Preface
. The Island of Hayti has been long considered remarkable for the circumstances attending its discovery, the fertility of its soil, the beauty and grandeur of its scenery, and for the riches which it has, at different periods, poured into two of the greatest nations of Europe. But that which invests it with peculiar interest is the history of its inhabitants, every portion of which presents to our contemplation events deeply affecting in their nature, and instructive in their consequences. The aborigines, a harmless and inoffensive race, freely admitted the Spanish adventurers on their shores ; and being equally simple and unsuspecting, treated them with perfect confidence and hospitality. But it is well known how short a time served to unfold to them both the character and designs of the strangers. Their kindness was rewarded with cruelty ; their property was taken from them by violence ; and the loss of
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. VI their liberty followed that of their possessions, and with it the power of resistance. Their oppressors were men actuated by avarice, su perstition and cruelty, the most malignant of human passions ; the gratification of which Avas neither restrained by conscience nor em bittered by remorse. Their greedy desire after wealth prompted them to the perpetration of deeds, over which the honour and the decency of our nature would draw the veil of oblivion. — Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, Auri sacra fames ! — But thus it was that, by means as impious as they were inhuman and barbarous, the whole of the primitive race was at length so com pletely exterminated, as not to leave a vestige remaining. To supply the loss of the aborigines of Hayti, thousands of negroes were, at different times, transported thither from Africa ; and these unfortunate beings, after having been dragged from their native shores, and subjected, during a long and tedious passage, to untold sufferings, were reduced in their new abode under a system the most unjust and barbarous that cruelty has ever suggested, or ingenuity devised. But
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. VII injustice and oppression cannot always triumph; and that injured race, exasperated by the ri gours of their bondage, at length rose in opposition to their masters, if indeed with feeble hope of deliverance, yet well resolved to struggle and to bleed for it. Hayti then became the scene of commotions as dreadful in their progress as the world has ever witnessed. Slavery itself could have exhibited nothing more truly shocking. The most horrid massacres were perpetrated without fear and without re morse ; and while the planter and the slave contended, the one for subjugation and slavery, and the other for liberty and revenge, their blood often mingled together in the contest, flowing over every part of the colony. But if any one period in the history of Hayti be calculated to awaken general interest more than another, it is undoubtedly that which has elapsed since its negro and coloured population have obtained their independence.
It presents to us the picture of a people newly escaped from slavery, yet still suffering and exhibiting in their character, its pernicious and demora lizing effects ; gradually returning from scenes of confusion and bloodshed, to habits of indus try, peace and order ; steadily aiming, amidst frequent reverses, to establish a regular and
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. independent government ; and under circumstances of difficulty, with confined resources, labouring to improve their agriculture, to repair an exhausted population, to form commercial connexions, and to introduce a knowledge of the arts and sciences ; thus laudably endeavouring to lay the foundation of an empire, which may perhaps be compared hereafter with na tions the most celebrated for their civilization and refinement. To the period of those efforts the present volume relates ; and for the satis faction of those who may favour it with a perusal, it may be proper to state from what sources I have derived its materials, and by what motives I have been engaged to under-. take its publication. During the latter part of the reign of Chris tophe, I had occasion to visit Hayti, and to spend a considerable time at Cape Francois, the capital of his dominions.
I had thus a favourable opportunity of observing the condition of the natives in general, of marking the pecu liarities of their character, and of witnessing the plans which had been established with a view to their improvement. At that place resided the principal men in the Haytian government, both of the civil and military departments ; ancl occasional interviews with
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. IX some, and frequent communications with others, enabled me to form a tolerably correct estimate of their talents, and to procure many important particulars respecting their country. Through my acquaintance with several Euro pean and American merchants, who had lived many years in different parts of the Island, I was furnished with accounts of such circumstances as had occurred during their residence there. And by my intimacy with those who had dwelt in Christophe's palace, as members of his household, or were in frequent attendance on him, in their official capacity, I obtained a knowledge of several facts relative to the cha racter and proceedings of that chief. By personal observation therefore, and by frequent conversation with the natives and white resi dents, I procured considerable information respecting the Haytians, from the period of their emancipation up to the time of my arrival ; and I was thus furnished with more satisfactory answers to such inquiries as naturally suggest themselves concerning a free and independent body of negroes, than could be collected from the occasional notices of their state which appeared in periodicals and gazettes, or from any history that has been written respecting them.
