The History of the Consulate and Empire of Napoleon. Translated from the Paris edition

Part I. London

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Book I. Constitution Of The Year VIII

ENTRANCE OF THE PROVISIONAL CONSULS UPON THEIR FUNCTIONS. — DIVISION OF DUTY BETWEEN SIEYES AND BONAPARTE. — BONAPARTE TAKES UPON HIMSELF THE ACTIVE ADMINISTRATION, AND LEAVES SIEVES TO PLAN THE CONSTITUTION. — STATE OF FRANCE IN BRUMAIRE, YEAR VIII. — DISORDER IN THE FINANCES — DESTI TUTION OF THE ARMIES. — TROUBLES IN LA VENDEE. — MOVEMENTS OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS IN SOME OF THE SOUTHERN TOWNS. — FIRST STEPS OF THE PROVISIONAL CONSULS FOR RESTORING ORDER IN THE VAItlOUS DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT. — NOMINATION OF CAMBACERES TO THE MINISTRY OF JUSTICE; LA TLACE TO THE HOME OFFICE; FOUCHE TO THE POLICE; TALIf.YRAND TO FOREIGN AFFAIRS; BERTH1ER TO WAR; FORFAIT TO THE MARINE, AND GAUDIN TO THE FINANCES. — FIRST FINANCIAL MEASURES. — THE PROGRESSIVE FORCED LOAN SUPPRESSED. — CREATION OF AN AGENCY OF DIRECT CONTRIBUTIONS, AND COMPLETION OF THE LISTS OF ASSESSMENT LEFT IN ARHEAIt. — INSTITUTION OF THE BILLS OF THE RECEIVER-GENERAL. — CONFIDENCE BEGINS TO BE RE-ESTABLISHED: THE BANKERS OF PARIS ADVANCE A LOAN TO THE STATE. — SUCCOUR SENT TO THE ARMIES. — POLITICAL ACTS OF THE CONSULS.— REVOCATION OF THE HOSTAGE LAW; DISCHARGE OF THE IMPRISONED PRIESTS, AND OF THOSE SHIPWRECKED AT CALAIS. — COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE CHIEFS OF THE ROYALIST PARTY. — A SUSPENSION OF ARMS IN LA VENDEE AGREED UPON WITH BOURMONT, AUTICHAMP, AND CHATILLON.— COMMENCEMENT OF RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN CABINETS. — STATE OF EUROPE. — AUSTRIA AND ENGLAND RESOLVE TO CONTINUE THE WAR — PAUL OF RUSSIA, IRRITATED AGAINST HIS ALLIES, SHOWS AN INCLINATION TO WITHDRAW FROM THE COALITION, AND ATTACH HIMSELF TO THE SYSTEM OF NEUTRALITY' ADOPTED BY" PRUSSIA. — IMPORTANCE OF PRUSSIA AT THAT MOMENT. — BONAPARTE SENDS HIS AID-DECAMP DUROC TO BERLIN. — RUMOURS OF A PEACE. — SENSIBLE AMELIORATION IN THE MATERIAL AND MORAL STATE OF FRANCE, IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE PROVISIONAL CONSULS. -THE FORMATION OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION TAKEN IN HAND. — PROJECT OF SIEVES LONG MEDITATED. — LISTS OF NOTABILITY, THE CON SERVATIVE SENATE, THE LEGISLATIVE BODY, THE TRIBUNATE, THE GRAND ELECTOR. — DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN SIEVES AND BONAPARTE, RELATIVE TO THE ORGANIZATION OF THE EXECUTIVE POWER. — DANGER OF A RUPTURE BETWEEN THE TWO CONSULS. — RECONCILEMENT THROUGH THEIR FRIENDS.— THE GRAND ELECTOR IS REPLACED BY THE THREE CONSULS. — ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE YEAR VIII., AND ITS OPERATION FIXED FOR THE 4TH NIVOSE, IN THE YEAR VIII.

