An original, compiled and corrected account of Burgoyne's campaign, and the memorable battles of Bemis's Heights, Sept. 19. and Oct. 7, 1777, etc

Front matter

A> Original, Compiled ariis Œorrtctcir discount or BURGOYNE'S CAMPAIGN, AND THE MEMORABLE BATTLES OP BEMIS'S HEIGHTS, SRPT. 19, AND OCT, 7, 1777, FROM THE MOST AUTHENTIC SOURCES OF INFORMATION; INCLUDING MANY INTERESTING INCIDENTS CONNECTED WITH THE SAME : AND A MAP OF THE BATTLE GROUND. BY CHARLES NEILSON, ESQ. Me thinks I hear the sound nf time long past Suit murmuring o'er me, and whispering in The following pages — like the lingering voices Of those who long within tbeir graves have slept. ALBANY PRINTED BY J. MUNSELL, No. 5S State Street. Entered according to Act os Congress, in the year 1844, by CHARLES NEILSON, in the Clerk's office for the Northern District of New York. RECOMMENDATIONS. The following Recommendation is from the Rev. Charles 0. Kimball, and the Rev. Isaac Wescott. Stillwater, March 28, 1844.

Charles Neilson, Esq : Dear Sir — We have read with deep interest your work in manuscript entitled " An Original, Compiled and Corrected Ac count of Burgoyne's Campaign, and the Memorable Battles on Bemis's Heights, on the 19th September, and 7th October, 1777" &.c. &c, and are free to say, that we believe it to be a document of great merit, containing a full, clear, and authentic statement of important facts and incidents, of the most thrilling kind, con nected with the Revolutionary war. The book is eminently worthy of publication, and introduction into every family in the country, and of being read by every youth, that the rising generation may enjoy the correct, interesting and profitable view therein presented, of the toils, sufferings, conflicts, and triumphs of our venerable ancestors.

The ability, age, and above all, the peculiarly favorable circumstances of the author's birth, education, and parentage, exhibit the most lucid proof of qualification for the work, and sure evidence of truth and fidelity in its execution. These circumstances should secure a ready and extensive sale. With sentiments of respect and esteem, Permit us, sir, to subscribe ourselves, Your obedient servants, CHARLES 0. KIMBALL. ISAAC WESCOTT. Albany, May 23, 1844. Charles Neilson, Esq.., Dear Sir — At your request, and that of my esteemed friend, RECOMMENDATIONS. the Rev. Mr. Kimball os Stillwater, I have perused most of the proof sheets of your "Account of Burgoyne's Campaign and of the Memorable Battles of Bemis's Heights," and I can truly say, that I have derived much pleasure as well as information from their perusal.

Chapter I

During the progress of the Revolutionary War, the British minister formed the scheme of opening a way to New-York, by means of an army which should descend from Lake Champlain to the banks of the Hudson, and unite in the vicinity of Albany with the whole, or with a part of that commanded by Gen. Howe. All intercourse would then have been cut off between the Eastern and Western pro vinces, and it was believed that victory from that moment, could no longer be doubtful. This expedition to them, presented few difficulties, since, with the exception of a short march, it might be executed entirely by water. It was hoped that it would have been already effected by the close of the preceding year ; but it had failed in consequence of the obstacles encountered upon the lakes, the lateness of the season, and especially because while Gen. Carlton, then Governor of Canada, ad vanced upon Ticonderoga, and consequently towards the Hudson, Gen. Howe, instead of proceeding up the river to join him, had car ried his arms against New Jersey.

At present, however, this scheme had acquired new favor, and what in the preceding years had been only an incidental part of the plan of the campaign, was now become its main object. The entire British nation had founded the most sanguine expectations upon this arrangement ; nothing else seemed to be talked of among them but this expedition of Canada, which was shortly to bring about the total subjection of America. Thejunction of the two armies appeared quite sufficient to attain this desired object ; the Americans, it was said, could not oppose it without coming to a general battle, and in such case, there could exist no doubt of the result. The ministers had taken all the mea sures which they deemed essential to the suc cess of so important an enterprise ; they had furnished with profusion whatever the gene rals themselves had required or suggested.