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. X The materials of the volume are therefore principally derived from printed documents procured in Hayti, and from short notes made during my residence there. Lest however the reader should, after this statement, expect a more ample and detailed account of the Island than he wiU find on perusal, it may be necessary to explain more fully of what these materials consist. The communications of the more intelligent Haytians to which I have alluded, being confined to events which they had themselves witnessed, were necessarily imperfect and unconnected. The notes also of which I speak, were taken en tirely for my private satisfaction, without the most distant intention of preparing them sub sequently for publication. The jealousies and suspicions of Christophe, at the same time, rendered it necessary to be cautious in com mitting accounts to writing ; and thus my memoranda have actually foiled me in some particulars, on which I felt especially con cerned to dwell at large.
To supply so far as I have been able the deficiencies arising from these causes, I have, as will be seen by refer ences in their proper places, occasionally con sulted an anonymous work, entitled History ofthe Island of St. Domingo, from its discovery
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. XI by Columbus to the present period. ' But I beg to state most distinctly, that I undertake to furnish nothing more than brief and imperfect Sketches of Hayti, since its emancipation, such as I hope may be found interesting to general readers.2 With respect to the motives by which I have been induced to submit these pages to the public eye, it may perhaps be sufficient to say that I conceived that any information, however imper- 1 Published by A. Constable and Co. Edinburgh ; and Rest Fenner, London, 1818. 2 The plan of the work hardly admitted of chronological order ; but lest any confusion should arise from the omission of dates, I have thought it proper to subjoin them in this place : — Original revolts in Hayti commenced. . . .23rd August 1791 British forces entered the Island 19th Sept. 1793 — quitted it June 1798 Independence of Hayti first proclaimed 1st July 1801 Expedition under the command of Le Clerc },„._.
F \ 14th Dec. 1801 sailed } French finally expelled from the Island ....2nd Dec. 1803 Independence of Hayti again formally pro- | claimed $ Dessalines crowned Emperor of Hayti 8th Oct. 1804 Death of Dessalines 17th Oct. 1806 Christophe proclaimed President of Hayti 17th Feb. 1807 Christophe crowned King of Hayti 2nd June 181 1 Death of Christophe Oct. 1£30
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. sect, respecting a people so interesting as the Haytians are become, would at this time prove peculiarly acceptable ; and as I designed not their history since their emancipation, but merely brief notices of their condition during that period, I ventured to believe that the information in my possession was sufficiently full and correct to answer that purpose. I was the more inclined to this undertaking, by the circumstance, that with the exception of a short account in the anonymous history referred to above, nothing, so far as my inquiries have enabled me to learn, has been published in this country respecting them. But for these reasons, the Sketches of Hayti would never have seen the light. That these prefatory statements be not unne cessarily prolonged, I will add but one remark, which is in reference to the introductory chapter.
That chapter was originally intended to appear in a separate form, having been written for a purpose not directly connected with the general object of the book. Its design therefore, is not, as it will be readily seen, to give a minute description of the horrors which accompanied the early insurrections of the Haytians. It is still less its design to defend, or to extenuate, the excesses and cruelties they
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. XIII practised, while contending for their liberty. Its principal object is to show, that the early commotions in Hayti may be principally attributed to the impolicy and injustice of the planters and colonists themselves ; that the slave population, in endeavouring to recover their freedom, were guilty of no greater cruelties than those exercised towards them by their oppressors ; and thus to obviate the er roneous opinion which ascribes exclusively to the negroes, those deeds of bloodshed and destruction that marked the contest. Queen's College, Cambridge, 10th April 1827. P. S. Since this sheet was sent to the press, I have procured a copy of the Rural Code of Hayti, which code was published at Port -au Prince in May last, and has just been re-printed in this country. At present I have only to remark respecting it, that it contains many judicious regulations with regard to agriculture ; and that there are others which appear to infringe on the liberty of the labouring classes of Haytians, the necessity and policy of which remain to be proved.
But whatever change the code may produce, it can never warrant the assertion, which has been incautiously made, that the condition of those classes is again become, in all respects, similar to the condition of slaves. ERRATA. Page 21, line 11, for posseested read possessed. 40, — 4, for six years read two years. 102, — 13, for tonjours read toujours. 110, — 11, for where read were. 163, — 26, for reprehensible read reprehensive. 169, — 14, for »or read and. 173, two lines from the bottom, for Vie same number of regiments, read three regiments. CONTENTS. CHAP. PAGE Preface -- - . - . . i I. A brief review of the principal circumstances connected with the Emancipation of the Haytians ------ 1 II. Life, Character, and Reign of Dessalines - - 21 III. Early Life and Character of Christophe : Part I. 44 Part II. 62 IV.