The 18th of Brumaire had terminated the existence of the Directory. strangers to the excesses that had filled France with dismay. Under these circumstances the Di rectory was conceived. This new essay at forming a republic lasted four years, from the 13th Brumaire, year iv. to the 18th Brumaire, in the year vm. It was under taken with good faith and a hearty will, by men of whom the greater part were honest, and animated by right intentions. Some men of a violent charac ter or of suspected probity, as the director Barras, had managed to mingle in the list of rulers, who during these four years transmitted the authority to each other ; but Rewbell, La Reveilliere-Le peaux, Le Tourneur, Carnot, Barthelemy, Roger- Ducos, Sieyes, were upright citizens, all men of ability, and the last, Sieyes, possessed of a very superior intellect.

Notwithstanding this, the dic tatorial republic soon exhibited grievous confusion; less of cruelty, but more of anarchy : — such had been the character of the new government. The Directory did not guillotine, but it transported. It did not oblige assignats to be received as currency under the penalty of death ; but it paid nobody. The men who, after the stormy times of the Convention, had conceived a republic of this nature were not thoroughly convinced of the solidity and excellence of their work ; but in the transition from the sanguinary path they had traversed, it was difficult for them to have done otherwise or better. Thus it was impossible for them to have looked towards the Bourbons, who were repudiated by the universal feeling ; it was equally impossible for them to have flung themselves into the arms of a great general; because at that epoch, none of our soldiers had acquired sufficient glory to lead cap tive the popular mind.

Besides this, all illusions were not yet dissipated by experience. After escaping from the Committee of Public Safety, no thing had been tried but the ferocious republic of 1793, consisting of a single assembly, exercising at once every species of authority. It remained to make a last attempt, that of a moderate republic, the powers of which should be wisely separated, and the administration confided to new men, V. Sieyis.— Public notions 1799. about the constitution. Nov. The consuls enter on their functions. THIERS' CONSULATE AND EMPIRE. 2 Our soldiers, without arms and without bread, were vanquished in place of being victorious. To terror had succeeded intolerable public uneasiness ; and as feebleness has its passions, this republic of mild intentions had finished by two measures altogether tyrannical, the progressive forced loan, and the law of the hostages.

This last measure, above all, although it carried nothing sanguinary in its character, was one of the most odious vexations invented under the cruel and fertile imagination of parties. Roger-Ducos, former members of the Directory, were already inhabitants of the palace of the Luxembourg. Bonaparte left his house in the street de la Victoire, and with his wife, his adopted children, and his aids-de-camp, took up his resi dence in the little Luxembourg. There surrounded by the fragments of the last government, and the elements of the new, and approximating to his two colleagues, he set his hand at work, with that just and rapid intelligence, that wonderful activity, which signalized his mode of action in war. With him were associated as his colleagues Ducos and Sieyes, both formerly of the Directory; both had been busily employed in destroying the government they contemned.

Sieyes particularly had been placed at the side of Bonaparte, because he was the second personage of the republic, au thor of the greatest and best conceptions of the revolution, such as the union of the three orders, the division of France into departments, and the in stitution of the national guard. Sieyes, destitute of eloquence, had rivalled Mirabeau in the first days of our revolution, at the time that oratory was esteemed the highest endowment ; and now when universal war assigned the first place to military genius, Sieyes, who never had borne a sword, was nearly the equal of Bonaparte himself ; so great is the power of mind, even without the talents that render it useful or applicable. But now that he must put his hand to business, Sieyes, who was idle, morose, imperious in his notions, irritated or upset by the slightest contradiction, was not able long to rival in influence his young colleague, who could work day and night, who was annoyed by no contradiction, who was blunt, but not morose ; who knew how to succeed by pleasing when he was inclined, and when he did not see fit to give him self that trouble, had always the resource left of carrying his object by force.

There was still one function appropriated in the general way to Sieyes. This was the preparing the new constitution, which the provisional consuls had been charged to frame and to propose to the country at the earliest possible moment. People were at this time still somewhat imbued with the notions of the eighteenth century ; they believed less, generally, but they still believed, that human institutions might be purely an operation of the mind, and that a constitution, adapted for the public rule, might start ready-made from the head of the legislator. Most assuredly if the French revolution had required a Solon or Lycurgus, Sieyes was worthy of being the man ; but in modern times there is but one real legislator, and that is experience. They did not think so then, though we think so now ; and it was universally agreed that Sieyes should be the maker of the new constitu tion.