General Burgoyne, an officer of uncontested ability, possessed of an exact knowledge of the country, and animated by an ardent thirst for military glory, had repaired to England during the preceeding winter, where he had submit ted to the ministers the plan of this expedition, and had concerted with them the means of carrying it into effect. The ministry, besides their confidence in his genius and spirit, placed great hope in that eager desire of renown by which they knew him to be goaded incessant ly ; they gave him therefore the direction of all the operations. General Burgoyne arrived in Quebec in the beginning of the month of May 1777, and im mediately set himself to push forward the busi ness of his mission. He displayed an extreme activity in completing all the preparations which might conduce to the success of the en terprise.

Meanwhile, several ships arrived from England, bringing arms, munitions, and field equipage, in great abundance ; and every thing was in preparation for an expedition which was to decide the event of the war, and the fate of America. The regular force placed at the disposal of Burgoyne, consisting of British and German troops, amounted to upwards of seven thousand men, exclusive of a corps of artillery com posed of about five hundred. To these were added a detachment of seven hundred rangers, under Col. St. Ledger, destined to make an excursion into the Mohawk country, and to seize Fort Stanwix, otherwise called Fort Schuyler. This corps consisted of some com panies of English infantry, of recruits from New-York, Harvau chasseurs, and of a party of Canadians and savages. He was also join ed by about two thousand Canadians including axemen, and other workmen, whose services, it was foreseen, would be much needed to ren der the ways practicable.

A sufficient num ber of seamen had been assembled for man ning the transports upon the lakes and upon the Hudson. Besides the Canadians that were to be immediately attached to the arm)7, many others were called upon to scour the wood in the frontiers, and to occupy the in termediate posts between the army which ad vanced towards the Hudson, and that which remained for the projection of Canada ; the latter amounted, including the Highland emigrants to upwards of three thousand men. In addition to the foregoing, a host of savages from their avidity to grasp the presents of the English or from their innate thirst for blood and plunder, were induced to join the British army. Never, perhaps, was an army of no greater force than this accompanied by so for midable a train of artillery, as well from the number of pieces as from the skill of those who .served it.

This powerful apparatus was considered eminently sufficient to disperse without effort an undisciplined enemy in the open country, or to dislodge him from any difficult places. The generals who seconded Burgoyne in this expedition were all able and excellent officers. The principal were major general Philips, of the artillery, who had distinguished himself in the wars of Germany, the brigadier-generals Frazer, Powal, and Hamilton, with the Brunswick major-general baron Reidesel, and brigadier-generals Specht and Goll. The whole army shared in the ar dor and hopes of its chiefs, not a doubt was entertained of an approaching triumph, and the conquest of America. The preparations being at length completed, and all the troops, as well national as auxiliary, having arrived, Burgoyne proceeded to encamp near the little river Bouquet, in now Essex county, upon the west bank of Lake Champlain, at no great distance to the north of Crown Point.

As the time for commencing hostilities was near at hand and dreading the consequences of the bar barity of the savages, which, besides the disho nor it reflected on the British arms, might prove essentially prejudicial to the success of the ex pedition, he made a speech to them, calculated, in terms of singular energy, to excite their ardor in the common cause, and at the same time to repress their ferocious propensities. While on the one hand general Burgoyne attempted to mitigate the natural ferocity of the Indians, he endeavored on the other, to render them an object of terror with those who persisted in resistance. For this purpose, on the twenty-ninth of June, he issued a general proclamation from his camp at Putnam Creek, wherein he magnified the force of the British armies and fleets which were about to embrace and to crush every part of America.

He had come, he continued, with a numerous and veteran army, to put an end to the enormities of the people. He invited the well-disposed to join him, and assist in redeeming their country from slavery, and in the re-establishment of legal government. He promised protection and security to all those who should continue quietly to pursue their occupations ; who should abstain from removing their cattle or corn, or any species of forage ; from breaking up the bridges, or obstructing the roads, and in a word, from committing any act of hostilities ; and who, on the contrary, should furnish the camp with all sorts of provisions, assured, as they might be, of receiving the full value thereof in solid coin. But against the contu macious, and those who should persist in re bellion, he denounced the most terrible war; he warned them that justice and vengeance were about to overtake them accompanied with devastation, famine, and all the calamities of war in their train.

