all his strength, they conquered, and

1 X» early as the year 1988, a law pawed in Venice, enjoining the Ambauadon of the RepabUe to note down and communicate whatever they could obterre, and these curioua as well M valuable reports, well known aa the Venetian JMutoni, referring to all the courts of Europe, oonttnncd from time to time for above five hundred yean. The last, full of etriking and ■cearate Infbrmation, relates to the commencement of the French Revolution In \79i.—llanke.

' For most of these focts as to Venice we are indebted to Darn or Sismondl, and an able article on the Venetian conatitution in the Edinburgh Reriew, vol. xlvi.

XXviii INTRODUCTION. [xill. CKNT.

pat an end to all claims on their aUegianoe ; Charlemagne had no choice left except to declare them independent.

At a much later period when we torn to Rome onder sacceasire Pontiffs, and their insatiable thirst for power ; while the Doge of Tenice convoked the people, whether from the different islands or the districts of the capital, for the purpose of choosing their own pastors and bishops ; not one of whom, by fixed and original laws, could hold any civil office, whether of honour or emolument ; to him belonged the power of installing these Bishops, as well as of awarding all ecclesiastical punishments. The assertion of such rights, of course, could not be easily maintained, and more especially in the neighbourhood of a power which had determined to overshadow all the earth : but as the beginning of the thirteenth century may be truly regarded as the twilight of a better day, Yenice, amidst her own rocks in the sea, will serve as a contrast to the entire surface of Europe, and prove the extent to which she had still secured her independence.

THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.

In our own country, at the commencement of this century, poor King John was actually promising to make his kingdom tributary to the Pontiff, with a proffer of not less than a thousand merks, or a sum equal to £20,000 now, over and above the old tribute : and although the Barons soon after wrested Magna Charta from him, to shew how low the kingdom had sunk, we find the Pontiff, at this same John's request^ annulling the proceedings. The great charters, it is true, were confirmed by his successor, Henry III. ; but the power of Rome was growing every day during his fiftynsix years reign. It was then that the Pontiff waa exclaiming — *' Truly, England is our garden of delight ! It is an unexhausted well ! and where so much aboundis, much may be acquired." No wonder that he thus exulted, when his income from England was three times as much as that of the King on the throne."^ But, above all, in proof of the Pontiff's power towards the west, this was the era of that detestable persecution of the Albigenses, pursued with such hideous cruelty. The execrable measure^ in which plunder was the grand object, was counselled, planned, and commanded by Rome.

Now, if we seek for any relieving contrast throughout the entiro century, it is to Italy itself that we must turn our eye. Even in the neighbouring Republic of Florence, it is true, amidst the surrounding gloom, Dante had begun to sing, in his own style, about

3 Under Innocent IV. hi* revenue from England wm 70.000 oierki, that of the Crown ira» not 30,000.— (rro««fe«ff. Afier this it went on increating.— ilf. Pari$t Flora Hittor,

THE REPUBLIC OF TENIOE. xxix

paradise and the inferaal regions, not forgetting to intenningle certain severe allasions with his poem ; and, besides this^ there was his treatise ^^ Monarchia," distinctly hostile to the claims of Rome : but for the bolder contrast to the sentiments of all Europe, we must look to Venice. It is admitted that in the commencement of this century the Venetians had chosen to apply to Rome for an indulgence, but this was merely to facilitate a treaty with the Caliphs of £g3rpt. Eager to retain their commerce with the East Indies, they wished to open a communication between the Nile and the Red Sea ; and had they succeeded, perhaps the trade might never have passed from their hands. Still, this application betrayed no disposition to bow allegiance. On the contrary, this ancient Republic had reigned, for more than two centuries, as Lords-paramount of the Adriatic : and although that gulf washed the shores of various States, those of the Raman Church among the number, not one of them dared to navigate it, or even fish in its waters, without a license from Venice, for which they paid a heavy tribute. When one sovereign Pontiff presumed to inquire, by what right they pretended to domineer there, the brief reply given was — *'*' That sea is ours."