This was hoped, and reported. It was pre tended that he was in possession of a plan long reflected upon, a profound and admirable work ; that, disembarrassed from me obstacles which revolutionary passions had opposed to him before, he would now be able to bring it forward ; that he would be the legislator, Bonaparte the adminis trator of the new government, and that between the two, France would be made powerful and happy. Every epoch of the revolution had its illusions ; the present is not without its own ; it is true, these will probably be the last. Is it astonishing that France, to which the Bour bons could not be presented in 1799, after the ill suc cess of the directorial constitution, began to have no faith in a republic ? Is it astonishing that France flung itself into the arms of a young general, the conqueror of Italy and Egypt, a stranger to every party, affecting to disdain all, endowed with an energetic will, exhibiting for both military and civil business an equal aptitude, and leaving to conjecture an ambition which, far from inspiring people with apprehension, was greeted then as a hope ?

Less glory than he had acquired might have sufficed any one to seize the government, since some time before General Joubert had been sent to Novi, that he might acquire the titles he wanted for operating the revolution, now called in our annals the 18th Brumaire. The unfortunate Jou bert was conquered and slain at Novi ; but young Bonaparte, then always fortunate and victorious, not less so in escaping the dangers of the sea than those of battle, had returned from Egypt to France in a manner almost miraculous ; and at his first appearance the Directory had succumbed. Every party ran to meet him, and demanded from him order, victory, and peace. Still it was not in one day that the authority of a single man could replace that demagogue rule in which all the world, alternately the oppressors or the oppressed, had possessed for a time the chief authority.

It was necessary to regard appearances, and in order to bring fatigued France beneath absolute power, to make her pass, by regular gra dation, through a government of glory, reparative and demi-republican. It wanted, in one word, the Consulate, to lead the way to the Empire. It is this portion of our contemporary history that I enter upon at present. Fifteen years are rolled away since I traced the annals of our first revolution. These fifteen years I have passed in the bustle of public life ; I have seen an ancient throne fall and a new throne elevated ; I have seen the French revolution pursue its invincible career. Although the scenes in which I have borne a part have surprised me little, 1 have not the presump tion to believe that my experiences of men and public affairs have taught me nothing.

On the contrary, I believe I have acquired much, and that I am thus perhaps better qualified to seize and delineate the great things which our fathers performed during those heroic times. I am sure that experience has not cooled the generous sen timents of my youth ; I am certain I love, as I have ever loved, the liberty and glory of France. I resume my narration at the 18th Brumaire, in the year vm. (November 9, 1799.) The law of the 19th Brumaire, which established the provisional consulate, being perfected, the three new Consuls, Bonaparte, Sieyes, and Roger- Ducos, quitted St. Cloud for Paris. Sieyes and Wants of the armies. — Financial position of 1799. Nov. Different factions. State of La Vendee. CONSTITUTION OF THE YEAR VIII. 3 France. It was agreed, then, by common accord, that Sieyes should be employed in framing the constitution, and Bonaparte in the government.

It was urgent, in effect, that the country should be governed by some one, because under every aspect its situation was deplorable. Moral and material disorder was at its height. The ardent revolutionists, beaten at St. Cloud, had still partizans in the society called the Manege*, and in analogous societies scattered abroad throughout France. They had at their head few noted leaders from the two assemblies, but they numbered among them several officers who were much esteemed by their brethren in arms. Bcrnadotte, an ambitious man, who carried pretensions which his standing in the army did not justify ; Augereau, a true soldier, very unreasonable, brave, but without influence ; lastly, Jourdan, a good citizen, and a good general, whom his military disasters had soured and flung into increased opposition.