Finally, he admon ished them not to flatter themselves, that distance or coverts could screen them from his pursuit, for he had only to let loose the thou sands of Indians that were under his direction, to discover in their most secret retreats, and to punish with condign severity the hardened enemies of Great Britian. That fearless people who inhabited the pro vinces, and especially New England, far from allowing this manifesto to terrify them, were much inclined to deride it; they never met with each other without contemptuously enquiring what vent the vaunting general of Britian had found for his pompous and ridi culous declamations. These preliminary dispositions accomplish ed, Burgoyne made a short stop at Crown Point, for the establishment of magazines, an hospital, and other necessary services, and then proceeded with all his troops to invest Ticonderoga.

From Crown Point, the British army advanced on both sides of the lake, the naval force keeping its station in the center ; the frigate and gun boats cast anchor just out of cannon shot from the American works. On the near approach of the right wing, which advanced on the west side of the lake, on the second of July, the Americans abandoned and set fire to their works, block-houses and saw mills, towards lake George ; and without at tempting any serious opposition, suffered Gen. Phillips to take possession of Mount Hope. This post commanded the American lines in a great degree, and cut off their communication with Lake George. The enemy charged the Americans, on this occasion, with supine ness and want of vigor ; but this charge seems not well founded : they had not men enough to make any effectual opposition to the powerful force which threatened to enclose them.

In the meantime, the British army proceed ed with such expedition in the construction of their works, the bringing up of their artillery, stores, and provisions, and the establishment of posts and communications, that by the fifth matters were so far advanced as to require but one or two days to completely invest the posts on both sides of the lake. Mount Defiance had also been examined, and the advantages which it presented were so important, that it had been determined to take possession and erect a battery there. This work, though at tended with extreme difficulty and labor, had been carried on by Gen. Phillips with much expedition and success. A road had been made over very rough ground, to the top of the mound ; and the enemy were at work in con structing a level for a battery and transporting their cannon.

As soon as this battery should be ready to play, the American works would have been completely invested on all sides. The situation of Gen. St. Clair, who was in command of the Fort at Ticonderoga, was now very critical. He called a council of war to deliberate on measures to be taken. He informed them that their whole effective num ber was not sufficient to man one-half of the works; that as the whole must be constantly on duty, it would be impossible for them to endure the fatigue for any considerable length of time ; that Gen. Schuyler, who was then at Fort Edward, had not sufficient forces to re lieve them; and that as the enemy's batteries were nearly ready to open upon them, and the place would be completely invested in twenty-four hours, nothing could save the troops but an immediate evacuation of the posts.

It was proposed that the baggage of the army, with such artillery, stores and provisions as the necessity of the occasion would admit, should be embarked with a strong de tachment on board of two hundred batteaux, and despatched under convoy of five armed galleys, up the lake to Skeensborough (White hall,) and that the main body of the army should proceed by land, taking its route on the road to Castleton in Vermont, which was about thirty miles south-east of Ticonderoga, and join the boats and galleys at Skeensborough. It was thought necessary to keep the matter a secret till the time should come when it was to be executed. Hence the necessary preparations could not be made, and it was not possible to prevent irregularity and disorder in the differet embarcations and movements of the troops.

About two o'clock in the morning of July 6th, Gen. St. Clair left Ticonderoga, and about three, the troops at Mount Independence were put in motion. The house which had been occupied by Gen. de Fermoy was, contrary to orders, set on fire. This afforded complete information to the enemy of what was going forward, and enabled them to see every movement of the Americans; at the same time it impressed the latter with such an idea of discovery and danger, as precipitated them into great disorder. About four o'clock Colonel Francis brought off the rear-guard, and conducted their retreat in a regular manner, and soon after, some of the regiments, through the exertions of their officers, recovered from their confusion. When the troops arrived at Hubbardton, in Vermont, they were halted for nearly two hours, and the rear-guard was increased by many who did not at first belong to it, but were picked up on the road, having been una ble to keep up with their regiments.