Contests between Christophe and Petion - - 79 V. Christophe's elevation to the throne - 106 VI. Christophe's splendour and popularity - - 123 VII. Haytian nobility : Courts of Justice : — and Character of the Judges - - - 143 VIII. Improvement of the Jlaytian army, and defence ofthe Island 169 IX. Establishment of Schools in Hayti :— Education of the Prince and Princesses - - - ] 99 X. Population of Hayti : — State of Agriculture and Commerce ------ 233 XI. General view of the condition and character of Christophe's subjects, during his reign - CONTENTS. CHAP. TAG1? XII. Sentiments of the Haytians towards whites : — Condition of Europeans and Americans at Cape Francois ----- 3<25 XIII. View of the Republic of Hayti : — Last attempt of France: — Death of Petion • - - 349 XIV. Decline of Christophe's popularity: — His death and character : — Union of both parties under Boyer : — Conclusion - \ v\\-\\\ ok CAPE FRANCOIS, S7 DOMIITGO I. ■n,i,i, /!,/■ '■u I Ii '■■- A/,-' Street Mn.i I SKETCHES OF HAYTI. 1 A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE PRINCIPAL CIRCUMSTANCES CONNECTED WITH THE EMANCIPATION OF THE HAYTIANS.
The circumstances connected with the deliverance of the negro population of St. Domingo from slavery, have been related with great ex actness and impartiality. But at the present time, when the subject of general emancipation excites universal interest, it may be proper to review the principal transactions which led to so important an event ; as by this means we shall be enabled to determine the causes, not only of the expulsion of the French from their richest and most extensive colony, but of the cruelties and barbarities which the Haytians are said to have perpetrated during their strug gle for liberty and independence. While the most violent measures were adopted in France to overthrow the established B EMANCIPATION 2 government, the planters of St. Domingo did not look on in silence ; and the National Assembly, in requiring a more equal representation of the people, tacitly acknowledged that the colonies ought to have a voice in the legislature, before the observance of its decrees could be justly enforced.
The colonists themselves perceiving this, determined to seize the advantages which it offered. They selected their deputies, formed their colonial assemblies, and proceeded to establish a new constitution for the internal government of the island. This constitution, when published, sufficiently showed that nothing short of their independence of the mother country was the object at which they aimed. Among the motives which led them to form this resolution was the decree of the National Assembly, which declared that " all men are born and continue free and equal as to their rights." This declaration they interpreted as tacitly recommending the emancipation of their slaves ; — and fearing the effects it might produce when known to the mulattoes and negroes, they considered it necessary, for the security of their privileges and property, to take the government of the colony into their own hands.
It is unnecessary to detail the commotions which now commenced in the Island, — the op position of the royalists and revolutionists to each others' plans, — the violent measures pur sued by each party, — and the disgraceful trans actions which followed. It is sufficient to observe, that they created the greatest ferment throughout the colony, in which all classes, the slaves not excepted, largely partook. As early as the commencement of these con tentions among the planters and the colonial government, a society had been formed in France denominated Amis des Noirs, composed chiefly of those who afterwards took a leading part in the French revolution,1 and of the mu lattoes who were at that time resident in the French capital. Their professed object was to effect the emancipation of the slaves ; because, they said, they were assured that these unfortu nate beings possessed a right to liberty as indis putable as their own.
Whatever was their real design, their measures for its accomplishment were in many instances both injudicious and violent. They contended for immediate eman cipation ; forgetting, in the heat of their zeal, the unfit state of the negroes at this period to 1 Gregoire, La Fayette, and Robespierre, were among its principal members. B EMANCIPATION 4 value and improve the advantages of freedom ; and thus overlooking the propriety and necessity of a gradual method of liberating them. They Avere equally rash in the manner in which they caused their designs in favour of the slaves to be communicated to them. Inflam matory addresses respecting their rights are said to have been dispersed among them, and various other means were adopted, in order to prevail on them to rise in their own defence. One of the first steps of this society was, to recommend Ogee, a mulatto of St. Domingo, at that time at Paris, to return to the Island, with a view of making preparations for the ex ecution of their intentions ; — having previously procured him the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in the army of one of the German electors.
In the meantime, the mulattoes urged their claims, and demanded the full benefits and privileges of the whites. But the planters and the colonial assembly, fearing it would be dangerous, in the present state of their own affairs, to ac cede to this demand, endeavoured to evade it by promises of future benefits and privileges. Such was the state of things with regard to the planters, and the coloured population, when Ogee arrived in the Island. The effects produced on the negroes by the contentions among the French residents, the proceedings of the mulattoes, and the exertions of the Amis des Noirs, were such as might have been easily foreseen. And when they learnt from Ogde and his assistants, that steps were taking to effect their speedy emancipation ; and were urged, by motives which few in their circumstances could have resisted, to exert themselves in their own behalf, — receiving at the same time promises of assistance and support ; nothing was more natural than their determination to escape from the yoke under which they groaned, and to assert their right to liberty and independence.