It was to be feared that the fugitives from the Council of Five Hundred would unite together in some considerable place, form there a legislative body and directory, aud rally around them the individuals who still preserved all their fervour of attachment to revolutionary sentiments ; the first, because they were compromised by excesses, or were possessed of national property ; the last, because they loved republican system on its own account, and feared to see it fall under the power of a new Cromwell. Such a movement would have been a great embarrassment in a situation already full of difficulty ; and some inquietude was felt lest it should be attempted in Paris itself. On the part of the opposite faction, it was also natural to feel serious fears, because La Vendee was on fire anew. Chatillon was on the right bank of the Loire, Autichamp on the left, Georges Cadoudal in the Morbihan, Bourmont in the Maine, Frotte on the coast of Normandy ; all these were excited and sustained by the English, thus renewing the civil war.

The law of hostages, the feebleness of the government, the defeats of the armies, were the motives that again urged them to take up arms. Chatillon suddenly occupied Nantes ; lie had not fixed his quarters there, but entered it and retired. This sufficed to make the larger communes in the disturbed country cover themselves with entrenchments hastily constructed, or surround themselves with palisades when they were unable to construct walls. Some of them, in order to provide for their own defence, retained the scanty funds that the insurgent provinces had paid into the public coffers, saying that when the government did not think of protecting them, they were bound to take that care upon themselves. The Directory, although resolved to guard against the excess^ .of the Convention, had not been able to resist all the violent propositions that the renewed war in La Vendee might naturally inspire in the re volutionary party.

Drawn in by the movement of these feelings, the Directory had made the law of hostages, in virtue of which all those who were relations or supposed accomplices of the Vende'ans, were confined and rendered liable to certain pen alties for the suppression of the acts of the insur rectionists committed in the localities for which they had been thus made answerable. This unjust and violent law had only irritated the passions without disarming a single hand in La Vendee, and it had roused against the Directory unappeasable incense men t. The war beyond the borders had been a little less unfortunate towards the close of the last cam paign. The victory of Massena at Zurich, and that of Brune at the Texel, had repulsed the enemy from the frontiers, but our soldiers found them selves in a state of utter destitution.

They were neither paid, clothed, nor fed. The army in Hol land which had vanquished the Anglo-Russians, having the advantage of being supported by the Batavian Republic, was less unfortunate than the others. The army of the Rhine, which had lost the battle of Stokach, and that of Helvetia, which had gained the battle of Zurich, were in the deepest misery. The army of the Rhine, on the soil of France, practised without limit and without suc cess the system of requisitions. That of Helvetia lived by means of war contributions upon Bale, Zurich, and Berne ; contributions badly received, badly employed, insufficient for the nourishment oi' the soldiery, and mortifying to the independence and spirit of economy remarkable among the Swiss. The army of Italy, since the disasters of Novi and the Trebia, had fallen back upon the Apennines, on a sterile country, ravaged by war, and was a prey to disease and the most dreadful suffering.

Those soldiers, who had sustained the greatest re verses with unshrinking heroism ; they who had shown amidst misfortune unshaken constancy, covered with rags, consumed by fever and hunger, demanded alms upon the roads in the Apennines, and were reduced so low as to devour the indiges tible fruits which are borne by the arid soil of that sterile region. Many deserted, or swelled the bands of robbers that in the south and west of France infested the high roads. Entire corps were seen quitting their posts without the orders of their generals, to occupy others where they hoped to sustain life with less misery. The sea, guarded by the English, showed no flag but that of an enemy ; in this mode they received no resources. Cer tain divisions were deprived of all pay for eighteen months. Some requisitions were levied in the way of food; but of muskets, cannon, and munitions of war, which could not be procured in this way, the soldiers were in total want.

The horses, already insufficient for the cavalry and artillery services, were nearly all destroyed by famine and disease. Such were the results of a feeble, disordered, and frightful financial derangement. The armies of the republic had been sustained upon assignatsand victory for several years. The assignats were now no more, and victory having all at once abandoned us, came just to show itself to our legions, without opening to them again the abundant plains of Germany and Italy. It is here necessary to give an idea of our finan cial position, the principal cause of the suffering in our armies. The present ill situation of the finances far surpassed any that had been witnessed at an anterior epoch. The constituent assembly had com mitted two faults, which had been mended as far as a certain point by means of assignats ; but for which there remained no palliative after the depreciation of that paper money.