The rear-guard was here put under the command of Col. Seth Warner, with orders to follow the army, as soon as the whole came up, and to halt a mile and a half short of the main body. The army then proceeded to Castleton, about six miles farther— Col. Warner, with the rear guard and stragglers, remaining at Hubbardton. The retreat of the Americans from Ticonde roga and Mount Independence, was no sooner perceived by the British, than Gen. Frazer began an eager pursuit with his brigade. Major-General Reidesel was ordered to join in the pursuit with the greater part of his Ger mans. General Frazer continued the pursuit through the day, and having received intelli gence that the rear-guard of the American army was at no great distance, ordered his men to lie that night, upon their arms. On the 7th July, at five o'clock in the morning, he came up with Colonel Warner, who had about one thousand men.

The British advanced boldly to the attack, and the two bodies formed within sixty yards of each other. The con flict was fierce and bloody. Colonel Francis fell at the head of his regiment, fighting with greai. gallantry. Colonel Warner was so well supported by his officers and men, that the assailants broke and gave way. They soon, however, recovered from their disorder, formed again, and charged the Americans with the bayonet, when they, in their turn, were put into disorder; these however rallied and returned to the charge, and the issue of the bat tle became dubious. At that moment General Reidesel appeared with the advanced party of his Germans. These being led into action, soon decided the fortune of the day, and the Americans had to retreat. The loss in this action was very considerable on the American side.

Col. Hale, who had not brought his regiment, which consisted of militia, into ac tion, although ordered so to do, in attempting to escape by flight, fell in with an inconsiderable party of the enemy, and surrendered himself, and a number of his men, prisoners. In killed, wounded and prisoners, the Ameri cans lost in this action three hundred and twenty-four men, and the British one hundred and eighty-three in killed and wounded. Burgoyne having determined to pursue the Americans by water, the British seamen and artificers immediately engaged in the operation of destroying the boom and bridge which had been constructed in front of Fort Ti or Ticonderoga. The passage being cleared, the ships of Burgoyne immediately entered Wood Creek and proceeded with extreme rapidity in search of the Americans, who had taken that route ; all was in motion at once upon land and water.

By three in the afternoon, the van of the British squadron, composed of gun boats, came up with and attacked the American galleys, near Skeenesborough. In the meantime three regiments, which had been landed at South Bay, ascended and passed a mountain with great expedition, in order to turn the Americans above Wood Creek, to destroy their works at Skeenesborough, and thus to cut off their retreat to Fort Ann. But the Americans eluded this stroke by the rapidity of their flight. The British frigates having joined the van, the galleys already hard pushed by the gun boats, were completely overpowered. Two of them surrendered ; three were blown up. The Americans now despaired ; having set fire to their works, mills, and batteaux, and otherwise destroyed what they were unable to burn, they escaped as well as they could up Wood Creek, without halting till they reached Fort Ann.

Their loss was considerable, for the batteaux they burnt were loaded with baggage, provisions, and munitions, as necessary to their sustenance as to military operations. General St. Clair, who had arrived with the van-guard at Castleton, in Vermont, upon in telligence of the discomfiture at Hubbardton, and the disaster of Skeenesborough, which was brought to him at the same time by an officer of one of the galleys, apprehensive that he should be interrupted if he proceeded towards Fort Ann, struck into the woods on the left, uncertain whether he should repair to New England, or to Fort Edward. But being joined two days after, at Manchester, by the remains of the corps of Colonel Warner, and having collected the fugitives, he proceeded to Fort Edward, in order to unite with General Schuyler.