The mulattoes, perceiving that, notwithstanding the decrees of the national assembly and the promises of the colonists, their privi leges were still withheld, determined at length to secure them by force of arms ; — the ne groes also, having formed their plans, lost no time in commencing their operations ; and both parties united in attacking their common oppressors, and in asserting and maintaining their common rights. Accommodation soon became impossible. The French would offer no terms, nor comply with the most just de mands. The negroes had risen, bent on obtaining their freedom, and the mulattoes on EMANCIPATION 6 securing their privileges i — these were crimes, in the estimation of the colonists, never to be forgiven. Slavery or destruction was the de mand of the planters: liberty or death the determination of the insurgents.
The disregard of the former to all their claims, — the repeated refusal to grant them redress, or to allow their condition to be in any degree ameliorated, — with the violence of the measures pursued in order to subdue them, served only to render them more desperate and formidable. Neither their scanty resources on the one hand, nor the strong opposition which they met with on the other, could shake their resolution, or diminish their thirst for revenge. But animated by their numbers, and growing increasingly fierce by their ravages, an occasional defeat caused only a momentary check, before the flame broke forth in all its fury. Then it was, that St. Domingo became the scene of the most dreadful ravages, and of massacres as horrid as the world has ever witnessed. Had the planters, in the commencement of these insurrections, adopted conciliatory measures ; had they listened to just complaints and reasonable demands, they would, in all probability, have softened down their destroyers, and have stopped the tide of human blood which now flowed over every part of the colony.
The revolters, it should be remembered, did not en gage in this work of destruction because their liberty was granted, but because it was denied them. They did not murder the whites be cause the latter showed a disposition to lessen their toils and sufferings, and to render their condition less grievous and degrading ; or be cause they held out to them the prospect of emancipation at a future period ; but because they evinced a determination to retain them in a state of slavery, and to subject them to all its miseries. While these commotions were at their height, the English, then at war with France, invaded St. Domingo. The French had now two enemies to oppose ; — the regular and well disciplined troops of the British army, and the revolted negroes. After several ineffectual attempts to withstand the former, the French commissioners, to whom the government of the Island had been entrusted, issued a proclamation of freedom, with a view to ensure the assistance of all the negroes.
This, at the moment, was considered a dangerous experi ment. It was without parallel in the history of slavery ; and its effects on the negroes, EMANCIPATION under existing circumstances, could not be determined with any degree of certainty. No longer in subjection to the laws of a degrading servitude, and collected together in one body, they might easily have fallen on those who, till this time, had shown themselves their greatest oppressors. But the revolters, as well as the other negroes, instantly joined the French forces, and united with them in en deavouring to expel what they considered a common foe. For the invaders, they concluded, came not to assist them in maintaining their rights, but to drive out the French, to claim the colony, and to endeavour, at least, to re establish and perpetuate the system which was at this moment abolished.
During the ensuing contest, the French had no reason to lament the important step they had taken. Its history furnishes the most satisfactory proofs that to the exertions of the negroes, they were principally indebted for the expulsion of the English, and their continued possession of the Island : that, in short, had they been destitute of negro soldiers, they would have thought themselves fortunate in escaping with their lives, leaving their foes in quiet possession of their richest and most important colony. Many of their bravest and most skilful leaders were selected from among them. The distinguished talents of Touissaint IA Ouverture, and the importance of his active and persever ing efforts, are well known and have been duly appreciated. The zeal and bravery of Chris tophe placed him next in rank and influence to Toussaint.
Both were negroes, and had been slaves ; but now employed their talents, and risked their lives, in defending their late mas ters, with the utmost ardour and fidelity. The struggle was long and doubtful ; and the sufferings of both parties, from the loss of men, want of provisions, and the diseases inci dental to the climate, were severe. The negroes endured their portion ; and that, it should be remembered, for the men by whom they had been enslaved, and in order that they might retain the possession and government of the Island. Nor should it be forgotten, that the French were not in circumstances to command the assistance of the negroes ; especially that of those who had become open revolters. They might have refused it without danger to them selves, and have abandoned the French to their fate.
But throughout the contest, there was nothing that indicated a disposition to avenge themselves of their former sufferings ; nothing that occurred among them contrary to the EMANCIPATION 10 firmest attachment to the cause of their late masters, and a zealous perseverance in opposing the enemy. From the first arrival of the English, to the time of their quitting the Island, the relative state of the colony, with regard both to the French and the negroes, had undergone an important change. It remained in possession of France ; but the manner in which it was to be governed, existing circumstances rendered totally different to any mode which had been previously pursued. The civil and military chief was not chosen from among the whites, as had been invariably the case hitherto, but was selected from among the negroes ; and Touissaint L' Ouverture, on account of his distinguished talents and integrity, was raised to the most important and honourable station in the colony.