These two faults were, firstly, 1 The " Society of the Riding-House." b2 Deliciency of taxes and assessments. Revenue abuses. Paper currency. I79<). Ncv THIERS' CONSULATE AND EMPIRE. 4 nothing but the national property, the larger part of which was already absorbed ; besides, it was ex tremely difficult to sell this property to advantage, because the definitive triumph of the revolution was still very doubtful. the suppression of the indirect taxes imposed upon liquors, salt, and articles of general consumption ; secondly, the leaving to the municipal administrations the power to assess the contributions upon lands, houses, and objects of direct taxation. By the suppression of the indirect contributions the treasury lost, without compensation, a third of its revenues. The produce of the state domains being nearly destroyed by bad management, that of the registration through a deficiency in private transactions, and that of the customs owing to the war, the direct contributions formed nearly the sole resource of the treasury ; but their receipts, which represented about 300,000,000s. in a budget of 500,000,000s., were in an extraordinary state of arrear.

There were debts outstanding for the years v., vi., and vir. The assessments for the year vi. were not perfected ; for the year VII. there remained a third to be completed ; and for the current year, that is to say, for the year VIII. (1799), they were scarcely begun. Owing to this delay in the completion of the assessments, it was not possible to collect the current taxes, and the accumulation of those in arrear gave birth to new difficulties in collecting, because the taxes of successive years must too often be demanded of the payers at the same time. This state of things arose from the adoption of a principle, just in appearance, but in reality unfortunate, — the conceding to the local administrations the imposition of the public burdens, and to a certain extent permitting them to assess themselves.

The departmental and municipal administrations were at that time united, as is well known. In the place of prefects, sub-prefects, and mayors, who were instituted at a later period, there were joined with all these administrations, commissioners of the government, having a consulting voice, directed to request and urge the acceleration of the labours of the administrations, but not to execute these labours themselves. The system of cantonal municipalities, uniting the 44,000 communes of France into 5000 collective communes, had added to the disorder. Every local business was abandoned, while that which made the misfortune the greater was, that the two main objects, the recruiting of the army and the tax collections, were wholly neglected. To remedy this defect in the administrative action, 5000 commissioners were attached to the municipalities of the cantons, whose business was to hasten the completion of the lists of assessment ; but they did not possess the power which could have alone made them efficient, that of acting themselves.

Besides, divided between various occupations, they only gave a slight degree of attention to the completion of the lists of assessment. The sum paid them for their labours, much more expensive than it has been since the establishment of the administration of direct contributions, was a heavy drain upon the treasury, without any corresponding return. Thus the direct taxes, the principal branch of the state revenue, were not received. Besides this permanent deficiency, proceeding from a default in the receipts, there was another, which arose from the extent of the expenditure at this time being greater than the revenue : the ordinary expenses were calculated to cover the return of a revenue of about 500,000,000s., but the war had carried them to 790,000,000s. There remained as a resource This state of things had caused revolting abuses, and led to a situation which ought to be known for the instruction of every people and government.

The assignats, we have said, had ceased to be in existence for a good while. The notes which replaced them had also disappeared. The paper money was thus completely abandoned, aud however great the void might be, it was still better not to fill it yet, than to fill it as before with a forced paper issue, barely admitted even in forced payments, and thus give place uselessly for the rigors of the law in order to enforce its being circulated at all. The paper money thus suppressed was replaced in the following manner : First, the payment was dispensed with, even in paper, of the public functionaries, so that in Brumaire in the year vni. they had not received anything for ten months. Still something must be given to the fundholders, and to the pensioners of the state; and these received " bills of arrear 2," of which the only value was that they were always received in payment of the taxes.