After the surrender of Fort Ticonderoga, General Burgoyne endeavored to keep up the alarm, by spreading his parties over the country. With this view, Colonel Hill, at the head of the ninth regiment, was despatched after Colonel Long, who with four or five hundred men, principally invalids and convalescents of the army, had taken post at Fort Ann, and was directed by General Schuyler to defend it. Colonel Long with his party did not wait an attack from the enemy, but boldly advanced to meet them. At half past ten in the morning he attacked the British in front, with a heavy and well di rected fire ; a large body passed the creek on the left, and fired from a thick wood across the creek on the left flank of the regiment : they then began to recross the creek and at tack the enemy in the rear.

Colonel Hill then found it necessary to change his ground, to prevent his regiment from being surrounded. He took post upon the top of a hill to his right. As soon as he had taken post, the Americans made a very vigorous attack, which continued for upwards of two hours, and they would have certainly forced the enemy, had it not been for some Indians that arrived, and gave the Indian war-whoop, which was an swered by the enemy with three cheers. The Americans soon after that gave way. The giving way of the Americans was caused not, however, by the terror of the war whoop, but by the failure of their ammunition. The following is a very correct description of the scene of this action. On leaving the street of Fort Ann village, there is a bridge over Wood Creek, leading to its left bank. Immediately beyond the bridge there is a narrow pass, only wide enough for a carriage, and cut, in a great measure, out of a rocky ledge, which terminates here exactly at the creek.

This ledge is the southern end of a high rocky hill, which converges towards Wood Creek, and between the two is a narrow tract of level ground, which terminates at the pass already mentioned. On this ground the battle took place, and the wood on the right bank of the creek, from which the Ame ricans fired upon the left flank of the British, is still there, and it was up this rocky hill that they retreated and tcok their stand. General Burgoyne, as usual, claimed a victory in this affair, which is understood to have been a bloody contest, as indeed it obviously must have been from the narrowness of the de file, and the consequent nearness of the con tending parties. Captain Montgomery, of Colonel Hill's regiment, was left wounded on the field, and taken prisoner by the Americans, which could not have been the fact, had the royal party been victorious.

Colonel Long, deeming it not prudent to remain longer at Fort Ann, as the main body of the British army was on its near approach, set fire to the fort, and withdrew with his Spartan band to Fort Edward. After the arrival of General St. Clair at Fort Edward on the twelfth, and of the fugitives, who came in by companies, all the American troops amounted to a little over four thousand men, including militia. They were in want of all necessaries, and even of courage, in con sequence of their reverses. The Americans lost in these different actions no less than one hundred aad twenty-eight pieces of artillery, with a prodigious quantity of warlike stores, baggage and provisions, particularly of flour, which they left in Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. To increase the calamity, the whole of the neighboring country was struck with terror by this torrent of disasters, and the inhabitants thought more of providing for their own safety, than of flying to the succor of their country in jeopardy.

The country be tween Fort Ann and Fort Edward, a distance of about sixteen miles, was extremely rough and savage ; the ground unequal, and broken with numerous streams, and with wide and deep morasses. General Schuyler neglected no means of adding by art to the difficulties with which nature seemed to have purposely interdicted this passage. Trenches were open ed, the roads and paths obstructed, the bridges broken up ; and in the only practicable defiles immense trees were cut in such a manner on both sides, of the road, as to fall across and lengthwise, which with their branches inter woven, presented an insurmountable barrier; in a word, this wilderness, in itself so horrible, was thus rendered almost absolutely impene trable. He also directed the cattle to be removed to the most distant places, and the stores and baggage from Fort George to Fort Edward, that articles of such necessity for his troops might not fall into the hands of the enemy.

He urgently demanded that all the regiments of regular troops found in the adja cent provinces, should be sent without delay to join him ; he also made earnest calls upon the militia of New England and New York. While he thus occupied himself with so much ardor, General Burgoyne was detained at Skeenesborough as well by the difficulty of the ground he had to pass, as be cause he had to wait for the arrival of tents, baggage, artillery and provisions, so absolute ly necessary before plunging himself into these fearful solitudes. His army at this time was disposed in the following manner : the right occupied the heights of Skeenesborough, the German division of Reidesel forming its ex tremity ; the left, composed of Brunswickers, extending into the plain, rested upon the river at Castleton, and the brigade of Frazer formed the centre.