Slavery being abolished, the blacks were placed on an equality with the whites. Many of the plantations remained in the hands of their original proprietors, and were to be cultivated, in future, by the labours, not of slaves, but of free men. These were circumstances in which the ne groes had never before been placed ; and their character was, therefore, to undergo a further trial. Having one of their own race at the head of affairs, trained by long service to mili tary exercises, in possession of the instruments of war, and having nothing to oppose them but the broken remains of the French forces ; how easily might they have shaken off all connexion with the mother-country, have asserted their complete independence, and destroyed those who should oppose them ! There was no obstacle to their avenging them selves on their former oppressors, either by expelling them from the Island, or by cutting them off ; nor to their abandoning the planta tions to the ruin which the late war, with the preceding ravages, had already commenced.
These considerations readily presented them selves to the minds of the remaining planters ; nor could they help entertaining a serious con cern for their own safety, and for the peace and tranquillity of the colony. But the event showed that their fears were altogether des titute of foundation. The administration of Touissaint, for its ability, mildness, and inte grity, they acknowledged, was beyond all praise. Considering the interests of France alone, the colony had never been in a more prosperous condition. The negroes gave every proof of industry, subordination and content. EMANCIPATION They diligently cultivated the plantations, and received the wages of their labour. They submitted cheerfully to all those regulations which it was thought necessary to establish ; and, living in possession of their freedom, were satisfied and happy.
Those whose merits had raised them to stations of honour and responsibility, were as solicitous for the re-establishment of the French interests, as for the preservation of their own freedom. In short, the colony had seldom been more productive, the revenue which it afforded to the mother-country more abundant, the persons and property of the planters more secure, nor the negroes themselves more industrious and peaceful. In this manner things would have no doubt proceeded, — the natives improving in the arts of peace and civilization, — the produce of the Island yielding increased wealth both to the proprietors and to the cultivators, — till the distinctions of colour and the prejudices founded on them would have been forgotten ; — and the whole state of things have presented a proof that whites and blacks may, in all respects, become equals, and regard each other as brethren, — had not the restless ambition of the usurper of France, and the discontent of the ex-colonists, disturbed the tranquillity of the Island, and suddenly renewed those con tests which, it was hoped, had for ever ceased.
During the short interval of peace between England and France in 1802, an expedition was fitted out by the government of the latter country, and sent to St. Domingo. Its pro fessed design was to subdue those in the colony who, they would have it thought, were inimical to the authority of the mother-country : its real object was to reduce the negroes to slavery a second time. For this purpose an army, whose valour had been previously tried in Europe, was transported across the Atlantic, under the command ofone of their most popular generals.1 It was further intended that the negroes should be scattered over different parts of the colony, so as to prevent their collecting together in large bodies ; and other arrangements having been made, slavery was to be again proclaimed. Than the injustice of this attempt nothing can be more glaring.
Independent of the natural right of the negroes to liberty, their freedom had been declared by the French Commis sioners, and recognized and confirmed by the French government. That government now attempted to enslave them again. Could it be for a moment expected that they would stand 1 Le Clerc EMANCIPATION 14 still, and allow these designs to be carried into execution, without making any resistance ? They had felt the rigours of slavery, and had endured them too long to allow them ever to be forgotten. They were now in possession of their freedom, and were not to be suddenly deprived of it without making one effort in its defence. Happily for the cause of liberty, before the French could make the necessary arrangements, the negro leaders, who from the first suspected their designs, discovered the real object of the expedition.
Enraged at the injustice of those in whose honour they had hitherto placed the utmost confidence, they instantly flew to arms ; and the negro soldiers with the cultivators, were once more compelled to unite in defend ing their rights, against the designs of men who had acknowledged their freedom, and so lemnly sworn to be its protectors. The French, finding that nothing could be effected by stratagem, and that the plans on which they had confidently relied for success were defeated, now determined to subdue and enslave the ob jects of their oppression by force of arms ; feeling assured that the negroes, though their su periors in number, could not long withstand the skill and bravery of their own troops. Disappointed in this expectation also, and regarding the blacks as a species of brutes, they had immediate recourse to such methods of cruelty and death, as would be selected only for the purpose of exterminating a dangerous and destructive race of animals ; — to barbari ties worse than had ever before stained the annals of any people pretending to the charac ter of civilization.
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