They did not pay the troops at all, but they acquitted the value of what the armies took on the spot for subsistence, by means of " bills of requisition," which were equally receivable in payment of taxes. The companies charged to provide for the wants of the soldiers, executed their duty ill, and sometimes not at all; and they received, iu place of cash, orders upon the first receipts of the treasury, under this species of claim, given very arbitrarily, obtaining nearly all the money which got into the public exchequer. Finally, " rescriptions" or orders on the national domains, receivable in payment for the same, were another kind of paper added to those which have been enumerated, and contributed to the most fearful stockjobbing. These various notes had not in effect a forced currency, as the assignats had before them ; but thrown into circulation, and endlessly bought and sold in the Paris market, they became elevated or depressed in value upon every good or bad rumour, and were thus the subject of a ruinous speculation for the state, and of lamentable demoralization with the public.

The men of business, the depositories of all the wealth in specie, were able to procure them at a very advantageous rate. They purchased them from the fundholders, the contractors, and others, at the lowest cost, and got them presented at the treasury in payment of the taxes, turning for a hundred francs what had cost them eighty, or sometimes only fifty or sixty. The collectors gave themselves to this kind of speculation ; aud while they received money from one part of the tax-payers, they turned at par into the state-coffers the paper which they had acquired at the lower price. Therefore few payed their taxes in specie ; there was a much greater advantage in acquitting them with paper. In this mode the treasury did not receive the real value to which it was entitled, and its distress daily augmented.

In the same way that anger against the Vendeans - Bons d'arrerage. 1799. Nov. Hopes of the enemies of France. France still strong. Military resources. CONSTITUTION OF THE YEAR VIII. 5 produced the hostage law, that agaiust the dealers in money gave the idea of the progressive forced loan, designed to reach the larger capitalists, and make them bear a part in the expenses of the war. This tax was called in France during the days of terror, the tax upon the rich, being analogous to that called the " income-tax " in England— imposed by Pitt in order to sustain the remorseless war which he was waging against France. This tax, not proportioned to the extent of fixed property, which affords a certain basis, but to the supposed wealth of individuals, was practicable in England, although under much discontent — a state where order prevailed, and where the fury of party did not make the estimate of incomes an instrument of vengeance.

But it was impracticable in France, because in the midst of the disorders of the time the assess ing jury was a species of revolutionary committee, imposing wealth or poverty upon individuals as its caprices or its passions inclined; and never credited to be just even when it was so, which is nearly equivalent to its not being just at any time. They did not dare to present this measure to the country as formerly, under the simple shape of a tax; dissimulating its true nature; it bore the name of a "forced loan3," repayable, it was said, in national property, and imposed, according to the supposed ability of those who were to pay, by a jury of assessors. Thus the measure became one of the calamities of the day, and formed with the hostage law the two heavy grievances afterwards alleged against the Directory.

This was not the cause, as some asserted, of the straitness of the treasury, an evil owing to a complexity of circumstances; it drove away the wealthy speculators, whose help was indispensable to the government, and through whom it should have aided itself, if only for the moment, in order to be able to do without them at a later period. This financial situation was, as already said, the principal cause of the distress aud the reverses of our armies. Perfectly well understood by foreign powers, it filled them with the confidence of van quishing us by a little perseverance. Without doubt the two victories of the Texel and Zurich re moved further off the object which they sought, but it did not turn them aside from the pur suit. Austria, proud to have reconquered Italy, decided to combat to the uttermost sooner than resign it again.

She already conducted herself there as an absolute sovereign. Occupying Pied mont, Tuscany, and the Roman states, she nei ther recalled the king of Sardinia to Turin, the grand-duke of Tuscany to Florence, nor the pontifical government to Rome. The defeat of Korsakoff and Suwaroff at Zurich affected her less than might be believed. It was in her view a check for the Russian arms, not for those of Austria; a fault of the generals Korsakoff and Suwaroff ; a military mischief easily reparable, and only vexatious in case it disgusted the Russians with the war. But she hoped, with the influence of British subsidies, to recal them again to the field of battle. As to England, enriched by the income-tax, which produced already more than 200,000,000s. a-year; blockading Malta, which she soon hoped to take by famine; intercepting the conveyance of succour to our army in Egypt, that she hoped soon to subdue by privation and by force — England was resolved to follow out all these results, which her policy flattered itself with gaining, before she laid down her arms.