The regiment of Hessians of Hanau was posted at the source of East Creek, to protect the camp of Castleton and the batteaux upon Wood Creek, against the incur sions of Warner, who had been detached with his regiment into the state of Vermont, with orders to assemble the militia of the country, and to make incursions towards Ticonderoga. In the meantime, indefatigable labor was ex erted in removing all obstacles to the naviga tion of Wood Creek, and also in clearing pas sages and opening roads through the country about Fort Ann. The design of Burgoyne was, that the main body of the army should penetrate through the wilderness we have just described to Fort Edward, while another column under General Phillips embarking at Ti conderoga, should proceed up Lake George, reduce the fort of that name situated at its southern extremity, and afterwards rejoin him at Fort Edward.

Upon the acquisition of Fort George, the stores, provisions and neces saries were to be conveyed to the camp by way of the lake, the navigation of which was easier and more expeditious than that of Wood Creek, and there was, besides, a good wagon road between the two posts. Such were the efforts made by the two belligerents ; the English believing themselves secure of victory; the Americans hardly venturing to hope for better fortune.

Chapter II

In the meantime, Colonel St. Leger, whose detachment had been reinforced by a large body of Indians under Brant, (alias Tayadanaga) the great captain of the Six Nations, went up the St. Lawrence, then to Oswego, and from thence to Fort Stanwix. From this point it was intended to pass down the Mohawk and join the forces of Burgoyne at Albany. In June '76, general Schuyler, who had the com mand of the north western frontier, sent Colonel Dayton to repair the works at Fort Stanwix : he seems to have done little towards effecting this object; he however, thought proper to change its name to Fort Schuyler, which name it retained during the war. The last of April '77, Colonel Peter Gansevoort with the third regiment of the New-York line of troops, was sent to supply his place. Fort Stanwix, which stood on the present site of the village of Rome in Oneida county, and named from General Stanwix, was origi nally erected in the year 1758, during the French war.

It occupied a position command ing the carrying place between the navigable waters of the Mohawk and Wood Creek, and was regarded as the key to the communication between Canada and the settlements on the Mohawk. It was originally a square fort, having four bastions surmounting a broad and deep ditch, with a covert way and glacis. In the centre of the ditch, a row of perpendicular pickets was planted, and another horizontal row fixed around the ramparts. But although the principal fortress had been erected at the enormous expense for those times of #266,400, yet at the commencement of the revolutionary war the whole was in ruins. On the third of August, Colonel St. Leger arrived before the fort with his whole force, consisting of a motly collection of British re gulars, Hessians, Tories, and about one thou sand Indians.

The garrison under Col. Ganse voort, consisted of about seven hundred and fifty men. Soon after his arrival, St. Leger sent a flag into the fort with a manifesto, ad vising submission to the mercy of the king, and denouncing severe vengeance against those who should continue in their unnatural rebel lion. This manifesto produced no effect on the brave garrison, who had determined to defend the fortress to the last extremity. Ap prised of this state of things, and knowing the importance of this post to the United States, General Herkimer summoned the militia of Tryon county to the field to march to the suc cor of the garrison. On the fifth of August he arrived near Oriskany with a body of upwards of 800 men, all eager to meet the enemy. On the morning of the sixth, General Herkimer determined to halt till he had received rein forcements, or at least until the signal of a sortie should be received from the fort.

His officers, however, were eager to press forward ; high words ensued, during which the two colonels and other officers denounced their commander to his face, as a tory and a coward. The brave old man calmly replied that he con sidered himself placed over them as a father, and that it was not his wish to lead them into any difficulty from which he could not extri cate them. Burning, as they now seemed, to meet the enemy, he told them roundly that they would run at his first appearance, but his remonstrances were unavailing. Their clamor increased, and their reproaches were repeated, until, stung by imputations of cowardice and want of fidelity to the cause, and somewhat ir ritated withal, the general immediately gave the order — " march on !" The words were no sooner heard than the troops gave a shout, and moved, or rather rushed forward.