But the sea would not suffice any longer as the bounds of their sovereignty ; and, therefore, about the middle of this century, they began to acquire land. Arvi in Romagna was taken under their special protection^ much in the same style as the provinces of India have since been taken under that of Britain. This place belonged to the Church, and that in the opinion of the Emperor ; but even he said not a word. It so happened, too, that the Venetians did not approve of any ecclesiastic engaging in war, and if he did, at their hands he must abide the consequences. The Captains-Greneral of the PontifTs troops, were dignitaries of his Church. Such a prisoner being taken, witii his crosier, sceptre, and sword ; the Venetians condemned him to ride, sitting backwards, on a mule, and preceded by the common crier, proclaiming — ^' Behold the wicked priest, who displeased God in his life, and was taken in iniquity." Such a proceeding, in the year 1274, had no parallel in any other part of Europe.

It was little more than seven years after this when the Pontiff, Martin IV., having, in his customary style, given the sovereignty of Naples to Charles of Anjou, and proclaimed a crusade against the lawful heir, chose also to excommunicate the Venetians because they would not unite in the outrage. But was the result similar to that which ensued, in all other nations ? On the contrary, for three long years, no priests officiated, no prayers were offered in their churches, and without yielding, they allowed the Pontiff to die ! His successor, Honorius IV., at last succeeded, and removed the inter-

XXX INTRODUCTION. [xill. CENT.

diet There had indeed been one condition, and that was no other than that the Inqoiflition should be admitted. But here, again, the terms were unprecedented, triumphantly sufficient to destroy its character, and point out Venice as an exception, if not a signal, to all other countries. The negotiation for this end, had, in all cases, no other than political objects in yiew, and the Court of Rome had persevered with Venice throughout the successive reigns of ten Pontiffs ; but the termination only shewed the superior sagacity and continued power of the Republic. Thus — ^if three ecclesiastics were to take cognizance of heresy there> then they must be subject to the control of magistrates chosen by the Great Council ; and if there were to be three such judges, one of them must be a natural subject of the Republic, the Bishop of Venice. But again, if these three men were to derive authority from the Pontiff, then they could not sit down on their tribunal, without a commission in writing from the Doge. If they were to convict of heresy in any instance, then every Jew and even Turk must be free, as not belonging to the Pontiff's community ; nay, and every member of the Greek Church, as their controversy with Rome was still undecided. Moreover, no usurer was to be seized by them, though one of the most desirable of all characters ; because, though violating the precepts of religion, he did not dispute its dogmas ; no blasphemer, because though guilty of irreverence, he was not of schism or innovation ; nor even any bigamist, because the second marriage was a violation of a civil bond. In short, at a period distinguished for general blindness or pusillanimity, here was one exception to both. The Venetians negotiated with their eyes open, and were not to be outwitted. The interests of commerce were with them superior to every other consideration, and to preserve it from all injury or vexatious interruption, the sovereign Pontiff himself must still keep his distance.

The century closed at Venice by a marked alteration in this singular Government, or the exchange of the Republican form for that hereditary and severe Aristocracy, which became the diplomatic model of its day. But it is unnecessary to pursue the subject farther. We have come to the commencement of another century, and our assertion thus fcir is proved. The Pontiff and his fellows, had been all along more potent at a distance, than at home under their native sky ; and the one great lesson afforded by the Italian Republics, and especially Venice, was this, that the power of Rome, when at its height, teas resistible. This too becomes still more worthy of notice, inasmuch as the freedom enjoyed in theae commercial states was not that which we now understand by the term — far from it. In numerous instances, the lives, the property and even the honour of the citizens were not secured ; but in ages

THE ITALIAN SCHOOL OF LETTERS. xxxi

when tbe reason of mankind had been subdued, and their rulers were reduced to Yassals, these lesser communities, under an Italian skji had proved what reason and the power of resistance could do. Two hundred years before Henry the Eighth was born, Venice had shewn that Rome's loudest thunder might fall innocuous to the graond. Immoyable and unshaken, and though uniting some of the most odious practices of despotism with the name of liberty, yet bent upon securing certain rights^ and prosperity to commerce, a mere handful of people in the adjoining sea had continued to testify to the millions of Europe, that the power they so much dreaded might be braved with impunity.

Thus terminated the thirteenth century, but we are still more than two hundred years distant from the period when the Sacred Scriptures were first printed in the vernacular tongue; and yet both centnries may now be viewed with considerable advantage as an approach or gradual introduction to that important event.

THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.

In the course of the fourteenth century, whether we look to Germany, to Italy, or our own country, the events are equally interesting, and full of promise. Within the first of these, the influence of that singular confederation, called the ^' Hanse Towns/' had begun to be felt. The league, by this time, included more than sixty cities. These had commerce for their common object or bond of union ; but they were the germs of future freedom, and ultimately contributed, in no inferior degree, to the protection of individual rights. Thus early was Divine Providence in operation with a view to a better day. At the same time, nothing can be more natural than that an Italian author should claim for his country the precedence of all other nations, whether as to the science of govern* ment, or the revival of learning. He is well entitled to speak out ; and on account of the result, he ought to be first heard, not only in this, but more especially in the next, or the fifteenth century.

'^ The science of governing men for their advantage," says one of the ablest native authorities, '^ of developing their individual faculties, intellectual and moral, for their greater happiness — that political philosophy, began in Europe only with the Italian Republics of the middle ages, and from thence difi*used itself over other nations." Again, ^^ The Italians, in the fourteenth century, discovered, as it were anew the ancient world : they felt an affinity of thoughts, hopes, and tastes with the best Latin writers, which inspired them with the highest admiration. Petrarch, and particularly Boccaccio, passed from this study to that of Grecian antiquity; and on the solicitation of the latter, the Republic of Florence in 1360 founded xxxii INTRODUCTION. [|xiT. CENT.

a chair of Grocian literature, the first in the west/ A passion for eradition spread from one end of Italy to the other, with an ardoar proportionable to the dark ignorance of the preceding centuries. It was imagined that (dl knowledge consisted in knowing and imitating the ancient masters. The highest glory was attached to classical learning; and Petrarch and Boccaccio attained a degree of celebrity, credit, and power^ unequalled by any other men in the middle ages— not by reason of those merits which w& feel at the present day^ but as the pontiffs and interpreters of antiquity."

** We owe to the learned of the fourteenth century, and to their school, a deep sentiment of gratitude. They discoyered and rendered intelligible to us all the chefs cTceuvre of antiquity. Fragments only of classic works remained^ scattered throughout Europe, and on the point of being lost. These learned men of Italy collected^ collated, and explained them ; without their antiquarian zeaJ, all the experience of past ages^ all the models of taste, all the great works of genius^ would never have reached ujs, and probably, without such guides, we should never have attained the point on which we now stand." ^

In thus writing, the author, of course, had in his eye, not only the close of the fourteenth, but the greater part of the fifteenth century, when Italy, in truth, became the garden of literature and the arts, the wonder and delightful resort of the learned throughout Europe. As a fact, it is of importance, not only to concede, but observe this, and let the precedence be fully understood ua holding a place in the course of events about to transpire. The learning and refinement of Italy, about to assume that position in history which the wisdom of Greece had done in the days of old, must enjoy her long reign of a hundred and fifty years without any superior. Now that the human mind is waking up, let the Italian ^' imagine that all knowledge consisted in knowing and imitating the ancient masters," and let " the highest glory be attached to classical learning ; " let the

* The lint lecturer waa Leo, or Leontine Pilatus, who filled the chair, howerer, only three jeara. In returning to Italy by lea, after reriaiting Oreeoe, the ahip was canght in a tempeat. Leo had lashed himself to the mast, bat was killed by lightning.— JBmnj7<on'« Middle Agea.